Professional Documents
Culture Documents
net/publication/296681333
CITATIONS READS
15 2,514
3 authors, including:
Some of the authors of this publication are also working on these related projects:
Structural Violence and Community Based Research and Action -- Special Issue View project
Citizenship, Belonging, and Community Resistance: A Community-based Participatory and Action Research Project with Bengal Origin Muslim Communities in Assam
(Northeast India) View project
All content following this page was uploaded by Urmitapa Dutta on 04 December 2017.
Urmitapa Dutta*a,
a
Department of Psychology, University of Massachusetts Lowell, Lowell, USA; bGlobal Studies,
University of Massachusetts Lowell, Lowell, USA; cJustice Resource Institute, Needham, USA
Andrea Kashimana Angzende is a doctoral student at the Global Studies Program at University of
University of Massachusetts, Lowell. A recent graduate of the Peace and Conflict Studies program at
UMass Lowell, Andrea’s current research interests focuses on understanding the impact of conflicting
political and religious identities on policy activism along with the role of psychological entitlement in
women’s economic outcomes.
Kayla Walkling is a recent graduate from the University of Massachusetts Lowell with a B.A. in
Sociology. She currently works as a peer support worker for transitional-aged youth receiving services in
the mental health system at the Justice Resource Institute in Hyannis, Massachusetts.
*
Corresponding author. Email: Urmitapa_Dutta@uml.edu
The everyday peace project: An innovative approach to peace pedagogy
A critical task for peace pedagogy is to challenge views of peace as primarily responses
to declared war. Crisis-based politics tend to focus on exceptional situations and fail to
capture the entire spectrum of violence. Premised on the idea that peace cannot be
understood in isolation of larger structural problems, this paper proposes the concept of
‘everyday peace’ as a framework for peace education. Drawing from a pedagogical
initiative, we examine how students engage with the concept of everyday peace and
present our findings in three related domains: (1) Definition of everyday peace, (2)
Application of everyday peace principles, and (3) Role of collaboration in everyday
peace approaches. Our analysis underscored two important themes in participants’
definitions of everyday peace: (1) peace as a value-based praxis and (2) individual level
and systemic components of everyday peace. Applying these principles to a violent
event in the local community, participant responses emphasized compassion, cultures
of peace, and the need to draw reflexive, meaningful connections between local and
global contexts. The participants also outlined the synergistic role of collaboration in
everyday peacebuilding. We discuss our findings in relation to extant research and
consider implications of an everyday peace framework for holistic peace education.
Introduction
In the recent century, we have witnessed a transformation in conventional ideas of war. War
concerns in Africa, Middle East, and in Asia (Das 2001, 108). This in turn has led to a rise in
crisis-based politics that focus on situations perceived as volatile, exceptional, and as a break
from normal (Cuomo 1996; Gumz 2009). Such a focus fails to take into account the complex
systems of domination and oppression that function as givens in people’s everyday lives.
Besides, not all acts of violence occur within the confines of declared war (Das 2005;
Scheper-Hughes 2006). Thus it has become imperative for peace scholars to focus on the
2
everyday in order to understand and address the scope of violence in people’s lives
(Appadurai 2004). Peace education in turn must reflect these altered contingencies.
Premised on the idea that peace cannot be understood or studied in isolation of other
social processes, this paper proposes the concept of everyday peace as a framework for peace
education. Violence that is ubiquitous and deeply entrenched in everyday practices calls for a
investigate how students in a peace and conflict studies program develop the concept of
everyday peace and examine the role of everyday peace as a framework for peace education.
The study was carried out in the context of a graduate seminar entitled ‘Everyday Peace:
Community-based Approaches to Peace and Peace-building,’ which was designed and taught
by the first author. The course introduced students to the everyday peace project as a vehicle
to examine the production of peace at the local level while taking into account the influence
of macro-social and global processes. The term project conveys the provisional and
contextualized quality of the concept of everyday peace. Rather than offering students a
concrete definition of the term everyday peace, it was proposed as a project that students
description of the everyday peace project. We then present the study examining how student
participants engage with the concept of everyday peace, how they apply the concept to their
everyday peace approach. The paper concludes with a discussion of the implications of our
findings for critical peace education along with limitations and future directions.
Our concept of everyday peace builds upon those of positive peace, human rights, and
conflict transformation. At its inception in the 1950s, peace studies focused primarily on
3
responses to direct violence and warfare, usually in the form of peace treaties and accords.
Although the incidence of major wars has greatly reduced in recent decades, societies across
the globe continue to experience violent conflict. Responding to these contingencies, peace
scholar Johan Galtung introduced the term positive peace in 1964. Positive peace involves
the active creation of harmonious environments that support cooperation and coexistence
(Galtung 1964, 1996; Galtung and Fischer 2013). Thus understood, peace is not just the
absence of war, but the creation of lasting structures that ensure the reduction of all kinds of
violence in a society (de Rivera 2004). Positive peace moves beyond attempts to end violent
conflicts to also focus on critical rights such as social and political equity, access to quality
health care, access to economic opportunities, freedom to express one’s self without fear, and
to develop one’s abilities without obstruction (Barash 2010; Galtung 1985; Ife 2007; Perry
2000). Positive peace is closely connected to the concept of conflict transformation, which
contends that the structural and cultural violence associated with the overt conflict have to be
addressed in order to promote constructive social change (Dayton and Kriesberg 2009;
constructively with conflict across different contexts and across multiple levels to advance
The concept of everyday peace also builds upon the existing literature on peace
education. The goal of peace education is to provide insights on how to transform cultures of
violence into peaceful cultures (Harris 2010). Lasting peace depends on educating future
generations on values, attitudes, behaviours, and capabilities that will enable them to build
and enact peace (Johnson & Johnson 2010). The gamut of peace education includes both
formal institutional contexts such as schools and colleges as well as informal community-
based peace education. This paper focuses on peace education in the context of public
universities. We draw upon critical approaches to peace education, which emphasize the
4
dynamics and various social hierarchies. Eschewing rigid normative standards for peace
education, these approaches underscore the value of contextualized forms of peace education
(Bajaj and Brantmeier 2011). The ways in which we conceptualize peace must contend with
the expansive problems of peace located at all points along a micro/macro dimension
(Haavelsruda and Stenbergb, 2012). Responding to these exigencies, peace scholars have
generated different sets of principles to guide peace education. For example, Johnson and
development of conflict management and conflict resolution skills, and inculcation of the
value of consensual peace. Shapiro (2002) laid out a number of principles to guide peace
pedagogy, some of which include connecting violence to social injustice, understanding real
differences and learning to live with them, and developing the capacity for compassionate
engage the concept of peacebuilding in daily lives along and explore their role as everyday
peace advocates.
The everyday peace framework coalesces around positive peace, human rights,
conflict transformation, and critical peace education. These approaches foreground the need
for both structural and relationship change in order to advance sustainable peace. The
everyday peace project involves a critical engagement with the production of positive peace
at the local level, while taking into account global and transnational forces implicated in
various conflicts around the world. Thus, everyday peace is negotiated between micro and
macro scales. Given specific historical, political, cultural, and socioeconomic contingencies,
communities and groups may have varying conceptions of what local peace means to them.
In order to ensure sustainable peace in diverse, multicultural societies, the vision must be
5
involves collectively investigating the notion of everyday peace in a specific context and
working towards an integrated the vision of what peace means to different stakeholders
within that context. In other words, the vision for everyday peace in a particular context has
Our concept of everyday peace includes both process (e.g., democratic engagement and
community building processes) and outcome (e.g., shared vision of peace grounded in local
approaches provide a critical framework to engage both these elements of everyday peace.
PAR approaches combine ‘theory, action, and participation committed to further the interests
of exploited groups and classes’ (Fals-Borda 1987, 329). Although PAR approaches have
developed in a diversity of fields, there are some basic tenets that characterize PAR
collective investigation of community problems, the desire to take individual and collective
action to address the structural roots of particular problems, and effect positive social change
(Brydon-Miller 1997; Fals-Borda and Rahman 1991; McIntyre 2008). In PAR, traditional
research subjects are repositioned as critical inquirers so that these individuals or groups
actively craft the research agenda from framing research questions to analysis and
dissemination of findings (Brydon-Miller 1997; Cammarota and Fine 2008; McTaggart and
Kemmis 1988). Central to PAR’s notion of knowledge generation, lies the development of
critical consciousness through repeated cycles of action and reflection (Brydon-Miller 1997).
The goal of PAR is to arrive at emancipatory, locally relevant, and collectively produced and
Miller 1997; Fals-Borda 1987; Torre and Fine 2011). From its roots in critical pedagogy to its
emphasis on democratic inquiry, PAR has crucial parallels with the everyday peace
6
recognizes the vital role of the capacity to make strategic inquiries and gain strategic
knowledge in order to exercise democratic citizenship (Appadurai 2006; Fine and Torre
2006); something that is consistent with the agenda of an everyday peace project.
capacities, as well as creating new theoretical possibilities (Cahill and Hart 2007; Foster-
Fishman et al. 2005; Torre and Fine, 2006; Wang 1999; Zimmerman et al., 2011). PAR
approaches have been used extensively by M. Brinton Lykes (1994, 1997, 2013) in her
focuses on capacities and rights of individuals and groups who resist structural oppression.
mediation practices in Nepal (Lederach and Thapa 2012). Participatory action research
strategies may then be employed to collectively investigate and build a concept of everyday
peace that is context specific and meaningful to the groups involved. When applied to peace
pedagogy, this means restructuring the classroom according to principles of PAR, engaging
means to them. The multiple perspectives that individual students bring in would deepen the
resultant understanding of peace. PAR approaches thus represent a systematic approach for
engaging students in everyday peace praxis, engendering educational experiences that are not
The Everyday Peace Project was initiated as a small-scale study through a graduate seminar
designed and taught by the first author. The metaphor of project is vital to convey the
7
ongoing, provisional, and contextual nature of everyday peace. The course entitled ‘Everyday
students to develop the concept of everyday peace and explore community-based approaches
recognized as an effective pedagogy for peace education (Johnson and Johnson 2005;
Reardon 1994; Synott 2005). The adoption of active cooperative learning strategies (e.g.,
construction) helps generate locally relevant curriculum that is likely to be more sustainable
because of students’ active participation in its design (Jenkins and Jenkins 2010).
The Everyday Peace course was offered as an elective in the Peace and Conflict
causes of violence, methods to resolve violence, and practices to build peace. The center
offers an undergraduate minor and major, a graduate certificate, and a master’s degree in
peace and conflict studies. Students enrolled in the master’s program are required to take
leadership, and policy analysis. The Everyday Peace course described here fulfills the
conflict resolution option. The present study was designed with the goal of documenting
student perspectives on everyday peace and examining the role of collaborative approaches in
peacebulding. Specifically, we were guided by three key questions that we wanted to explore.
First, how do student participants define everyday peace? Second, how do they apply or
integrate the emerging principles of everyday peace to issues in their social contexts and
understanding and promoting everyday peace? We draw upon our findings to discuss the
contexts.
8
Method
Peace labs
The novel feature and the mainstay of the everyday peace course were the peace lab sections.
Interspersed across the semester, these were four action sessions during which students drew
upon their readings and class discussions to discuss, debate, and elaborate what everyday
peace means and how to work towards it. Please see Table 1 for a summary of the peace labs.
Students were assigned a cross-disciplinary reading list that covered a range of topics such as
and action research methods (see Supplemental Table 1). The peace labs were informed by a
cooperative learning approach where students work together to achieve shared learning goals
and complete joint tasks or assignments (Johnson and Johnson 1999). The peace lab activities
The format of the peace labs were informed by PAR approaches, which combine
research, education, and action for social transformation (Brydon-Miller 1997; Cammarota
and Fine 2008; Fals-Borda 1987; Kemmis & McTaggart 1988). As discussed earlier, PAR
approaches constitute an appropriate platform to engage in the everyday peace project. PAR
capacity (Appadurai 2006; Fine and Torre 2006). Along these lines, students were positioned
as both subjects and co-researchers in the peace labs. They gathered data, which also
included their own experiences and perspectives and collaboratively analysed the data that
they all contributed to (Argyris & Schon, 1991; McTaggart 1991). Students were actively
involved in various stages of the peace labs: generating topics for discussion, sharing
9
strive towards the emerging vision of everyday peace. The peace labs were structured to
allow for cycles of action and reflection as a group, which would then inform subsequent
peace labs and the course in general. True to the values of PAR, the focus was on students
actively acquiring and producing experientially grounded knowledge of peace, rather than
mere accumulation of existing theory and empirical facts (Cammarota and Fine 2008).
theorize the construct of peace and examine pathways to peacebuilding. Rather than a
‘banking’ style of education focusing exclusively on existing theories and research, students
issues. The labs thus represent a more democratised academic setting. The different activities
were developed to stimulate student participants to examine the roots of everyday violence
and recognize their own agency as everyday peace advocates. Instead of presenting a firmly
defined concept of peace, we tried to integrate the vision of what peace means to students,
individually and collectively. To that end the concept of everyday peace is premised on a
constructivist understanding of peace; that is, we attend to the ways in which different
discourses and modes of thought that shape our notion of peace (Skelly 2002).
The data presented in this paper primarily comes from the first and last peace labs.
Using a participatory action research framework, the first peace lab was designed to engage
students in collaborative definitional exercises. Each student wrote up what they meant by
‘everyday violence’ and ‘everyday peace.’ Their responses were anonymized and randomly
distributed across two groups. Each group worked with their assigned responses as ‘data’ to
cull out important themes. They then worked those themes to build a new definition that
incorporates key themes along with any new ideas they desired to add. Finally, they
10
discussed the connections between the collaborative definition and their personal
understanding of everyday peace. The last peace lab was scheduled towards the later part of
the semester and was planned as an application-focused lab where students would interrogate
the concept of everyday peace as it applied to particular issues in the campus community.
However, the lab was modified to accommodate student interest in organizing an open peace
forum following a violent, traumatic event in the larger community. This change was
consistent with core ideas of critical peace education– if students’ voices and experiences are
to matter, then these must be given recognition in the learning process. In practical terms,
this means that students should be allowed spaces to bring their understandings to bear on
critical situations (Barnett 1997). This is also consistent with the principles of PAR where
research findings serve as springboards for ideas and actions (Brydon-Miller 1997;
Cammarota and Fine 2008). The last peace lab consisted of two sessions. In the first session,
students shared and processed their responses to the violence. The second session was the
actual peace forum, which the students organized and facilitated. The goal of the peace
forum was to provide a safe space to process our reactions and to collectively reflect on our
role as peace advocates in society. After the last peace lab, students reflected on how they
Participants
The participants were the nine students enrolled in the course. They were affiliated to the
Peace and Conflict Studies program of a public university in the East Coast region of the
United States. The Principal Investigator (PI) of this study was also the instructor for the
consultation with our Institutional Review Board, we came up with a number of steps. First,
the research study was not brought up until later in the semester so that students did not
interpret the research component as a required part of the course. Second, the PCS program
11
coordinator oversaw the consent process after class hours. He also stored the forms in his
office, handing those over to the PI after the official grades for the class had been posted. All
of the nine students enrolled in the class had consented to participate in the study. The
participants included six women and three men. The PCS program has a diverse student
body, which was reflected in the composition of the class. Four of the participants identified
Data collection
A course wiki was created for students to share and access materials for the peace labs. A
wiki is a simple webpage that can be edited by multiple users. The wiki served as a
materials for the peace labs. It was a university-supported, secure site so that only students
enrolled in the course could access it. Data were collected at the peace labs at four points
across the semester. For the purpose of this paper, we have included student reflections on
everyday peace, reflections on the links between everyday violence and everyday peace,
evaluations of the collaborative structure of peace labs, and reflections on everyday peace
Data analysis
We employed an inductive thematic analysis to analyse our data (Hayes, 2000; Strauss and
Corbin 1998; Thomas 2006). This approach is used to generate core meanings from the data,
relevant to research domains or objectives. The primary mode of analysis here is the
development of categories from the raw data into a model or framework. The categories are
labelled, described, grouped, and populated with text or data that illustrate the meanings
associated with the category. Each category may also be linked to other categories to form a
description of the data in relation to our primary question: how do students engage with the
12
analysis is typically employed in exploratory studies and tends to be a robust approach when
the analytic purpose is descriptive and exploratory (Braun and Clark 2006; (Frith and
Gleeson 2004; Guest, MacQueen, and Namey 2011). Therefore this approach was suited to
our study.
The research team consisting of the PI and two student assistants carefully read the
data a number of times to identify meaningful units of text relevant to the research topic.
Next, units of text dealing with the same issue were grouped together in analytic categories or
themes and given provisional definitions. The same unit of text could be included in more
than one theme. A theme captures something important about the data and represents some
level of patterned response within the data set. The ‘keyness’ of a theme is not necessarily
dependent on quantifiable measures; rather it based on the extent to which a theme captures
something important in relation to the overall research question (Braun and Clark 2006). The
research team reviewed the data to ensure that a name, description, and exhaustive set of data
to support each theme were identified. The themes were identified at a semantic level, that is,
within the explicit or surface meanings of the data (Boyatzis 1998). We continued to refine
the specifics of each theme by checking thematic descriptions against the relevant data to
examine whether it was inclusive of the data (Fereday and Muir-Cochrane 2006). The
analysis was exhaustive in that most of the data were assigned to at least one theme. We
generated clear definitions and names for each theme. Finally, we related the analysis back to
our research questions and extant literature, which allowed us to theorise the significance of
the patterns and their broader meanings and implications (Aronson 1995; Patton 1990).
Through this process, we identified seven key themes that addressed our three research
domains (definition of everyday peace, application of everyday peace principles, and role of
Findings
The peace labs prompted students to think about peace as an everyday and sustained process
in their immediate contexts. As part of the initial peace lab, each student described what they
meant by ‘everyday peace.’ As we analysed their responses, two major themes emerged that
characterized their emerging understanding of everyday peace: (1) Value-based praxis and
Value-based praxis
The importance of a value orientation in striving towards everyday peace was evident across
participants’ definitions. These values included social justice, equality, acceptance, diversity,
empathy, compassion, and respect. There was tacit agreement that a peaceful society, while
difficult to envision, would at the very least begin with a personal commitment to values of
compassion and social justice. For example, Jane1, one of the participants explained:
I do firmly believe that in sharing our lives with others we are better able to understand and
appreciate our own. Thus my vision for an ideal world would be one that is much more
Ron, another participant articulated a similar idea of peace – ‘to treat an individual or groups
with equality and justice.’ Notably, participants asserted that values of equality and justice
are not limited to individuals but also apply to communities, national, and global entities.
Everyday peace would mean gender equity, decreasing gaps between rich and poor, building
understanding and tolerance between nations and individuals of different faiths, ethnicities,
1
Pseudonyms have been used for all participants.
14
Eric’s quote demonstrates an ecological sensibility that situates the individual as part of the
larger social; a common thread that emerged across a number of participants’ definitions.
In an ideal world, everyone can find something in everyone else to relate to and appreciate. If
for some reason they cannot, they still respect them on the basis of a common bond of
humanity. For this mutual acceptance and understanding to translate into society, governing
bodies have to reflect the same mutual understanding and enforce it through legislation and
policy.
values as well as the ways in which these values might potentially inform social structural
everyday peace contained an essence of just peace (Galtung 1996; Lederach 2005). Peace
In defining everyday peace, student participants not only described what it entailed, but also
discussed approaches or methods through which everyday peace might be achieved. They
level and systemic components (See Table 3). This is exemplified by Gina’s perspective:
Peace is a process that starts within your heart and soul then it radiates out in action and
At the individual level, student participants discussed the role of critical self-awareness in the
development of everyday peace, namely, being aware of and confronting one’s biases and
We all have biases. It is quite natural—baggage that we cannot simply toss away. However, if
used wisely, our different backgrounds, cultures, can aid us in understanding other people’s
points of view.
It is important for every person to be a master of his or her own destiny. If you allow a person
to be a driver of his own life, he or she feels empowered, but if you always control his or her
actions and judgments is what can cause the person to be upset in most cases.
The individual level actions were expanded to the relational or interpersonal levels. Parveen,
another participant explained that ‘As a community, it is very important for every individual
to have inner peace, because if we are at peace within ourselves then we can be kind to
others.’ Yet other participants emphasized the role of tolerance, understanding between
Sherry described everyday peace as something where ‘everyone can find something in
everyone else to relate to and appreciate, and if for some reason they cannot, they still respect
Participants expanded upon the individual and relational levels to underscore the
systemic conditions necessary for everyday peace. They discussed the importance of
attending to human rights and the fulfilment of various needs such as education, health,
human services, safety, and environmental justice. The quotes below illustrate how
Freedom means that no one would have to fear for their safety or fear about speaking out.
War would fade out as a universal tactic in place of peaceful measures that promote economic
There needs to be an equal distribution of basic social services, for example: education, health
16
care, cleans water, healthy environment, and decent shelter. To feel at peace you also have to
have a voice, freedom of speech, you have to be able to be heard and voice your opinion in
Yet another participant, Adebo explained that ‘decreasing gaps between rich and poor,
gender equity, understanding and tolerance between nations and individuals of different
faiths, ethnicities’ are necessary to promote everyday peace. These reflections point towards
a growing appreciation of how social injustice is connected to violence and conflict. Jane
directly referred to the notion of justice as she talked about everyday peace:
Justice would mean that people would not be discriminated against for gender, race, ethnicity,
element of teaching peace (Shapiro 2002). These findings underscore two important points.
First, the participants adopt process-based definitions of peace (Hicks 1988; Johnson and
Johnson 2005). They recognize that everyday peace is an ongoing process rather than a
discrete event or outcome. Second, the findings indicate that students draw connections
between peace and human rights (Reardon 2002; Ife 2007, 2009). Specifically, by moving
appreciation of ‘human rights from below’ (Ife 2009). They view human rights as embedded
in the community and the state (e.g., safety and structural equity) and in individuals’
everyday actions (e.g., how to treat others). This is captured in the following excerpt from
mutual understanding of rights and obligations are all necessary conditions of peace.’
limited to peace treaties or peace negotiations; rather the focus is on the process by which
In the course of the semester, a sudden, tragic incident in the larger community compelled
participants to think about peace in their immediate context. The Boston Marathon bombing
took place during the latter part of the semester when the everyday peace course was being
taught. The Boston marathon is held on Patriot’s Day, a public holiday in the Commonwealth
Lexington and Concord. During the 2013 marathon, a pair of homemade bombs detonated a
short distance from the finish line of the marathon. Three people lost their lives while more
than 200 people were injured. The class met as scheduled on the day after the bombings
while everyone was still reeling from the incident. The group was sombre as students tried to
process what had taken place in the larger community. There was shared acknowledgment
that these circumstances had compelled everyone to reflect on the serious implications of
community. They mobilized around their shared concerns by organizing an open peace
forum. This was an effort to create a space for campus and community members to process
their reactions and reflect on collective action. The student participants discussed their
responses to the event and shared those through the discussion board on the course wiki.
Through thematic analysis of the discussions, we identified three core themes that
characterized the way in which they applied the principles of everyday peace: (1) compassion
in the aftermath of a community tragedy, (2) making local-global connections, and (2) culture
The student participants’ reflections following the marathon bombing converged on a broad
As we heal, it is also time we ask ourselves how often we treat one another with genuine and
sincere compassion. Do we care about our neighbours? Do we even know who our next-door
18
neighbour is? Do we care? While we grieve and heal, we have to make room for forgiveness
A common observation that cut across several participants’ responses was the collective
compassion in the immediate aftermath of the tragedy. Maura described how she noticed ‘a
lot of people banding together, recognizing that pain is universal and indiscriminate.’
Participants also discussed what a compassionate response might entail. The following quote
I think it’s important to create space to listen to the stories of those affected on a range of
different levels. This will help create an understanding of where people may be emotionally
and help us be sensitive, of course only if they want to share. This does bring up questions
about how to support and respect those who have been affected and how we might take action
around this.
You need to be incredibly gentle and patient because you’re dealing with a potentially very
angry and confused population, and saying you have the answers for them may not be well
Even as student participants reflect on the necessity for compassion, they underscored the
jumping to solutions, recognizing that the quest for empathic relationships should not be
confused with believing that one knows everything there is to know about another. In
empathy, sensitivity, and care for the dignity of others. This conceptualization of compassion
While participants talked about the shared grief that wracked the community, they placed the
event in Boston in a larger global context (Toh 2002). They acknowledged the imperative of
being aware of violence in other parts of the world. Gina, a participant described the empathy
I now have a deeper understanding of how affected a person can be when the security they
believed was there is breached; it isn't something I can ignore as much as I might events like
How we view this event through different lenses might be an interesting conversation. This
could lead to issues of what safety and terrorism mean and how we look at these phenomena
on larger national and global scales. How also do we respond in a bigger community sense
In particular, student participants reflected on the complicity of the United States in violence
We (Americans) are responsible for terrorizing many regions in this world. I am sorry for
what has happened here. But it is only when it happens in our own backyards, our own
neighbourhoods that we see it as something evil, as terrorism. Do we ever think that invading
a country, overthrowing its government, and killing thousands in the process may also be
considered terrorism?
While it was painful to have had a family member have a near death experience, events like
this are daily occurrence in some parts of the world. This gives us the opportunity to reflect
on a global scale in feeling the pain of others. Why have we come to accept that it is all right
for others to live like that? How can we seek peace for ourselves and yet deny peace to
others?
20
Connecting the dots between local and global instances of violence generated critical
questions, which helped students develop a more nuanced understanding of violence and
peacebuilding. For instance, Jane reflected on what she learned about violence and
peacebuilding:
I now understand much better why this isn’t something that can easily be fixed with
diplomacy, therapy, or youth programming alone. The confusion and fear isn’t something that
The excerpts here demonstrate that participants expanded out of the context of their
the world (Das, 2001; Scheper-Hughes 1997, 1998). These reflections underscore an
informed empathy on their part as they critically engage other contexts of conflict. Thus the
ideological, cultural, and institutional – in the promotion of everyday peace. They began by
the need to address the culture of violence perpetuated by the media in the wake of tragedies
such as the Boston marathon bombings (Allen and Seaton 1999; Trend 2007). This sentiment
was especially pronounced in Parveen’s reaction as she critiqued the ‘xenophobia’ in media
commentaries: ‘I knew the media would once again perpetuate stereotypes and use the
perpetrators’ so-called Islamic backgrounds to put up the label of Islamic terrorism.’ Sherry
video, computer games and so on. These media serve as agents of socialization. Often, they
are the avenues through which forms of violence are learnt and normalized.
The act of violence in the larger community urged the participants to examine importance of
peace in our day-to-day lives. Cognizant of the spectrum of normalized violence across the
world, they began to reflect on what it might mean to institutionalize peace rather than
violence in the contemporary world. There was general consensus on the critical need for a
radical shift in cultures of violence, that is, configurations of assumptions, values, practices,
and ways of knowing that contribute to violence in society. Participants emphasized the shift
from a culture that normalizes and sensationalizes violence to one that resists such
normalization. For instance, Gina talked about cultures of peace where ‘the concept of
empathy would be permeated throughout the world, and small misunderstandings would be
resolved without escalating and resorting to violence.’ Along similar lines, Ron was emphatic
that ‘in sharing our lives with others we are more able to understand and appreciate our own,’
leading him to envision ‘an ideal world would be one much more grounded in local and
global compassion.’ Maura revised her definition of everyday peace as she tried to
For me, everyday peace means a world without violence, of any kind. It would be a world that
would not require me to stand in front of a camera to be buzzed into my son’s school. It
would be a world that would never normalize acts of terrorism or violence of any kind,
anywhere and to anybody, ever. It would mean the entire world, not just the United States and
all citizens, healthy or disabled, young or old, being able to live peacefully and having their
Maura clearly makes a connection between everyday peace and human rights, something that
that is found interspersed throughout the data. The participants interrogate values,
peace, which is a critical component of peace education (Danesh 2006; Staub 2002). They
conceive cultural arrangements that would resolve conflicts with non-violent means (Mac-
Gregor, 1986), imagine the construction of a contemporary culture that would oppose the
culture of violence and war (Adams and True, 1997), and envision a peaceable diversity
(Boulding 2000).
Collaborative and constructivist approaches are integral to the concept of everyday peace. If
fostering collaboration is a valued goal of peace education, the mechanisms through which
students learn about peacebuilding should also be collaborative (Jenkins and Jenkins 2010;
Reardon 1994; Synott 2005). A cooperative learning approach was used to promote
collaboration in the peace labs (Johnson and Johnson 1988). For example, the definitional
exercises required each of the student participants to bring their own understandings of issues
to the group (individual accountability). They then had to work collectively to develop a
working definition of everyday peace (positive goal interdependence). The success of these
activities crucially relies on participants’ ability to attend to the diverse ideologies, concerns,
and aspirations of those involved. At the end of the course, we discussed the implications of
the collaborative approach for an everyday peace project. Thematic analysis of participants’
reflections helped us uncover two key themes with respect to participants’ experience and
This theme emerged as a powerful one among participants’ reflections. We noted a distinct
exceeded their expectations. In the beginning, participants reported having to contend with
envisage what the final product might look like. The following excerpts highlight the initial
When we first started out the process, I was a little unsure how the end result was going to
emerge, after all, different terminology was used, different viewpoints. But I was amazed how
At the beginning we had no ideas where to begin with bat with time we came up with good
points…in the end I felt good because with collective efforts we are able to produce a well
Participants were excited about the products they were able to achieve through collaboration.
This was especially pronounced given their initial uncertainty over the ambiguous tasks. Ron
Once the themes start emerging and the relevant information is chosen, the process almost
takes on a life of itself. The momentum picks up quickly. The end result or the end product is
In working through other people’s definitions first, and then trying to piece together how
those not only fit into our own perspectives, but also those of the rest of the group’s, the
definition of everyday violence we came up with became one that meant a lot more than if we
Both of these excerpts point to the synergistic quality of effective collaboration where the
value of the final product exceeds the sum of its parts. In addition to reflecting on the
the implications of such processes for other contexts, especially how they might apply the
principles in the contexts of their work. This is elucidated by the following quotes excerpted
It made me think about how the more people an idea resonates with, the stronger it becomes.
This idea can then translate to how people collect power. If there were more peace labs like
24
this, or bigger peace labs like this, a group would feel a lot more powerful in sharing
meaning. (Gina)
What was interesting in the process of discussing the definition of everyday violence was that
it often took someone else to word a phrase or idea in a different way before its relevance
could really sink in. This follows the idea that not one perspective fits all. This can translate
to how not one religion fits all, and not one culture fits all. (Eliza)
emphasized the diverse viewpoints that people often bring to the table and the value in
incorporating them. These insights on diversity are critical elements in peace education
In addition to noting the value of collaborative endeavours for everyday peace, participants
analysed the collaborative process to discuss specific skills and processes that contributed to
effective collaboration. They listed the following: active listening, engaging in dialogue,
considering multiple perspectives, creating space for the expression of diverse ideas, and
contributed to effective collaboration while others characterized those as skills that they had
acquired and honed in the course of peace labs. Notably, much of this understanding was
derived experientially as part of the collaborative exercises. For example, Sherry pointe out:
‘The dialogue opened new ideas to me. It made me aware of things that I do not think of.’
They (collaborative exercises) challenged me mentally and emotionally. I was able to think
about violence in different contexts. I was able also to hear the viewpoints from my group
members that I was not aware of earlier. This enlightened me and added to what my thoughts
on everyday violence and peace are. The process definitely challenged my way of thinking
techniques that they found helpful in collaborative endeavours such as critical thinking,
knowledge from others’ responses from others. It also improved upon my listening skills.
While most participants discussed the challenges and subsequent success of the collaborative
exercises, one participant, Ron also critically reflected on the reasons for the success of the
Even though there was some complexity involved, I did not find this to be an overly
challenging task, because all our group members were mostly in agreement. They understood
the subject matter well and were engaged in the task. Since we were all cooperating, listening,
and sharing our ideas openly, the process was made easier. It also helped that we all care
This excerpt underscores certain baseline conditions or prerequisites for participatory and
interest or perceived stake in the issue, some baseline or foundational knowledge about
everyday violence and peacebuilding, and a space that engenders cooperation, listening, and
sharing (Bajaj and Brantmeier 2011). Overall, the participants’ comments and reflections
suggest that the collaborative exercises encouraged consideration of new perspectives. They
also viewed these methods or skills as something that might be generalized and employed in
Discussion
Overall, our findings demonstrate the potential of the everyday peace framework as a vehicle
for peace education. Participants’ conceptualisations of everyday peace and their reflections
26
on it are indicative of an appreciation of many of the core principles of peace education. For
instance, participants recognised the central role of empathy, cultural diversity, human
solidarity, and sociopolitical equality in peacebuilding (Bajaj and Brantmeier 2011; Galtung
1996; Reardon 2002; Shapiro 2002). Their articulation of a value-based praxis is also
Danesh 2006; Hirao 1987). They expanded out of the context of their immediate experiences,
using those as a means to comprehend normalized violence around the world (Burdell and
Swadener 1999; Das 2001). These connections, although present in their definitions of
everyday peace, became more pronounced when they were compelled to contend with
violence in the larger community. In consonance with increasing recognition of the systemic
bases of violence, participants began to consider the meaning of peacebuilding outside the
bounds of declared war. Importantly, they tried to decentre North American and Eurocentric
lenses to critically reflect on violence around the globe. Such dialogic processes of raising
consciousness about various forms of violence are integral to critical peace education and
positive peace advocacy (Brantmeier 2011; Galtung 1990). The participatory concept of
A principal thread that cut across all our findings was the significance of a culture of
considered an important component of peace education (Danesh 2006; de Rivera 2010; Staub
2002). The UN Resolution A/RES/53/243 (United Nations 1998b) identified eight different
bases for a culture of peace – education, sustainable development, human rights, gender
communication and the free flow of information, international peace and security. Our
27
findings suggest that student participants had begun to incorporate several of these principles
peace. UNESCOs Mainstreaming a Culture of Peace document lays out the manifold ways in
which the culture of peace was applied as s strategic concept to build positive peace
(UNESCO 2002, 5). However, it was not until relatively recently that it received systematic
consideration in the social sciences (see de Rivera 2004 for a critique). The everyday peace
approach represents one way in which students might actively engage the concept of culture
reflected on how an everyday peace approach might be deployed to effect social change
along with the roles they might play in that process. Once individuals place themselves–their
actions and experiences–in a larger sociopolitical context, they are able to draw meaningful
connections between their everyday actions and global contexts (Cahill 2004; Harris 1997;
Harris and Morrison 2012). The everyday peace approach therefore also has the potential to
educate about and inspire engaged action – individual action combined with collective action
(e.g., community mobilization, political action, policy change) – to further social justice
(Brantmeier 2013). In addition to deeply engaging with current issues, student participants
reflected on the value of everyday peace approaches in their future professional contexts. For
example, Jane explained: ‘When I am in positions of leadership in the future, I feel this
would be a valuable process or activity to use.’ Yet another participant, Sherry, talked about
democratizing the peace labs: ‘This collaborative process of defining everyday violence is
something that should be shared just so people can have a general knowledge of it.’
The encouraging findings have a number of implications for using an everyday peace
everyday peace serves as vehicle for students to actively participate and acquire a stake in
peace education and peace promotion. The notion of everyday peace challenges top-down
meaningful and relevant to their lives. Such peace education curricula are likely to be more
sustainable given students’ stake and active participation in its design and implementation
which are vital components of peace education (Johnson and Johnson 2005; Reardon 1994;
Synott 2005). Our findings suggest that student participants acquired a critical understanding
of the synergistic qualities of effective collaboration through the peace labs. Public
universities, such as the study setting, are pedagogical settings where students, especially
social change and peacebuilding (Christopher and Taylor 2011; Lederach 2005).
Third, the everyday peace framework may be used to help students develop a more
nuanced understanding of conflict. This includes critical awareness of structural and systemic
factors underlying conflict as well as diverse forms of violence across the globe (Bekerman
and Zembylas 2014; Cuomo 1996). As suggested by our study, strengthening the macro-
micro linkages vis-à-vis conflict and peacebuilding can also help students recognize their
individual agency while being cognizant of the role of macro-level social change in
peacebuilding. This is consistent with the widely accepted understanding that peace
education is most successful and lasting when it leads to peaceful behaviour at both
individual and societal levels. (Brantmeier 2011; Danesh 2008; Harris 2004; Salomon 2006).
Fourth, the everyday peace framework may be employed as a vehicle for critical
engagement with the concept of cultures of peace, a core element of peace education (de
Rivera 2004, 2010). The notion of building cultures of peace can be rather abstract so the
29
contextualized, collaborative, and participatory elements of the everyday peace approach can
serve as a springboard for students to concretize and envision the concept. Thus in line with
critical peace education, the everyday peace framework could also be used to introduce and
privilege and oppression is integral to peace education. This entails acknowledging the
our lenses (Boylorn and Orbe 2013). Some nascent insight was present in participants’
responses as they processed their reactions to the Boston marathon bombings. Instead of
assuming a victim identity, they contextualized their experiences vis-à-vis similar events
across the globe. Thus the everyday peace framework may be used to develop reflexive
exercises to help students interrogate culturally specific and ethnocentric interests that
A major limitation is that the implications of this study are limited to how everyday people
practice everyday peace. The current study does not lend itself to investigations of how
people living in contexts of direct violence such as war, insurgencies, and military action
might engage or practice everyday peace. Several methodological limitations should also be
noted. First, we had a small sample size (n=9) given that our participants were students
enrolled in the Everyday Peace course. This is a seminar course with a maximum class size of
14. The size and representativeness of the sample impede the generalization from sample to
population. However the small size does not preclude analytic generalization, that is, relating
a specific set of results to a broad theory to provide support for the theory (Firestone 1993;
Yin 1989). Second, the participants in the study were limited to students enrolled in the
everyday peace course. This was in part a strategic choice given the fit of the topic with the
30
program and the relevance of the topic for students who are interested in and/or plan to
engage in peace advocacy. Finally, our analysis focused on thematic analysis at the semantic
level and included only materials that emerged in the context of the peace labs in the
everyday peace course. We had planned on conducting follow-up interviews to augment the
findings from the peace labs. Although all the participants had consented to being contacted
for the interviews, only 5 out of the 9 participants were available for the interviews during the
summer. In order to maintain consistency, we did not include the interview data for the
The implications of the everyday peace framework and the study reported here should
ascertain from this study alone, our findings do underscore the value of a contextualized,
education is a multifaceted enterprise and may include components that vary from training in
within which peace is conceptualized (Groff 2002; Harris 2003). Notwithstanding the
limitations, our findings illuminate the potential of an everyday peace framework to mobilize
peace consciousness among students and to forge a consensus against various forms of direct,
structural, and cultural violence. While these conditions are not sufficient to establish peace,
they are considered necessary for creating a peaceful world (Harris 2003). Therefore it is
important for future studies to explore how the concept of everyday peace might be used
within larger peace studies curricula. A longer-term study and one that incudes more
participants would help us identify gaps in the framework along with challenges in its
implementation. Such a study would also allow for more extensive evaluations of the
delivery of peace education, which could inform future curricular revisions. The inclusion of
31
community service learning components in future courses could provide a specific way to
evaluate the extent to which students are able to apply everyday peace principles to local
contexts. Finally, future studies or classroom applications of the everyday peace framework
could include an examination of how students engage with the ramifications of everyday
In addition to revising the everyday peace project in the classroom context, we hope
to expand the project site to the local multiethnic communities. Multiethnic communities
embody both the transformative potential of such cultural diversity and the challenges
wrought by it. In the future, we would like to explore how the collaborative, context-driven
democratic platform for members from different ethnic communities to locally deliberate on
the notion of everyday peace. This would be a step in the direction of situating peace as part
of a social justice agenda and works towards its actualization in multicultural, multiracial,
Conclusion
framework. In examining how students define everyday peace and apply the concept to their
immediate environments, we found that the student participants began to challenge normative
assumptions about violence, nation state, and peace. Remarkably, student participants began
to anticipate ways in which the lessons learned in the classroom might be generalized to their
of the ways in which macro-level policies translate into micro-level practices and
experiences. Peace then is no longer a lofty end goal to be strived for elsewhere in the world;
rather it is viewed as an ongoing process embedded in everyday practices. Our study thus
32
points to the potential of an everyday peace framework to inform the ways in which students
come to interpret their world in more informed, critical, and empathic ways.
opens up the space for an ecologically informed notion of peace that focuses on the interplay
between the local and global. The everyday peace framework may be used at various stages
of peace education curricula, whether to introduce and orient students to core principles of
peace education or to apply the principles to proximal and distal contexts. To that end, we
hope that this work will generate greater interest in and support for the study of more
expand the everyday peace approach to curricula in related fields such as community
psychology, education, and social work, while also exploring it as a vehicle for community
References
Adams, David, and Michael True. “UNESCO’s Culture of Peace Program: An Introduction.”
International Peace Research Newsletter 35.1 (1997): 15–18.
Allen, Tim, and Jean Seaton. 1999. The Media of Conflict: War Reporting and
Representations of Ethnic Violence. Zed books.
Appadurai, Arjun. 2004. “Minorities and the Production of Daily Peace.” In Feelings Are
Always Local, edited by J. Brouwer, A. Mulder, N. Muller, and L. Martz, 118–29.
Rotterdam: V2_ publishing.
Appadurai, A. 2006. “The Right to Research.” Globalisation, Societies and Education 4 (2):
167–77.
Argyris, C., and D. Schon. “Participatory Action Research and Action Science Compared.”
Participatory Action Research. Ed. William Foote Whyte. Newbury Park, NJ: Sage
Publications, Inc, 1991. 85–96.
Aronson, Jodi. “A Pragmatic View of Thematic Analysis.” The qualitative report 2.1 (1995):
1–3.
Bajaj, Monisha, and Edward J. Brantmeier. 2011. “The Politics, Praxis, and Possibilities of
Critical Peace Education.” Journal of Peace Education 8 (3): 221–24.
Bajaj, Monisha. “Critical” Peace Education.” Ed. Monisha Bajaj. Encyclopedia of peace
education 2008: 135–146.
Barash, David P. 2010. Approaches to Peace. 198 Madison Avenue. New York, New York.
Oxford University press.
Barnett, Ronald. Higher Education: A Critical Business. McGraw-Hill Education (UK),
1997.
Bar-Tal, Daniel. 2004. “Nature, Rationale, and Effectiveness of Education for Coexistence.”
Journal of Social Issues 60 (2): 253–71.
33
Bekerman, Zvi, and Michalinos Zembylas. 2014. “Some Reflections on the Links between
Teacher Education and Peace Education: Interrogating the Ontology of Normative
Epistemological Premises.” Teaching & Teacher Education 41 (July): 52–59..
Bjerstedt, Ake. 2002. “Peace Education and Teacher Training.” Malrno, Sweden: School of
Education.
Boulding, Elise. Cultures of Peace: The Hidden Side of History. Syracuse University Press,
2000.
Boylorn, Robin M., and Mark P. Orbe. 2013. Critical Autoethnography: Intersecting Cultural
Identities in Everyday Life. Vol. 13. Left Coast Press.
Brantmeier, Edward J. 2011. “Toward Mainstreaming Critical Peace Education in US
Teacher Education.” Critical Pedagogy in the 21st Century: A New Generation of
Scholars, 349–75.
Brantmeier, Edward J. 2013. “Toward a Critical Peace Education for Sustainability.” Journal
of Peace Education 10 (3): 242–58. doi:10.1080/17400201.2013.862920.
Braun, Virginia, and Victoria Clarke. 2006. “Using Thematic Analysis in Psychology.”
Qualitative Research in Psychology 3 (2): 77–101.
Brydon-Miller, Mary. 1997. “Participatory Action Research: Psychology and Social
Change.” Journal of Social Issues 53 (4): 657–66.
Burdell, Patricia, and Beth Blue Swadener. 1999. “Critical Personal Narrative and
Autoethnography in Education: Reflections on a Genre.” Educational Researcher,
21–26.
Cahill, Caitlin, and Roger A. Hart. 2007. “Re-Thinking the Boundaries of Civic Participation
by Children and Youth in North America.” Children Youth and Environments 17 (2):
213–25.
Cammarota, Julio, and Michelle Fine. 2010. “Youth Participatory Action Research: A
Pedagogy for Transformational Resistance.” In Revolutionizing Education: Youth
Participatory Action Research in Motion, edited by Julio Cammarota and Michelle
Fine, 1–12. New York: Routledge.
Charmaz, Kathy. 1995. “Grounded Theory.” In Rethinking Methods in Psychology, edited by
Jonathan A. Smith, Rom Harre, and Luk Van Langenhove, 27–49. London: SAGE.
Christopher, Doris H., and Marilyn J. Taylor. 2011. “Social Justice and Critical Peace
Education: Common Ideals Guiding Student Teacher Transformation.” Journal of
Peace Education 8 (3): 295–313.
Cuomo, Chris J. 1996. “War Is Not Just an Event: Reflections on the Significance of
Everyday Violence.” Hypatia 11 (4): 30–45.
Danesh, H. B. 2006. “Towards an Integrative Theory of Peace Education.” Journal of Peace
Education 3 (1): 55–78.
Danesh, H. B. 2008. “The Education for Peace Integrative Curriculum: Concepts, Contents
and Efficacy.” Journal of Peace Education 5 (2): 157–73.
Das, Veena. 2001. “Violence and Translation.” Anthropological Quarterly, 105–12.
Das, Veena. 2005. “Human Rights and Changing Definitions of Warfare.” Journal of Human
Rights 4 (1): 113–17.
Dayton, Bruce W., and Louis Kriesberg. 2009. Conflict Transformation and Peacebuilding:
Moving from Violence to Sustainable Peace. Routledge.
de Rivera, Joseph. 2004. “Assessing the Basis for a Culture of Peace in Contemporary
Societies.” Journal of Peace Research 41 (5): 531–48.
de Rivera, Joseph. “Teaching about the Culture of Peace as an Approach to Peace
Education.” Handbook on Peace Education. Ed. Gavriel Salomon and Ed Cairns.
New York, NY: Taylor & Francis, 2010.
34
Ife, Jim. 2009. Human Rights from below: Achieving Rights through Community
Development. Cambridge University Press.
Jenkins, Kathy, and Bertram Jenkins. 2010. “Cooperative Learning: A Dialogic Approach to
Constructing a Locally Relevant Peace Education Programme for Bougainville.”
Journal of Peace Education 7 (2): 185–203.
Johnson, David W., and Roger T. Johnson. 1999. “Making Cooperative Learning Work.”
Theory into Practice 38 (2): 67–73.
Johnson, David W., and Roger T. Johnson. 2005. “Essential Components of Peace
Education.” Theory into Practice 44 (4): 280–92.
Johnson, David W., and Roger T. Johnson. “Peace Education in the Classroom: Creating
Effective Peace Education.” Handbook on Peace Education. Ed. Gavriel Salomon and
Ed Cairns. New York, NY: Taylor & Francis, 2010.
Kupermintz, Haggai, and Gavriel Salomon. 2005. “Lessons to Be Learned from Research on
Peace Education in the Context of Intractable Conflict.” Theory into Practice 44 (4):
293–302.
Lederach, John Paul. 1997. “Building Peace: Sustainable Reconciliation in Divided
Societies.” Washington DC, 4.
Lederach, John Paul, and Preeti Thapa. 2012. “Staying True in Nepal: Understanding
Community Mediation through Action Research.” The Asia Foundation.
http://ncf.org.np/upload/files/1213_en_OccasionalPaperNo10_Community%20Media
tion%20Nepal_FINAL_V2.pdf.
Lederach, John Paul. 2003. “The Little Book of Conflict Transformation: Clear Articulation
of the Guiding Principles by a Pioneer in the Field.” Intercourse, PA, USA. Good
Books. 2003. I
Lederach, John Paul. 2005. The Moral Imagination: The Art and Soul of Building Peace.
Oxford University Press.
Lederach, John Paul, and Angela Jill Lederach. 2011. When Blood and Bones Cry out:
Journeys through the Soundscape of Healing and Reconciliation. Oxford University
Press.
Lederach, John Paul, and Michelle Maiese. 2003. “Conflict Transformation.” Beyond
Intractability.
Lykes, M. Brinton. 1994. “Terror, Silencing and Children: International, Multidisciplinary
Collaboration with Guatemalan Maya Communities.” Social Science & Medicine 38
(4): 543–52.
———. 1997. “Activist Participatory Research among the Maya of Guatemala: Constructing
Meanings from Situated Knowledge.” Journal of Social Issues 53 (4): 725–46.
———. 2013. “Participatory and Action Research as a Transformative Praxis: Responding to
Humanitarian Crises from the Margins.” American Psychologist 68 (8): 774-783.
McIntyre, Alice. 2008. Participatory Action Research. Vol. 52. Sage.
McTaggart, Robin. “Principles for Participatory Action Research.” Adult Education
Quarterly 41.3 (1991): 168–187.
McTaggart, Robin, and Stephen Kemmis. 1988. The Action Research Planner. Deakin
University.
Patton, Michael Quinn. Qualitative Evaluation and Research Methods . SAGE Publications,
Inc., 1990.
Perry, Michael J. 2000. The Idea of Human Rights: Four Inquiries. Oxford University Press.
Reardon, Betty A. 1994. “Learning Our Way to a Human Future.” In Learning Peace: The
Promise of Ecological and Cooperative Education, edited by Betty A. Reardon, Eva
Nordland, and Robert William Zuber, 21–44. SUNY Press.
36
Reardon, Betty A. 2002. “Human Rights and the Global Campaign for Peace Education.”
International Review of Education 48 (3): 283–84.
Rouhana, Nadim N., and Daniel Bar-Tal. 1998. “Psychological Dynamics of Intractable
Ethnonational Conflicts: The Israeli–Palestinian Case.” American Psychologist 53 (7):
761.
Salomon, Gavriel. 2006. “Does Peace Education Really Make a Difference?” Peace and
Conflict: Journal of Peace Psychology 12 (1): 37.
Salomon, Gavriel. 2011. “Four Major Challenges Facing Peace Education in Regions of
Intractable Conflict.” Peace and Conflict 17 (1): 46–59.
Scheper-Hughes, Nancy. 1997. “Specificities: Peace-Time Crimes.” Social Identities 3 (3):
471–98.
Scheper-Hughes, Nancy. 1998. “Undoing: Social Suffering and the Politics of Remorse in the
New South Africa.” Social Justice, 114–42.
Scheper-Hughes, Nancy. 2006. “Dangerous and Endangered Youth: Social Structures and
Determinants of Violence.” Annals of the New York Academy of Sciences 1036 (1):
13–46.
Scheper-Hughes, Nancy, and Philippe I. Bourgois. 2004. Violence in War and Peace.
Blackwell Pub.
Shapiro, Svi. “Educating Against Violence.” Tikkun 17.1 (2002): 44-48.
Skelly, James M. 2002. “A Constructivist Approach to Peace Studies.” Peace Review 14 (1):
57–60.
Staub, Ervin. 2002. “From Healing Past Wounds to the Development of Inclusive Caring:
Contents and Processes of Peace Education.” Peace Education, the Concept,
Principles, and Practices around the World, 73–88.
Strauss, Anselm, and Juliet Corbin. 1998. “Basics of Qualitative Research: Procedures and
Techniques for Developing Grounded Theory.” Ed: Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage.
Synott, John. 2005. “Peace Education as an Educational Paradigm: Review of a Changing
Field Using an Old Measure.” Journal of Peace Education 2 (1): 3–16.
Thomas, David R. 2006. “A General Inductive Approach for Analyzing Qualitative
Evaluation Data.” American Journal of Evaluation 27 (2): 237–46.
Toh, Swee-Hin. 2002. “Peace Building and Peace Education: Local Experiences, Global
Reflections.” Prospects 32 (1): 87–93.
Torre, María Elena, and Michelle Fine. 2011. “A Wrinkle in Time: Tracing a Legacy of
Public Science through Community Self-Surveys and Participatory Action Research.”
Journal of Social Issues 67 (1): 106–21.
Trend, David. 2007. The Myth of Media Violence: A Critical Introduction. Vol. vi. Malden:
Blackwell Publishing.
UNESCO. 2002. The Culture of Peace. Culture of Peace Co-ordination Bureau of Strategic
Planning UNESCO. http://unesdoc.unesco.org/images/0012/001263/126398e.pdf.
Wang, Caroline C. 1999. “Photovoice: A Participatory Action Research Strategy Applied to
Women’s Health.” Journal of Women’s Health 8 (2): 185–92.
Yin, Robert K. 1989. Case Study Research: Design And Methods (Applied Social Research
Methods) Sage Publications, Inc.
Zimmerman, Marc A., Sarah E. Stewart, Susan Morrel-Samuels, Susan Franzen, and Thomas
M. Reischl. 2011. “Youth Empowerment Solutions for Peaceful Communities:
Combining Theory and Practice in a Community-Level Violence Prevention
Curriculum.” Health Promotion Practice 12 (3): 425–39.
Table 1. Summary of Peace Labs
Peace Lab 1 Using a participatory action research framework, this lab was designed for
From everyday students to engage in collaborative definitional exercises. Each student wrote
violence to up what they meant by ‘everyday violence’ and ‘everyday peace.’ The
everyday peace responses were anonymized and randomly distributed amongst themselves.
The class was then divided into two groups. Each group worked with their
assigned responses as ‘data’ to cull out important themes. They then worked
with those themes to build a new definition that incorporates key themes along
with any new ideas they desired to add. In the last segment of the lab, they
discussed the connections between the collaborative definition and their
personal understanding of everyday peace.
Peace Lab 2 During this lab, we invited a faculty member from media and communications
Cross-cultural who specializes in cross-cultural communications. We discussed the role of
communications creative communication that transcends language barriers. Using the tools he
in everyday shared, smaller groups formed during the first peace lab worked on a non-
peace verbal, cross-cultural communication project idea to convey their notion of
everyday peace.
Peace Lab 3 This peace lab was an opportunity for students to think about everyday peace
Rethinking in the context of the local community. We had stakeholders from a local
everyday peace neighbourhood collective come in to talk about a pressing issue – routinized
in the context of violence in their neighbourhood. The collective had been struggling to address
local community the problem. The students served as a resource as they applied their growing
violence understanding of everyday violence, everyday peace, and community
participation to this issue. As a group, they raised critical questions and came
up with a number of recommendations for the neighbour collective to consider
in terms of how to address the ongoing conflict.
Peace Lab 4 The content of this peace lab was altered from its original plan to
An Open Peace accommodate student interest in organizing an open peace forum in response
Forum in to a violent event in the larger community. The goal of this forum was to
response to a provide a safe space to process our reactions and to collectively reflect on our
violent event in role as peace advocates in society. Students organized the event, facilitated it,
the local and discussed the implications for future peacebuilding.
community
Table 2. Description of key themes