Journalism Practice

ISSN: 1751-2786 (Print) 1751-2794 (Online) Journal homepage: http://www.tandfonline.com/loi/rjop20

Framing of a Brazilian Crisis: Dilma Rousseff’s

Impeachment in National and International
Editorials

Liziane Guazina, Hélder Prior & Bruno Araújo

To cite this article: Liziane Guazina, Hélder Prior & Bruno Araújo (2018): Framing of a Brazilian
Crisis: Dilma Rousseff’s Impeachment in National and International Editorials, Journalism Practice,
DOI: 10.1080/17512786.2018.1541422

To link to this article: https://doi.org/10.1080/17512786.2018.1541422

Published online: 06 Nov 2018.

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JOURNALISM PRACTICE
https://doi.org/10.1080/17512786.2018.1541422

Framing of a Brazilian Crisis: Dilma Rousseff’s Impeachment in

National and International Editorials
a b c
Liziane Guazina , Hélder Prior * and Bruno Araújo
a
Faculty of Communication, University of Brasilia, Brasília, Brazil; bLabCom, University of Beira Interior, Covilhã,
Portugal; cFaculty of Communication and Arts, Federal University of Mato Grosso, Cuiabá, Brazil

ABSTRACT KEYWORDS
The study analyzes the editorial position of the Brazilian and foreign Brazilian crisis; editorials;
press in the coverage of Dilma Rousseff’s impeachment trial. By a framing; impeachment;
framing analysis, we aim to understand how the national quality politics; journalistic events
newspapers such as Folha de S. Paulo, O Estado de S. Paulo, O
Globo, and the international ones as Público, El País, The
Guardian, Le Monde and The New York Times organize the events
and construct the respective political narratives, verifying the
similarities and differences in the interpretation of the political
crisis that led to the removal of the first female president of Brazil.

Introduction
Different authors have pointed out the importance of editorials as a privileged space for
revealing the media positioning in the face of complex democracy political games
(Azevedo 2005; Azevedo and Chaia 2008; Miguel and Coutinho 2007; Mont’Alverne and
Marques 2015, 2016). The editorials can be understood as attempts by the media to
draw their agenda together with governments and other political agents, engaging a dia-
logue with political-economic elites (Mont’Alverne and Marques 2016, 122). However, in
addition to constituting themselves as privileged spaces for articulating agendas, the edi-
torials also play strategic roles in the framing process (Entman 2004) that shapes infor-
mation coverage, public debate, and the unfolding of political events.
It is not by chance that some authors, by highlighting the political role exerted by the
media, emphasize that editorials act as political and ideological anchors of a newspaper,
with direct implications on the information coverage content (Fonseca 2005). As essen-
tially argumentative texts that present justificatives and solutions for certain problems,
the editorials assume the purpose to explain, advise and lead to different interpretations
of the political conflicts. Thus, not only the editorial establishes an interested dialogue with
readers, but also with the political sphere, hinting on how the journalism field would like
public affairs to be handled.
Such considerations led us to think how the main Brazilian and foreign newspapers
handled the impeachment of Dilma Rousseff. The participation of traditional media in
the political crisis that led to her destitution in August 2016 is still a cause for public

CONTACT Bruno Araújo brrunoaraujo@gmail.com https://www.facebook.com/bruno.araujo.376043

*Present address: Department of Communication, Autonomous University of Lisbon, Lisbon, Portugal
© 2018 Informa UK Limited, trading as Taylor & Francis Group
2 L. GUAZINA ET AL.

controversy, especially regarding the role of national journalism in the process of articula-
tion and fall of the former President (Albuquerque 2017; Van Dijk 2017).
The analysis of editorials become relevant especially when one takes into account the
Brazilian media context. Several authors have demonstrated that diversity and pluralism
have been distant goals in the Brazilian journalistic context. Barbosa et al. (2017), for
example, described how the media system is characterized historically by the predomi-
nance of commercial media groups, concentration of ownership and insufficient public
policies to promote the right to information and communication. For the authors, who
analyzed indicators of the media development of UNESCO (United Nations Educational,
Scientific and Cultural Organization) in Brazil, there are important gaps for the full estab-
lishment of the promotion of diversity and democratic discourse in the country.
In addition, there is a historical alignment between the political elites and the major tra-
ditional media groups. The historical affinity with the liberal-conservative ideology of Bra-
zilian media groups, as pointed out Azevedo (2017), were present in different
governments, especially during the large period of Partido dos Trabalhadores govern-
ment. Azevedo analyzed the news covering on PT from 1989 to 2014 and identify the
roots of “antipetismo” and the permanent critical covering on social and public policies.
Obviously, historical trends do not explain per si contemporary political changes. It is
not our intention to discuss here the reasons for the complex political context in Brazil,
that only to briefly retrieve some elements to contextualize our main purposes. Other vari-
ables can be listed in order to understand the depletion of the PT in the political scenarium
that preceded Rousseff’s impeachment process, since Rousseff government’s weak skills to
responding the demands of the population and the renewal of the new social move-
ments’s agenda until charges of corruption in several political scandals. On the other
hand, personalism focused on former President Luis Inacio Lula da Silva, called
“Lulismo” by Singer (2012), can help to understand the recent distrust on Left parties
and politicians.
Thus, supported by the framing theory, we analyze how national and foreign newspa-
pers have framed, through their editorials, the destitution process of Dilma Rousseff. To do
so, we analyze what arguments were presented by the publications, and the causes and
consequences articulated to constitute the “newspaper opinion” and build explanatory
hypotheses of the impeachment.
The editorials published in eight reference periodicals were analyzed: O Estado de São
Paulo, Folha de S. Paulo, O Globo, Público, El País, Le Monde, The Guardian and the New York
Times. With an analytical gaze focused on the framing functions defined by Entman (1993,
2004), we observed the viewpoint of the publications, object of analysis on the PT Govern-
ment and the opposition, the motives indicated as the ones that triggered the impeach-
ment, the treatment given to political actors, the solutions to the political crisis and the
consequences of the impeachment for Brazilian public life.
Before we proceed, however, it is necessary to indicate how this article is structured:
first, we will delineate the scope and limits of our theoretical choice and describe the
analysis procedures. Following, we will present our analyzes, highlighting the framing
functions proposed by Entman (1993, 2004) and pointing out, in a comparative bias,
the results. In the final considerations, we will discuss the main differences and similarities
of the framings employed.
 JOURNALISM PRACTICE 3

Framing and Politics: The Place of the Editorial

The reading of the newspaper editorials of Brazilian and foreign press instigate us to
examine how the journalistic vehicles assemble explanatory hypotheses about the
impeachment of Dilma Rousseff, leading the public debate on the theme and influencing
the views of receivers of these media products. In the case of an eminently argumentative
text that presents a subject or problem, justifications for this problem and solutions to its
resolution, the editorial establishes guidelines or conceptual maps that guide the reader’s
perception about a certain subject, but also aims to confirm the thesis defended by the
journalistic institution, that’s why this analysis is so relevant to understand how the
national and foreign media instituted the event.
In effect, the editorial reveals and conveys not only the position of the journalistic insti-
tution, the newspaper’s opinion, but also its ideological and political values. That is why
their analysis allows us to assess not only the political positioning of a particular media
group but, perhaps more interestingly, the dynamics of the very coverage of a subject
or theme, the predominant agenda, and the narratives built around the political events.
Resorting to logic-argumentative linguistic operators, the editorial expresses the opinion
and culture of the company as a whole, occupying a privileged space in journalistic pub-
lication, thus becoming “the most noble section of a newspaper” (Gradim 2000, 81).
In this sense, editorials play an important role in guiding public affairs, setting, framing
and instituting the political reality through ideological principles, values and norms that
guide journalistic enterprises. Thereafter, the framing conferred upon particular topics
has important implications for the communication and political processes, because the
framings draw attention to certain aspects of reality in detriment of other aspects that
are obscured, something that ultimately leads the audience to different reactions or
states of mind (Entman 1993, 55).
It is at this point that we make the articulation between the framing and the editorial as
a textual genre of an argumentative type that, as taught by Fonseca (2005), does not fail to
play an important role as a guide to the information coverage itself on a given subject. In
the classic work of 1974, Frame Analysis, Goffman defines framing as a symbolic framework
which corresponds to a reality interpretation proposal. It is about a reading protocol with a
view to make a given event intelligible and our subjective experience with it.
In the line of Goffman’s thinking, with a more concentrated focus on communication
studies, Entman (1993, 2010) is notorious as an author who seeks to understand how
the media orient public perception about the events of social life, through a daily
process of discursivization of the reality. In this sense, to frame, for Entman, is to select
certain aspects of an event, to make it knowable in the public eye. This selection
process presupposes that the enunciator acts according to symbolic operations that
end up emphasizing and silencing certain aspects of reality, casting moral evaluations
about it and, at the same time, recommending forms of action before the framed event
(Entman 1993, 53). As Entman emphasizes: “We can define framing as the process of
culling a few elements of perceived reality and assembling a narrative that highlights con-
nections among them to promote a particular intepretation” (Entman 2010, 336).
Thinking on the journalistic communication world as a terrain of symbolic struggle for
the definition of meanings, it is possible to perceive an important stimulus for the analysis
of journalistic texts, in so far as it is through the mainstream journalism that a relevant part
4 L. GUAZINA ET AL.

of the citizens learns about what takes place in social and political life. By reflecting on the
place of the framing in said power narratives, Entman highlights that the framing plays a
relevant role in the exercise of political power, for, in a journalistic text, a framing is a
“power brand” because records the identity of the actors, and particularly the interests
that compete to master the text. Thus, the guidelines adopted influence how the politic
events are presented and, not least, how the public interprets the selected or chipped
reality, which has obvious consequences in the foundation of explanatory narratives of
the life world.1 By focusing our attention on how a text or a communicative action exer-
cises its power (Entman 1993, 56), framings assume a prominent role in democratic pro-
cesses and in the way political elites seek to control the perception of certain events or
subjects. Thereby, the complex political reality is organized and instituted by maps that
frame, in an accessible way, this very reality for the receivers. We refer to organizational
premises that catalog the comprehension of events, since the framing is always a
shared organizational principle (Motta 2007), i.e., a process of selection and ranking of
reality that promotes interpretations and conducts evaluations. That is, frames introduce
or raise the salience or apparent importance of certain ideas, activating schemas that
encourage target audiences to think, feel, and decide in a particular way (Entman 2010,
336). This is still valid even in a digital media context where political actors and ideological
media can spread misinformation and micro-targed messages in multiple platforms
(Entman and Usher 2018).
For these reasons, the framing theory and the categories raised by the author are par-
ticularly relevant in the scope of this work, which intends to analyze the performance of
the national and foreign press about the political crisis that led to the impeachment of
the former president Dilma Rousseff through the study of published editorials on the
subject. Entman’s studies provide valuable insights into how the analyzed media have
made perceptible the set of social and political events that lead to the removal of the
former president of Brazil.

Methodological Notes
Frameworks provide a causal interpretation, a moral assessment and, in some cases, a sol-
ution to the problem described or identified. They provide “principles of organization”
(Goffman 1974, 10) or, as Gitlin poited out, “principles of selection, empahasis and presen-
tation” (Gitlin 1980, 6) that helps the public to interpret the events of the world. In journal-
istic studies, a frame is characterized by the selection, organization and emphasis of certain
aspects of reality and exclusion of others aspects, through editorial, ideological and politi-
cal criteria. “Fully developed frames typically perform four functions: problem definition,
causal analysis, moral judgement, and remedy promotion” (Entman 2010, 336). One of
the most significant lines of research in Communication Sciences in relation to the
studies of framing is precisely the one that interprets the journalistic content to see
how media made the coverage of certain problems (Patterson 1994; Semetko and Valken-
burg 2000). Our conceptual effort is precisely in the following line of research, trying to
respond to the growing interest in understanding media power using the concept of
framing. Through an adaptation of categories that Entman denominated “framing func-
tions,” explained in the table below, we observe the problems, the causes, the moral judg-
ments and the solutions shaped in the discourse of the analyzed channels. The application
 JOURNALISM PRACTICE 5

of these categories allowed the understanding of similarities and differences in the

interpretation proposals assembled by the newspapers analyzed in their respective edi-
torials (Table 1) .
The analytical corpus of this paper comprises three Brazilian newspapers: O Globo, Folha
de S. Paulo and the State of S. Paulo; and five foreign newspapers: the Portuguese Público,
the Spanish El País, the British The Guardian, the American The New York Times and the
French Le Monde. Due to the large number of national newspaper editorials published
during the course of the proceedings, in the Chamber and in the Senate, we opted for
a methodological cut, which is limited to analyzing the texts published during the week
of the final session of judgment, when the Federal Senate sentenced the former President
Dilma Rousseff. However, in the case of international newspapers, we did the opposite: we
extended the analysis period for the entire month of August in order to capture more
elements for comparison. In total, 18 national newspaper editorials (8 of O Estado de
S. Paulo, 5 of Folha de S. Paulo and 5 of O Globo) and 10 editorials of international news-
papers (1 of The Guardian, 2 of The New York Times, 2 from El País and 4 from), totalizing
28 texts.
Concerning the Brazilian press, the following editorials were observed, as shown in
Table 2:
The analysis of the editorials of the international newspapers included the following
texts, according to Table 3 below:
The analyzed editions were published in the digital versions of the newspapers avail-
able in websites and/or pdf files.
Thus, to guide this work, the questions we will try to answer are:

(1) Are there differences in the treatment of the several national and international media,
regarding Dilma Rousseff’s impeachment?
(2) The ideological positioning of the Brazilian media influences, in a decisive way, the
framing of the phenomenon?
(3) Is there a narrative struggle between the different media analyzed?

For the empirical analysis of such questions, we put the following hypotheses to guide
this investigation:

(a) The Brazilian press, with similar ideological positioning, offered a similar coverage of
Dilma Rousseff’s Impeachment, legitimizing the judicial process.

Table 1. Description of editorials analysis categories.

Category Description / application method
Problems Identifies, in the editorial, the main problems of the political crisis.
identified
Causes Analyzes the causes pointed by the editorial as motivators of the crisis and the process.
Moral judgment It maps discourses in an evaluative tone, when editorials weave judicious remarks regarding the
events and the characters involved in it.
Solution It identifies possible solutions given by the editorials to solve the crisis and the political and social
indication future of the country.
Source: Elaboration of the authors, from Entman (1993, 2004).
6 L. GUAZINA ET AL.

Table 2. List of national newspaper editorials.

Newspapers Publication dates Editorial titles
O Estado de S. Paulo 08/25/2016 The judgement
08/26/2016 The PT opens the game
08/28/2016 The Immorals
One more shot in the foot
08/30/2016 Fiction and mocking
08/31/2016 The end of the torpor
Conditions to grow back
09/01/2016 The outcome of impeachment
Folha de S. Paulo 08/25/2016 No time to lose
08/27/2016 Logic in the Hospice
08/28/2016 “Pedaladas” in question
08/30/2016 The defense of Dilma
09/01/2016 New Government
O Globo 08/25/2016 There is no shortage of evidence for Dilma’s impeachment
08/27/2016 PT wants to take the focus off the impeachment trial
08/30/2016 Dilma does not answer charges and repeats arguments
08/31/2016 Dilma arrives vulnerable to voting
09/01/2016 So that there is never another impeachment
Source: Elaboration of the authors.

(b) The foreign press, with diverse ideological positions, distrusts the motives of impeach-
ment. As a consequence, there is a struggle of proposed frames in the public sphere.
(c) Although Dilma Rousseff did not suffer impeachment due to denunciations of political
corruption, these helped to create a political environment favorable to his withdrawal.

Analysis of Brazilian Newspapers

One characteristic of the texts of O Estado de São Paulo and O Globo is the employment of
adjectives that are not commendable to the former president: considered responsible for
“bringing the theme of impeachment to the heart of the Planalto Palace” (24 December
2015) or for “abusing the role of victim” (21 December 2015), Rousseff was described by
O Estado de S. Paulo, for example, as sectarian and arrogant, reckless and irresponsible.
On the other hand, Folha de S. Paulo’s texts tend to remain more distant from personal
(dis)qualifications and more attentive to interpretations of acts, facts and conjunctures.
The problems identified in the national editorials revolve around four axes: (1) the evil
caused by the “lulopetismo,” Lula himself, Dilma Rousseff and the Workers’ Party (PT) to

Table 3. List of international newspaper editorials.

Newspapers Publication dates Editorials titles
The Guardian 08/03/2016 Dilma Rousseff’s downfall will not cure all her country’s ills
The New York Times 08/17/2016 Brazil’s rising turbulence
08/31/2016 Brazil’s Ousted President
El País 08/21/2016 The challenge of Dilma
09/01/2016 Low blow in Brazil
Público 08/05/2016 Brazil after the games
08/25/2016 Brazil in the uncertain times of the post-Dilma
08/30/2016 Tragicomedy of an announced destitution
09/01/2016 It’s not the end, it’s just another restart
Le Monde 08/28/2016 The sad irony of Dilma Rousseff’s fall
Source: Elaboration of the authors.
 JOURNALISM PRACTICE 7

the country (which would have led to impeachment); (2) PT’s “troop shock” senators
during the trial, exploring strategies to promote lulopetista narratives, especially that
of the coup, disrespecting rules and promoting the victimization of Dilma Rousseff
and of the PT; (3) the short term to implement financial and fiscal sanitation reforms;
and (4) the constitutional and political legitimacy of impeachment, despite legal
weaknesses.
The evil caused by the “lulopetismo” is a recurrent theme in several editorials of the
O Estado de São Paulo and O Globo. Both newspapers use this nomenclature to rep-
resent both the performance of governments and the leadership and legacy of the
PT in recent years. In O Estado de S. Paulo, lulopetismo is characterized as disrespectful
and fraudulent, and the narrative of coup is called fancy. As early as 08/25, in the
opening of the Senate plenary session, the editorial states that: “The behavior of the
voters has shown a deliberate disrespect for the norms of the impeachment judgment
defined by party leaders in agreement with Minister Lewandowski.” That “the PT shock
troops made use of the radio and TV transmission to promote the lulopetista political
narrative.”
On August 28, the newspaper states that “PT senators are at the trial with the sole
purpose of staging Dilma’s passion in the face of the cameras of documentaristas sym-
pathetic to the lulopetista cause” and that the narrative of “coup is nothing more than
a stutter of those who do not conform to democracy when it, by means of its legal instru-
ments, removes them from power.”
Still in the O Estado de S. Paulo, former President Lula is called a “charlatan” with plans to
destroy democracy, and Dilma Rousseff is considered the greatest exponent of
incompetence:
Brazilians and unwary foreigners believed in the lies that the former metallurgist told his
voters (…) Rarely did they realize Lula’s plans to kidnap democracy and demoralize the pol-
itical debate in the style of the gangster syndicalism that he represents so well.(…) Never
before in the history of this country has a charlatan gone so far. (…) The process of destruction
of democracy was interrupted by a Lula’s mistake: to choose Dilma, who contradicted its
creator and proved to be the biggest incompetent who has ever stepped in the Planalto
Palace.

Dilma’s “victimization” was also among the concerns of F. de S. Paulo editorialists. On

August 27, the newspaper defended that
since it has being almost defined, a long time ago, an unfavorable result to Dilma, the PT and
its allies aim to make the most of the occasion. The strategy is to make people believe that
Dilma became the victim of a conspiracy of elites, diverting attention from everything she
brought with incompetence, irresponsibility, and failure.

And she repeated the argument on 30/08: even if the ousted president pointed out weak-
nesses in the legal basis of impeachment, she did not convince “when attributed to herself
the role of victim of a coup.”
For O Globo, in the edition of the same date, Dilma Rousseff lost an opportunity to
defend herself effectively and limited herself to making a speech destined for the political
struggle of lulopetismo against the opposition, repeating old arguments and the “nonsen-
sical idea that she is the victim of a parliamentary coup driven by a fanciful conspiracy of
elites under the silent complicity of the media.” The idea that does not convince, the
8 L. GUAZINA ET AL.

“delusional accusation that there is a coup,” comes back repeatedly in the texts, whether
from the disqualification of the political actors involved identified with the PT, or from the
qualification in respect for procedural and legal rites.
The short term for implementing economic measures and the possible legal weak-
nesses of the trial were explored more vehemently in F. de S. Paulo’s editorials. For the
newspaper, implementing reforms is a key issue for the country’s future. The problem
was identified in the editorial on August 25, in which the newspaper outlines the priorities
for the new ruler “de facto.” This aspect is related to the very defense of legitimacy of the
process in F. de S. Paulo’s editorials. While acknowledging that the crimes committed are
not conclusive and that there is, therefore, legal weaknesses, the paper argues that the
entire impeachment process was constitutional and that Michel Temer must act decisively
in favor of the reforms:
The political aspect renders Dilma’s defense unsustainable, while from the legal viewpoint,
arguments from one side and another remain open to doubt and debate. On the other
hand, however, concrete political reality imposes itself over rhetoric (27/08).

With regard to the causes pointed out by the national newspapers, it is important to note
that they do not emphasize the political context that allowed Dilma’s judgment. Appar-
ently, in the week of the final session in the Senate, it was less important to explain in
detail the reasons for the impeachment, often grounded at Dilma’s personal characteristics
(when defining the former president as authoritative, for example), than to interpret the
reasons for the performance of PT counterparts and the senators opposed to the impedi-
ment. Defense strategies became a target of scrutiny and criticism linked to moral
judgments.
The editorials of O Estado de S. Paulo and O Globo, in particular, are more emphatic in
criticizing PT and Dilma’s strategies at trial. According to O Estado de S. Paulo,
the strategy of lulopetismo to survive politically is to openly contest the legitimacy of the con-
stituted powers, denying the democratic system constructed by the Brazilians for more than
30 years, based on the argument that Dilma Rousseff and the Workers’ Party are victims of the
nation’s enemies (08/26).

The newspaper still maintains that “the judgment of Dilma in itself is no longer of the
slightest importance for the petistas who defend her in the Senate. Because it is an essen-
tially political process, its outcome is already known” (08/28). Precisely for this reason, the
victimization strategy of the former president would guarantee an area of opposition in
the future. In the words of the O Globo editorial on August 27, “the real objective of the
PT is to set a position for the opposition cycle that will remain with the definitive
removal of the president.”
Now, explanations for the impeachment itself is linked directly to two aspects: (1) the
use of tax maneuvers known as “pedaladas” and crimes of fiscal and budgetary responsi-
bility due to incompetence in the management of the public accounts of the country that
caused the economic crisis, and (2) Dilma’s own “lulopetista ideological vision, with brizo-
listic seasoning” (O Globo, 09/01). For this newspaper, the former president “lost the pos-
ition for ideological sectarianism and voluntarism, because she felt that political will is
what solves problems in the government. Something of a Stalinist flavor.” Her obsession,
according to the editorial on 09/01, “with state activism and unmeasured expenditures,
 JOURNALISM PRACTICE 9

made up of creative accounting techniques,” contributed to the the huge fiscal crisis
visible to everyone from 2015 onwards when the real numbers popped out.
As texts of opinionated features, editorials are constructed from judgments that, a
priori, define the relationships between contexts, political actors and their actions. Criticism
of Dilma Rousseff’s supposed “victimization” strategy for defense is articulated with dis-
qualifications of her personality and the intentions of former president Lula as a political
leader. At the same time, there is an emphasis on qualifying the legal process, identifying
in this element the solidity of Brazilian democracy and the possibility of a national consen-
sus (O Estado de S. Paulo, August 25). For O Estado de S. Paulo,
Dilma is the symbol victim. It must therefore be sacrificed on the altar of popular causes so that
it can be used as a fighting flag by Lula and his followers. It is a far more attractive prospect
than having to bear the burden of suffering from Dilma’s incompetence for another 2 years.
It’s a question of survival. Everything else is hypocrisy (08/26)

In an editorial entitled “The Immorals,” the editorialist shows some irritation that the
trial was being filmed by documentarists and directly attacks Lula by stating that, since
“Lula and the great cast never admitted responsibility for the gross errors of the PTs,
much less by the systemic corruption, any accusation of robbery or irresponsibility can
only be interpreted as anti-PT.” They feel free to question the morals of other
parliamentarians.
Everything has a clear purpose: if everyone is immoral, then no one is. And if only the ‘petistas’
are condemned, then this can only be a coup. It is good that the PT’s relentless vocation to
defraud reality is recorded on film.

Still for the O Estado de S. Paulo, the critical conscience of the nation would have been
anesthetized with Lula’s arrival to the presidency in 2003 and, therefore, Rousseff’s
impeachment would be seen as the end of this period of anesthesia. When, at the trial,
was approved that Dilma Rousseff would not lose her political rights, the newspaper
strongly criticized the senators’ actions: “The preservation of Dilma’s political rights was
an immorality that sets the precedent for a myriad of scandals.” (09/01)
According to the editorial of O Globo on August 30, Dilma can be defined as irritating,
authoritarian and confused. If, on the one hand, political actors opposed to impeachment
are identified as fraudsters, immoral, disrespectful, insulting, lulopetistas that offends this
very democracy with the accusation of coup, on the other, there is the defense of the legal
process and the need to change political groups. Folha de S. Paulo says: “While the alle-
gations (against Dilma) are questionable, there is no denying that the senators are fully
and constitutionally vested with the authority to decide whether they fall under the
guise of responsibility.” For O Globo,
everything happens within the democratic state of law, guaranteed all the freedom of
defense, replacing, by Congress, a president who committed crimes of responsibility for her
deputy elected in single plate by the same 54 million votes. Simple as that (08/30).

On the other hand, it is evident, in the editorials analyzed, the alignment in the “menu”
of solutions for the country and a certain anxiety in implementing the reforms signaled by
the new assigned and its supporters, and little concern in problematizing the differences
following a less stereotyped bias. The post-impeachment period is interpreted by Brazilian
10 L. GUAZINA ET AL.

newspapers as an opportunity to foster national unity around a political-administrative

project power.
Folha de S. Paulo, for example, took a hurry in the post-impediment actions: “the top
priority of management is the recovery of a shrinking economy.” And further argued
that
it is imperative to approve in Congress the projects for economic reform—the ceiling for
public spending and revision for the social security rules, which are the levers without
which Brazil will not emerge from the calamitous recession it has stuck in two years ago
(09/01).

The O Estado de S. Paulo defined that the new government

should propose and implement measures for the improvement of public accounts and fiscal
balance; correct deviations from public management and create conditions for growth retake,
in addition to promoting a sense of national unity, of diversity unity, able to relegate to the
past the dark period of history in which Brazil was divided between us and them (08/25).

For the newspaper, Michel Temer has legitimacy to lead the national recovery effort (09/01).
O Globo has expressed concerns about possible governments linked to popular projects
of the left wing in the future. For the newspaper, the impeachment strengthened “the
Constitution as a whole to discourage once and for all Bolivarian projects like lulopetismo.
It serves as a general warning to the nation” (09/01).
In Table 4, it is possible to check the frameworks in a summarized way, as follows:

Table 4. Framing functions in national newspaper editorials

Functions Newspapers
Define Problems The behavior of the lulopetistas disrespected the norms of the impeachment judgment. The
Senate petistas have the objective of shaping the victimization of Dilma (O Estado de S. Paulo).
There are weaknesses in the legal basis of impeachment, but Dilma does not convince when
attributing to herself the role of victim of a coup. Although the crimes committed are not
irrefutable, the entire process of impeachment was constitutional. (F. de S. Paulo).
In the lawsuit against Dilma there is no accusation of corruption but crimes that have to do with
the lulopetista ideological vision, with the brizolistic seasoning of the former president (O
Globo).
Diagnose Causes Dilma sank the country in deep crisis, what aggravated her own situation. (O Estado de S. Paulo).
Dilma lost her job for ideological sectarianism and voluntarism. Liability crimes are high. The
obsession with state activism and unrestricted spending (O Globo).
Moral Judgments The process is constitutional because it obey the law rites (O Globo, F. de S. Paulo and the Estado
de S. Paulo).
The lawsuit against Dilma will probably be used as political flag for Lula. Those who still speak in
a coup do nothing but offend these institutions, and therefore, themselves. The speech of the
ousted president is a piece of fiction interlaced by explicit uproar (O Estado de S. Paulo, 08/30).
Dilma’s guilt is unquestionable (O Globo and O Estado de S. Paulo).
Michel Temer has legitimacy to assume power (O Estado de S. Paulo, F. de S. Paulo and O Globo).
Solutions (suggest New government must implement reforms to solve the fiscal crisis (O Estado de S. Paulo, F. de
remedies) S. Paulo, O Globo).
It is imperative to approve in Congress the economic reform projects—ceiling for public
spending and revision for the social security rules (…) (F. de S. Paulo).
(The New Government) must promote the feeling of national union, diversity unity, capable of
relegating to the past the dark period of history in which Brazil was divided between us and
them. (The State of S. Paulo, 08/25).
The strengthening of the Constitution as a whole to discourage Bolivarian projects such as
lulopetismo. It serves as a general warning to the nation. (O Globo, 09/01).
Source: Prepared by the authors.
 JOURNALISM PRACTICE 11

Analysis of International Newspapers

Unlike national newspapers whose analysis of the editorials revealed a quite remarkable
symmetry in the way they framed the impeachment of Dilma Rousseff, foreign media
arguments are not always reconcilable with each other, which is why we chose, at this
point, to analyze each newspaper separately, unlike the prior technique, which analyzed
the editorials simultaneously.
In its editorial, the newspaper Público emphasizes, essentially, the causes that led to the
political crisis and some concerns about the future of Brazil after Dilma Rousseff’s dismissal.
On the other hand, the newspaper does not shy away from making some moral judg-
ments, whether on the political process or regarding its protagonists.
Concerns about the future scenario are visible in the editorial entitled “Brazil after the
games,” published on 08/05. The Público stresses the need to “clean up the political
environment,” noting that the crisis is “systemic” and affects “the three powers,” a political
crisis to which is added a “corruption that affects the whole society,” promoting inequality
and social backwardness. This concern and uncertainty about the future, and specifically in
relation to the consequences of impeachment to public life in Brazil, are even more visible
in the editorial of 08/25. In the text “Brazil in the uncertain times of post-Dilma,” Público’s
positioning becomes more explicit. The political process is considered of “unpredictable
consequences” and described as “an indirect election.” The paper describes the impeach-
ment of Rousseff as a “shadow play between real democracy and formal democracy” and
points out as the main problem for the future the risk that the country might interrupt “the
exemplary democratic and constitutional path followed after the dictatorship.”
The Público indicates as causes of impeachment the fact that political opponents of
Dilma did not accept defeat in the 2014 elections, joining the former allies to “subvert
the popular mandate” and “reduce to dust the mandate made possible by 54 million
voters.” It is said that the tax crime, the basis of the legal process, was committed by
the predecessors of Dilma and the Senate and the deputies arrogate to themselves the
right to “oppose” the election results and to institute an “indirect election.” Personalization
and the fragmentation of political mandates in the Brazilian presidential system are also
cited as causes of the political crisis, as well as political mistakes made by President
Dilma, as well as strong corruption plaguing the country.
The same idea is highlighted in the editorial of 08/30. Comparing the impeachment to a
“tragicomedy,” the paper describes the PT as a party devastated by corruption, worn out
after 12 years in power. In a way, the newspaper blames Lula’s PT to create a favorable
climate for scandals like Mensalão and Lava Jato, but it is also said that corruption can
end up tearing down the PMDB, Michel Temer’s party. In the editorial of 09/01, the
process is justified because Dilma lost, above all, the support of decision-making
classes, the support of the political class, rather than the popular classes.
In its assessment, the Portuguese newspaper makes the judgment that tax crime has no
proportionality to justify the dismissal, establishing itself as a pretext, an opportunity that
would be very unlikely in a more “mature,” “consistent” and “organized” political system.
The removal process is again described as essentially political, “germinated by detractors
of the PT” and former allies who want to make a “change in the direction of Brazilian poli-
tics.” At this point, the Público foresee political interests behind the process, concerns that
are related with changes in the agenda and the priorities of Brazilian politics. For the
12 L. GUAZINA ET AL.

Público, the impeachment it is a “political game of dubious morality and zero democratic
inspiration” (08/25). In the editorial of 09/01, Público qualifies the impeachment as a game
of personal interests, a political process that “serves to convert Michel Temer in an effective
president.” The editorial does not refer to this process as a coup, on the contrary, it refers to
the irony of the process that lies in the fact that Dilma is dismissed by democratic rules,
she, who was tortured in the dictatorship period.
Eduardo Cunha appears in Público editorials as the protagonist of the impeachment of
Dilma Rousseff, being described as one of the “big shots of the PMDB,” “outrageously
untouchable” even on his removal on the Ethics Committee and someone who was “fur-
iously” involved in the process of her dismissal. The newspaper points out that he is con-
nected to multiple charges of corruption and money laundering. Michel Temer also is
targeted by two vehicles which underline that Temer is a politician under investigation,
sentenced to the ineligible status by judicial authorities.
Following a very similar line to the Público, the French Le Monde called the impeach-
ment of “scam” in an editorial titled “The sad irony of Dilma Rousseff’s fall.” The vehicle
underlines the strong “social upheaval” as a background process, and the “corruption
that originates street protests by thousands of people.” The impeachment is framed as
a “war for power to defend the interests of a threatened economic elite in recent years
by Rousseff’s party.” While emphasizing the political, economic and tactical mistakes of
Dilma Rousseff during the government, and recognizing that the impeachment is pro-
vided in the Brazilian Constitution, Le Monde believes that the “accounting tricks” or tax
pedaling/maneuvers, which claimed the opening of the proceedings, are no more than
an argument that hides deeper reasons, reasons that have essentially to do with the par-
tisan strife, the struggle for power and the strong economic crisis.
The French newspaper also points out how the process causes the involvement of
“economic elites” as an interested party in the removal of Dilma, as well as the role
played by the media, especially TV Globo, on the exploitation of the case. On the other
hand, the French newspaper sees no reason to impeach the accused acts of the former
president, considering that if the process is not a coup, then it is at least a farce: “ S’il
n’y a pas d’Etat coup, il ya au moins tromperie.” For Le Monde, Rousseff’s dismissal has
nothing to do with corruption of which she “is not charged with,” despite the protests
of thousands of outraged Brazilians with the denunciations of the operation Lava Jato.
The dismissal of Dilma is therefore “a sad irony,” a “tragicomedy” of the “young Brazilian
democracy” that more than victimize Dilma, penalizes, above all, the Brazilian people.
Here too, Eduardo Cunha is framed as one of the main characters of the impeachment.
The French editorial also highlights Romero Jucá, “the right arm of Temer” caught in phone
conversations which stated “explicitly” a change of government to stop the operation Lava
Jato.
One of the major British newspapers, The Guardian, expressed concern with Dilma
Rousseff’s removal process. In an editorial published on the conviction by the Senate,
the newspaper says, verbatim, the “fall of Dilma Rousseff will not cure all the country’s pro-
blems.” The Guardian claims that, in addition to the story of a woman who fought against
the dictatorship in her youth and now is out of power in the midst of an unprecedented
corruption scandal, the process is very revealing of the state of affairs of a nation.
In addition, the newspaper links the event to a wider global context, in which economic
powers not long ago perceived as “emergents” have major economic and political
 JOURNALISM PRACTICE 13

difficulties nowadays. The newspaper cites the end of the cycle of commodities, which
guaranteed a decade of valuable exports, the street protests initiated in 2013 and the dis-
content of the now new middle classes. The Guardian gives little attention to the charges
for which the former president was being accused. Instead, it focuses on the incongruities
of a process that considers unfair, “it’s hard not to see the degree of injustice in this brutal
fall.”
A brutality that is evident, according to the editorial, when it is noted that Rousseff has
never been accused of corruption, unlike many who voted for her removal. By quoting the
speech of a favorable senator to impeachment, according to which “this is not a coup, it is
democracy evolving,” The Guardian holds a critical position of the process saying: “That the
crisis has come to this cathartic moment says perhaps as much about an ‘evolving’ democracy
as about the cynicism of some of its elites, much exposed by the Petrobras and Lavo Jato cor-
ruption investigations.”
The newspaper said that Dilma Rousseff made many political mistakes as a leader, but
considers “simplistic” and insincere the belief that her removal will solve all structural pro-
blems of the country. By emphasizing the involvement of those who condemned Rousseff
in corruption schemes, The Guardian argues that those who are happy with the fall of the
President are the same that “expect to get rid of the attention of anti-corruption judges.”
For the newspaper, the Brazilian crisis has a challenge and a question: the challenge is to
restore confidence in the political class of a country that is divided and polarized and
doubt will be if Michel Temer—“who led the attacks against Dilma Rousseff”—will live
up to that expectation.
The American The New York Times published two editorials about the Brazilian crisis
during the month of August 2016. In the editorial of 08/17, the newspaper emphasizes
the growing turmoil in the country as a result of economic and political crises. In the
text, the “strength of democratic institutions” of Brazil are advocated, which, through
investigative institutions, are unveiling a corruption scheme at Petrobras, involving impor-
tant names of the national economic and political scene. Although the investigations have
caused significant impacts in the government of Dilma Rousseff, The New York Times says,
verbatim, that the acts by which she is to be judged do not constitute impeachable
offenses/responsibility crimes.
The newspaper highlights that no evidence was found of Dilma Rousseff illegalities. It
also emphasizes that, despite the impact on her government, Dilma Rousseff acted in an
“admirable” way by not preventing or trying to control the investigation of the Lava Jato.
On the contrary, she supported the reappointment of the Chief Public Prosecutor, Rodrigo
Janot. Thus, The New York Times elucidates its concern with the impacts that a possible
Rousseff conviction may have on Brazilian institutions. According to the editorial, there
is no doubt that Rousseff was responsible for the set of measures that have negatively
affected the Brazilian economy, but her dismissal without “concrete evidence of illegality”
can be a threat to democracy. The newspaper accentuates, in the same line, that Brazilians
“are facing times of frustration” but warns that the solution should never pass through the
weakening of democratic institutions.
A significant portion of these ideas have been reaffirmed in the editorial of 08/31, in
which several parts of Rousseff’s speech, after conviction, were replayed. The newspaper
points out that “what they call crime” were practices committed by former Presidents of
the Republic and that Dilma’s departure puts an end to “13 years of a transformer
14 L. GUAZINA ET AL.

government” who used State revenues, generated by the boom in commodities, to lift
millions out of poverty, having lost support due to the recession. For the newspaper, it
will be a shame if history proves that the coup thesis defended by Rousseff is correct.
While recognizing that there were no “concrete evidence of illegality,” since the practices
were carried out by Rousseff’s predecessors, the editorial maintains its position that the
events that led to her downfall are more complex than the ones she recognizes. It cites
the enormous unpopularity of the former president and the fact that it has appointed
former president Lula da Silva, investigated in the Lava-Jato, to become her ministry.
The text is quite emphatic about the role of Michel Temer. According to the newspaper,
he must ensure the continuity of the investigations and be wary of any changes in social
policies that marked the years of power of the Workers’ Party. The editorial goes further in
saying that Temer should “honor the democratic process,” not deviating from the political
platform endorsed by the Brazilians in the last elections.
Like other foreign papers, the Spanish El País demonstrated skepticism about the legiti-
macy of the process that ousted Rousseff. In both published editorials in the final phase of
the trial, the newspaper points out what it considers mismanagement of the former pre-
sident—the fact that she did not negotiate and that she masked budgetary accounts—but
emphasizes that she was not involved with the corruption scheme investigated at Petro-
bras and that the acts for which she is accused does not constitute enough motivation for
the loss of mandate. For El País, one of the causes of that process was the nonconformity of
political opponents defeated in the last elections, which, since then, “dedicated them-
selves to look for reasons so that she can resign the office.” According to the editorial,
the “opposition, unable to understand Dilma, dragged the country to a suicidal strategy
for the sole purpose of changing a government.”
In the face of “political stalemate” that lauches the country in a “catatonic state,” the
newspaper endorses the Rousseff’s proposal to hold new elections, suggesting that at a
time of acute crisis, everyone, left and right, should unite for the good of the nation:
“And that goes back to listening to the people, even if that is not in the Constitution.”
Although it agrees with the thesis of the former president—according to which in the pre-
sidential system, only the people can judge a president who has not committed an
impeachable offense/responsibility crime—El País believes that “she arrived too late for
this discussion.” For the newspaper, Rousseff should have seen that her popularity was
declining, so does the support offered by the Congress.
If the Spanish newspaper has shown skepticism about the legitimacy of a process
decided by accused parliamentarians, mostly for corruption, the editorial of 09/01, the
day after the conviction of former president, is clear and incisive by considering the
impeachment of Dilma Rousseff was “a low blow in Brazil.” Of all the newspapers analyzed
in the international arena, El País was the one who took the most assertive tone, arguing
that “the dismissal of Dilma Rousseff implies immense damage to Brazilian institutions.”
In the same editorial, the newspaper said that parliamentarians “abusively employed a
dismissal procedure provided in the Constitution for extremely severe cases and adapted
it to short term political games without caring about the damage to the democratic legiti-
macy.” Note, therefore, that the legitimacy of the process is challenged to the extent that
the charges—the editorial continues—lacked “political weight to justify the dismissal of
Dilma Rousseff and the trauma and division that upset the country.”
 JOURNALISM PRACTICE 15

Table 5. Functions of the editorial framing of international newspapers

Functions
Identified problems (problems
defined)
Causes (Diagnose Causes)
Moral judgment
Solutions (suggest remedies)
Source: Prepared by the authors.
International newspapers
Shadow play between real democracy and formal democracy that endangers the
exemplary democratic and constitutional path followed after the dictatorship (Público);
Strong social upheaval and intense corruption (Le Monde / Público / New York Times,
Guardian).
Economic crisis and political stalemate (El País, New York Times)
End of a valuable cycle of commodities that improved the lives of the poorest (The
Guardian, New York Times, El País)
Incapacity of the opposition to accept the results of the 2014 elections (Público, El País,
New York Times)
Personalization and fragmentation of political mandates in the Brazilian presidential
system; High levels of corruption (Público, El País, Guardian, New York Times)
Changes in the direction of Brazilian policy; Corruption. Eduardo Cunha’s Revanchism
(Público, Le Monde, El País).
Political game of dubious morality and zero democratic inspiration (Público, Monde, El
País, The New York Times, Guardian).
The process leaves dangerous seeds for the future (El País, Guardian, The New York
Times)
The Impeachment will become an indirect election (Público).
The impeachment is a “farce”, a tragicomedy of the young
Brazilian democracy (Público, Monde, El País, Guardian).
The fall of Dilma Rousseff will not cure all the country’s problems. (Guardian)
Unfair process (Guardian, El País, The New York Times)
It will be a shame if history proves that Dilma is right (The New York Times)
Elections are the only solution to the political crisis (Público, El País).

If there were doubts as to the illegitimacy of the process, it would be enough to observe
the strategy of dividing the penalty provided in the Constitution for presidents who were
punished with impeachment. According to El País, the maintenance of Rousseff political
rights, despite her dismissal from office, exposes the fraudulent intentions of its judges.
Table 5 below explores the main lines of analysis:

Conclusions
In the set of these sampled editorials, it is possible to identify general positioning ten-
dencies of the newspapers analyzed, with protuberant differences between Brazil and
foreign countries. Regarding national publishers, there is a constant concern in
affirming the legitimacy of the process. In this sense, the Brazilian editorials acted in
two main argumentative fronts: first, the emphasis in that the constitutional ritual was
fulfilled; second, the constant refutation of the coup thesis claimed by the former presi-
dent. In order to deconstruct the idea that the country lives on the verge of an institutional
collapse, as highlighted by the defense of the former president, newspapers insisted on
the idea that Rousseff was putting herself in position to play the victim role when, in
fact, “she led the country to the rock bottom,” as wrote the editorialist of O Estado de
S. Paulo.
Incidentally, of the three Brazilian newspapers, O Estado de S. Paulo and O Globo are
noteworthy for the process of employing deep dysphoric adjectives, describing the
former president as “sectarian,” “incompetent,” “arrogant,” “unprepared,” “foolish” or
“voluntarist,” while the second abounded in adjectives such as “irritable,” “confused,”
“authoritarian,” while associating her, including, with a Stalinist attitude. Note, therefore,
16 L. GUAZINA ET AL.

that the performance of Brazilian newspapers assumed an opposing attitude towards

Dilma Rousseff and they shall have the dual function of deconstructing arguments and
defense ideas and to chancel prosecution positions, through a process of politic and per-
sonal depreciation.
If Brazilian newspapers were concerned with building the legitimacy of the process,
refuting the coup thesis and betting on the constitutionality of the matter, foreign news-
papers were skeptical, calling attention to aspects not ventilated by the national press.
None of the newspapers analyzed considered that Dilma’s fall was motivated by the
acts of which she was accused of, which does not carry such wheight to bring forth this
heavy punishment. While Le Monde called it a “farce,” a “political game of dubious morality
and zero democratic inspiration,” the ƒ emphasized that such process would have little
chance of taking place in a “more mature democracy.” The Guardian underlines the injus-
tice perpetrated, and The New York Times appeals to the respect for democratic insti-
tutions. El País was the only one to use, verbatim, the term “coup” to refer to a “low
blow in Brazil.”
While national newspapers envisaged the events as a turning page in the Brazilian pol-
itical scenario, international ones pointed doubts and expressed their concern about the
possible effects of the process. Similarly, foreign media highlighted, in its analysis,
elements disregarded by the national editorials in this given period. One was the moral
level of Dilma judges, many of whom were accused of corruption, while she herself had
never been investigated, as pointed by El País, The Guardian and The New York Times.
On the other hand, international editorials did not forget the role of Eduardo Cunha as
destabilizing element of the Rousseff government, appearing as one of the main charac-
ters of the impeachment.
The issue of new elections appeared only in the editorial of the F. de S. Paulo. In the case
of international newspapers, El País and Público were forceful in stating that the solution to
the crisis pass by giving voice to the people through election. Another aspect related to
the solutions, inside the national press, was the need for reforms to be implemented by
the new government. From the first moment, F. de S. Paulo, O Globo and Estado de
S. Paulo underlined the need for reforms to retain public expenditure. International edi-
torials are much more restrained in this regard. To that extent, the New York Times
argues that Michel Temer should remain as close as possible to the platform with which
his electoral plate ex-partner had been elected. At least until the Brazilians could
express their will in new presidential elections.
In times of strong political upheaval, studying the role of the media is an attitude
endowed with virtues, especially by the sense of historicity inherent in this type of analysis.

Note
1. We emphasize Kuypers’ (2010) understanding that the framings are used strategically in func-
tion of certain persuasion objectives. That is, as a discursive construction that generates
certain effects (Mendonça and Simões 2012).

Disclosure Statement
No potential conflict of interest was reported by the authors .
 JOURNALISM PRACTICE 17

ORCID
Liziane Guazina http://orcid.org/0000-0002-4765-6918
Hélder Prior http://orcid.org/0000-0001-8971-3469
Bruno Araújo http://orcid.org/0000-0002-8288-2718

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