Professional Documents
Culture Documents
[H]e was enamoured of that arduous invention which is the very eye of
research, provisionally framing its object and correcting it to more and
more exactness of relation . . . to pierce the obscurity of those minute pro-
cesses.
—George Eliot, Middlemarch1
Alison Booth, Professor of English and Academic Director of the Scholars’ Lab, University of
Virginia, has published studies of gender, reception, and narrative: Homes and Haunts: Touring
Writers’ Shrines and Countries (Oxford University Press), How to Make It as a Woman (Chicago),
and Greatness Engendered: George Eliot and Virginia Woolf (Cornell). She directs Collective Biographies
of Women, a digital project.
novel, not even Will Ladislaw, is paying sufficient attention to avoid mak-
ing originals into imitations. “As if a woman were a mere colored super-
ficies!” he protests when the painter Naumann wants to cast Dorothea as
a Christian Antigone (Middlemarch, chap. 19), and yet Will goes on to
classify her in his way. Readers of Middlemarch and feminist digital
humanists should try to go beyond Will’s theoretical care for a misrepre-
sented woman and Dorothea’s hidden influence. Learning what every-
thing costs is a start, and then we take mindful collaborative action.
and to take as given the now thoroughly questioned data of library cata-
loging, titles, and almost every other standard device of literary studies,
including nation, period, and genre.13 Most experiments with large cor-
pora of digitized texts center on novels, falsely presume that an author’s
name reliably indicates an individual of the first or second sex, and hide
biography just as national maps omit streams and streets. The example of
Moretti now is an unwelcome reminder of the admonition that the work
cannot be separated from the life.
I insist instead on a more local method that is not bedazzled by the
expanding vistas of digitized literary history, as Dorothea Brooke is over-
awed by what she perceives as Casaubon’s immeasurable knowledge. My
approach retains biographical and textual specificity, including differ-
ences of gender, in what we call “mid-range reading,” to interpret bio-
graphical narratives in networks. The errors of excessive claims for data
mining in textual corpora do resemble the masculinist power to override
the local witness, and recent critiques of Moretti have made the connec-
tion.14 Just as the sufferings of “Mrs. Casaubon, born Dorothea Brooke”
on her honeymoon have to do with who is monarch, prime minister, and
mayor (Middlemarch, chap. 19), our critical methods should be sensitive
enough to zoom in to recognize biographical detail in the big picture
of disciplines and even nations. Indeed, I would align my approach to
collective biographies of women and prosopography with the way that
Middlemarch shifts between macro and micro scales, modeling a collective
history of representative individuals.
Prosopography is both a research method and a genre that assem-
bles parallel individual lives. It is an underlying form and rhetoric in
many cultural histories, from Plutarch’s Parallel Lives to medieval hagiog-
raphy, and it has been a device for advancing representation of nations
and distinct groups such as Methodist missionaries. It may aspire to
social-scientific statistics in the hands of some historians or classicists,
but in many publications, it remains detailed at the level of the particular
characteristics of selected lives. Anna Jameson’s Sacred and Legendary Art,
relating illustrated saints’ lives, served as a key to British tourists viewing
European art. Jameson was one source for Eliot’s and other Victorians’
vocabularies for self-sacrificing world-changers such as Saint Theresa.
The form of prosopography serves to support groups claiming a place
in the historic record, winners and oppressors as well as victims.15
Honor rolls or printed “galleries” of exemplary portraits reveal that any
list is partial; even the most exhaustive collection seems to give proso-
poetic voice to absences. Yet the printed English-language books in
2. COUNTING MIDDLEMARCH
Middlemarch can seem like an education in numeracy as well as literacy,
an interdisciplinary history as well as fiction before the divergence of
the two cultures, the sciences and the humanities. It doesn’t seem far-
fetched to apply computational approaches to a text that adopts the lan-
guage of “study” or “experiment.” Its characterization and plots instruct
us that desire, vocation, research, and social change are interdependent.
Though the fact-finders and would-be leaders fail in their family lives, the
example of Farebrother suggests that it is possible to collect, classify, and
even gamble for money without losing humility and wonder, as well as a
place in the social network. In any case, this novel lends itself to a quan-
titative approach that does not lose sight of the particularity of what is
being counted. A Victorian multiplot novel such as Middlemarch, as
Audrey Jaffe writes in The Affective Life of the Average Man, is committed
to thinking about probabilities and statistics. The novel delegates “the
many to set off the few.” Critics have seen that “central characters of
Eliot’s novel are under pressure to differentiate themselves from the
town’s ‘petty medium,’” while the narrator continually types them.16
A novel that concerns itself with the “particular web” and with the
effects of language on perception is a prime example for textual studies
using digital methods, with comparative quantities of person types at the
Theresa as part of scientific research: “Who that cares much to know the
history of man, and how that mysterious mixture behaves under the vary-
ing experiments of Time, has not dwelt, at least briefly, on the life of
Saint Theresa.” And almost in the same breath, the narrator satirizes
the desire to answer the question of women’s incapacity compared to
men, taking a numerical view of social determination: “If there were
one level of feminine incompetence as strict as the ability to count
three and no more, the social lot of women might be treated with scien-
tific certitude. Meanwhile the indefiniteness remains, and the limits of
variation are really much wider than any one would imagine from the
sameness of women’s coiffure and the favourite love-stories in prose
and verse” (Middlemarch, Prelude). Much as people follow fashions and
adjust to roles while imagining their unique selection for success or sal-
vation, observers classify them, with reading strategies suited to both the
newspaper and the Bible (source of so much Western typological
reading).
What if we approach the social lot of women by the gross, or at least
the typological set, without claiming more certainty in the ultimate inter-
pretation than is warranted? Middlemarch famously has three heroines.
Indeed, it usually has at least three of everything, ensuring that its multi-
plot thickness approximates a sense of the entire Middlemarch milieu:
three clergymen, high, broad, and low; medical men of elevating or low-
ering systems, degreed or merely apprenticed; kinship networks of main
characters (Brooks, Garths, Vincys) associated with the three love trian-
gles; three manipulative men with money to disperse to relatives; and
so on. In the speculative discussion of women’s biographies that follows,
I extend such replication into the realm of life writing to show that fem-
inist digital research can approximate the rich multiplicity of this trifold,
manifold novel. I trace descriptions of George Eliot, Sister Dora, and
Saint Theresa and compare the novel’s three heroines to biographical
counterparts. These things are not parables, but they are metonymies
of the kinds of representation in collective biographies and in this typo-
logical novel; they exemplify my method of feminist, mid-range reading.
By recognizing the biographical context that is marginalized in distant
reading of vast corpora or word distributions in sets of texts, while ren-
dering persons collectively and relationally in quantifiable ways, we can
complement the rich critical tradition of this novel and feminist studies
of Victorian representations of women.
The movement from idealization to deflating particularity, and from
person back to type, is more than the recurrent linguistic form that
3. INCALCULABLY DIFFUSIVE
In Greatness Engendered, I traced “the history of the common life” in Eliot’s
essays and novels, as noted above; this narrative mode is collective without
adopting the Utilitarian calculus of social science. My interest in intersub-
jective rather than individualist narrative has carried forward in my study
of collective biographical history. Here, let me turn to Collective
Biographies of Women (CBW) to further compare Eliot’s typological,
manifold social webs with those revealed in a study of this nonfiction
genre, connecting the portrayal of real and fictional women. Mid-range
reading, as I suggest, affords more nuanced representations of divergent
particulars than more distant, less granular models.28 Our editing
schema identifies types of agents, events, and settings, and stylistic, for-
mal, and ideological features of many nonfiction narratives interrelated
The little girl’s recent studies in the lives of the Saints convinced her that she
could compensate for the lost crown of martyrdom, by imitating the ancient
hermits in their solitude. Accordingly, Roderic [her brother] was again
called in for advice and assistance. . . .the two together took to building little
hermitages in their garden, to which they used to retire to perform the exer-
cises of devotion taught them by their parents. The operation of building, it
may be added, was almost constantly going on, for the hermitages used to
fall down, or require extensive repairs, almost as soon as they were put up.32
George Eliot could not have read this 1881 version, but the childhood
anecdotes come from a common source. Saint Theresa read romances
and lives of the saints, loved to build things (hermitages, and an entire
convent that provoked riots when she built it in secret), and above all
sought martyrdom. One appeal of her story is that she was a fairly
ordinary girl of modern times. Eliot deplores the limited models for
women’s education (the Brooke sisters’ school in Lausanne or Mrs.
Lemon’s school) and occupations, acquainting us with society’s misinter-
pretation of the destinies of her female characters, the sort shapen after
the average, who will never be in biographical collections. What can
women do? A great deal more than Dorothea Brooke, Rosamond
Vincy, or Mary Garth, who, after much effect on cottages, hospitals, hus-
bands, and readers’ emotions, will rest in “unvisited tombs.” This may
ironically be the price a novel must pay for verisimilitude and for the
reader’s rational doubt that he or she will make it into the annals and
monuments.
Critics have noted the close connections between people and condi-
tions in Middlemarch and extratextual individuals and circumstances, con-
nections often backed up by biographical evidence, such as Eliot’s
reading or relationships. Indeed, in the thirty-two short biographies of
George Eliot in different collections in CBW, her novels are used as
sources of biographical detail, and the persona (Mary Ann Evans) is com-
pared to her heroines.33 For example, the American journalist and man
of letters James Parton (husband of the popular writer Fanny Fern)
derives his version of Eliot from Mathilde Blind. “Her biographer”
(Blind) confirms:
she learned in early life the priceless art of laboring with patient cheerful-
ness at homely tasks. Miss Blind tells us, that, “For some years after her moth-
er’s death, Miss Evans and her father remained alone together at Griff
House. He offered to get a housekeeper, as . . . he was always tenderly con-
siderate of ‘the little wench’. . . . But his daughter preferred taking the whole
management of the place into her own hands, and she was as conscientious
and diligent in the discharge of her domestic duties as in the prosecution of
the studies she carried on at the same time. One of her chief beauties was in
her large, finely shaped, feminine hands—hands which she has, indeed,
described as characteristic of several of her heroines; . . . one of them was
broader across than the other, [she said]. . . due to the quantity of butter
and cheese she had made. . . .”
Her appearance at this time is thus described: “She had a quantity of
soft pale-brown hair, worn in ringlets. Her head was massive, her features
powerful and rugged, her mouth large, but shapely, the jaw singularly square
for a woman, yet having a certain delicacy of outline. A neutral tone of col-
oring did not help to relieve this general heaviness. . . . Nevertheless, the play
of expression and the wonderful mobility of the mouth . . . gave a womanly
softness to the countenance in curious contrast with its framework.”34
through “her voice, the latter recalling that of Dorothea, in being like the
voice of a soul that has once lived in an Aeolean harp. It was low and
deep, vibrating with sympathy.” Who shapes these blazon-like chains of
descriptive mirroring? Dorothea has strong maternal hands, and a
voice like a wind harp. Critics have been less likely to connect Eliot
with Dorothea than with Mr. Tulliver’s little wench in childhood and
with homely and conscientiously handy Mary Garth in womanhood;
Maggie or Mary, and thus Marian Lewes, resents the sinister beauty of
her cousin (Lucy or Rosamond). The comparison of author and hero-
ines, or characters generally with real-life precedents, is not a parlor
game that we necessarily want to continue playing, but undoubtedly it
predates the biography by Gordon Haight (1968). We know it’s reduc-
tive, as we know our computer models or theoretical concepts are reduc-
tive, yet at the same time productive of interpretation. And as we study
the extensive female biographical resources of Victorians, we can docu-
ment the powerful implications of persona description very much as
Blind and Parton deploy it.
Since the novel appeared, readers and critics have played this game
of finding real-life counterparts of Eliot’s characters, not without justifica-
tion in the novel’s own rules: a typological network of persons seems
essential to social formation. Many have discussed Mark Pattison, the
Oxford don, as the model for Casaubon (if the model was not Eliot’s
own scholarly self). Eliot was visiting with Pattison and his wife Francis
Emilia Pattison (later Dilke) at Oxford before the novelist added the
“Miss Brooke” material to the medical and industrial portions of the
emerging novel.35 Dinah Birch and others deny that the Oxford don,
author of a biography of Casaubon, was the source for the character of
the Rector of Lowick. It does not require a special research trip to
Oxford to find literary material in the story of a bookish older man mar-
rying a far more creative and ardent beauty. Nevertheless, another model
for the “Miss Brooke” material is less familiar and more resonant for
themes of vocational types of women. Jo Manton has documented that
Eliot found unusual material in the story of Mark Pattison’s sister,
Dorothy Pattison.36 Dorothy Pattison (1832–1878) became well known
as Sister Dora, a focus of my studies of collective biographies of women
before I even knew she was a sister of Mark Pattison.37 Sister Dora was
a type of devotee much like Dorothea Brooke as described in the implied
voice of a suitor in Middlemarch: “A young lady of some birth and fortune,
who knelt suddenly down on a brick floor by the side of a sick laborer
and prayed fervidly as if she thought herself living in the time of the
Apostles” (Middlemarch, chap. 1). Sister Dora and Dorothea share the
plain dress, unfashionably-bound dark hair and white cap, the powerful
maternal hands, fanatical religiosity, passion for horseback riding, enjoy-
ment of the company of men, ambition to improve conditions for the
poor, and a form of self-sacrifice. Sister Dora is a Victorian contemporary
of Eliot, not of Dorothea Brooke in the 1830s. We know Eliot was inquir-
ing into medical practice, and would have been interested in the hospital
reform that Sister Dora facilitated, like Eliot’s hero Lydgate. Eliot could
not have read the first biographies of Sister Dora before writing
Middlemarch, but Sister Dora freely narrated her own experiences and
could well have related these to Mrs. and Mr. Pattison.
Other characters and the narrator tend to place Dorothea Brooke
alongside great art, in an aura of sainthood or allusions to great
women of history, as many have noted. This association is not other-
worldly, but rather in keeping with the contemporary response to
Sister Dora, in a network of eminent contemporary women. In 1880,
two years after Sister Dora’s death, Edith Simcox, the writer and labor
organizer who was in love with Eliot, reviewed the first biography of
Sister Dora, the innovator in surgical nursing and hospital administra-
tion, in terms inflected by Middlemarch: “Henceforward our Dreams
of Fair Women are likely to be haunted with the figure of this
modern, very human saint who had the art of making religion as roman-
tic and life as picturesquely interesting as in the days of St. Louis or
St. Theresa.”38 In a 1906 collection of short biographies of single
women, A. J. Green-Armytage writes that many will have “mentally brack-
eted Sister Dora with Saint Theresa.”39 William James in The Varieties of
Religious Experience (1902) indicates a belief circa 1900 that Sister Dora,
a modern saint, had become a foundress of something.40 Yet clearly
the follower of Florence Nightingale’s vocation breaks out of the mold
of sanctity that has been associated with Victorian repression since
Lytton Strachey’s Eminent Victorians (1918) and the spread of popular
Freudianism during the twentieth century. Hilary Fraser insists that
Eliot’s allusions to saints recognize the Bernini-statue, erotic ecstasy asso-
ciated with Saint Dorothea and Saint Theresa.41 Dorothy Pattison’s life
offers great material to charge the saintly-nurse icon with intense hetero-
sexual passion. Large chunks of family scandal and romantic secrets were
left out of the two 1880 biographies by women who knew her: Margaret
Lonsdale and Eliza Ridsdale.42 Biographies of Sister Dora nevertheless
suggest a physically expressive woman who was in love with several men
in her short life; like Dorothea, Dorothy required a life of feeling, of
6. About the time she came of age, Dora Pattison was very beautiful, being
tall and slender, about five feet seven inches in height, and with a perfect
figure. Her hands were small and exquisitely formed, her features regular,
and her forehead singularly wide and high. She had a small mouth with
full, red lips, a row of white teeth which remained perfect till her
death, and brilliant dark-brown eyes, which could either kindle with sympa-
thy, or twinkle with a merry humour. She had dark, tightly curling brown
hair . . . which waved all over her head. All these attractions, with her softness
and roundness of form, and her extreme delicacy of colouring and complex-
ion, made her a fascinating creature to look upon, and a favourite with all
classes. Yet . . . she had also the proverbial Yorkshire shrewdness of character,
together with “the faculty for hitting the right nail on the head, and for see-
ing to the bottom of a well.” But her strongest natural inclination was the
desire to aid others. . . . Having thus sketched Sister Dora, her biographer
goes on to observe:—
The diagnosis that a penchant for martyrdom is a bit neurotic does not
wait till the twentieth century. The insistence on the real-life, somewhat
unfeminine physicality of this saint—“She could run and jump, follow
the fox or hare, or join in a rat-hunt with all the enthusiasm of a healthy
lad”—is as explicit as Eliot’s portrayal of Dorothea as both femininely
beautiful and boyish: “Most men thought her bewitching when she was
on horseback” (Middlemarch, chap. 1).46 Rejecting Sir James Chettam’s
offer of a horse and deflecting his depiction of her as a model lady
who should be a “perfect horsewoman,” “Dorothea looked straight
before her, and spoke with cold brusquerie, very much with the air of a
handsome boy, in amusing contrast with the solicitous amiability of her
admirer” (Middlemarch, chap. 2). These descriptive passages in the
early chapters of Middlemarch might almost prompt the biographies of
Sister Dora published after George Eliot’s death, except that the real
Victorian woman has a sense of humor, quite lacking (to good effect)
in the fictional character. To look again at Mumford’s contribution to
Heroines of Modern Religion, the frequent topic of Sister Dora’s boyish
romps is tied to her beauty and humor and to the biographer’s obligation
to foresee the future career—as a success that overcomes difficulties.
Note the recurrent word “picture,” much as in the analogies of
Dorothea Brooke to a painting. Sister Dora at twenty “was a picture of
health. . . . As she came back from a cross-country gallop, . . . she was
a picture at which all turned to look. To physical strength and beauty
were united high animal spirits and a sense of humor, which . . . were
to keep her sweet and strong through the trials of the years before her.”47
My point is not to fix Dorothea Brooke as a representation of
Dorothy Pattison, or to suggest that the depiction of the latter owes
much to types of fictional heroines, though there is truth in both.
Eliot, instead of replicating one contemporary, assigns types and func-
tions to her multiple female characters, while generally foreclosing the
fulfilled career, martyrdom, or actual accomplishment that made the his-
toric women noteworthy in biographies. Dorothy Pattison resisted mar-
riage in order to fulfill an influential vocation. In our database, we
compare her biographies typologically, but we assign each biographical
subject multiple types, based on the construction of these personae in
the various published versions, which tend to stretch the schematic pre-
dictability of narratives of women’s lives. By attending to the patterns and
variations we have catalogued, we can exhibit and interpret the collective
portraiture of women during the nineteenth century in both its prescrip-
tive tendencies and its surprising complexity. For instance, Sister Dora in
CBW joins a cohort of some ninety saints; she is also one of 315 nurse
types, of whom fifty-five are African American. Middlemarch has its
hired private nurse, Mary Garth. I propose that Eliot heard through
the Pattisons an anecdote that Dorothy Pattison retold of her early expe-
rience as a private nurse: a demented elderly woman nightly pressing her
to accept gifts of jewels. This could have provided an episode in Mary
Garth’s work as a private nurse, when she rejects Featherstone’s night-
time bribe. In CBW, nursing is a prominent category, including ten ver-
sions of Agnes Jones48 (also a saint, according to William James) who was
Nightingale and with Saint Theresa of Avila, but never does a volume in
CBW’s database list George Eliot and Sister Dora together.57 Closer
examination of the types of collections that feature either of these
famous contemporaries—both of whom resisted their fathers’ dictates,
adopted professional pseudonyms, and had mutual connections in real
life through the Oxford Pattisons—suggests that a saintly, unmarried hos-
pital reformer and an agnostic novelist considered to have lived in adul-
tery were not commended to readers on the same terms. Yet the web of
associations of recent British women with either Eliot or Sister Dora
includes the atheist Harriet Martineau and the feminist, lesbian, animal
rights advocate Frances Power Cobbe, among reformers, writers, artists,
and scientists of many stripes. Exploration of the cohorts in CBW redis-
covers narrative assessments of newly recovered historical women, afford-
ing a composite portrait of women’s typologies in that era.
Such quantitative interpretation of narrative versions and textual
conjunctions of female personae should not be mistaken for objective
documentation of actual women’s lives at that period. Even with the
best conceivable future tools, we will not arrive at objective records of
all women, or of women’s cultural production, or of all gender identifi-
cations in an ideally inclusive history. All models lose specific data; a data-
base of historical biography harmonizes the noise of obscure “equivalent
centers of self.” No one can fix even the complexity of any one life or any
social cohort in a biography or a dataset. Yet like readers of Middlemarch,
we can admit that our categories have missed their mark—comically fig-
ured in the Finale’s misattribution of authorship between Mary and Fred
Vincy—and yet honor human endeavors: “That things are not so ill with
you and me as they might have been, is half owing to the number who
lived faithfully a hidden life, and rest in unvisited tombs” (Middlemarch,
Finale). The other half of progress, one supposes, is owing to published
assessments of historical figures whose graves are well marked and
counted.
NOTES
be directly accessed in CBW, I will cite author, title and ID, with chap-
ter and paragraph number rather than publication data and page.
For books that include a biography of Sister Dora or of Lola
Montez, the database displays text and BESS analysis, as here:
http://cbw.iath.virginia.edu/exist/cbw/dual/a302A/bio06.
31. Here and in some following notes, I will provide URL addresses for
underlined proper names, leading to the person record in CBW.
http://cbw.iath.virginia.edu/women_display.php?id=9444.
32. Pierre Marie Grégoire, Maidens of Hallowed Names, a344 bio13. Text
available at HathiTrust; citing p. 312.
33. http://cbw.iath.virginia.edu/women_display.php?id=9246.
34. Parton, Daughters of Genius, a624 bio07; follow link to HathiTrust;
pp. 94–96. Hughes, Victorians Undone, dramatizes a century-long
quarrel over the irrepressible anecdote that Mary Ann Evans worked
in the dairy at Griff: a laboring hand is not a Victorian lady’s hand.
35. Eliot corresponded with Francis Emilia Pattison from 1869, a few years
after Mark’s sister, Dora, came to Walsall. In May 1870, after ten
months of work on “the Vincy-Featherstone parts” of Middlemarch,
“Mrs. Lewes” visited Mrs. Pattison at Lincoln College, Oxford. Soon
after, she began to write “Miss Brooke,” the story that she decided to
combine with the previous Middlemarch material. Manton, Sister Dora,
353, 362; Haight, George Eliot, 420–28; Beaty, From Notebook to Novel, 3.
36. Manton, “Dorothy Pattison and George Eliot,” appendix to Sister Dora
(see also 272, 354–55). Birch: “He was too clever, too productive, and
not by any means sexless” (“The Scholar Husband,” 210). See
Oldfield, “George Eliot’s Dorothea?” for another source among
Eliot’s circle.
37. http://cbw.iath.virginia.edu/women_display.php?id=9349.
38. Simcox, “Ideals of Feminine Usefulness,” 657. Eliot died rather sud-
denly, after this was published, on December 22, 1880. Manton notes
that Simcox’s review of Lonsdale’s biography could have been based
on information from Mrs. Pattison when both were intimate guests at
George Eliot’s house (356–57).
39. They share “dominating will and cheerful obstinacy” but Sister Dora
was more fortunate in her freedom from the rigid Catholic rules,
according to Green-Armytage, Maids of Honour, a034 bio04 par.9.
40. James, Varieties of Religious Experience, 221–22. James uses the bio-
graphical trope of plural proper names: “The great saints, the spiri-
tual heroes whom every one acknowledges, the Francises,
Bernards, Luthers, Loyolas, . . . the Agnes Joneses, Margaret
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