Report of a seminar organized by ICCO and TU Delft on November 29, 2005

Miscommunications in the development agenda

The Hidden Language

Miscommunications in the development agenda
Report of a seminar organized by ICCO and TU Delft on November 29, 2005

Cover Photo:

The colors of the sediments show the characteristics of the geological sediments. If there is clay, this is often serving as a ceiling between two aquifers, impenetrable. A system of classification has been developed in order to analyze the different sediments. Then you can see how the water is. The drillers can do this themselves. There are specific sediments, which deliver arsenic safe water. If a color chart is delivered to the drillers, they can judge by themselves, what layers can be used in order to have arsenic free water.
Excerpt from The targeted safe tube well on page 25.

Title: The Hidden Language, Miscommunications in the development agenda ISBN: 90-5638-152-0 Editor: Dr. J.O. Kroesen Jaffalaan 5 Postbus 5015 2600 GA Delft +31.15.2785262 +31.6.53796968 j.o.kroesen@tudelft.nl Design: Maarten Ottens

Contents

Introduction to "The Hidden Language" ...................................................................5 Otto Kroesen Involvement of TU Delft in institutional transplantation ......................................11 Martin de Jong The hidden language: miscommunications in development cooperation .............13 Otto Kroesen The practice of project implementation ..................................................................17 Khorshed Alam Participatory project implementation .....................................................................21 Md. Jakariya The targeted safe tube well ......................................................................................25 Prosun Battacharya NGO Forums Involvement in Policy Changing Processes ....................................27 ARMM Kamal How to develop the development agenda from a socio-cultural perspective ........35 Dirk R Frans The hidden language of rural water supply programmes .......................................43 T.S. van der Voorn Participatory development in rural Bangladesh .....................................................59 Otto Kroesen, Khorshed Alam, Roy Janssen, Ernst van der Stok Participants ...............................................................................................................69

Introduction to "The Hidden Language"

Otto Kroesen (TUD)

This is the name of a seminar, in which forty people from the Delft University of Technology, from donor organizations, and from Bangladesh came together at 29 November 2005 at the Delft University of Technology and were involved in discussions about a rights based and participatory approach to development in Bangladesh. The issues and problems were not new, but to a degree the solutions were, or at least the direction in which solutions are searched for. The concept of "policy transfer" or "institutional transplantation" makes it possible to approach old problems in a new way. In this approach it is openly admitted, that technology transfer without interference in the fabric of the receiving culture is not possible and not even preferable, because all nations and cultures have always been in dialogue with each other, taking over values and policies from each other, and adapting them to their own needs and situations. In any form of project implementation this process is already taking place but it often remains "hidden" and is not done explicitly. The seminar has explored the question, whether development projects will not be more efficient, if this intercultural dialogue, this transplantation of policies and values, and integration of such policies and values in the existing culture, is made an explicit part of project goals, and project implementation. "Drink in g wate r t o fr in ge p eop le" The point of departure of the seminar was the project of the AMRF and BCAS "Drinking water to fringe people". This project aims at safe drinking water options for rural people, especially poor and women, but special emphasis lies on the process, that leads towards that goal. This process is participatory in character in a much more radical way than usually is the case. A Water Council is created, which is able to operate independently from the NGO, that has taken the initiative, only supported by a Technical Committee, where the technical expertise and know-how is located, but which is clearly subservient to the Water Council, which is in charge of the process.

The attempt to organize the process in this way clearly stands out as a reaction towards former experiences in relation to a participatory approach. Too often experiences show, that attempts to create an independent Water Council, fail due to the fact, that the initiating NGO because of its know-how, its authority and its role in channelling the money despite its explicit statements, remains in charge of the project. As a consequence the rural people do not develop a sense of ownership, and usage and maintenance of the technical devices is not well taken care of. Yet whether the participatory approach contributes to a sustainable and safe drinking water option for rural people depends on the NGOs intended involvement in the long run, while the communitys capacities are increased to such an extent that the community is capable managing its drinking water system independently. The goal of the seminar was to make the tension explicit between the project goals (mostly stated in terms of technical results) and the process, that should lead towards these goals (participatory development, rights based approach). In the process community building and capacity building usually is meant to take place. This, however, entails a change in cultural outlook as a necessary condition for effective project implementation. In other words, the success of the project does not only depend on the availability of technological options or money, but also on success or failure in changing cultural rules, cultural codes and even values. Of course this raises a lot of important and new questions, and also entails a new learning process for all the partners involved. How to avoid appearances of old-fashioned Western superiority? How to integrate a transfer of policies and cultural codes into older layers of culture? How to change with honour and respect? What kind of educational processes are necessary? What kind of training do the development workers need in order to be effective in that respect? What kind of institutions are necessary to promote this approach to development? The experiences of BCAS and AMRF serve as a case in point. On the one hand the discussions from this seminar can be used to redefine this project, find new and better ways of community building and community management. On the other hand the findings of this seminar are meaningful in redefining development policies and project criteria in general. Inv olve m en t of T U Delf t TU Delft is involved in this project by internship projects of students from the perspective of intercultural management and a philosophy of the history of values and cultural codes as a necessary context for technology development. In technology studies it has become clear, that technology doesn't stand on itself. Philosophers of technology presently tend to speak about "socio-technology", a term which expresses the unity of a technological device with the social environment in which it is supposed to perform its function. From that perspective it is impossible to transfer a

Introduction to the Hidden Language

particular technology without interfering in the tissue of culture, habits, codes of behaviour, norms and values of the receiving society. If indigenous development would mean non-interference in the receiving culture, it would be a contradiction in terms, in that any form of development does inevitably contaminate the "indigenous" character of a particular culture. That doesn't mean, that transfer of technology, policy and even values should not take place in a respectful way, seeking for ways to integrate the "transplant" in the older layers of culture and the institutions of the receiving society. Cultu ral valu es This seminar primarily paid attention to five "hidden" values at work generally in project proposals and project implementation in development aid. These are: 1 2 3 4 5 Cooperation across the lines of family loyalties Women in public life Opposition, criticism and pluralism A drive for fundamental change Instrumental time and planning

1. Cooperation across the lines of family loyalties In Bangladesh, especially in rural Bangladesh, family is all-important. The in-group consists of the family so to say and from that perspective in first instance all the other people are outsiders. To create a job for a family member is not perceived as nepotism, but as one's duty as a loyal family member. However, if a new technical device like for instance a deep tube well is to be installed, cooperation between members of different families needs to be created. Bonds of loyalty and trust and responsible behaviour need to be created across family lines to such a degree, that even the money of the members of different families can be entrusted to for instance a Water Council. This doesn't only take capacity building in terms of learning to chair a meeting, accounting etc., but also community building, which is known to be slow and complex process. 2. Women in public life A role for women in public life beyond buying and selling at the marketplace is not commonly accepted in Bangladesh, especially rural Bangladesh. If in micro credit projects women work together, put their money together, buy a goat or a cow together, that still is something new. If women take a role upon themselves as representatives of the community, by chairing a meeting, becoming the speaker of a Water Council etc. that is even one step further in a process of change. This process is taking place in Bangladesh but it is still fragile and not commonly accepted. However, that it takes place is of primary importance in the fulfilment of basic needs like clean and safe water.

3. Opposition, criticism and pluralism Public disagreement is difficult to handle. The people in authority, officials, the educated, the rich, the elders within the community, if they give their opinion, that all too often is the end of the debate. Different interests and contrary opinions are not easily expressed and explicitly sorted out in an effort to create common understanding and a common will to act. It is difficult for the project to serve the poor and women, if their interests cannot be expressed as interests opposed to those in authority. But if a plurality of judgments, interests, values cannot be appreciated, as part of a process that leads to common action, it is difficult to find the best solutions, for instance such a simple thing as the place where a deep tube well might be located. Here too a learning process is necessary, in which opposition and criticism can be combined with respect and loyalty. 4. A drive for fundamental change If Bangladesh does not go for a radical change in terms of industrialization and modernization, within one generation it will be unable to feed its growing population. Of course everybody likes improvements, especially if they come as gifts from outside, NGO's which feel responsible. Can people be encouraged and inspired to try radical new ways of life, if not disaster forces that upon them? How much novelty can (or should) be accepted and how much uncertainty? 5. Instrumental time and planning From the Middle Ages on in Europe the clock has been the technical device to bring discipline in labour, in organization, and planning in developing technology. Coordination of tasks, tight schedules, objectifying time, that is the specialism of the West, and it has been much criticized for its feverish rhythm and speed. And certainly there are many things which should only be done as slow as possible, but there are other things which cannot be managed, if time schedules are not kept and if labour division and organization is flawed. Here too an important learning process needs to take place.
Res ults The role of these five cultural codes or values has served as sort of a starting point and general hypothesis in the debate on this seminar. They have been refined, sometimes criticized, other aspects and points of view have been added, as will become clear to the readers of this report. Together these comments and explorations provide a rather clear picture of is going on and what is at stake. Final conclusions may not be drawn, but a direction for further experimentation, research and evaluation has clearly been indicated. It has become more clear than before how in a very practical way different values and lifestyles do interfere with instrumentally formulated project goals. Somehow there is a tension between the explicit goals of

Introduction to the Hidden Language

development projects in terms of technological devices and solutions and the participatory process, that should lead towards that goal. Somehow this tension needs to be solved and the question should be posed, whether learning processes and capacity and institution building should be included in the project goals. A further point of attention is the time horizon of projects. Cultural change involves a much larger time horizon than the realization of technical devices. It also requires another kind of training for development workers and employees of NGO's. It also requires other evaluation methods for donor organizations. Economic and technical development to an extent becomes a platform of intercultural dialogue. This is the new development agenda explored by this seminar. The r epor t The report contains the introductions by the speakers, sometimes in summary form and sometimes somewhat expanded and elaborated into full essays, according to the wishes and the possibilities of the different contributors. They follow the agenda of the seminar, although the questions and discussions, which took place after each contribution, have been left out. Many of the questions posed receive an answer in those elaborated essays. The discussions were too fragmentary to summarize and they will probably continue or start all over again in the mind of the readers of this report. The hope of the organizers of the seminar however is, that these discussions also will receive a follow-up in a next meeting. Finally as organizers of the seminar we want to thank ICCO for the generous financial support, by which the organization of the seminar was made possible.

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Involvement of TU Delft in institutional transplantation

Martin de Jong (TUD)

The number of students from abroad but also the amount of international cooperation and research has increased drastically in recent years. The question arises whether the tools and methods, which are used at the faculty of Technology, Policy and Management, and applied for instance to moral problems, or the method often used of actor analysis, are universally applicable. If master students apply these methods in non-Western parts of the world, they may come up with unexpected results. Things might work out differently than was foreseen. This has led us to widen the scope of TPM in order to include also cultural issues. In the past we already had some bigger events in this context. This summer there was a seminar in Boston about different development projects around the world and about the transfer of policies of technology from the Netherlands or elsewhere to other parts of the world, and the way they have been received in other contexts. We are also working on a special issue of a journal in this respect, in which the most important contributions of this seminar will be included. A colleague of us, Bert Enserink, together with a colleague from Wageningen, has been engaged in the so-called "visual project", which has been conducted in India. In this project no such techniques as cost-benefit analyses or multi-actor analyses have been used, but instead of all that the camera was used and interviews were made. This helped people who were engaged in some form of management to get another view of their problems. This university is also developing double programs for master students in different countries. There is for instance cooperation with Australia and China in this respect. Students can attend the one university for one year and go to the other for another year and receive two diplomas. For that reason too TPM should somehow be "asianized". This topic is widely debated by ourselves but also by our colleagues in China. The theme of today is basically technology transfer and policy transfer, and these two somehow combined. The question is: does policy transfer imply value transfer as well? For a long time economists, but also engineers have thought, that you could help another country by introducing state-of-the-art technology or governance structures, implant them and then they would flourish from themselves. But it has

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become obvious, that this doesn't work, mostly because of the difference in values of different countries. To what extent should or can these values be changed? And also: to what extent do you want these values to be changed? In the present-day program attention will be paid first to grassroots experiences, secondly to the issue of participatory development in large projects, and thirdly to the issue of cooperation with government institutions. Also attention will be paid to experiences of a trainee and to the question how to develop the development agenda further in this respect.

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The hidden language: miscommunications in development cooperation

Otto Kroesen (TUD)

The kind of questions we will discuss today have for a long time been taboo in the development debate. It was not allowed to speak about them. After the period of the two world wars, the decolonization etc. it was felt, that for a while the West should keep quiet. If you wanted to be helpful, there was only one thing you could do, and that was to give the developing countries, what they needed in order to fulfill basic human needs. For that reason the criterion of noninterference in the development of another country has become widely accepted. It was only allowed to support people in what they wanted to do their own way: indigenous development. But at the same time you need some more criteria to sort out what kind of projects receive support. If you take a look at these criteria, you will always find, that they should be participatory in character, or rights based, as it is mentioned in the new policy adopted by ICCO, they also should stimulate women participation and they should be ecologically viable. And by doing that we are already in the business of transferring values without knowing and without doing that explicitly. That is the reason behind the title of this seminar "The Hidden language". What we can do today is to bring about a change in that respect. We could make it possible to talk about differences in values, in cultural codes, and whether they may or may not be an impediment for technological development. Because it has become clear, that we cannot do without that discussion, if we want to bring about something of a participatory approach on the grassroots level. It is easy to write that phrase down in policy documents, "participatory development", but it is difficult to implement it. Can we make explicit, what has remained hidden until now? We can draw some support from the consideration, that no culture is without change. No culture ever remains indigenous. Values and cultural codes go around the world and have always done so. Already for a long time values and cultural codes of one tradition have been received and applied by other traditions. They have been adapted and translated into another context. Democracy for instance is not a fixed 13

concept, which cannot be altered if you bring it from one context to another. Even within western countries with a long democratic tradition there are huge differences in democratic procedures and habits. For that reason, what we could strive for is a new form of integration of western and so-called indigenous values, codes of behavior, lifestyles, etc. as a necessary requirement for development. It is not too difficult to show, that technology doesn't stand on itself. In a particular technology itself a particular cultural value is already embedded and you can also turn that around: you cannot integrate a new technology in the framework of an existing culture without change. In that case it might be turned down. It might not work without integration of such a technology in the existing fabric of culture. If we look at the development of technology in Western Europe - we should not forget, that we are speaking than about a period of a thousand years - we will see, that there are three values very prominent in the development of technology. The first is, that one needs somehow to consider the future as more important than the past, because developing technology always means to develop something new. This attitude hasn't come about automatically, but it has taken a series of very violent revolutions. These changes also brought with them the value of open criticism within society, the right of opposition and the freedom of speech and religion. The freedom of speech is more than mere tolerance, because it is the right to be heard and to have a say in common affairs. It also implies secularization in the meaning of being allowed to and authorized to change the world. An open question may remain, whether that always also entails secularization in a religious sense. In the West the result has been, that a plurality of values has been created, which keep each other in checks and balance, and this may be looked upon as a value in itself. Maybe it was a development, which nobody actually wanted, but it happened, resulting in a situation in which the truth from now on didn't have any more one center. The truth is not owned by only one institution within society. Wars have been waged to impose one truth on all the universe, so that one can argue, that even western societies have done a lot to prevent this result. But in course of history we have learned to look upon disagreement as a positive process towards the truth. This brings us to the five values presented in the program of today, which we can use as a kind of open hypotheses, open for discussion for the rest of the day: 1. Cooperation across the lines of family loyalties is not self-evident. It is there of course also in Bangladesh, but how far can it go? 2. A critical issue still is the role of women in public life, recognized by almost everybody. 3. Opposition, criticism and pluralism. It is not allowed for a young man to openly criticize an older man. That can be a problem, because without that you might not be in a position to sort out what the best solution is for instance for a

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The hidden language: miscommunications in development cooperation

technical problem. The older man can have the authority, but he may lack the knowledge. 4. Is there a drive for fundamental change, or do people only accept small improvements? Is there a feeling of necessity, or do we, as so often, have to wait for crises? 5. What about instrumental time and planning? One students said in an e-mail to me and it is in the papers also: everybody has a watch in Bangladesh. OK, but are time schedules used and kept during the implementation of a project? Of course these "hypotheses" are open for discussion, but my claim would be, that although translations of these values are necessary, you cannot do without, if you at least want to have technological development. Secondly, value transfer is impossible without integration in older layers of culture in the existing context. Thirdly it is important to note, that the person who is willing to participate in this process of adaptation and integration, cannot introduce new values without embodying these values himself too.

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The practice of project implementation

Khorshed Alam, director AMRF

The project, which I am going to talk about is aimed at providing clean water to poor and women, it is conducted by AMRF and BCAS, and supported by ICCO and Christian Aid. Also quite a number of local NGOs in Bangladesh are involved. I will explain the organization of the project, tell something about the geological locations, where it is implemented, and something about lessons learned. In respect to drinking water security both NGOs and the government in Bangladesh have made remarkable progress in terms of reaching out to the people and providing them with pure drinking water. Concretely this means, that all the people get water from tube wells. However, in the mid-nineties the arsenic problem was identified. Of course since then the whole success has been challenged and questioned. This is because 30 to 40 million people are exposed to arsenic in drinking water and 40% to 50% of the whole area of the country is contaminated. The ARMF has taken up this problem on the basis of a right based approach. The project is not merely about supplying delivery options but to establishing people's rights on water. An important issue then is local institution building, so that people can take care of their water problem on their own. Water security means much more than merely the supply of water. We talk about the availability, about acceptability, about quality, preservation - all this is the way to ensure water security. In addition this project is concentrating on the people living in the fringe, the poor section of the community with special emphasis on the women. Of course women are the major stakeholders in the drinking water issue. In this project the first phase is a pilot demonstration phase. We divided the country from the perspective of the geophysical characteristics of the country, the flood plain area, where the presence of arsenic is quite high, the coastal bay where salinity is a bigger problem, and where either rain water or pond water should solve the problem, both of which are easily contaminated. Next is the hill area where there is no arsenic, but here the availability of the water is a problem. In addition there are seasonal variations. Then you have upland the Barind Track area, where again the

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physical conditions are different. In this way we have chosen five locations and we work together with local organizations, which have been there for a long time in those five villages. The aim of the project is to enhance the capacity of the people to ensure clean drinking water and we want to work as a catalyst for the people and those local organizations. For a particular time we provide our support as good as we can, and during that time local institutions are formed independent of the NGO. And this is a big difference compared to what mostly is done, where usually such new institutions remain strongly linked to the NGO, which initiated it. In one way or another it is directed or coordinated by the NGO. We want to give these institutions full independence. For a certain time we help them, our partners in the field help them, but eventually they go on on their own. In this way in the long run the drinking water security becomes sustainable. This is the idea of local institution building. We are proceeding towards that goal. The project is now conducted for one and half a year. To summarize our activities: we have selected the areas and local partners and villages. After that we did a baseline survey in order to understand the area and in order to identify the poor section of the community. After that we did a technology assessment. Alas, people are used to receive things. They think, that this NGO, which comes in, will also provide them with something, either microcredit or tube wells or whatever it is. For that reason it is not so easy to implement a right based approach. There is a sort of a supply and delivery mentality. This is one of the problems we can discuss. It is not so easy. There is an expectation, that you give something. For that reason we have to go to every household, to every individual family, to explain our approach. If we cannot reach out to the people, they will not take part in the institution, it will not become part of them. Then the choice of a technology is also an issue, and the people do have some ideas about that also, of course. By means of workshops and many individual discussions problems are identified, the facilities, which are present are identified, and then the choice can be made. Mostly people prefer the deep tube well as a solution. But the fact is, that because of the peculiar transportation method of arsenic, after some time, 5 or 10 years, the danger is, that these too will be contaminated. Nevertheless, you cannot ignore the people's suggestions and ideas. But you can introduce different options and many people try to. But often, after the NGO has left, the alternative technology after a while is not anymore in use. There is a danger of "technology dumping", merely because you have the means to do. Often the way of introducing such a technology is very one-sided: I have it, I go there, I install it. Then the proper consultation has not happened. Then the people expect that everything in relation to maintenance should be done by the organization, who provided the device. The reason that people prefer the deep tube well is because this technology is familiar to them thanks to this process.

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The practice of project implementation

We try to have a thorough discussion with the people. We discuss the advantages and disadvantages of the technologies and we discuss other options, which could be useful, and which can be implemented simultaneously. We all know, that in Bangladeshi society it is not so easy to give a voice to the women and get them involved in these kinds of activities. If there is a meeting, we will see, that men and women are sitting separately, but we try to explain, that it could be different. These barriers are there. Of course this cannot be overcome overnight. This is a gradual process. If there is a small meeting, or a small group, then you will see, that women raise their voice. If there is a more formal kind of meeting, then suddenly the men take the initiative. We are working on a water counsel, in which things are organized differently. In such a water counsel of course more women should be represented, participating in the meetings and also in the leadership. One of our challenges is to bring the poor section of the community into this process. This is one of the remaining challenges. These very poor don't have much time. They think, that other people, more rich and well-educated will decide any way for them. There is a feeling of dependence. They will look at the them and see what they decide for them. Sometimes the very poor are represented, but mostly represented are, what we call, moderate poor. Of course those are poor too, but 20% to 25% really are so-called hard-core poor. Let me give you an example of how difficult it is, for instance when you talk about women empowerment. We had organized a meeting in one of the areas in order to form a water counsel. We invited the people of the village and a member of the community, a woman presided the meeting. The idea was to form a water council. The chairman of the temple committee showed up later. He was not invited and he felt, that his authority might be challenged. And the chairperson, that lady, who chaired the meeting and was elected for that, offered from herself the chairmanship to the man of the temple committee. She could not afford to sit in front of him and preside the meeting. This demonstrates how strong these codes of behavior are. You have to be careful how to deal with it. By giving space to the women and taking time for that, in course of time a change can be made. Another question is how to involve the local government. I only touch it briefly. If the people themselves are taking care of their problem, a water problem or any other problem, and do not involve the local authorities, the government institutions, or others, you may create an opportunity for these institutions to evade their responsibilities. On the other hand, if they would have taken their responsibilities, there wouldn't have existed so many initiatives by the NGO's and many others. The government institutions were not able to fulfill the requirements of the people. The reality is, that the NGO's in Bangladesh have taken over the role of the government institutions. Our approach is, that we try to strengthen the institutions at the village level and after some time, we expect, that these organizations will be able to raise

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their voice and will be able to negotiate with the local powers, the local government. The practice is, that if there are resources, they go to the rich people, who are influential. All the tube wells, that have been provided by the government, deep tube wells or other expensive options, you will find them in front of the houses of either the chairman or the headmaster of the school of that village, or any other influential person. The resources are going to the resourceful. We are not avoiding, that the local government is involved in it. There is a water council in a particular village, consisting of 15 people, and an advisory committee, in which also a member of the local government can take part. They are not left out completely. So we too have to find a balance. And how to find the right combination is an ongoing learning process. This is what we understand by a rights based approach combined with awareness raising and capacity building of the local community. In five locations, where we are working, there is now a water council. We are working on training, discussion, workshops, sharing experience. Our aim is to find solutions, which are repeatable. Our idea is to mobilize the people, so that, if the NGO's are not there, the people can go on, with suitable technologies, which have been brought into practice.

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Participatory project implementation

Md. Jakariya (BRAC)

The theme of my presentation is participatory implementation of large-scale projects. Before I come to that theme, I would first like to introduce BRAC, the NGO where I work. With a vision of "a just, enlightened, healthy and democratic Bangladesh free from hunger, poverty, environmental degradation and all forms of exploitation based on age, sex, religion and ethnicity," BRAC started as an almost entirely donor funded, small-scale relief and rehabilitation project to help the country overcome the devastation and trauma of the Liberation War. Today, BRAC has emerged as an independent, virtually self-financed paradigm in sustainable human development. It is the largest in the world employing 97,192 people, with the twin objectives of poverty alleviation and empowerment of the poor. Through experiential learning, BRAC today provides and protects livelihoods of around 100 million people in Bangladesh. Diagnosing poverty in human terms and recognising its multidimensional nature, BRAC approaches poverty alleviation with a holistic approach. BRAC's outreach covers all 64 districts of the country and furthermore, has been called upon to assist a number of countries including Afghanistan and Sri Lanka. From the time of its modest inception in 1972, BRAC recognised women as the primary caregivers who would ensure the education of their children and the subsequent inter-generational sustainability of their families and households. Its comprehensive approach combines Microfinance under BRAC's Economic Development programme with Health, Education and other Social Development programmes, linking all the programmes strategically to counter poverty through livelihood generation and protection. Now, lets come back to todays presentation. Let me start by citing the Chinese philosopher statement about participation: the goal is to live and stay with people, love them, work with them, beginning with what they plan and develop, from what they know and then, when work is over, they will say "We did it ourselves". That is easy to say, but very difficult to implement.

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There are four kinds of community participation, as you can find in the literature. One is passive participation. In that case the beneficiaries are not strongly linked to the project. They might even remain suspicious in relation to the project implementation. In active participation the beneficiaries take the role of active partners and assume increasing capabilities during the development of the project. The final step is ownership and empowerment, where the beneficiaries are both able and willing to carry out the project, even if the support from outsiders is over. What are the principles of participation? One is that everybody ought to be included, poor, women, different groups, they all take part in the project planning, in the role of partnership. It is sort of an informal environment, in which partnership can be ensured. Instead of a top-down approach such an approach should be transparent. Everybody knows what is going on, what the needs are, and how to meet them. One other principal is sharing power. Everybody should be able to say something about the project, on a foot of equality. Finally, empowerment and cooperation. Without that a project may not be sustainable.

They should have control and ownership

What are the indicators, which show, that participatory development has been reached? One is that all the members of the community have been involved in the

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Participatory project implementation

decision making process. The people should have the right to choose from different options. Another indicator is community contribution. For instance access to water needs to be paid for, since without that a project is not sustainable. Further: representation, responsibility, and authority. If a device is realized, people should think: it is our baby, they are responsible for the over all operation and maintenance of the implemented system. They should have control and ownership. Not BRAC, but the community. Since 1999, BRAC started programs on the arsenic issue. In that time little precedence was available to work on this issue. Tubewells were marked red in order to determine that they were contaminated and not any more safe to drink, so that we had to seek for alternative options. At that time there were no precedents to be followed. It was completely a new situation. We tried to experiment with a number of alternative safe water options as were available throughout the country in order to learn what did work and what didn't work. We wanted to see how the community would feel about them. Because of practical reasons the scope of community participation however, was not ensured too a large extent at that time. From 2001 to 2004 BRAC gained more experience about the arsenic problem and started involving communities in implementing different arsenic mitigation activities. In 2001 the community still didn't have enough idea and was not wellinformed. At that time neither the community nor even the proponents of different options were well-informed about different options. And that is why community participation and community contribution were not ensured. In the central part of the country for instance, rainwater harvesting was found not feasible. Therefore, it is difficult to teach people, that this system might be a viable option for them too. This process fails, if the people are not properly consulted, or if only limited consultation was offered. The figures show, that after 2001 this situation has improved rapidly. The people also are asked for it, because they wanted viable alternatives. A Canadian evaluation method was used in order to consider the best choices. The Alcan filter for instance, from a technical point of view was very sound, but from a user's point of view it was not that convenient. There is an increasing trend however, that the community feels more responsibility and ownership. The majority of the options are not functioning. People learn to discuss the advantages and disadvantages of the different options and the costs et cetera. Usual is that people pay 20% of the installation costs and 100% of the maintenance costs. We also have pipeline projects in the rural areas. In 2001 such a project didn't work very well, since people were not consulted. In 2004 there was another project, and the whole village has been connected, because we took a longer period of time, talked with the community, shared with them the pros and cons of this option, and how much money they would contribute.

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It is difficult to convince people, that arsenic is dangerous, because one only starts to develop the first symptoms of disease after 10 to 14 years. This still is a big problem to convince people about the options. So we need to motivate people in different ways, so that they understand the problem. These are the challenges we face. Another issue is capacity building, so that people know how to maintain and run a device. If that is all dependent on BRAC, it is not sustainable. The community should be well equipped to deal with these problems.

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The targeted safe tube well

Prosun Battacharya (Royal Institute of Technology, Stockholm)

Where Mr. Jakariya ended, I would like to begin, the people participating. We want to see what is happening in the field and what people are doing in practice. For 10 years tube wells have been tested by now. More than 25% of the tube wells are heavily contaminated. But what about the 75% which are not contaminated? If tube wells are not contaminated mostly no further research is done. But what is the process which is responsible, that arsenic is not showing up here? What does this mean for safe ground water based options? Cheap, easy to handle and socially acceptable? In one of the contaminated regions, research has been done in this respect. We have seen, that BRAC provides a range of safe water options. But very little research has been done after the possibilities of safe ground water. How can you make tube wells which are not behaving like a chemical timebomb, since mostly after some period of time it appears, that arsenic is in the water? Besides the deep tube well there is also the possibility of the targeted safe tube well. This last option means to dig the tube well at exactly the right depth. The water should not be contaminated and secondly it should not contain iron. While they drill, they try to look at the type of water and sand that is coming up. Smell is also helping in doing that. The drillers try to stop, where they see that the water is not saline and not containing iron. They use a very traditional method which is also not expensive. The materials they use are usually available within the domain of the village. Three persons can operate the whole equipment. They can go to a level of 60 or 70 meters within a few hours. The colors of the sediments show the characteristics of the geological sediments (see cover). If there is clay, this is often serving as a ceiling between two aquifers, impenetrable. A system of classification has been developed in order to analyze the different sediments. Then you can see how the water is. The drillers can do this themselves. There are specific sediments, which deliver arsenic safe water. If a color chart is delivered to the drillers, they can judge by themselves, what layers can be used in order to have arsenic free water. This stimulates participation, since the knowledge is ready at hand. They can do it on their own. Nothing scientific. From a scientific

25

point of view, we need to predict what will happen later. This involves a lot of geochemical knowledge, which I'm not going to discuss for this audience. What I want to emphasize is, that these simple techniques should be prioritized, because they empower people.

Three persons can operate the whole equipment

26

NGO Forums Involvement in Policy Changing Processes

ARMM Kamal, NGO Forum

Backgro u nd The Government started its initial intervention in the water supply and sanitation sector with the objective of gradually building an effective service delivery mechanism about 62 years back. After independence, the Government of Bangladesh laid emphasis on the rehabilitation of damaged water supply and sanitation services and installation of new water points and sanitation facilities for the rural community in Bangladesh through the Department of Public Health Engineering (DPHE). After independence in 1971, some national, international and UN agencies started working to ensure safe drinking water and sanitation facilities for rural communities in Bangladesh. With a view to reduce the mortality and morbidity rate caused by diarrhoeal diseases, the Government of Bangladesh (through DPHE) and other development agencies have undertaken different initiatives by using various approaches. Initially the Bangladesh Government provided water points and sanitation facilities for the rural community free of costs. Some philanthropic organizations did also provide water and sanitation facilities for the poor community in rural areas. On the other hand, a few development organizations provided water points and sanitation facilities for the disadvantaged rural community on a cost sharing basis. In 1998, Unicef Bangladesh has conducted a study on effective use of water points provided by the Government of Bangladesh. That Study findings showed that: Almost 100% privately installed water points are functioning well More than 90% water points installed by the rural community with support from different NGOs are functioning well And near about 50% water points installed by the Government of Bangladesh are not functioning well

In such a situation, most of the stakeholders (NGOs, UN, INGOs and Govt.) felt an urgent need to formulate a national policy for Safe Water Supply & Sanitation. World Bank, Danida and some other funding agencies showed themselves to be

27

interested and provided funding support for developing the National Policy for Safe Water Supply and Sanitation in 1998. A consultative process followed in order to develop the policy; particularly sharing sessions were conducted at different levels of the sector. Along with the respective Government department, NGOs (especially NGO Forum for DWSS) have played a vital role in developing the National Policy for Safe Water Supply and Sanitation through sharing their experiences and ideas. Pu rpo se of th e Nat io nal Po licy for Safe Wate r S upp ly and San ita tion Safe water and sanitation are essential for the development of public health. The Government goal is to ensure that all people have access to safe water and sanitation services at affordable costs. To achieve this goal, an equitable and sustainable National Policy for Safe Water Supply and Sanitation is essential. Maj or St rateg ie s of the P olic y: The strategy of the National Drinking Water Supply and Sanitation Policy has been developed considering the following strategies: a) All sector development activities will be planned, coordinated and monitored on the basis of a sector development framework which will be prepared after the formulation of the policy. Participation of users in planning, development, operation and maintenance through Local Government and community based organizations of the stakeholders. Development of the water supply and sanitation sector through local bodies, the public-private sector, NGOs, CBOs and by women groups involving local women particularly as elected members. Gradual community cost sharing and introduction of economical pricing for services. Assessing priority to under-served and un-served areas. Adoption of water supply and sanitation technology options appropriate to specific regions, geological situations and social groups. Local Government Institutions/Municipalities have to bear the increasing share of capital cost. Improvement of the existing technologies and conduction of continuous research and development activities to develop new technologies. Close linkages between research organizations and extension agents or implementing agencies. Social mobilization through publicity campaigns and motivational activities using mass media among other means to ensure behavioral development and change in sanitation and hygiene. Capacity building at the local/community level to deal effectively with local water and sanitation problems.

b)

c)

d) e) f) g) h) i) j)

k)

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NGO Forums Involvement in Policy Changing Processes

l)

m) n)

o) p)

q)

Mobilization of resources from users, GoB and development partners for the implementation of activities of the sector in a coordinated manner based on a targeted plan of action. Providing credit facilities to the poor for bearing the costs of water and sanitation services. Regular qualitative and quantitative monitoring and evaluation to review progress of activities and revision of the strategy based on experiences. Wherever feasible, safe water from surface water sources shall be given precedence over other sources. With a view to controlling and preventing contamination of drinking water, regular and coordinated water quality surveillance by the recognized departments of the country. Adoption of necessary measures in urban areas to prevent contamination of ground and surface water by the solid and liquid wastes.

Po lic y Pr incip le s Based on local and international experiences, the following principles have been adopted as the basis for policy formulation: Basic needsThe value of waterParticipation of usersRole of WomenTechnology optionsInvestmentIntegrated developmentCapacity buildingPrivate sectorEnvironmental integrityEmergency responseHolistic approach-

An Ove rv ie w of NGO Fo r um for DWS S NGO Forum is the apex networking and service delivery agency of NGOs, CBOs (Community Based Organizations) and Private Sector and Civil Society actors who implement water and sanitation (WatSan) programs at the un-served and underserved rural and urban communities

29

NGO Forum works as development partner with all relevant national and international agencies and stakeholders ranging from the government and civil society to donor organizations. NGO Forum provides support services in terms of software and hardware to its partners to implement WatSan activates at grassroots. Vision: Improved Public Health Situation Goals: Access to safe water supply and sanitation facilities Sustainable change to hygiene behavior Reduction of morbidity and mortality Pr ogra m I mp le me nta tion Appr oach Operate in line with the National Policy for Safe Water Supply and Sanitation Institution Building of the partners Integration of hardware and software supports Community Management of WatSan program Focus on the poor in un-served and under-served areas Demand responsive and decentralized services through partners Participation and cost sharing by communities Ownership to the community to ensure sustainability of the supports Gender balanced WatSan Program Part ne rs in Deve lop m en t Partner NGOs and CBOs WatSan Private sector Civil Society Organization Village Development Committees Mass media Local Allies Local Government Institutions Like minded WatSan bodies Inv olve m en t of N GO For u m in chang in g po lic y p ro cess es Being an apex organization in the water supply and sanitation sector in Bangladesh, NGO Forum developed and implemented several projects following the National Policy for Safe Water Supply and Sanitation. Throughout its journey, NGO Forum has been experienced in facing different problems and difficulties for implementing planned activities under various projects. Based on its practical experience, NGO

30

NGO Forums Involvement in Policy Changing Processes

Forum has shared these with Govt. donors and its local partners through arranging workshop, seminar and various publications with a view to address these issues in the National Policy and to take necessary measures. Meanwhile, the following initiatives have been taken by the Government of Bangladesh in regard to ensure effective implementation of the National Policy for Safe Water Supply and Sanitation:

1. Reaching Hardcore poor Before having the National Policy for Safe Water Supply and Sanitation, there was un-uniformity in implementing water supply and sanitation related projects in Bangladesh. Even from the side of the Government costs sharing mechanisms were not equally maintained in water supply activities. In Rural and Urban areas of the country, a certain portion of the households are treated as hardcore poor who are not able to contribute to the costs of installing a water point at their door-step. Due to the National Policy for Safe Water Supply and Sanitation, it became too difficult to address those families for ensuring safe drinking water. Particularly in the rural areas NGO Forum felt this as an urgent need and right of the hardcore poor families in rural areas and shared this view with other national and international donor and respective Government agencies through arranging workshop, experience sharing and meeting to take the issue into consideration.
And finally, the Local Government Division of Bangladesh Government has taken an initiative to develop a pro-poor strategy with a view to address the hard core poor families in rural areas.

2. Cost sharing Not long ago, 30 years back, in our rural area, water was treated as a social good. One Tube-well was enough for 10-15 families for getting safe water round the year. At that time, most of the areas of Bangladesh were under shallow water table area. Tube-well water was not available at each household, but most of the well-off families have their own tube-well and other neighbouring families were allowed to take water for drinking and other household purposes.
But nowadays, the scenario has dramatically changed. The number of households has increased by this time and the need of safe water also has significantly increased. Therefore, to meet this increased demand, Government, NGOs and well-off families have installed a huge number of tube-wells in the rural areas of Bangladesh. In the National Policy for Safe Water Supply and Sanitation, ratios of cost sharing for different tube-wells are very clearly mentioned as follows: 50 % cost sharing for hand tube-wells in shallow water table areas. 25% cost sharing for hand tube-wells in low water table areas

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20% cost sharing for deep hand tube-wells and other technologies for difficult areas.

NGO Forum is strictly maintaining the cost sharing mechanism for water supply through its different projects at various levels of the country for quite a long time. To ensure the national Policy, NGO Forum collects contribution from each household for one tube-well, which gives ownership feeling for the tube-well among the users family and as impact of this, user families take the responsibility of repairing and maintenance of the installed tube-wells. On the other side, a significant number of tube-wells have been installed by the Government and other agencies where the cost sharing has been arranged by a few well-off families and as result of that ownership has gone to that/those families who have given the contribution money. In such a situation, NGO Forum has jointly organized 10 workshops with DPHE in different parts of the country and aiming at ensuring effective implementation of the cost sharing mechanism for water supply issues as stated in the National Policy for Safe Water Supply and Sanitation.

3. Develop Arsenic Mitigation Strategy Among the South Asian countries, Bangladesh achieved tremendous coverage of safe water access. Almost 98% of the population has access to safe water for drinking, cooking and other household purposes. 98% of the population relies on ground water for the purpose of drinking. But arsenic contamination in ground water has broken the achievement and created severe health hazards particularly in the rural areas. At this moment, 61 districts out of 64 are contaminated by arsenic. Most of the shallow tube-wells are affected by arsenic, which indicates shallow hand tube-wells are not an appropriate technology at the moment where arsenic contamination is gradually increasing.
To mitigate the arsenic contamination in ground water, there was no specific policy on it. After detecting arsenic in shallow water table areas, various organizations including GOB was continuing to install shallow hand tube-wells in arsenic contaminated areas. In such conditions, being an apex organization in the Water Supply and Sanitation sector in Bangladesh, NGO Forum raised this issue and shared with other NGOs, donors and GOB for paying attention and developed a well defined mechanism to address the arsenic issue. As a result of that, in 2004, the Government of Bangladesh has developed the National Policy on Arsenic Mitigation. Under that policy of Arsenic Mitigation, some alternative options have been proposed like, Rain Water Harvesting, Pond Sand Filter, Arsenic Iron Removal Plant

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NGO Forums Involvement in Policy Changing Processes

and Dug Well. In fact, some of the technologies are very new to the rural community except Rain Water Harvesting. People in rural areas are habituated to get water from tube-wells in the last 40 years and conceptually underground water is treated as safe water in the rural community but, when the question of new technology comes at, people are not willing to accept these as most of the proposed technologies are based on surface water as a source. NGO Forum has implemented a pilot project on the promotion of Rain Water Harvesting as an alternative technology for arsenic and saline affected areas and have found very interesting findings which have already been shared with the Government and other sector stakeholders.

4. Involvement of LGIs Local Government Institutions are the only permanent set-up elected by the community people that have been working for more than 60 years with dignity and autonomy. Water supply and Sanitation is one important issue of the Union Parishad (LGI) among its other development issues. Basically, the Union Parishad is responsible for the overall development of its territory. In the National Policy for Safe Water Supply and Sanitation, involvement of LGIs has been focused particularly on the issue of ensuring effective use and maintenance of safe water sources. But, how LGI will be involved in water, sanitation and hygiene related activities and what role they will play in this regard is not clearly spelled out in the policy.
NGO Forum has taken this issue as its highest priority and implemented a pilot project at 28 Unions, strategically located all over the country. Some of NGO Forums partner organizations have also taken similar initiatives aimed at developing a comprehensive working mechanism for LGIs which can be replicated on a wider scale for the sector agencies including the Government. In this pilot project LGI has been treated as the lead agency at the local level to assess needs, planning, implementation and monitoring of the project activities. After a phase of two years, NGO Forum organized a sharing workshop with other stakeholders including the respective government departments and as a result of that, the government has given special emphasis to LGIs. From now onwards, the Union Parishad will be the focal point of water, sanitation and hygiene related activities and their proper implementation. In addition to that, the Local Government Division of the Bangladesh Government has created a provision to expand 25% fund from the ADP (Annual Development Program) of the Union Parishads for water and sanitation issues only, which is helping other stakeholders and sectors to make the program sustainable.

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5. Integrated Approach Since DPHE started its activities in relation to Water supply and Sanitation, it was only confined to installation of tube-wells as per the specific criteria of DPHE. There was no provision of repairing and maintenance and also latrine and hygiene related issues. NGO Forum has followed an integrated approach in implementing water, sanitation and hygiene programs for a long time. It is an important experience that NGO Forum gained from its past that only installation of tube-wells is not enough to ensure safe water for drinking, cooking and other household purposes, as there are different ways through which tube-well water can be contaminated if safe defecation and safe hygiene practices are not being maintained by the community.
NGO Forum has organized several workshops and seminars on these issues along with its partner NGOs and highlighted the importance of integration of water, sanitation and hygiene for improving the public health situation in Bangladesh. In 2003, the Government (DPHE) has started a project titled Environmental Sanitation, Hygiene and Water Supply in Rural Areas (ESHWSRA) in close collaboration with Unicef- Bangladesh where community mobilization through awareness campaigns for hygiene and sanitation is equally important.

6. Sector Development Program In line with the National Policy for Safe Water and Sanitation, the Government has taken an initiative to develop a Sector Development program with technical and financial assistance from Danida. The SDP will comprise a Sector Development Framework, an institutional improvement Program and a sector investment plan. NGO Forum is involved as an active member on behalf of NGOs working in the Water and Sanitation sector in Bangladesh to develop the Sector Development Program.
Co nc lu sio n Being an apex organization in the field of Water and Sanitation in Bangladesh, NGO Forum is trying to influence the government, donors, UN agencies and other international development partners to address the emerging issues within the sector by formulating need-based strategies founded on its practical working experience. A Policy guides an organization to implement the project/program in line with the needs of the country, but this is not the end of everything. A policy needs to be transferred downwards with enough clarification so that all related stakeholders will have an enabling environment to work in. It is also equally important to monitor whether the policy is being implemented by all the stakeholders.

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How to develop the development agenda from a sociocultural perspective

Dirk R Frans (Consultant)

OVER VIE W

During the presentation I want to touch on the following broad items; 2 My points of view: explaining where I come from, from what perspective I talk Cooperation across lines of family loyalties; something on Bengali culture Women in public life; a critical view on how outsiders tend to impose Opposition, criticism and pluralism; how much time it takes to develop this A drive for fundamental change; the difference between the talk and the walk Instrumental time and planning; the undercurrents In summary; suggestions on how to move forward MY POIN TS O F VIE W

2.1 Foreigner but open to learn During the day we have heard a number of quite different views on the hidden language of development. That is to be expected as each of the speakers has his or her own perspective, experience, worldview etc. I will bring yet another perspective, inspired by the fact that I am a Dutchman of middle age, i.e. a foreigner in Bangladesh. I think I have always been open to learn from Bangladeshis. 2.2 Spent 15+ years in Bangladesh, learned Bangla For the first half of my 28 year career I worked in the NGO sector, the latter half as a consultant. I had the chance to learn Bengali. 2.3 Started as volunteer in NGO, now consultant I started my working life in an NGO, working at grassroots level. I originally trained as an engineer but became interested in appropriate technology. After about 15 years 35

I retrained to become a sociologist. I now advise NGOs, government agencies and donors, particularly concerning the institutional aspects of water resources management. 2.4 Committed to enabling the poor in their development Amongst all the changes in my life I believe I have all along remained committed to enabling the poor in their development. As outsiders that is all that we can do: enable. Development has to come from within. 2.5 Share observations and suggestions In the remaining time I will share some of my personal observations and make some suggestions. 3 COO PE RATI ON A CR OSS LINE S O F F A MILY L OYA LTIES

3.1 Extended family The extended family is very important in Bengali culture. The language has names to describe each individual 3 generations older and younger than the person him/her self. How people should behave with each other depends mainly on how they are related. 3.2 A hierarchical society Bengali society is very hierarchical. In fact, many would say it is completely split from top to bottom in columns, with very little horizontal contact between individuals or families. This is quite similar to the way Dutch society was in the first 8 or so decennia of the last Century: verzuild. This hierarchy is engrained in people to the extent that a lower employee will for instance immediately stand up when his or her boss calls on the phone. The lack of horizontal contact is one reason why sociologists in the last Century predicted that there would never be a revolution in Bengal; the land- and asset-less would never be able to break their horizontal patronclient relationships to unite and confront the ruling elite. 3.3 Poor example from the top Since independence Bangladeshis have seen very few, if any, examples of their leaders working together. In fact all that they have seen is them fighting each other. This applies to politics as well as the NGO sector. The large number of NGOs is, amongst others, caused by the fact that many leaders prefer to call the tune rather than play second fiddle. 3.4 Horizontal cooperation new In many NGO and donor financed projects, horizontal cooperation is encouraged. This is also the case in the Drinking Water Security for Poor and Women project of

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How to develop the development agenda from a socio-cultural perspective

BCAS and AMRF, financed by ICCO and Christian Aid. Such cooperation outside the vertical family and patron-client relationships is rather new to the people directly concerned. They have little if any experience with such cooperation and will certainly wonder whether this will jeopardize their long term relationship with their patrons on whom they depend for protection, aid and work. SUG GES TION S Top leadership will have to set an example, leading the way. Bengali culture is too hierarchical for such fundamental change to happen without a clear signal from the top that this is the way forward. It is not at all sure that leadership in the form of horizontal cooperation will materialize any time soon. If such leadership is not forthcoming, change and improvement in the socio-economic condition of the Bangladeshis will remain very slow. 4 WO MEN I N P UBL I C LI FE

4.1 Realize how deep-routed gender norms are There are few cultural norms that are so deeply engrained as gender norms. This applies to all cultures, including those of donors. Donors often impose changes in the role of women in public life through their projects. An example is the Dutch who for years have insisted that women take a much more active role in all aspects of public life in the South, including in water resources management. 4.2 Some gender goals imposed by underachievers While understandable in some ways, it must be noted that some donors do not shy away from imposing goals in gender which they themselves have never achieved. To stay close to home consider the Dutch. Official aid to the Government of Bangladesh for the Small Scale Water Resources Sector Project required that within 5 years 30% of the members of the water management associations would be female. Well, the Dutch have quite some experience in water management; more than 700 year in fact. With a relatively supportive culture, a well educated population and 7 centuries experience, the Dutch water users associations (Waterschappen) achieved a 7% (seven) female membership in elections in 1997 and 15% membership in areas where a special campaign had been held to get women on board. This was 4 years after the government had set a target of 30%. Even in the latest elections in 2005, more than a decade after the government set the target, only 19% of the general committees were female and only 12% of the Executive committees. When the Japanese representative of the Asian Development Bank was asked how many women are on Japanese water management associations he politely asked us not to ask that question!

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4.3 Evolution of women in public life The role of women in public life is in fact changing, also in Bangladesh. In fact it is changing quite rapidly, partly because of the awareness raising and micro-credit work done by NGOs. There is no turning back, but change in gender will continue to be evolutionary. 4.4 Garments sector achievement Talking about perspectives, too often those involved in the NGO sector, either as field workers, leaders or donors, see little of what happens outside their sector. In gender this is a particularly limited view-point. Many observers noticed that the main change in gender has not come about so much by donors or NGOs but mainly through the garments industry. It has brought millions of young women out of their homes into the modern sector, given them a salary (however meager) and most of all status. SUG GES TION S Start where input from women is crucial. That may not be in surface water management, in repair of drinking water facilities, but there are many areas where it is crucial. Options for drinking water facilities and location of those facilities is an obvious example. Resist imposed goals and take your time. Artificial goals, particularly those that have not been achieved anywhere else, need to be avoided. What is needed is time, time for change. 5 OP POSI TION, CRITI CI S M AN D PL UR ALIS M

5.1 Extremely poor example from GOB/NGO leaders Many externally funded development projects expect people to oppose existing arrangements, be critical and openly encourage pluralism. Those characteristics are a rear commodity in many countries and societies, also in Bangladesh. The people in the villages have seen very few examples of these key elements of a democracy from on high. In both government and NGO circles these elements are very rare. Therefore there should be realistic expectations of what can be achieved overnight through a single sector intervention. 5.2 Organize stakeholders, not the community In sociology there has been much discussion about how useful it is to talk about the community. Most observers believe the term community hides more than it reveals, and they prefer to talk about stakeholders. This label recognizes the fact that different people have different interest and that it is more practical to organize

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How to develop the development agenda from a socio-cultural perspective

people along lines of similar interest. As pointed out above, this is not easy as it cuts across the vertical divisions in society. 5.3 Learn to be in opposition To be in opposition, or for that matter to be critical and allow pluralism, is not easy. It can be learned but does take time. Again, a single sector short term project is unlikely to bring about such fundamental change. SUG GES TION S Start at home, in schools and across civil society. It may well take a generation (or two) for key elements of democracy to take root widely. The change has to start when people are still receptive, that is at home, in primary and secondary schools and then in wider society. Defend and develop free press. Bangladesh, compared with other countries in the South, has a relatively free press. Since change at the top is most important, the free press in Bangladesh needs to be defended and developed. 6 A DRIV E FOR FUN DA MENT AL CHANG E

6.1 Radical change most difficult for people on the brink Many development projects aim at quite fundamental change. It must be realized however that people on the brink of life are the least willing and able to change. After all, if you can barely feed your family, then you may not want to experiment with a new variety of rice that has a nine-in-ten chance of more production, but also a one-in-ten chance of total failure. A household that is relatively well off may however even try something if there is a 50-50 chance of success. 6.2 Radical change usually forced History seems to indicate that radical change usually happens only when it is forced upon people and societies. Few societies go for fundamental change out of complete free choice. 6.3 NGO service delivery allows poor GOB performance One of the most hidden elements of most foreign funded NGO projects is that they undermine, yes even encourage the poor performance of the government system. In the mid 70s NGO blossomed because of the vacuum created by the government when it prohibited leftist parties. Many radical young men and women saw no alternative than to start working out their ideals through NGOs. NGOs also jumped in the vacuum created by poor performance of government agencies and local government institutions. However, the proliferation of NGOs particularly in service delivery, has taken the pressure of government agencies to perform their constitutional role. As a

39

result the number of committees in some villages knows no end: water management, school committee, drinking water committee, rural electrification committee, integrated pest management committee, relief and rehabilitation committee etc. etc. Most of these committees have been set up by NGOs that are led by people who are not elected. Few of these NGOs have any mechanisms for the people at grassroots organizations to guide or correct their actions. In the process the system of elected local government institutions, the Union Parishads, has been bypassed and undermined. It is these local government institutions that have the mandate to provide most if not all the services currently provided by the NGOs, but most of the time they are bypassed altogether. SUG GES TION S Think outside the NGO sector. The life and world of the poor in Bangladesh is much bigger than that of the NGO sector. Only when the NGO sector starts to think outside its own box, will it become relevant to the poor of the new millennium. Are we part or the problem or of the solution? All of us, consultants, lecturers, NGOs and donors need to ask ourselves this question. Achievements in the past are no guarantee that we are still part of the solution now or tomorrow. 7 INSTR U MENT AL T I ME AN D P LANNIN G

7.1 Most fundamental difference between south & north The West has the watch and we have time is a well known statement from the South. It may well be the most fundamental difference in the worldviews of the peoples of the north and the south. 7.2 Time important in externally assisted development When the south wants to use funds from the north, it will have to adjust to the instrumental time and planning of the north. This may be in conflict with its own culture but the power that comes with one party holding the funds and the other needing it, leaves us no easy way out. 7.3 Well-being is more than goods and services The above is however not the whole story. The south is still much more aware of the fact that life and well-being is much more than goods and services. Many in the north have lost this basic understanding of life but are eagerly looking for a better quality of life that goods and services apparently cannot bring. Surveys reveal that until a per capita income of about US $ 10,000 per year there is a clear link between improved well being and income. Beyond that point the link is much less clear and a further increase in income does not lead to a similar increase of well being, if at all. Here the south has much to offer the north.

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How to develop the development agenda from a socio-cultural perspective

SUG GES TION S Underscore autonomy of development and NGOs. It helps to realize that northern and southern organizations involved in development are autonomous and ultimately accountable to their own, in-country constituencies. This must be worked out in much more detail than is done to date. Enable south-north and east-west learning. The north and the west may be richer when it comes to assets and technology, but the south and the east have much to offer in relationships, a holistic worldview and a life lived more to the full. The peoples of the world would benefit if the north could learn more from the south. 8 IN S U MMARY:

Start where the direct stakeholders are, not where outsiders think they should be. This will require quite a change of mind as many NGO workers are better versed in the theory of development than in the current reality on the ground. Underscore autonomy of development and NGOs. It is important to realize that development cannot be imposed on others, but is autonomous. The same implies to NGOs. Work towards strengthening the GoB systems. The almost total detachment of the NGOs and their work from the government systems has already lasted too long. A much more constructive and long term approach is needed, one that will ultimately lead to the role of NGOs declining and that of the government system increasing. Enable south-north and east-west learning. Development cannot be one way. The south needs to regain its self confidence and gently show the north what it has all but lost.

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The hidden language of rural water supply programmes

T.S. van der Voorn Student TUD

ABSTR ACT: Donors have come to recognise the importance of the socio-cultural context within which the implementation of rural water supply programmes is unfolding. Among the technical, institutional and beneficiary component, recent programmes tend to incorporate socio-cultural factors as additional components. Still there seems to be a gap between the actual benefits from an improved water supply and the targeted benefits specified through programme goals and criteria. Somehow cultural differences between donors and targeted beneficiaries allow ambiguity in programme development. The implicit and unconscious role of cultural differences is often overlooked. This leads to cross-cultural miscommunication and deficiencies in the participatory process required to fulfil the programme goals. The project management approach commonly applied to manage programmes facilitates and perpetuates such miscommunication. The effectiveness of programmes can be increased through process management. This approach is seeking ways to develop local public support for targeted programme goals and criteria through learning processes. Ke ywo rds: rural water supply programmes; socio-cultural context; culture; cultural values. 1 INTRO DUCTION The Department of Philosophy organised the workshop The Hidden Language in November 2005 in Delft, the Netherlands. It reviewed conscious attempts to implement participatory and rights based approaches to rural water supply development in Bangladesh. Such approaches entail a change in cultural codes and values in rural Bangladesh. They involve the need to introduce alien concepts i.e. cooperation across family lines, the emancipation of women and the poor, and new and democratic decision-making procedures. One may even doubt whether there should be such transferring of cultural values. It seems too much like introducing the old-fashioned western idea of cultural supremacy. But in de meantime change of culture is occurring and seems almost inevitable; even in Bangladesh, and for that reason it might be better done consciously, wisely and with respect for the receiving culture. In their efforts to satisfy basic needs, donors tend to overlook the fact that

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the transfer of cultural codes of behaviour and values often occurs implicitly and unconsciously. So, hidden cultural values are likely to be transferred in programme criteria and implementation. But what does this imply? In what sense does this affect the participatory process that should lead to the fulfilment of programme goals? In order to answer these questions section two will provide a theoretical background on the transfer of participatory approaches but also the involvement of value transfer in that respect. Section three presents the hidden values that are usually transferred in project agenda and implementation. Findings on how hidden values affect codes of behaviour embraced by the community will be presented in section four. These result from preliminary observations and in-depth research carried out in Bangladesh. The conclusions and recommendations are provided in section five. 2 THE T RANS FER OF P ARTI CI PA TORY AP PRO ACH ES

2.1 Institutional transplantation The use of participatory approaches in rural Bangladesh can be seen as a form of institutional transplantation: the borrowing of political or cultural codes of behaviour, technological and managerial development practices and policies, the transplant, from a donor country or organisation to a (receiver) host country (De Jong et. al, 2002). Institutions can be characterised as mental programmes responsible for structuring a set of repertoires of behaviour e.g., thinking, acting and signalling, in social interactions (Hofstede 1991, North 1990). De Jong et al. recognise two complementary perspectives in policy transfer i.e. the goodness of fit and actors pulling in. The former perspective takes into account political, legal and cultural affinities and (dis)similarities between the institution and the country that either voluntarily or involuntarily introduces these institutions. The Dutch sociologist Hofstede conducted a research program on the assessment of national patterns of value orientations from the beginning of the '70s onwards among IBM employees across the world (Hofstede, 1991). He structured his empirical data on countries according to five main criteria:
Low versus high power distance. The power distance relates to the acceptance of hierarchical role differentiation in society. It measures the extent to which less powerful members in society accept and expect that power and wealth are inequitably distributed. High power distance suggests that inequalities in power and wealth have been instilled into the society. By contrast, a low power distance is indicative of a society in which differences between peoples power and wealth seem to be synchronised. In such societies equality and opportunity for everyone is constrained. Low versus high uncertainty avoidance. This criterion reflects the urge of society to avoid uncertainty. It emphasises the level of tolerance for uncertainty and ambiguity within the society i.e. unstructured unfamiliar

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The hidden language of rural water supply programmes circumstances. High uncertainty avoidance implies less tolerance on the part of society towards uncertainty and ambiguity. In order to expel such uncertainty, society becomes rule orientated through laws, institutions, regulations, etc. Low uncertainty avoidance in society implies that there is less concern about uncertainty and ambiguity and tolerance for variability. Such society is less rule orientated, more likely to accept changes and keen to undertake more and greater risks. Individualism versus collectivism. A collectivistic society is one in which individuals are integrated into groups through strong ties. It reinforces extended families and collectives where everyone takes responsibility for fellow members of their group. An individualistic society is characterised by weak ties between individuals. Masculinity versus femininity. This criterion focuses on the degree to which gender role differentiation is accepted in society. In feminine societies the men share the same caring values of life as the women. Such societies display a low level of differentiation and discrimination between genders i.e. females are treated equally to males in all social aspects. In contrast in a masculine society, these values are rather assertive and competitive. So, a gap between womens values and mens values does exist. It indicates a high degree of gender differentiation and discrimination i.e. males dominate a significant portion of the social and power structure. Short versus long-term orientation. This reflects to what extent national cultures are long or short-term orientated in decision-making. A long-term orientated society strives to achieve congruence with its variable environment. In order to do so, such society tends to adjust its old traditions and customs to novel circumstances (challenges or threats). By contrast, the short-term orientated societies tend to persist with old traditions and customs regardless of future developments in the unfixed environment.

This resulted in a division of countries into eight clusters. One of these clusters is called "less developed Asian countries", one of which is Bangladesh. These countries are characterised by high power distance, low to medium uncertainty avoidance, low individualism, medium masculinity and a medium to high long-term orientation. The second perspective requires that local actors (i.e. project initiators and implementers) have the final decision on whether the transplant is pulled in and adjusted according to their own requirements. The provision of such manoeuvre space for domestic actors prevents them from restraining and stressing the transplantation process, which is apt to lead to ineffective outcomes.

2.2 Change in codes of behaviour The reason why technical solutions are apt to fail is because they are imposed on the community, which is usually conceptualised as a relatively passive actor. It then

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seems too much as if that community is merely perceived as an empty vessel to be endowed with capacities to deal with technology (van Wijk-Sijbesma, 1985). However, the targeted community provides the socio-cultural environment within which the transfer and implementation of technology unfold and within which the intended beneficiaries are accounted to it (Singh et. al, 2005). In line with the sociotechnology notion, the technological device has to be unified with the social environment in which it is supposed to perform its function (Ropohl 1999). This suggests that the transfer of technology through rural water supply programmes does entail change in the layers of cultural values and meanings and the codes of behaviour of the receiving society. The involvement of such implicit change often remains hidden in the development of programme goals and criteria. Yet the most important issue in that respect is the unquestionable adequacy of such change as frequently presumed by donors. In other words, technology transfer should result in improvements in the lives of villagers, as generally supposed by donors. The question that however remains is whether the beneficiaries recognise these benefits and improvements. An example in that respect is that the community may for instance view a state of the art drinking water supply system as blasphemy. They are truly convinced that water should be treated as Gods gift from above and thus not from the Devil from underneath the earth (De Jong & Kroesen, 2006). Additionally, in what sense are participatory approaches apt to lead to a drinking water supply system from which everyone in the community equally benefits as women and the poor are excluded from decision-making? To put it differently, does a society that has a considerable drive to adjust existing traditions and customs to novel and unknown circumstances and a need to avoid them as well, accept that power and wealth are distributed inequitably? Does it accept that, if it continues to be masculine and collectivistic, it leaves no room for democratic approaches to technology transfer? Does this imply that anything goes only if changes in codes of behaviour take place in the receiving culture? It would be inappropriate to think so for two reasons. Firstly, it seems that technology transfer does involve transfer of alien cultural values and meanings and codes of behaviour. What is entirely overlooked is that this occurs often implicitly and unconsciously. Secondly, donors may doubt whether transfer of cultural values and meanings should occur anyhow. The reason is, that it all seems too much like introducing the old-fashioned view of western cultural supremacy. In effect, it appears that cultural differences between donors and host society often remain hidden in programme development. Yet these are likely to lead to ineffective outcomes, as they remain hidden. It is therefore most important to make explicit the cultural differences that are responsible for transferring hidden values in programme development.

2.3 Programme development So far, it looks as though rural water supply programmes in development aid are too much focussed on their functional purposes (Couwenberg, 1994). Yet it seems that

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The hidden language of rural water supply programmes cultural differences between donors and hosts do not only provoke different views of the participatory approaches that have to result in targeted goals but also the criteria to be used for programme assessment. The cross-cultural differences often remain hidden since culture hides much more than it reveals. Surprisingly enough what it covers, is covered most effectively by its own participants (Hall, 1959). Nevertheless, it leads to cross cultural miscommunication and deficiencies in the participatory process that leads to the fulfilment of the programme goals. Therefore, it is most important to make the tension explicit between the project goals (mostly stated in terms of technical results) and the process that should lead towards these goals (participatory development, rights based approach). Such an approach to development programmes does acknowledge the inevitable role of cultural differences among donors and hosts during implementation (Goodness of fit). Equally importantly, this approach recognises the need to expose hidden values and to seek ways of integrating them into the existing layers of culture of the receiving culture (Actors pulling in).

2.4 Integration of new and existing cultural values and meanings A technological device has to be unified with the social environment in which it is supposed to perform its function. Hence it is impossible to transfer it without interfering in the fabric of culture of the receiving society. Paradoxically, if indigenous development means non-interference within the receiving culture, it would be a contradiction in terms, in that any form of development would contaminate the "indigenous" character of a particular culture. Though interferences in the indigenous culture seem almost inevitable, transfer of technology, policy and values should take place in a respectful way. This stresses the need to seek ways to integrate the "transplant" into the older layers of culture and institutions of the receiving society. To do so, one should not undervalue or disregard the ability of society to develop itself. The process of indigenous development is best perceived as a battle of the fittest moral concepts i.e. actors keep struggling with each other to recognise the finest moral concepts (Couwenberg, 1994). Furthermore, the ultimate judgement as to whether this integration process truly contributes to real development is entirely delegated to the community. There are two reasons for recommending such an attitude. Firstly, it appears that the past has always generated moral concepts i.e. values and meanings, and arguments, which perpetually changed their character at every point in history (Macintyre, 1981). In that case, should there be a reason to believe that it will not take place in the near or distant future? This question should be answered in the negative. Values and codes of behaviour produced by the past frequently remain hidden. But once crisis situations or social reforms are due to arise, they suddenly begin to unfold (De Jong & Kroesen, 2006). So, existing moral concepts are to be interpreted as guidelines that leave room for future developments and alternating purposes (Dewey, 1920).

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HI DDEN VAL UE S TR ANS FERR E D IN RUR AL W AT ER S UP PLY PROGR A MME S

The hidden meanings transferred in project criteria and project implementation unconsciously have to be exposed on behalf of an efficient and transparent participatory process. In other words, what are the implications, which are often overlooked when transferring technology through participatory approaches in a receiving culture, which is collectivistic, hierarchical, masculine and long-term, orientated and has a considerable urge to avoid uncertainty? Community participation is indispensable to the implementation of a community-managed drinking water supply system. Yet whether people within communities intend to participate in this process will depend on their interests, perceptions and purposes. The community should be perceived as nothing more than groups of individuals, mainly competing, but sometimes gathered together in interest groups for a common purpose (Schouten & Moriarty, 2003). This approach projected on water supply recognises just a user community as a group of individuals who use a drinking water supply system. So, anyone who contributes the obligatory fee automatically participates in this community that is served by the water supply system. Those who do not are not included in this community. Hence one may question whether communities truly do exist if interests, perceptions and purposes significantly diverge. This question is to be answered in the affirmative. No community can function properly unless most of its members act at least too certain degree as community members since they voluntarily comply with its moral commitments and social responsibilities (Etzioni, 1993). A community does exist if the people who belong to it are truly convinced of being a part of it (Schouten & Moriarty, 2003). Having acknowledged the existence of a community one must then go on to determine its form. The heterogeneity of a community i.e. the fact that people embrace different interests, perceptions and purposes has already been noticed. It is best perceived as a melting pot of continuous negotiations, discussions and conflicts (Etzioni, 1993). In addition to its diversity, its unclear boundaries i.e. its unclear-cut definition, results in its instability. If one considers these two arguments, it seems that a community comprises a dynamic entity persistently changing in its social, economical and organisational composition. Its dynamic character persists since it is linked to and has shared boundaries and interacts continuously with other communities. So, one cannot perceive of community as a distinct isolate and overlook its enabling environment for instance its relation to the administrative units in the country i.e. union, district or country. The community should be seen as a set of people with common but also conflicting interests and ideas and different social and economic and cultural backgrounds (Galvis et. al, 1997). Whereas water supply (systems) are of common interest, they can also constitute a considerable source of conflict at the same time. Thus, a community is a set of people with common but also conflicting interests and ideas, subjected to external influences, and different socio-

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The hidden language of rural water supply programmes economic and cultural backgrounds. The assumptions often made by project donors, that everyone in a community benefits equally from the arrival of an improved water supply system, that everyone agrees, that everyone participates in managing it and that no one is excluded from its application is a misinterpretation (Singh et. al, 2005). No such social coherence does in reality exist. Hence, the socio-cultural context expressed in terms of Hofstedes five cultural dimensions provides a framework for the development of project agendas and project implementation. This article therefore pays attention to five hidden values generally at work in project agendas and project implementation in development aid. These are: 4 Cooperation across the lines of family loyalties Women in public life Opposition, criticism and pluralism The drive for fundamental change Instrumental time and planning THE DR INK ING WAT ER SE CURI TY FO R TH E POO R AN D WO MEN PROJ E CT

4.1 Background The Alternative Movement for Resources, Freedom and Society (AMRF), a Bangladeshi NGO, initiated the Drinking water security for poor and women project in Banagram village, Nanirkhil Union, Gopalganj District, Bangladesh, supported by its associate organisation the Bangladesh Centre for Advanced Studies (BCAS) and its local partner NGO the Bangladesh Auxiliary Service for Social Advancement (BASSA). The involvement of BCAS and AMRF covers overall coordination, supervision and management, while the implementation of project activities in Banagram village is handled by BASSA. The project goals are the enlargement of the livelihood potential and womens access to and control over natural resources. Moreover, the project endeavours to play a supporting role in the formation and strengthening of a community-based institution (AMRF, 2004). These activities are expected to result in the establishment of a water council i.e. Pani Parishad. Hence, a communitys informed and proactive participation in the development process is to be induced. AMRF and BCAS acknowledge womens vital role in environmental management and development. So, the project tends to develop enabling conditions for women. Generating better collective efforts to address common issues is also envisioned as a project objective. The communitys proactive participation is indispensable to the establishment of the Pani Parishad in Banagram village. Once the Pani Parishad has been formed, its main function is to undertake the responsibility of looking after the household interests in drinking water security through collective decision-making, consensus building, and resource and technology management. The Pani Parishad is supposed to secure the

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sustainability and future development of the project. This means that the Pani Parishad has to become an independent and self-reliant community-based institution. In the first year of the project the Pani Parishad will be set up and its members trained. Pilot demonstrations of safe water options will be reviewed and assessed in Banagram. The second year will continue the activities started in the first year. Lessons learned from first years exercise will lead to refinement of the project. Safe drinking water options should be replicated on a larger scale. This scaling up should be continued in the last year in workshops, seminars, discussions to disseminate the findings and experiences. In order to claim rights to and ensure drinking water security, dialogue and negotiation with public, private and corporate agencies should be facilitated. A socio-cultural analysis of the transition from a temporary to a permanent Pani Parishad was conducted between April 21 and July 21, 2005. The following section illustrates how hidden values affect the codes of behaviour embraced by the community and project implementation.

4.2 Observations of changes in codes of behaviour 4.2.1 Cooperation across the lines of family loyalties In line with the norms of a collectivistic society, the family is all-important in rural Bangladesh. The in-group consists of the family and from that perspective all the other people are to all intents and purposes outsiders. Creating a job for a family member is not perceived as nepotism, but rather as one's duty and as responsible behaviour. However, if a new technical device like, for instance a deep tube well is to be installed, cooperation between members of different families needs to be created. Bonds of loyalty and trust and responsible behaviour need to be created across family lines to achieve such a degree of integration, that even the money of the members of different families can be entrusted to the Pani Parishad. Throughout several Pani Parishad meetings attended between May 10 and June 26, 2005. It appears that cooperation between families result in attempts to establish coalitions of members from rich and poor families. Particularly at the beginning of this sequence of meetings rich Banagram villagers were enthusiastic to attend the meetings, in order to improve and maintain their situation. Unfortunately, they soon recognised that such thoughts were just illusions, since the community acknowledged that they had to put the necessary effort in it themselves. What kept most poor villagers in fear became the main drive for the rich to participate in the decision-making of the deep tube well still to be installed. The poor were afraid that the rich could claim more rights to ownership because of their higher level of contribution. The rich thought that they could do so. Yet from the side of the rich, there were some doubts as to whether the benefits from the deep tube well should be allocated to those who could not contribute at all. The project team had to convince both poor and rich repeatedly that everybody should equally benefit from and contribute to the deep tube well still to be installed. As a solution to the problem, the project team set obligatory tariffs for future services. Micro-credit loans were offered

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The hidden language of rural water supply programmes to those who could not contribute at all. It seems that the most important agreement in establishing poor-rich coalitions is the common desire to operate in such a democratic system (Ebenstein et. al, 1980). 4.2.2 Women in public life As one might imagine, in a masculine society womens role in public life does not extend beyond fetching drinking water in rural Bangladesh. If women take it upon themselves to represent the community, by chairing a meeting, becoming a member of the Pani Parishad etc., that constitutes even one step further in a process of change. This process is gradually occurring in Bangladesh but the situation is still fragile and not commonly accepted. However, the fact that it takes place is of primary importance in view of the centrality of womens role as water provider and managers (Singh et. al, 2005). The Pani Parishad meetings on gender issues held on 12 and 19 June demonstrated that many villagers, particularly the men, did not see and recognise the need and urge to discuss such issues. At the first meeting for instance the majority of people present were women. However, the large absence of men was perhaps a reflection of the preparations that they had to make for the market next day. People needed to prepare for this and did not have enough time to join the meeting. Surprisingly, at the second meeting more men showed up but still the women formed the majority. Moreover, gender inequities were exposed in many ways. During meetings women had to sit on the ground, while the men sat on chairs for instance. It seemed that the men allowed the women to give their opinion but somehow they had the final word. A westerner, who was observing the meetings, might draw the conclusion that women needed to raise their voice much higher than the men just in order to be heard. It may imply that attempts on the part of men to avoid womens involvement in decision-making take place implicitly as well. Though women are able to participate in the meetings, the question whether their opinions and views are taken into account in the ultimate decision remains open. Another example in that respect is that the men, particularly the poor, are too busy earning money to support their families. Men are therefore less interested in discussing drinking water issues since those are actually labelled female concerns. Yet those, particularly the older people and the youngsters, who were able to participate in meetings, were keen to contribute to discussions. Again, the question that remains is whether it concerns conscious attempts to constrain womens influence in decision-making. 4.2.3 Opposition, criticism and pluralism A hierarchical structure in the community leaves less room for public disagreement. If the people in authority: officials, the educated, the rich, the elders within the community, give their opinion that is all too often the end of the debate. Different interests and conflicting opinions are not easily expressed and explicitly sorted out in an effort to create common understanding and a common will to act. It is difficult for

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the project to serve the poor and women, if their interests cannot be expressed as interests opposed to the interest of those in authority. But if a plurality of judgments, interests, and values cannot be appreciated, as part of a process that leads to common action, it will be difficult to find the best solutions. Here, too, a learning process is necessary, in which opposition and criticism can be combined with respect and loyalty. A good example of this very process was the 22 June meeting on the mid-term evaluation of the project. Mr. Khorshed Alam (AMRF), Mr. Johir Bhi (BCAS) and Mr. Bidut Kumar Das (BASSA) discussed the aim of the Drinking Water Security for Fringe People project, whether to help provide the community with safe drinking water, to make an inventory of the technology is to be implemented according to the communitys preference and to make a decision concerning the location for the installing of new drinking water systems with the Pani Parishad and villagers. Yet the water council had already announced that it preferred deep tube wells. Despite several alternatives proposed by project initiators, the Pani Parishad persisted in the choice of deep tube wells since they believed that these prevail over other technologies. Ironically, in their efforts to agree on the technology to be implemented, through consensus building, the persistency of Pani Parishad and community members created dividedness among the project initiators. It seemed that each of them wanted to sustain his individual hobby horse but unfortunately as the discussions continued this proved to be counterproductive. Some members of the project team and project initiators even stepped back during intense discussions. Once the Pani Parishad and the villagers noticed this, they tried to impose chaos through voice-overs just to claim authority. Unexpectedly, that worked most of the time because the villagers like to rally round a powerful and influential speaker or someone who has dissenting views and ideas. Eventually, the project initiators gave in and decided to agree with the Pani Parishad and the villagers. The meeting perceived through the eyes of a westerner, might be characterised as a melting pot of voice-overs and people who continuously persist with their hobbyhorse or rally round a dissenter. The westerner would be inclined to call this organized anarchy. 4.2.4 A drive for fundamental change No one refuses improvements, especially if they come as gifts from outside like for instance from NGOs. Yet a gift comes with a burden. This does not imply that anything goes but it is a warning to project teams and initiators against tactless implementation attempts and to community and Pani Parishad members to undertake responsibilities. The fact that the latter becomes eligible to claim rights to participate without assuming its responsibilities is unethical and illogical (Etzioni, 1993, Glendon 1991, Stone 1974). Nevertheless, can people be encouraged and inspired to try radical new ways of life, and, if not, will disaster force that upon them? How much novelty can (or should) be accepted and how much uncertainty?

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The hidden language of rural water supply programmes Again, the 22 June progress meeting proved to be a useful experience from that point of view. It has been mentioned that the community and Pani Parishad members persisted with the implementation of deep tube wells, regardless of the potential hazards and health risks in using these. In compliance with a low to medium urge to avoid uncertainty, they tend to prolong traditions and customs regardless of the possible side effects and individual preferences. It indicates that once a community recognises the benefits of a particular technology, they soon give in, but a lot of efforts has to be made to propose perhaps even healthier technologies. But does such behaviour seem odd if NGOs have been emphasising the use of tube wells as a solution to serious health problems inflicted on polluted surface water already since three decades? It may indicate that uncertainty has been avoided. 4.2.5 Instrumental time and planning Since the Middle Ages the clock has been the technical device to bring discipline to labour, organisations, and planning in developing technologies. The coordination of tasks, tight schedules, objectifying time, is a specialism of the West, and it has become much criticised for its feverish rhythm and speed. And certainly there are many things, which should be done as slowly as possible, but there are other things, which cannot be managed, if time schedules are not kept and if labour division and organisation is flawed. Here too an important learning process needs to take place. In order to illustrate the impacts on handling the western way of instrumental time and planning in the community, the 10 May Pani Parishad meeting is used as example. The objective of the meeting was to discuss the composition of the water council and its purpose. Unfortunately, no single Pani Parishad member did show up nor did the majority of the community. The project team waited for almost two hours before deciding to cancel the meeting for that day. Due to the large number of absences no issues could be discussed in this meeting. Those who did show up said that the others were absent because they had to work. Ironically, those who did not have to work were at home and claimed that they did not know that there was a meeting planned for that day. In order to prevent such misunderstanding again, the project team compelled the villagers to start the following meetings at five oclock in the afternoon. Though villagers and Pani Parishad members obeyed the directive to show up, they never showed up on time. Through the eyes of a westerner, the community handles time according to the saying when things are ready, which makes appointments meaningless (Hall, 1959). In line with Hofstede, they seem to persist in a limited long-term orientation, while sustaining old traditions. In fact, they are able to do so, since traditions prevent villagers from being confronted with the urge to take decisions or to undertake responsibilities that may imply consequences for the future. So, in that case why does one have to foresee future developments, as things that are likely to take place according customs and traditions?

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CON CL US ION AN D RE CO MMEN DAT IONS

Throughout the observations there seems to be tension between the explicit goals of rural water supply programmes in terms of technological devices and solutions and the participatory process leading to these goals. The empirical illustrations show that the five hidden values appear to create obstacles to programmes goals. The rigid gender role differentiation prevents that women are treated equally to the men. However, the poor (families) are treated similarly to women. It looks as if cooperation between rich and poor families is difficult to establish. There seems to be mutual distrust. The rich are afraid that their authority and socio-economic position in the community are affected by equal participation in decision-making. On the other hand the poor are concerned that the rich claim more rights to ownership of a drinking water supply system to be installed. Furthermore, it appears that there is less room for opposition, criticism, and pluralism. The opinions of influential and powerful villagers signal the end of discussion or at least an end is put to discussion as soon as villagers start rallying round influential and powerful speakers. The community has a considerable urge to avoid uncertainty but the question that remains is whether its tactless attitude towards uncertainties may imply that serious (health) implications are overlooked. Generally, the community interprets time as when things are ready. It also has a limited long-term orientation i.e. not longer than a week. Hence, programme planning and implementation become meaningless. To sum up, this contribution indicates that further insight into hidden values have to be gained through learning processes on behalf of equitable participation. Such processes need to be initiated since hidden values are likely to be promoted implicitly and unconsciously due to cross-cultural misinterpretations and miscommunication. This also frustrates participatory processes and programme goals. For that reason, cross-cultural communication through learning processes is to be seen as an enabler when it comes to bringing hidden values into the open. However, cross-cultural miscommunication seems almost inevitable as culture hides more than it reveals. Learning processes leave room for the exposure of the implicit role of cultural differences among donors and for the recipients in programme development and implementation. The experiences in and outcomes of previous development projects provide useful inputs into that. They provide the starting points for learning processes that are to be seen as a trial and error based. The question that remains is: how can such processes be facilitated in programme development? The findings of the article provide helpful insights into the process of improving the development and implementation of rural water supply programmes. Yet which course of action has to be pursued? Would it be helpful to redefine the programme by making it smaller and more manageable? Perhaps, but this would not be sufficient. This contribution suggests that the emphasis on project management practices might better become more explicit. The participatory process tends to be sequentially followed and divided into sub processes to be conducted according to rigid time and

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The hidden language of rural water supply programmes planning schedules. However, according to empirical illustrations, the western way of handling instrumental time and planning seems almost meaningless or is at least difficult. The villagers may restrain the participatory process just to avoid changes, particularly as they do not recognise the sense of urgency to introduce changes (De Bruijn et. al, 2002). So, increasing the emphasis on project management could be quite counterproductive. Somehow this tension still needs to be solved. But how? Given the influence of cultural differences among donors and receiving communities in programme development, it seems more appropriate to put the emphasis not on project management but rather on process management. This management approach implies that there is no such thing, for instance, as a planning schedule that automatically leads to the fulfilment of programme goals. Process management initiates a participatory process in which general programme goals preliminary specified by the donors evolve into recognisable programme goals, recognisable for the villagers. The advantage of such a process is that it yields problem perceptions that have public support. In other words, this does not imply thinking in terms of means to an end but rather in terms of goal stretching. All those to whom it may concern are able to reframe the problem according to their own interests and can be heard. So, both donors and the recipient have to agree with each other on the actual problems. Such an approach is likely to obtain common goals. However, it is always possible that receivers disagree with donors on goals, problems or the knowledge that has been used in defining them. Process management suggests that both parties have to gain negotiated knowledge i.e. knowledge that is fully accepted by the parties involved (De Bruijn et. al, 2002). This stresses the need that local actors should have access to knowledge and acquire skills through capacity building and education. Furthermore, the process of goal stretching triggers learning processes, particularly if parties involved disagree with each other on problems or goals. It means that one has the opportunity to get acquainted with dissenting interests, viewpoints, ideas etc. that may be true or partly true. So, it does leave room for those who uphold unorthodox views to express them freely. This is indispensable when it comes to establishing negotiated knowledge, because a lack of individual freedom robs others of the opportunity to become acquainted with dissenting ideas required for effective decision-making (Ebenstein & Fogelman, 1980). Nevertheless, while learning processes emerge and continue, it is more likely that the parties involved become acquainted with each other so such that trust is built. A sense of trust is not only the key to mutual respect but it also increases tolerance to dissenting views and criticism. Although such processes decrease the negative consequences of hidden values, there is always leeway for values remaining hidden, yet they become more explicit in such a process. The decision as to whether or not learning processes are included in programme development rests on the shoulders of the donors. Process management may be appropriate for rural water supply programmes for four reasons. Firstly, problems seem to be unstructured, dynamic and connected to other problems. Such problems leave less room for unambiguous solutions or even

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definition consensus. Due to the dynamic character of problems and their linkage with other problems, they cannot be seen and treated as isolates. This also implies that their variability is due to novel knowledge i.e. new knowledge tends to continue the development of problem recognition and definition. So, there is no reason to believe the notion that participatory development as only a means to an end holds. Secondly, the community should be perceived as a set of interest groups, each serving their own particular interests and supporting their perceptions of problems. Although the notion of community is frequently applied, it may be more appropriate to speak in terms of a set of interest groups. Thirdly, the fact that (learning) processes are often perceived as time and money consuming may be considered as a reason to exclude these from programme development. Yet it seems that project management goes along with process management i.e. it might well augment process management. Finally, the process management approach complies with the two perspectives of successful policy transfer. Generally, changes in cultural codes of behaviour require time and mutual respect and understanding on the part of donors and receivers. Beneficiaries should have opportunities to adjust the transplant according to their own conveniences. Such a manoeuvre space prevents them from restraining and stressing the policy transfer (De Jong et. al, 2002). Thus there is no reason to believe that changes in cultural codes of behaviour will take place instantly. REFE REN CE S AMRF Society. 2004. Drinking water security for fringe people: a project proposal prepared for Interchurch Organisation for Development Cooperation: 1-45. Couwenberg, S.W. 1994. Het westerse project der moderniteit en zijn universele pretenties. In S.W., Couwenberg (ed), Westerse cultuur: model voor de hele wereld? Kampen. Kok Agora. De Bruijn, J. A., ten Heuvelhof, E. F., in t Veld, R. J. 2002. Procesmanagement: over procesontwerp en besluitvorming. Schoonhoven. Academic Service. De Jong, M., Lalenis, K., Mamadouh, V. 2002. The theory and practice of institutional transplantation; experiences with the transfer of policy institutions. Dordrecht. Kluwer Academic Publishers. De Jong, M. & Kroesen, J.O. 2006. To what extent does policy transfer imply value transfer? Forthcomming Dewey, J. 1920. Reconstruction in philosophy. New York. H. Holt and Co. Ebenstein, W. & Fogelman, E. 1980. Todays Isms; communism, fascism, capitalism, socialism. New Jersey. Prentice-Hall. Etzioni, A. 1993. The spirit of community: rights, responsibilities and the communitarian agenda. London. Fontana Press. Galvis, C.G. 1997. Searching for sustainable solutions. In J.T. Visscher (ed), Technology transfer in the water supply and sanitation sector: A learning experience from Columbia. The Hague. International Water and Sanitation Centre.

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The hidden language of rural water supply programmes Glendon, M.A. 1991. Rights talk: the impoverishment of political discourse. New York. The Free Press. Hall, E. T. 1959. The silent language. New York. Doubleday. Hofstede, G. 1991. Allemaal andersdenkenden: omgaan met cultuurverschillen. Amsterdam. Uitgeverij contact. Macintyre, A.C. 1981. After Virtue: a study in oral theory. Notre Dame. Indiana. University of Notre Dame Press. North, D.C. 1990. Institutions, institutional change and economic performance. Cambridge. Cambridge University Press. Ropohl, G. 1999. Philosophy of socio-technical systems. phil & tech 4:3. Schouten, T. & Moriarty, P. 2003. Community Water, Community Management: from system to service in rural areas. London. ITDG Publishing. Singh, N., Jacks, G., Bhattacharya, P. 2005. Women and community water supply programmes: an analysis from a socio-cultural perspective. Natural Resources Forum 29: 213-223. Stone, C.D. 1974. Should trees have standing? Los Altos. California. Van Wijk-Sijbesma, C. 1985. Participation of women in water supply and sanitation roles and realities. Technical paper 22. The Hague. International Water and Sanitation Centre.

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Participatory development in rural Bangladesh

Otto Kroesen, Khorshed Alam, Roy Janssen, Ernst van der Stok

Int rod uct io n Unforgettable is the comment of a government official in Bangladesh a few years ago, on the idea of participatory development: "How can you have participatory development in a hierarchical country?", he said. In fact that is the central problem of this contribution. Participatory development is not just one of the last trends of donor organizations, it is not just the western idea of democracy, that reverberates in it, it also appears to be a necessary condition for technological development. That this is the case will become clear in the course of this article. And, more importantly, it will be shown, that the slogan "participatory development" entails a whole set of changing values and cultural codes. Development policies would be more effective, if the training and education, which is necessary in this respect, would explicitly be made part of the project goals. Mostly project goals consist in concrete technical solutions and devices, and the training and education necessary for organization, maintenance and management is only incidentally present. The floodp lains of Ba ng lade sh In a certain sense the floodplains of Bangladesh have been for hundreds of years for India what America has been for Europe, an outlet for pioneers, dissatisfied individuals, social rebels, ostracized, which couldn't live in the strict hierarchy of Hindu kingdoms and villages in the grips of cast stratification. These wet regions, flooded and muddy, could never be brought fully under government control, and there was always plenty of room for ostracized, rebels and dissatisfied people (Akbar Ali Khan, 1994). Would the Jamuna river change its flow, then the farmers and villagers would start a living somewhere else. This system still functioned in the first half of the 20th century. Only after that the country was "full". And in the year 2000 thanks to the growth of the population (estimated 138 million in number) on average the farmers of Bangladesh could only own one third of the land, which their forefathers used around 1950. They have to grow rice three times a year in order to make a living for their families, whereas their forefathers only needed one successful

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harvest each year. It is clear already from that fact only, that Bangladesh needs to develop in a new direction. Gov er nanc e in Bang lade sh Whereas in India Islam couldn't get control over the villages, because of the internal stability of the cast system, in the floodplains of Bangladesh Islam got a better hold of the people. Uprooted as many of them were, who came as refugees, Islam constituted a religious and social alternative for the cast system. After the separation from India there remained a minority of 15% Hindu population in the then East Pakistan. Otherwise than Pakistan the Bangladeshi version of Islam remained quite moderate, adapted to the practical needs of the villagers. This is the case until our days, as the Bangladeshi people are not so strict in the use of the Arab language in reading the Quran and in the Muslim clothing prescriptions, especially for women. This social situation together with dissatisfaction about the pride and the privileged economical and political status of the western Pakistani people in Bangladesh forms the background of the war between West and East Pakistan, resulting in the foundation of Bangladesh in 1971. Shaikh Mujibur Rahman the first president, has chosen the course of separation of the religious sphere from the sphere of the state (Murshid 360). Since 1988 however Bangladesh has declared itself to be officially an Islamic state, although it never became as orthodox or fundamentalist as Iran or Pakistan. After the victory of the Awami League in 1971 and the overwhelming victory of the elections in 1973 Rahman in fact established a one-party state in order to secure his position. But after the Awami League of course could not satisfy the expectations of the people, it's majority rule instead became a disadvantage. In the military coup of 1975 Rahman and most of his family were killed and military government was installed and intermittent civil rule could not conceal the important role of the army from that time on. In 1991 parliamentary rule was reestablished, but the situation has remained extremely politicized. Personality cult plays an important role and corruption is a big issue, the bureaucracy is in a bad shape with little accountability, and without transparency. The political elite, the civil bureaucracy and the Armed Forces are competing for power. A cynical commentator has interpreted "the character of the Bangladesh state as a society which is not so much over or misgoverned, but is barely governed at all" (Panandikar, 95). AMRF a nd it s pr oj ect " Drink ing wate r sec ur it y fo r poor a nd w om e n" Bangladesh relies heavily on external resources in developing the economy, in education and training, and in meeting the basic needs of the people. Big NGOs are busy processing the external funding of $ 2 billion each year. Although they play an

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Participatory development in rural Bangladesh important role in developing the country, or at least in keeping the country going, they at the same time reproduce the diseases of existing practices of government, by relying too much on hierarchy, bureaucracy and family loyalties. Small NGOs often have more opportunities in playing a more creative role, although they too cannot step out of reality. The project on which this contribution focuses is an initiative of a small NGO, the AMRF (Alternative Movement for Resources and Freedom Society). Its goal is building a society based on human equality, access to and control over resources by the poor and minorities and enhancing the process of empowerment, enabling people to participate, providing them with relevant information, skills and institutional capacity. The goal of the project is to reach out especially to poor people and women, whose needs are often not attended to by the large scale approach of mainstream development organizations. In citation: "The goal of this participatory project is to evolve and establish safe drinking water security for fringe people of Bangladesh leading to enlarged livelihood potential and womens access to and control over natural resources" (AMRF, 2004). The project concerns people whom it is difficult to reach physically as well as people whom it is difficult to organize, because they have little or no education and all. The aim of the project is to develop and discover new methods and approaches, which are helpful to attain that end, fine tuned to this target group. For that reason five types of villages in different regions of Bangladesh have been selected, so that the experience of one context can be compared to another context and lessons be learned. For the same reason empowerment, community building and capacity building are integral parts of the project. In these five villages the AMRF works together with local NGOs, which are already present in these villages and working on other projects, like education, health care, microcredit projects etc. Especially new in the project is the explicit aim to create new community institutions. First a water council needs to be established, in which representatives of the different households work together and share responsibility for the project. These should take decisions by means of consensus, and manage the project. Elections every year are proposed, voluntary participation, and meetings at least once each month in order to keep the project going. Experience in participatory development until now shows, that mostly, if a council like this is installed, in the end the NGO, which took the initiative keeps a final say in the process, since such a council is always dependent on the NGO for technical support. In order to prevent this risk yet another committee is installed, which should take care of the technical aspects of the project. This committee is subservient to the water council and it includes members of the households as well as members from the project team (i.e. the NGO). This committee should acquire the knowledge and capacity to install and maintain whatever technical devices are necessary. In order to make the community

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as independent as possible not too costly technical solutions should be implied. The water council should have authority over the technical water committee and therefore be in a position, in case of disagreement, to seek alternative resources for technical support. The project is planned for three years. In the first year five villages are selected, problems identified, awareness is created, a water council is established and a water committee is trained, and in the end a pilot demonstration of safe water option options should be realized and evaluated. In the second year processes of creating awareness and participation started in the first year should be continued, but lessons from the first year should be learned, methods should be more refined, and viable options should be copied on a larger scale. The same process should be continued in the third year, but in addition workshops and seminars should formulate guidelines for further dissemination of this new approach, and at the same time the newly formed water councils and committees should enter the public sphere, advocate their rights and negotiate with public, private and corporate organizations to realize safe water options. A more refined time schedule is added to the project. Obse rvat io n s d ur in g the first year Two students from the Delft University of technology did an internship in one of the area's selected as a pilot project. They did some observations and made some comments on the ongoing process. They worked in two neighboring villages, North Jalirpar and Banagram, an area, where a local NGO, BASSA, is implementing a series of development projects. Both villages suffer from arsenic contamination of drinking water. About two thirds of the drinking water in Bangladesh contains concentrations of arsenic well above the standard of the World Health Organization of 0.01 mg/l and even above the national standard of Bangladesh of 0.05 mg/l. Longterm use of such drinking water causes many health problems, skin diseases, neural disorder, cancer. Both villages are constituted of some 500 households, but different in character. The project team from BASSA had already made a baseline survey and it started taking steps towards the organization of a water council. The students however discovered, that as well as from North Jalirpar as from Banagram only half of the village population was included in the initiative of the project team. Half of the population of North Jalirpar was poor, but another part of the village consisted of even poorer households. It was a settlement village introduced in that area by the government, consisting of very poor people with very little income. The reason it was not included, was that other development workers still did some work over there. In the future it will be included. But also from Banagram only half of the village was included. The better off population in Banagram, half of the villagers, living in one

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Participatory development in rural Bangladesh section of the village, was not included. The students questioned the fact that the rich from Banagram were not included, especially since the students concluded, that the most efficient solutions would be solutions of a larger scale, and therefore rather costly. To that end cooperation and involvement from the rich and more educated people from Banagram would be necessary. The students were present, when the project team organized a series of awareness meetings with the villagers and invited them to become member of the project. In terms of awareness raising , the project team was quite successful in both villages. At the same time the people themselves did not feel they could do something about the situation. If they think of a solution, they can only come up with the idea of a deep tube well, a solution, of which it is quite uncertain whether it is really sustainable. Nevertheless in collecting members the project team reached 100% coverage, resulting in two members from 246 households, one male and one female. Since at least 30% of the villagers has no education at all, one might question, whether the villagers knew what they got themselves into. Most probably they only did what they were told to do in the hope, that it would lead to some benefit. In a follow-up area meeting it appeared, that almost all women were present, and only one third of the men. One explanation of this might be, that water is considered to be in women's issue. Another and more probable explanation is, that the project team explained too emphatically, that this project especially aimed at women. There was some resistance from the part of the men when the female head of the primary school was supposed to be elected for the water council. She herself and the project team calmed them down by assuring, that the meeting was not about electing a water council, but merely about electing contact persons of every square of the village at that moment, which was also the first intention of the meeting. This event however is significant of the fact, that according to the norms and values of the villagers equality between men and women is not an accepted phenomenon. Another observation of the students concerns the training and education, which is necessary for the project. They stressed the importance of follow-up meetings, in short periods after one another, which is according to the original project plan, but seems to be a problem in practice. The time necessary for training and education, capacity and community building, is not in harmony with the tight time schedule of the project and the goal to have a demonstration device realized within one year. There is a tension between the aim for concrete results and the process of training and community management, which should lead to that. One cannot change the mindsets of the people overnight. Another example of the same problem is the intention of the project team to put rich and influential people not in the water council, but in the water council advisory board, in which their knowledge and ability can be used, but in which they are supposed not to become too influential. Whether that might succeed is highly questionable taking into consideration the

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established social norms and values in Bangladesh. The project team and AMRF in this respect have to deal on the one hand with the villagers, which are anxious and impatient for immediate results, and on the other hand with the criteria and project goals of the donor organization, since community development and capacity building cannot be booked as concrete results (may not even be objectively measured), while a concrete technical device can. Finally the students observed, that North Jalirpar and Banagram are part of different unions (i.e. according to the organization in governmental districts), which might lead to problems in the later phases of the project, if a water council is supposed to go public and negotiate with among others governmental institutions. In the view of AMRF however this is a contingent and provisional solution, adapted to the special of circumstances of the situation and not the general policy. Chang ing value s an d cu lt u ral c ode s Generally in development aid there is an internal paradox or even contradiction between the explicit development goals and the project criteria. Officially and in theory the Western donors plead for indigenous development with full respect for the cultural tradition of the developing country. At the same time the project criteria consist of demands like "participation", "women emancipation", "reaching the poor and grassroots" and the like. These demands are value laden and reflect the cultural agenda of Western democracies. They imply a far reaching cultural change. The fact, that this is not taken into consideration accounts for many of the problems the students observed during the internship. In the Bangladesh culture traditionally authority is what counts. The people at the top decide and the people at the bottom obey. This counts for the state level as well as for the villages and the families. The important, and rich, families often have a final say. The husband as head of the family has final authority. Of course women have their role and partly their authority, when it comes to the household, and according to that code taking care of water facilities can be in particular circumstances attributed to their "domain", but the above example of Banagram already shows, that for the men it is not self-evident to choose a woman in a water council. That poor, women and people at the grassroots would also have a say, deserve respect, and need to be listened to, already implies a change of traditional values. A recent example from Banagram underlines this conclusion: On April 13, 2005 a meeting was held in order to form a water council executive committee. About 300400 people, in majority women, attended the meeting. A lady (school teacher) had been nominated to preside over the meeting. In the middle of the discussion a person

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Participatory development in rural Bangladesh (rich, educated and influential) who is also the president of Temple Committee, entered the meeting place. Obviously, a chair was offered to him on the stage and eventually the lady offered him to preside over the meeting. This event proves how difficult it is to change the existing power structure in Bangladesh. Poor people and women are not used to supersede the existing leadership in their community irrespective of satisfaction or dissatisfaction on the traditional leadership. This rich man was not invited personally in the meeting but he is clever enough to understand that if he is not present in such a gathering in his own village, people would think that he is not important to AMRF/BASSA and eventually he might be afraid of loosing his role in leadership. So he had taken the opportunity to show to the people, that he is the leader. The representative of AMRF asked her why she voluntarily offered her position to that man. Her answer was that this man is an old man and leader of the village and she was not feeling comfortable to take the lead in the meeting in the presence of that village leader. This is perhaps applicable to most of the women and poor in rural Bangladesh. The process of empowering women and develop women leadership is a long and difficult process even if you try hard. In the Bangladesh culture, at least in the rural areas, collectivism and family relationships are important. One is not supposed as an individual to go against the group, to go against family interests. That doesn't mean, that some form of rugged individualism would not be part of such a society. Of course it is there and individuals do have their interests and preferences, but to take such an individualistic stance does not find public recognition. That means, that even if there is a water council, the older women, or representatives of important families, will not be publicly opposed easily. To disagree in public is interpreted as a sign of lack of respect. It implies quite a learning process and quite some building up of a level of trust to have an open discussion in which criticism and disagreement is possible and recognized as part of the process of reaching consensus. And since this is already a problem within the boundaries of one family, the issue becomes even bigger, if loyalty is to be built up across traditional family boundaries. Of course this can be learned, and in the cities, where family ties thanks to urban life become more loosely, some more steps are taken in this direction. But such a learning process takes time. People need training in order to learn it. This also counts for the different roles within a supposedly independently functioning water council: the goals of the chairman, secretary, treasurer and the rules of the game of creating consensus. In addition not only the people need to be trained, but the trainers as well. If we interpret the observations of the students correctly the project would benefit, if the project team from BASSA would also be trained in order to play a more constructive role in this process. Many NGOs in Bangladesh have the strategy to apply for financial support from Western donors and then to do good things for the people and in the process they are creating their own little kingdom, even without noticing, that that is what they do. It is difficult even for a good willing NGO not to

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reproduce the existing cultural codes and values in its own procedures of enhancing "participatory development". At the same time there are many proofs, that if such a common responsibility, bottom-up, and across family loyalties, is not realized , in the end there is nobody who feels responsible for the technological device, that is installed, and if broken, it will not be repaired, unless the NGO, which "gave" it to the people itself would do it. Yet another value, most hidden among the criteria and in the development project is the idea itself of change, or in other words the idea of "an open future". Of course, technical improvements are welcomed by the villagers, but the question is, whether they, like their donors might suppose, are welcomed as the first step towards modernization and the creation of a democratic welfare state. In fact the rich as well as the poor might rather look upon such "innovations" like tube wells, sanitation, electrification etc. as a first step to reinstall a past, which never might have been there in the past either. And the question is, whether Western technology can be well received and integrated, if such a drive towards entering unknown terrain, going to the limit of what is possible and beyond that is not an inherent value like "newness" is in western society. No doubt such a fear for newness has been present also in western society. The first tube wells in Bangladesh were by the farmers considered to bring up water from "the devil" from underneath the earth, just like in western Europe the first trains were looked upon as "monsters". In western societies however such fears have been overcome time and again and going into unknown terrain has become such a value in itself, that somebody said, that since 1850 (the world exhibition at the Crystal Palace in London) invention itself had been invented (Rosenstock-Huessy, 1938). Can Arab culture and Islamic religion develop such an attitude towards the future? Or is it contrary to the concept of "unity" in Islam (Iqbal, 2002)? Whether that question should be answered positively or negatively, a sure thing is, that whether they want or not, Western donors do interfere with the value system of the receiving countries. And that brings up the important question, how innovation also on the level of values can be integrated into the existing inheritance of traditional values. Co nc lu sio n An important insight of the booklet of Schouten and Moriarty (Community water, community management. From system to service in rural areas) is their opinion, that involving the population of a village in a project, setting up a water council and creating ways of participatory development is possible, but only if it is sustained and maintained during a long period of time, and only if there is a constant influx and stimulus in such a village to conscientize and organize the existing "community" (between brackets, because every community consists of many different groups and individuals). According to their experience, if projects are over after some three, four

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Participatory development in rural Bangladesh or five years, and the existing community has to find its own way further, then gradually old cultural codes, patterns of behavior, norms and values are reinstalled, the villagers fall back on old lines of authority, participation of poor and women is undone and technical devices like tube wells or whatever are not attended to, if broken. The experience of the students and of AMRF until now confirms that conclusion. Change in policy and in the system of values and cultural codes can take place, but only if it is sustained and trained during a long time thanks to a constant influx of new ideas and approaches from outside. We would like to add to the insight of Schouten and Moriarty, that such a cultural change can be performed better, and development policies can be more efficiently applied, if such processes of change are made explicitly part of the development agenda and of the project goals. Such goals can be implemented and measured in their own specific way. An NGO should not be tempted to skip the participatory process and the training and education involved thereby, merely to satisfy the project goals of the donors. Effective change is much more than technological change. The real task of development is to create a community, that is able to respond to the needs of its future. The technology which is introduced, can only be managed and maintained, if there is an organization within the community, which has the ability and responsibility to do that. Working together across the lines of family loyalties, being able to combine criticism and respect, being able to organize the different roles within a committee in such a way, that consensus is reached, being part of a history with an open future, these are the values we discussed as a condition for successful technological development. Lit erat ur e AMRF Drinking Water Security to Fringe People, Proposal ICCO, 2004 Akbar Ali Khan, Discovery of Bangladesh, 1994 Development of a drinking water supply system for Banagram, a floodplain village in Bangladesh, Roy Janssen, Ernst van der Stok, Internship Report, 2005 Koppen, Barbara and Mahmud, Simeen, Women and Water-Parents in Bangladesh, Intermediate Technology Publications, London , 1996 Dhurjati Prasad De, Bengal Muslims in search of social identity, 1905-47, The University Press Limited, Dhaka, 1998 Iqbal, Muzzafar, Islam and Science, Ashgate, Burlington, 2002 Murshid Tazeen M., The Sacred and the Secular, Bengal Muslim Discourses, 18711977, The University Press Limited, Dhaka, 1996 Panandiker, V.A. Pai (Ed.), Problems of Governance in South Asia,University Press Limited, Dhaka, 2000 Rashid, Salim (Ed.), "The Clash of Civilizations?" -Asian Responses, Of the University Press Limited, Dhaka, 1997 Rosenstock-Huessy E., Out of revolution. Autobiography of western man (Providence, Oxford 1969, oorspr. 1938)

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Schouten, T. and Moriarty, P., Community water, community management. From system to service in rural areas, IRC, London, 2003 Wallace, Ben J. e.a., The Invisible Resource, Women and Work in Rural Bangladesh, Westview Press, Colorado, 1987

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Participants

P. van der Linde Nederlands Water Partnership p.vanderlinde@nwp.nl I. Hartevelt Simavi mariska.vanderweerd@simavi.org Ben Ernst Aloshikha Foundation benernst@tiscali.nl S. Khoesial Seva Network Foundation s.khoesial@sevanetwork.net Koos van der Brugge TBM/Filosofie j.j.g.vanderbrugge@tbm.tudelft.nl Stephanie Zwier Radboud, Universiteit Nijmegen stephi_zwier@yahoo.co.uk Joep Eijkholt Radboud, Universiteit Nijmegen stephi_zwier@yahoo.co.uk

Prosun Bhattacharya Royal Institute of Technology (KTH) prosun@kth.se Juultje Tulfer Plan Nederland Juultje.Tulfer@plannederland.nl Otto Kroesen TBM/Filosofie j.o.kroesen@tbm.tudelft.nl Tom van der Voorn student TBM t.s.vandervoorn@tbm.tudelft.nl Alam Khorshed AMRF amrf@dhaka.net Jakariya MD BRAC Jakariya.m@brac.net Kamal Armm NGO Forum kamal@ngof.org

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Alexander de Haan TBM/BA a.j.m.dehaan@tbm.tudelft.nl Uijttenhout, Drs.ing.H.B.M. KIVI NIRIA Den Haag hbmuijttenhout@hotmail.com Linda Kamp TBM l.m.kamp@tbm.tudelft.nl Denyse Snelder Universiteit Leiden snelder@cml.leidenuniv.nl Remi Kempers Both ENDS rk@bothends.org Thijs Struben student TB T.H.Struben@student.tbm.tudelft.nl Marion Vredeling Studium Generale m.vredeling@tbm.tudelft.nl Adriaan Blom student a.h.blom@student.tudelft.nl Claudia Villegas Timm student C.A.VillegasTimm@student.tudelft.nl Eric Oude Vrielink rathenau instituut info@rathenau.nl

Kathleen Shordt IRC International Water and Sanitation Centre shordt@irc.nl Renate Klaassen TBM/ITC r.g.klaassen@tbm.tudelft.nl Nellie van der Pasch ICCO nellie.van.der.pasch@icco.nl Lennard Roubos ICCO Lennard Roubos @icco.nl Aart Martens n.pasch1@chello.nl Joost van Putten Student TBM joost.vp@gmx.net Maarten Kroesen Student TBM m.kroesen@student.tudelft.nl Martine Poolman Water Resources Management m.i.poolman@CiTG.TUDelft.NL MANOJ SHARMA Student TBM Stephanie Verbeek stephanieverbeek@yahoo.com Damion Schwarzkachel Student Msc Architecture te TU Delft almyrna@kabelfoon.nl

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Participants Conrad Siegfried Student of Geography conrad_siegfried@web.de Ahmed Ali Soc. Of Cons. And Households gr Leeuwenborch Ahmed.Ali@wur.nl M/S Nahid Amin Environmental Tech. Biotechnion Ahmed.Ali@wur.nl Wim Ravesteijn TBM/T&DO w.ravesteijn@tbm.tudelft.nl Martin de Jong TBM/BK/O&M m.dejong@tbm.tudelft.nl Mr. Dirk Frans Consultant dirk.r.frans@xs4all.nl Margriet Ruijff, secr. TBM/Filosofie secrfil@tbm.tudelft.nl Henneke Piekhaar, secr. TBM/Filosofie Hennekep@tbm.tudelft.nl Karen van Oyen TBM/ITC k.vanOyen@tbm.tudelft.nl Linda Carton TBM l.carton@tbm.tudelft.nl Prof. Meine-Pieter van Dijk UNSECO-IHE Karina Shalaby Smidt Groundwater and mediation pps0520@iss.nl Frits de Graaf frits.de.graaf@falw.vu.nl Jaap Bosch Studium Generale j.Bosch@tbm.tudelft.nl Kemi Awoyinka Wetlands International Kemi.Awoyinka@wetlands.org

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ISBN 90-5638-152-0