Monument Study Essay

COMS 591 - Media and Memory (F21)

Aqsa Arif | UCID: 30030514
Dr. Samantha Thrift
Date submitted: December 11th, 2021
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COMS 591 - Monument Study Essay

When Canadians think about Canada as a nation, we often pride ourselves on diversity

and multiculturalism. But we haven't always been that way. In our nation's past, we've been

known to idealize white supremacy and treat people of minority groups unjustly. When we

document significant events/people in our history, we create a monument to recognize their

importance. A monument, in simple terms, is a statue, structure, or building built to honour a

person, group, or event of distinction. We hope to document a legacy for the figure/event/people

we memorialize when we create art or monuments. Our society often attaches more meaning to

them than memorials, indicating their symbolic importance in our community. But do all

monuments stand to represent a positive memory and identity? In this essay, I will be discussing

the political relevance of the Macdonald monument (of Sir John A. Macdonald) and recent

events have affected our view of (problematic) monuments. I will be analyzing arguments for

and against the monument through the lens of various authors we've covered over the course. To

support my analysis, I will view oppositional views on the monument to interpret why people are

hesitant to remove monuments through the concepts acknowledged by Connerton, Davidson and

Young from our course readings.

Sir John A. Macdonald was an influential historical figure in Canadian history and our

founding prime minister. He created and led a successful national government, established a

robust Conservative party in Canada, and helped complete the Pacific railway. Although he has

contributed to the growth of Canada, he is also responsible for the controversial practices

involving the First Nations peoples and architecting the residential school system to assimilate

Indigenous people into European-American culture (Hopper, 2018). The Indian Act of 1876

allowed Canada's federal government to control powers in regard to First Nations' cultural

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heritage, political systems, management, traditions, and schooling - suppressing freedoms

(including voting in federal elections) and determining rights based on "good moral character"

(Parrott, n.d.). By 1878, Macdonald's second and final term in office, Canada's plains were being

devastated by one of the worst human disasters of all time. The bisons' abrupt and startling

disappearance deprived First Nations of the vital source of food, clothing, and shelter, resulting

in famine. American hunting practices caused this. While Macdonald did not cause this specific

famine, he did draw on the disaster to speed up the process to build the railroad to the Pacific and

took the initiative to oversee Indian affairs and the Northwest Mounted Police. Eventually, later

documents revealed that Macdonald's Indian agents deliberately withheld food to drive

indigenous tribes onto reserves and away from the railroad (Hopper, 2018) to control the groups

through starvation. Among the many injustices, the Indian Act also denied native people the right

to organize cultural and spiritual events and dress in traditional clothing by stifling powwow

celebrations - a sacred indigenous gathering - potlatches and speaking in their indigenous

languages. It is sufficient to say, Macdonald played a critical role in damaging indigenous

identity to assimilate native people into European culture.

The Macdonald Monument was in Montreal, Quebec, at Place du Canada. Sculptor

George Edward Wage designed it in 1895. It is twice life-size, seen standing upright, holding a

document in his hand and wearing the costume of a Privy Imperial Councillor (Monument À Sir

John A. Macdonald, n.d.) (see figure 1). A canopy shelters his sculpture, raised on 12 Corinthian

columns. On top of his statue is a Greek allegorical figure carrying a cornucopia (depicting

Canada) on a base of seven children with arms linked (signifying the seven provinces) that

serves as a crown for his statue. At the bottom corners, tools used for agriculture and trades are

showcased. The monument's features, location and aesthetics praise Macdonald and

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acknowledge the work he's put into building a successful government. Placing this monument at

a site called 'Place du Canada,' symbolizes how impactful Macdonald was in the country's

history. The cornucopia represents prosperity or abundance that Macdonald has brought forth as

the leader of Canada. Over the years, the statue has been the target of much vandalism, at times

covered in green, red or orange paint, sometimes graffitied and eventually pulled down by

activists (Shingler, 2020). As part of the increase in protests against police brutality against

members of the Black and Indigenous community, the statue was toppled (which inadvertently

decapitated) by a small group of demonstrators who organized at the square to call for the

defunding of Montreal police (Shingler, 2020) (see figure 2). It has since been taken down.

So, how do public monuments like the Macdonald monument construct our national

identity? There are polarizing views on the matter. While some agree that the monuments should

not celebrate racist figures, others believe we should keep the statues of great (but problematic)

leaders like our founding prime minister at their place because they're an essential part of history.

To them, removing monuments to important historical figures is essentially erasing history.

Robert McInnes discusses, one should consider that accepting offensive monuments as they are

is actually what's 'erasing history,' the history of those who lost their identity for the formation of

this nation (2018). Macdonald may have led to Canada's growth, but monuments that celebrate

the good he's done neglect the horrific legacy of atrocities his government inflicted on the First

Nations in the past (McInnes, 2018). Some say that we cannot judge a historical individual's

actions by comparing them to contemporary standards. Even so, we still can't overlook the

racism that fueled his government - much more than his contemporaries (McInnes & Décoste,

2018).

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In his essay, Paul Connerton goes into depth about the seven types of instances we

practice forgetting. He points out that culturally we've always viewed the act of remembering

and commemorating as a blessing and forgetting as a failure. But this isn't necessarily true, as he

goes deeper into explaining that there are different types of instances compiled under 'forgetting'

that influence our memory. Of the distinguished seven forms, Connerton talks about "repressive

erasure" as a type, a term he explains as "employed to deny the fact of a historical rupture as well

as to bring about a historical break" (p. 60). In simple terms, this type involves a total erasure of

the past and attempts to establish a new direction/change. It can be seen as a harsh act but not

necessarily violent, involving the removal (or destruction) of works of art, monuments, and

historical documents (p. 61). Those in power use this technique to erase (forget) the past and all

references that make them look weak or unjustified. Therefore, this can bring out opposing

opinions from those who prefer to keep all parts of history rather than the limited information.

This would also be called "erasing history." Defenders of the Macdonald Monument have argued

that removing the monument erases Macdonald from history. Still, as Murad Hemmadi

discusses, these actions are meant to be challenging the hegemonic (and unjust) values we've

allowed for a long time. The removal of Macdonald's statues from various locations, renaming

schools named after him and taking him off our money "has become cause for alarm to those

who see a creeping tide of 'historical revisionism' washing over the nation" (2018). He points out

that counterarguments of those who oppose have made clear that the past and how we choose to

remember it has serious implications for society and disadvantaged groups. Defending

Macdonald's actions and saying that his views were more moderate than his opponents is

irrelevant and saving face, pointing out that it's justifiable for him to act the way he did because

the 'time was different.'

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Political leaders have referred to the removals as "historical vandalism" and "allowing

political correctness to erase our history." Still, in actuality, these actions are trying to correct

past injustices and shed light on the inaccuracy displayed on such monuments. We have the

chance to start the conversation to the "restoration of parts that have been purposefully or

conveniently excluded from it" (Hemmadi, 2018). In representing an incomplete past with a

hegemonic perspective on history, the monument addresses "erasures" in the collective national

memory. Removing these monuments is intended to avoid constantly remembering the harm

done by the people they represent and asking, 'which people are worth celebrating?' Monuments

are not history, which means removing them does not 'erase history.' Monuments are physical

symbols used to represent a significant memory, and in Macdonald's case, the memory stems

from years of abuse directed towards indigenous people. Ultimately, removing it does not alter

the past, but it does bring comfort to those victimized. Not having to see your abuser publicly

honoured would be considered a positive development (in the spirit of reconciliation).

In their article, "Imperial Nostalgia, Social Ghosts, and Canada's National War

Memorial," Tonya Davidson goes into depth about the kind of factors that influence how we

look at monuments. To Davidson, monuments are "'lieux de memoire' or sites of memory that do

memory work so that people are allowed to forget" (p. 178). Using Canada's National War

Memorial (NWM) as an example, they discuss how monuments construct what it means to be

Canadian. I will be focusing on the concepts of "imperial nostalgia" and "social ghosts" to

analyze the Macdonald monument. The site of memorials (like NWM and Macdonald

monument) can be representations of "imperial nostalgia," acting as a poignant, symbolic

reminder of Canada's past as an imperial White settler past (p. 177) and bringing the "social

ghosts" that linger to light that remind us of what once was. "Imperial nostalgia," as explained by

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Davidson, is the desire for the past era of empire and British colonialism that we have since

moved past but feel nostalgic for (p. 179). In terms of the Macdonald monument, imperial

nostalgia and how we view monuments is correlated with why people are against its removal. A

public letter entitled "In Defence of Sir John A. Macdonald and His Legacy" argued that

although Macdonald may have discriminated against indigenous peoples, his actions should be

weighed against his "impressive record" of building the nation and implementing progressive

policies (Rodriguez, 2021). These "Friends of Sir John A. Macdonald" are utterly oblivious to

acknowledging that the history of Canada is tied to white supremacy. The letter thoroughly

absolves Macdonald of his efforts to "whitewash" Canada and implement imperial measures and

opinions (Rodriguez, 2021). By attempting to diminish the horrifying experiences of indigenous

people (and continuing to vindicate racist historical figures), we're allowing our society to forget

the experiences of marginalized groups of people altogether, which is harmful to the present and

the future, "the irony is that by creating and having commemoration uncritically, you're actually

erasing the bad things that John Macdonald did." (Rodriguez & McInnes, 2021). The signatories

are ignorant to realize that their letter to defend our founding prime minister comes off as

disrespectful and insensitive. They aimed to present his "full story" but unironically glossed over

how he harmed the minorities of Canada, including years after his administration. In a way, they

want to keep the imperial spirit alive.

Although these patriotic monuments serve as reminders of collective memory, they can

also invite "social ghosts," or the conjuring of ghostly presence that adds an element of

liveliness. These presences may conflict with the dominant narrative of the monument or support

it. Social ghosts make us think about memories and recollections of the past not included in the

memorial. As I've mentioned earlier, the monument has been the subject of multiple vandalisms

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(as seen in figure 3), pointing out Macdonald's racist past that resulted in the loss of countless

indigenous lives. In 2019, the Macdonald monument was vandalized by the "anti-colonial

zombies" (Lau, 2019). The activists painted the monument orange and wrote a press release,

stating their reasons for the vandalism were prompted by the degradation of their memories with

monuments (of people like Macdonald), who perpetrated genocide on the heritage and culture of

the indigenous people (Lau, 2019). Their anger was fueled by the lack of direct action by those

in leadership roles who continued to allow a figure representing white supremacy and

colonialism to stand in a prominent location in Montreal. The vandalisms on the Macdonald

monument reveal "social ghosts" that haunt the site and add social liveness to the site.

Indigenous people's truth is the presence felt at the site. The practice of commemorating figures

like Macdonald brings forth and shines a light on the trauma he caused. The vandalism incident

(in figure 4), with the words "what it means to be Canadian" graffitied on Macdonald's cape, is a

truly haunting image. The message refers to the one-sided history of Canada we're still

honouring today.

Lastly, in "The Countermonument: Memory Against Itself in Germany," James Young

talks about the rise of countermonuments in Germany. He describes it as "brazen, painfully self-

conscious memorial spaces conceived to challenge the very premises of their being" (p. 27).

They aim to develop memorial sites that challenge traditional memorialization practices, and

they do this by critically thinking about how they want the monument to be viewed and

remembered. The monuments invite people to participate in remembering by engaging with the

monuments; this allows them to recall their own connection to the event memorialized rather

than having their memory influenced by a hegemonic narrative of the event. Through unique

designs and concepts, the counter monuments try to avoid the burden of memory on their visitors

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so that viewers can be forced to remember themselves. There is another kind of

countermonument, one that contradicts an existing monument. In Hemmadi's article, he points

out that defenders of the monument try to negotiate that the original memorialization remains in

place (2018); instead, we place a different statue plaque by the problematic figure to

commemorate indigenous history in the specific location. This wouldn't be an ideal solution

since "many people who are degraded and insulted by the monuments have been tolerating them

for years"; adding a deserved monument next to a disputed one would be "like adding one insult

to another" (CBC/Radio Canada, 2018). Public monuments should reflect the values and ideals

of the people, not the state. As Young states, "the countermonument accompanies what all

monuments must: it reflects back to the people - and thus codifies - their own memorial

projections and preoccupations" (p. 36).

To conclude, in this essay, I've explored arguments for and against the Macdonald

monument through using concepts covered by Connerton, Davidson and Young. To support my

analysis of how this monument is viewed, I examined various perspectives on the monument to

interpret why there is hesitation in removing monuments. Those who insist "our history" is at

stake when discussing the removal of problematic statues need to realize, monuments are not

history; in fact, saying "our history" is a fallacy. The history they refer to fails to recognize the

real victims under the authority of who they praise. Not everyone has a shared history of the past.

The monument (and many others of Macdonald) has since been removed due to public pressure.

However, other monuments are still in place that perpetuate and cover-up Canada's racist past.

There can't be true reconciliation if problematic statues like Macdonald's continue to stay up and

taunt the minorities they've abused. The removal is considerate of those victimized by immoral

leaders of the past. To remove the statues and names of John A. Macdonald and other racist

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figures like him if it encourages healing for the communities he has damaged because "when

history is sanitized, it 'doesn't prepare Canadians to deal with the issues that are always bubbling

underneath the surface'," (Rodriguez, 2021).

Figures

Figure 1. Heureux, G. L. (2012). [Digital image]. Ville de Montréal. Retrieved from

https://artpublic.ville.montreal.qc.ca/en/oeuvre/monument-a-sir-john-a-macdonald

Figure 2. Hughes, G. (2020). [Digital image]. The Canadian Press. Retrieved from
https://www.cbc.ca/news/canada/montreal/defund-police-protest-black-lives-matter-1.5705101

Figure 3. Mahoney, J. (2018). [Digital image]. Montreal Gazette. Retrieved from

https://montrealgazette.com/news/local-news/montreals-john-a-macdonald-statue-vandalized-
again

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Figure 4. (Author unknown. (n.d.). [Digital image]. CTV News Montreal Retrieved from
https://montreal.ctvnews.ca/anti-colonial-zombies-attack-john-a-macdonald-statue-with-orange-
paint-1.4664282

Works Cited

CBC/Radio Canada. (2018, August 10). How 'counter-monuments' can solve the debate over

controversial historical statues | CBC radio. CBCnews. Retrieved from

https://www.cbc.ca/radio/thecurrent/the-current-for-august-10-2018-1.4779426/how-

counter-monuments-can-solve-the-debate-over-controversial-historical-statues-

1.4779446

Connerton, P. (2008). Seven types of forgetting. Memory Studies, 1(1), 59–71.

https://doi.org/10.1177/1750698007083889

Davidson. (2016). Imperial Nostalgia, Social Ghosts, and Canada’s National War Memorial.

Space and Culture, 19(2), 177–191. https://doi.org/10.1177/1206331215623220

Hemmadi, M. (2018, Aug 18). What fights about ‘erasing’ history are really about. Maclean's

(Online), Retrieved from

https://ezproxy.lib.ucalgary.ca/login?url=https://www.proquest.com/magazines/what-

fights-about-erasing-history-are-really/docview/2089845888/se-2?accountid=9838

Hopper, T. (2018, August 28). Here is what Sir John A. Macdonald did to indigenous people.

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Retrieved November 17, 2021, from https://nationalpost.com/news/canada/here-is-what-

sir-john-a-macdonald-did-to-indigenous-people

Innes, R. A. (2021, November 1). John A. Macdonald should not be forgotten, nor celebrated.

The Conversation. Retrieved from https://theconversation.com/john-a-macdonald-should-

not-be-forgotten-nor-celebrated-101503

Lau, R. (2019, October 31). 'anti-colonial zombies' attack John A. Macdonald statue with Orange

Paint. Montreal. Retrieved from https://montreal.ctvnews.ca/anti-colonial-zombies-

attack-john-a-macdonald-statue-with-orange-paint-1.4664282

Parrott, Z. (n.d.). Indian act. The Canadian Encyclopedia. Retrieved from

https://www.thecanadianencyclopedia.ca/en/article/indian-act

Rodriguez, J. (2021, January 14). John A. Macdonald defenders fear admitting Canada is 'linked

to white supremacy,' scholars say. CTVNews. Retrieved from

https://www.ctvnews.ca/canada/john-a-macdonald-defenders-fear-admitting-canada-is-

linked-to-white-supremacy-scholars-say-1.5266977

Shingler, B. (2020, September 1). Montreal considers next move for toppled John A. Macdonald

statue | CBC news. CBCnews. Retrieved from

https://www.cbc.ca/news/canada/montreal/john-a-macdonald-montreal-1.5706485

Monument à Sir John A. Macdonald. Bureau d'Art Public – Ville de Montréal. (n.d.). Retrieved

from https://artpublic.ville.montreal.qc.ca/en/oeuvre/monument-a-sir-john-a-macdonald/

Young, J. (1993). “The Countermonument: Memory Against Itself in Germany.” In The Texture

of Memory: Memorials and Meaning, 27-48. New Haven: Yale University Press.

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Aqsa Arif COMS 591 (F21) UCID: 300030514