UL02402

PEMERINTAHAN DAN RAKYAT DI ASIA TENGGARA

LECTURER :

A.PROF. DR. ANANTHA RAMAN GOVINDASAMY

Group Assignment :

Nation Building and Southeast Asia

NAME MATRICS NUMBER

WAFA NUR QISTINA BT ISMAIL BA22110051

MOGANAMBAL BS22110080
RAVICHANDRAN
Introduction

There is a surprising amount of political, cultural, ethnic, and economic diversity to be found
in the Southeast Asian region. A significant portion of this can be attributed to the influences of
immigration (particularly from India and China), in addition to other factors. remnants of former
colonial powers such as the Dutch, British, French, Portuguese, and Spanish are still present. as
well as American – which have permeated the various developmental paths of nations as well as
the construction of new nations in the area, resulting from the imposition of artificial political
borders, to the regional repercussions of World War II (including but not limited to): despite the
severity of the Cold War). The assertions made by Barker, Harms, and Lindquist (2014) that the
region "does not possess an underlying coherence," and that it is the "host of an extraordinarily
rich assortment of various languages' (Chandler et al. 2005, page 12), with reference to the to the
extent that there is widespread ignorance regarding the histories of nearby neighbours, or the
national leaders of the many countries in the region.Despite their diversity, the countries of
Southeast Asia have in large measure the following, common experiences in the political and
economic spheres Human migration across the region, most frequently for cross-border
commercial and industrial activity, in the form of migrant labour, particularly in the domestic
sector, and regional tensions in the late 20th century.

The 20th century is credited with bringing the region closer together, despite the fact that
always on an equal footing or in ways that are mutually desired. The postcolonial paths of many
groups. Countries in Southeast Asia, including that of Thailand, which was known for its
technological innovation actually never under the control of a colonial power (for more
information, see Anderson 1977) – have revolved within the context of nation-building
(inclusive of fostering a sense of nationalism) and the advancement of the economy. These paths
have a tendency to frame the discussion. The projects of autocratic and market-driven
governments in Southeast Asian countries governing, becoming a nation, and growing the
economy are all important.

This volume emerges from the context of "cross-cutting features" (Barker, Harms, and
Lindquist 2014, page 8) among the countries of Southeast Asia with a focus on issues pertaining
to language, education, nation-building, minority languages, and their interrelationships.
Education is a crucial component of the necessary infrastructural foundation for the successful
implementation (or arbitrary imposition) of reforms. The languages of the region have been
intricately entwined with the nation-building projects of individual countries. Education systems
have developed into significant tools for the institutionalisation of languages as both dominant
and national, with the

inevitable result being the marginalisation of less influential local languages. There have been
times when reforms have been implemented in the name of anti-colonial resistance, social
integration, and the formation of national identities (see the chapter on Myanmar, as an acute
example). Schools have also become centres for the (re)affirmation of the role of colonial
languages in society, particularly English. These affirmations are couched in market-driven
ideologies and practises, which has resulted in changes to the linguistic ecologies of the region.
English is a prime example of this phenomenon (see the chapters on Indonesia, Brunei and
Singapore that illustrates these ecological shifts). In a nutshell, the formulation of language
policy in Southeast Asia has been an inextricable component of the processes of nation-building.

This volume strives to define and track these changes through ways in which particular
countries have constructed their languages and education systems within their own situations.
Minority or non-dominant languages are of particular interest in this context, particularly
because they tend to reflect different positions vis-à-vis colonial and national or locally dominant
languages, for example, from the perspectives of local elites: as symbols of backwardness, anti-
modernism, and anti-nationalism; and as instruments of potential national disunity and
disintegration. On the other hand, they could be regarded as democratising voices of cultural
preservation and affirmation of ethnic identity; tools for effective teaching and learning,
particularly at elementary levels; and core elements of restorative justice and socioeconomic
redistribution. Despite this, Kosonen and Young (2009, page 10) write that "many educational
planners and practitioners around the region are still not always fully aware of the issues
involved in the use of minority learners' mother tongues in education."

This is said to be the case in Southeast Asia. In this volume, language hierarchies and the
ways in which nationalist language policies manage or attempt to contain or curtail diversity in
order to re-affirm the linguistic and educational status quo of respective societies are analysed
and questioned. These questions point to issues of assimilation and shift in Southeast Asia as
reflected in the volume's title, and the individual chapters in this volume aim to unpack these
issues through scrutiny of individual countries in the region. The volume's title is "Assimilation
and Shift in Southeast Asia."

The study is focusing on five nations in Southeast Asia: Indonesia, Malaysia, Singapore,
Thailand, and the Philippines. These countries make up the region known as Southeast Asia.
Their

history textbooks will serve as the focus of the inquiry. Each of the five nations that make up
Southeast Asia have their own distinct story in their school textbooks. The analysed data are as
follows inside the textbook, in the form of whole sentences, clauses, phrases, and individual
words. In this setting, the vocabulary that is presented in the textbook is understood to function
as an instrument of the power. The method known as critical discourse analysis (CDA) was used
in this research because it is possible to examine the power dynamics, history, and ideology that
are present in the text. The term "ideology" refers to the patterns and procedures that occur in
society. When looking at the social relationships between the many parties involved, social
processes may be understood by considering the historical backdrop (Janks, 1995; Wodak,
2001).

The three-dimensional framework developed by Fairclough for analysing discourse was used
for this study. These dimensions include text, discourse practise, and sociocultural practise. The
text is analysed linguistically using the Fairclough model, with particular attention paid to the
vocabulary, sentence structure, and semantics (verbally and visually). Within the confines of this
structure, the attention that is paid to cohesion and coherence, as well as how the words or
phrases were joined to generate knowledge, is the centre of attention. A component of the
activity that is relevant to the process of generating and consuming text is called discourse
practise. The practise of discourse investigates the steps involved in the production of text as
well as the historical context of the social circumstances that have an impact on
those steps.
 The study of social and linguistic discourse is carried out, with macroanalysis focusing on the
structure of society and microanalysis focusing on the behaviour of individuals in society. Both
language and society are components of linguistic phenomena, which in turn are components of
social phenomena (Henderson, 2005). The process of description is the first step in the text
analysis, which is followed by a process of analysis or interpretation, and finally, social analysis,
which is also known as an explanation (Janks, 1995). The nation-building initiatives that have
been developed by the governments of Southeast Asian countries are as follows examined by
explaining and providing an interpretation of the policymaking process. The study focused on
things that impact processes, such as the political climate at the time, as one of its primary areas
of interest. The significance of the link between text and context in the creation of meaning is
emphasised here.

When making interpretations, each and every behaviour, belief, and attitude, in addition to
social connection, is taken into account. This is an interpretation of the data does not result in the
only possible truth. This analysis is in fact subject to interpretation, and the way it is interpreted
may shift depending on the underlying point of view. The last stage is to conduct an analysis of
the macrosocial circumstances that existed at that era. At this point, the ideology and culture that
lie behind the discourse are investigated in order to discover the connection between power and
educational materials. In the framework of society, questions of power and domination are
examined as examples of social constructions produced by the authorities

It is widely believed that ideology plays a key role in ensuring that the authorities can continue
to achieve their goals (Wodak, 2001). The social, political, and ideological factors of individual
Southeast Asian nations all play a role in the formulation of a nation-building programme by
those nations. For this reason, many programmes dealing with issues of ethnic reconciliation and
the memory of Japanese occupation in their own nations evolved among the countries of
Southeast Asia. One such programme is the example given above. Countries such as Malaysia,
Thailand, and Singapore are actively working toward ethnic reconciliation, for instance. Some
nations see the collective memory of the Japanese Occupation as a whip in the process of nation-
building and the formation of national identity. Some nations choose to disregard it because they
believe it has no bearing on their affairs the work of constructing Malaysia into a nation started
shortly after the country gained its independence in 1957. (Saad, 2012). In the past, the
government of Great Britain attempted to create a confederation of Malay republics called the
Malayan Union, which would have guaranteed equality for all of the region's many ethnicity.

On the other hand, those of Malay ethnicityrejected their formation since it resulted in the loss
of advantages and chose a different ethnic identity during the same time period, while Malaysia
was still under British colonial rule, the country attempted to rally national solidarity in an effort
to declare independence from Britain. The "State of Malay Dream" is an effort that was started
by Malaysian and Indonesian nationalists. Its motto is "Great Malay," and it expresses the
aspiration of Malaysian and Indonesian nationalists for an independent nation that is free from
invasion from other countries. The People's Power Center (PUTERA) and the PanMalayan
Council of Joint Action (PMCJA) came together as part of a coalition of left-wing forces during
the months of March to July 1947 as a consequence of the resistance movement against Britain
Malaysia is home to three of the world's most populous races: the Malays, the Chinese, and the
Indians. More over half are of Malay descent, while the Chinese and Indian populations each
make up around 30

and 10 percent of the population, respectively. Late in the 19th century and early in the 20th
century saw the arrival of Chinese and Indian people on the Malay Peninsula. Their linguistic
practises, cultural norms, and religious beliefs are distinct from those of the Malay language. The
contrasts might make the programme in Malaysia for constructing the country more difficult at
times.

In Malaysia, one's political identification is strongly influenced by their ethnic background.

This is reflected in the establishment of political parties catering specifically to Malays, Chinese,
and Indians (Susanto, 2016). These parties include the United Malay National Organization
(UMNO), which has its roots in the Malay ethnic group, the Malaysian Chinese Association
(MCA), which represents the Chinese ethnic group, and the Malaysian Indian Congress (MIC),
which represents the Indian ethnic group. The fact that a Malay person was always elected to the
position of prime minister is one indication of UMNO's political supremacy. The United Malays
National Organization (UMNO) and other Malay organisations made repeated appeals to the
electoral draught panel to make Islam the official religion of Malaysia (Ziegenhain, 2018). The
scope of ethnic parties and collective aspirations grows.
 The distance that separates them. Egocentrism can be found in each of these. The disparity in
wealth that exists between people of Chinese and Malay ancestry, as well as the advantages
enjoyed by Malay workers in the public sector, private industry, and educational institutions, all
contribute to the difficulty of nation-building (Susanto, 2016). Even if they have less access to
economic resources, the Chinese people have a greater degree of influence over those resources.
In addition, the cause is the historical heritage. The position held by Chinese people is frequently
leveraged for the benefit of Malay ethnics' interests. On the other side, they are subjected to
discriminatory treatment, such as with regard to the settlement options available to them. The
Chinese people's dogged will to succeed in business has propelled them to the forefront of the
global economy.

3. Challenges of nation building in Southeast Asia

The real beginning of the nation-structure was long ago, and the end of social control came
after. Southeast Asia can be broken down into five different nations: Indonesia, Malaysia,
Singapore, Thailand, the Philippines, and more. Each nation in Southeast Asia has a distinctive
racial makeup, religious beliefs, social mores, economic system, and creative tradition.
Consequently, national laws vary from country to country (Wijayanti et al., 2018). The rise of
public individual qualities in Southeast Asian countries occurs at the point of ethnic intersection.
This process of convergence is the outcome of an awareness of the difficulties faced by the
nations of Southeast Asia in their quest for independence. Ethnicity and ethnic relations have
consistently been a key topic in Southeast Asian studies. Even if every country in Southeast Asia
faces diverse problems and has a distinctly different political system, the issues facing nation-
building today are very different from those of the 1950s or 1960s. In order to continue building
a solid country structure, Indonesia, Malaysia, and Singapore all overcame different obstacles
and each has a distinctly different political system. Republic and ethnic affairs are two important
spheres where issues can arise. There are many diverse ethnic and religious groups present in the
populations of all three countries, and it is still unclear how these groups will coexist peacefully
or how power and resources will be divided among them. Right now, the republican question is
really relevant.

The Chinese community in Indonesia has become active in political parties, civil society
organizations, and the restoration of previously banned verbal and artistic indoctrination.
Suharto's authoritarian absolutism and his use of profitable policy and the service to denounce
and put one community against another were the direct causes of some of the ethnic strains that
existed prior to the horrible bloodshed of 1998 Since the end of the New Order absolute
monarchy and the repeal of racist laws, the Chinese have been permitted to exercise their
citizenship rights, and the country has begun to take into account the community's position and
benefits within Indonesian society. Despite the fact that ethnic and religious pressures still exist
in Indonesia, popular political processes are trying to homogenize these ties in many ways.

However both Malaysia and Singapore have certain aspects of democratic institutions or
procedures, neither country has fully transitioned to democracy. Undetermined ethnical conflict
over power sharing may be one of the factors precluding true democratization, among other
factors. The consociationalism system, which Malaysia's ethnic leaders employed until the late
1960s, did serve as a foundation for ethnic harmony and nation-structure, while not being very
prominent. Since the elite agreement in Malaysia dissolved in 1969, it has been unclear and
contentious how groups should interact with one another and how power should be divided
among the Malay, Chinese, and Indian people. The dominating party, UMNO, is a Malay party
that has been trying to find a means to justify its totalitarian rule. Its foundations are economic
growth, the Islamization of politics, and Malay society to maintain their dominance. Many
Malaysians would like to see political change and an opening up of the political process, but this
may necessitate changing the national discourse so that Malay identity and Islam are no longer
given the upper hand in terms of power and prominence.

Still both Malaysia and Singapore have certain aspects of popular institutions or procedures,
neither country has completely transitioned to republic. Undetermined ethnical conflict over
power sharing may be one of the factors precluding true democratization, among other factors.
The consociationalism system rehearsed by Malaysia's ethnical leaders during the country's
transition to independence and up to the late 1960s weren't entirely popular, they did serve as a
foundation for ethnical harmony and nation- structure. Since the elite agreement in Malaysia
dissolved in 1969, it has been unclear and contentious how groups should interact with one
another and how power should be divided among the Malay, Chinese, and Indian people. A
Malay party called UMNO, which is currently in power, has been looking for ways to preserve
its authoritarian rule. Its basis are Malay society's desire to maintain its hegemony, profitable
expansion, and the Islamization of politics. Many Malaysians want political reform and an
opening up of the political system, but this may demand changing public opinion so that Malay
identity and Islam are no longer given the upper hand in terms of power and elevation. It is a
challenge for Malaysia to solve this issue as it is related to the country’s history itself which
guided by the national principle and the Malaysian constitution itself.

Singapore has unresolved issues with national structure and inter racial relations. Singapore's
democratic transition could raise new concerns about Chinese control over the world's political
and economic systems. In conclusion, given that Southeast Asia is tied to each individual
historical value, nation-building in the area is a significant and controversial subject that must be
resolved for the region to become explosively united. Therefore, as long as there are no deadly
conflicts or ethnic unrest inside it that would eventually have a significant wider range of effects
on the people and the country itself, Southeast Asia can continue to work to strengthen the
relationships between states in the region.
References

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