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Historical Political Ecology of Water:

Access to Municipal Drinking Water in
Colonial Lima, Peru (1578–1700)
a
Martha G. Bell
a
Leiden Institute for Area Studies
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To cite this article: Martha G. Bell (2015): Historical Political Ecology of Water: Access to
Municipal Drinking Water in Colonial Lima, Peru (1578–1700), The Professional Geographer, DOI:
10.1080/00330124.2015.1062700
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Historical Political Ecology of Water: Access to Municipal Drinking
Water in Colonial Lima, Peru (1578–1700)
Martha G. Bell
Leiden Institute for Area Studies
Historical political ecology provides a powerful framework for understanding nature–society relations in the past. This approach
is applied to municipal drinking water governance in early colonial Lima, Peru, with a focus on how power dynamics influenced
sociospatial patterns of water access and control. Sixteenth- and seventeenth-century archival sources are analyzed for material
aspects of Lima’s drinking water pipeline network and for the management strategies employed by the municipal government.
Access to water is demonstrated to have shaped, reinforced, and reflected colonial social divisions and to have been linked to the
spatial development of the city, including urban–rural relations. Key Words: colonialism, historical political ecology, Peru,
water governance, water infrastructure.
历史政治生态学，为理解过往的自然—社会关係，提供了强而有力的架构。本文将此方法应用至秘鲁在利马殖民时期早期的
市政饮用水管理，并聚焦权力动态如何影响获取以及控制水资源的社会空间模式。本文分析十六世纪和十七世纪的档案资
源，以探究利马的饮用水管网路的物质层面，以及市政府所运用的管理策略。水资源的获取，已被証实形塑、强化并反映了
殖民社会的分化，并与城市的空间发展相互连结，包含城市—乡村关係。关键词: 殖民主义，历史政治生态学，秘鲁，水资
源管理，水资源基础建设。
La ecología política historica nos proporciona una potente armaz on para comprender mejor las relaciones naturaleza-sociedad
del pasado. Se aplico este enfoque al estudio de la administraci
on municipal del agua potable en Lima, Peru, a principios de la
colonia, con interes concentrado en la manera como las dinamicas del poder influyeron sobre los patrones socioespaciales del
acceso y control del agua. Las fuentes de archivos de los siglos XVI y XVII son analizados en lo que concierne a los aspectos
materiales de la red del acueducto de agua potable de Lima, lo mismo que en lo relacionado con las estrategias de manejo
utilizadas por el gobierno municipal. Se demuestra que el acceso al agua configur o, reforz
o y reflej
o las divisiones sociales
coloniales, y que todo eso estuvo conectado con el desarrollo espacial de la ciudad, incluso las relaciones urbano-rurales.
Palabras clave: colonialismo, ecología política hist orica, Per
u, administraci
on del agua, infraestructura del agua.
The public utility in the fair distribution of political ecology might also include asking questions
waters . . . has excited in all times continuing about environmental change or natural resource use in
controversies. historical periods, either recent (e.g., Swyngedouw
1999; Biehler 2009; Carey 2010; Lane 2011; Carey,
—Ambrosio Cerdan de Landa, Lima Water French, and O’Brien 2012) or more distant (e.g.,
Judge (1828, 3–4)
Watts 1983; Sluyter 1999; Zimmerer 2000; Carney
2001; M. Davis 2004; Endfield and Fernandez Tejedo
H istorical perspectives have long been considered

integral to political ecology (Zimmerer and Bas-
sett 2003; Peet and Watts 2004; Robbins 2004),
2006; D. K. Davis 2007; Endfield 2008). Although this
latter purpose—using a political ecological analysis to
closely examine nature–society relations in the past
although how and to what end historical content and and not just provide context for current-day issues—is
analysis could be incorporated into this research lesser used, it represents a powerful framework for his-
approach has not been fully resolved and remains an torical research.
ambiguous pursuit (Offen 2004). In general, the his- In this article, I apply such a framework to munici-
torical political ecology approach calls for the applica- pal drinking water access and governance in colonial
tion of historical perspectives within a broadly defined Lima, the capital city of the Viceroyalty of Peru. I
political ecology point of view and has been defined as draw on approaches and questions inspired by political
“a field-informed interpretation of society–nature ecology to examine patterns and politics of water use
relations in the past” (Offen 2004, 21). This includes in a colonial context, focusing on the influence of
using historical material to contextualize current envi- power dynamics on sociospatial patterns of resource
ronmental conflicts, especially the continuing influen- access and control (following McCarthy 2002; Ribot
ces of European expansion and colonialism, often with and Peluso 2003; Turner 2009). Using material analy-
the explicit motivation of improving social justice or sis of water infrastructure and technology recorded in
environmental conservation in the present (Brann- sixteenth- and seventeenth-century archives, I explain
strom 2004; Offen 2004; D. K. Davis 2009). Historical how water access formed, reinforced, and reflected
The Professional Geographer, 0(0) 2015, pages 1–23 © Copyright 2015 by Association of American Geographers
Initial submission, January 2013; revised submission, December 2014; final acceptance, January 2015.
Published by Taylor & Francis Group, LLC.
2 Volume XX, Number X, Xxxxxxxxxxx 2015
colonial social divisions, as well as influenced the spa- instead of networks, given the discontinuous and par-
tial development of the colonial city. tial coverage of public water supply and the frequency
The city of Lima, originally called Ciudad de Los of multiple and overlapping methods of public and
Reyes, was founded in 1535 as the seat of the Spanish private water delivery mechanisms. Together, these
Viceroyalty of Peru. It can be considered one of the themes provide a foundational perspective from which
most prominent of the Spanish colonial cities, second to examine urbanization, water supply, and inequality.
perhaps only to Mexico, the capital of New Spain. They suggest the primacy of urban water use and indi-
Lima is located on the central coast of Peru in a desert cate unequal infrastructural coverage and access to
climate where true rainfall rarely occurs. All water water within urban spaces.
used for drinking, irrigation, sanitation, and industry Although these topics, questions, and themes from
must be drawn from river watersheds and related aqui- political ecological research can be easily transferred
fers. The urban design of Lima followed the well- to historical contexts, the research methods typically
known Spanish colonial grid pattern, and the city was used by political ecologists might not always be appli-
specifically sited along the banks of the Rímac River cable, especially when more distant historical periods
and in relation to the numerous pre-Hispanic irriga- are studied. For such older cases, it is necessary to
tion canals drawn from this river.1 The Spaniards, combine multiple methods and data sources, which
however, established their own drinking water pipe- might include field-based ethnographic and landscape
line infrastructure. This underground pipe network, observations, archival analysis, archaeological investi-
first inaugurated in 1578, was controlled by the Cabildo gation, biophysical data, mapping, and more. The
(City Council) and was one of the earliest in the New multidisciplinary research area called hydraulic
World. The Cabildo, or municipal branch of colonial archaeology provides a framework for analysis of (pre)
government, was officially charged with managing historical water systems (Kirchner and Navarro 1996;
Lima’s water and, not surprisingly, the careful division Glick and Kirchner 2000; Barcel o 2004; Glick 2005).
of measured amounts of drinking and irrigation water Here, practitioners seek to reconstruct the design, lay-
occupied much of its energy.2 Although the Cabildo’s out, construction, and modification of hydraulic sys-
explicitly stated objective was to provide access to tems, to identify the social groups participating in the
clean and copious drinking water for the entire urban use of these systems and thus to determine the relative
population, this goal was only partially achieved. political and demographic strengths of these groups as
Therefore, this article seeks to examine how municipal demonstrated by their ability to access water resour-
governance strategies contributed to inequality in ces. The major unit of investigation in hydraulic
access to drinking water among colonial Lima’s urban archaeology is the concept of hydraulic space (Barcel o
residents. The methodological approach to answering 1996), which is basically equivalent to what Swynge-
this question incorporates two major components: douw (1999) termed the “waterscape” and can be
first, asking questions inspired by political ecology defined as a landscape of water use, at once both natu-
and, in particular, the political ecology of water and, ral and social. It is a space designed to take advantage
second, applying data collection and analysis techni- of a natural fluvial system, and incorporates (1) the
ques appropriate to the historical period being studied. aquifer or drainage area, (2) the local and regional
Three key themes drawn from the recent literature topography in relation to desired water conduction,
on the political ecology of water inform my interpreta- and (3) the irrigated parcels or other uses of water. It
tions of the Lima case. Most important, unequal water includes the biophysical context controlling the quan-
access (Swyngedouw 2004; Bakker 2011; Loftus 2011) tity of water available and the direction of its flow, as
and the related politics of surface water or aquifer well as the human division of water among houses,
management (Swyngedouw 1999; Norman and Bak- fields, orchards, and other uses. The orientation and
ker 2008; Brooks and Linton 2011; Jepson 2012) have design of a hydraulic space is based on features of the
proven integral themes in understanding current-day fluvial system, but the conduction and distribution of
water systems and have been shown to have both water in canals and pipes follows patterns that are nei-
important historical antecedents and long-term legacy ther natural nor casual. This water infrastructure is
effects. Second, analyses of urban development and closely linked to the organization of productive activi-
urban–rural relations related to water demonstrate ties and therefore to social, political, and economic
strong urban bias, with urban uses often privileged in relationships.
cases of conflicting multiple uses of water (multifunc- The focus on infrastructure (e.g., canals, pipelines),
tionality). This bias, or unequal relationship between achieved through consideration of a range of data
urban and rural areas, is evidenced by the urban sources (e.g., archaeological survey and excavation,
hydraulic reach (or water footprint; Swyngedouw historical documents and maps, legal traditions, topo-
1997, 2004; Bakker 2003; Kaika 2005; Scott and nyms, and remotely sensed imagery), makes hydraulic
Pablos 2011). Third, combining spatial, social, politi- archaeology a useful guide for pursuing historical
cal, and economic aspects of the previously mentioned political ecology work on water in colonial Lima.
themes, Bakker (2003) indicated that water supply in Given the nearly 500 years of Lima’s urban develop-
urban areas, especially urbanizing areas of the Global ment, few material or archaeological remains of colo-
South, should be understood in terms of archipelagos nial water infrastructure can still be found (or
Historical Political Ecology of Water 3
reasonably accessed), so in this case archival sources up during the dry months (May–September). The
contain the best information. The major source for Rímac was the source of the irrigation canals that sup-
the analysis of Lima’s hydraulic space is the Libros de ported all agriculture in the region around the city
Cabildos de Lima (the books of the City Council of (Domínguez 1988). It was also the source of numerous
Lima, hereafter LCL). These books, which record the springs used for drinking water during the colonial
minutes from the weekly or biweekly meetings of period. Seepage and filtration from the river and the
Lima’s Cabildo, span almost the entire colonial period, Andean cordillera fills the large alluvial aquifer—of
from the city’s foundation in 1535 to after Peru’s inde- approximately 390 km2 in area and 100 to 500 m in
pendence in 1821,3 and provide an incredibly compre- depth—located underneath the city and its surround-
hensive and continuous record of the Cabildo’s ings, recharging this resource on a seasonal basis
actions related to drinking water governance.4 In this (Lerner et al. 1982; Quintana and Tovar 2002).
article I examine the period 1578 to 1700, which was The Spanish designed and built their linked agricul-
the interval during which most of Lima’s public and tural and hydraulic system (fields, canals, reservoirs,
private drinking water infrastructure was installed, the and pipelines) around the natural topography as well
vast majority of potable water connection licenses as the pre-Hispanic canals already in existence. This
were issued, and the most significant water manage- multipurpose hydraulic space linked Lima’s urban
ment and governance strategies were developed. Spe- core with its rural surroundings and was officially con-
cifically, I analyze all references to springs, reservoirs, trolled by the Cabildo, which exercised jurisdiction
pipes, tanks, fountains, petitions for water connec- over the urban zone (approximately 2.6 km2), as well
tions, and other related topics in the LCL of the period as the surroundings of the city (approximately a 113-
in question to determine both spatial and temporal km radius around the city). A diverse population
aspects of water supply in the pipeline network. I con- resided within this larger territory, primarily made up
sider such basic questions as these: Where were pipe- of Spaniards, Africans, and Indians.7 Although the
lines constructed and when? Which residents and Cabildo claimed great authority over the city, it actu-
populations did these pipelines serve? How reliable ally governed through a complicated relationship with
was water supply in the network overall? This other branches of colonial government, especially the
included mapping the pipeline routes and the locations Viceroy (the Spanish monarch’s representative in
of public and private running water connections.5 Peru) and the Real Audiencia (Royal Audience, the
I used this analysis of written descriptions of material highest court in Peru). With respect to water adminis-
aspects of Lima’s hydraulic space to interpret the bio- tration, responsibilities of the Cabildo included protec-
physical, social, political, and economic significance of tion of the urban riverbank and construction of levees,
patterns of drinking water access and control in the distribution of rights to irrigation waters, canal main-
early colonial period and to evaluate the Cabildo’s role tenance, concession of milling licenses, and, of primary
in contributing to or alleviating inequality in water importance here, construction and maintenance of a
access. municipal drinking water pipeline network and alloca-
tion of permits to install private connections to this
network for homes and other institutions. To manage
Lima’s Hydraulic Space and Its Governance all aspects of municipal water governance, a water
judge (Juez de Aguas) was elected annually from among
In 1671, Lima’s solicitor general called water “the ele- the city councilmen (Regidores). The water judge post
ment most necessary after air” (LCL 29.X.1671),6 and was established in 1556, with power to enforce the
indeed it was the natural resource most frequently dis- water ordinances for the city and surrounding coun-
cussed by Lima’s Cabildo. The provision of drinking tryside. It was a lucrative position, with a salary of 800
water was considered one of the principal responsibili- pesos a year, yet election as water judge rotated among
ties of the Cabildo: “the first thing given attention the councilmen and did not seem to require much spe-
in the foundation of all of the cities of the world [is] cialized knowledge (Bell forthcoming).
that this element, inexcusable for human life, is pro- To provision the city with drinking water, Lima’s
vided with cleanliness and security” (LCL 17.XI.1649). Cabildo carried out three functions: (1) It secured the
To this end, the Spanish located their capital city source of the water in springs on the outskirts of the
along the banks of the Rímac River, to provide resi- city; (2) it installed and maintained a network of res-
dents with water for irrigation, drinking, sanitation, ervoirs, tanks, and pipelines; and (3) it awarded
and industry. The Rímac dominates Lima’s hydraulic licenses for running water connections from the pipes
space (Figure 1). Like all of Peru’s coastal rivers, it to private houses, monasteries and convents, and
flows westward, cutting down from the glacial lakes of other institutions. For this, beginning in 1611, each
the high Andes to the Pacific, descending from a year the Cabildo named three or four pipeline com-
height of over 5,500 m above sea level to its mouth missioners (Comisarios de Ca~ nerías).8 These pipeline
near Lima’s port El Callao over a distance of about commissioners were councilmen or mayors, and in
130 km. Its flow varies seasonally, increasing during fifty-eight of the seventy-nine years for which we
the highland rainy season (October–April), when it have data in the seventeenth century, one of the com-
often threatens to overrun its banks, and all but drying missioners was simultaneously the water judge (or
Figure 1 The hydraulic space of colonial Lima and its rural surroundings, including the main irrigation canals drawn from
the Rımac River, such as the Huatica and the Surco canals, as well as important springs and original municipal pipeline
routes. Source: Redrawn from Domınguez (1988), with information from Bromley and Barbagelata (1945) and “Plan[o]
Topografico” (1787). (Color figure available online.)
had held the post previously).9 By the end of the sev- was always held by one of the official city engineers
enteenth century it was common practice to name obal 1993).10 In reality, only three
(see also San Crist
the two mayors and the water judge as the commis- engineers managed the pipelines for the majority of
sioners (from 1687), signifying that these commis- the century: Clemente de Mansilla (1625–1634), Juan
sioners were selected from the most powerful de Mansilla (1635–1661), and Pedro Fernandez de
members of the Cabildo and also that although the Valdes (1661–1706).11 The inheritance and concentra-
figure of the water judge appears absent from most of tion of knowledge about the urban drinking water sys-
the records of pipeline administration, he was in fact tem in these men was extraordinary, and their
present in his role as pipeline commissioner. The opinions were commonly heard (and heeded) during
pipeline commissioners’ work centered on evaluating Cabildo meetings. Finally, it is necessary to mention
petitions for private water connections through site that the engineers worked with African slaves, for
visits and engineer’s reports, determining how much whom little documentary evidence exists. In only one
water should be awarded and from which pipeline, Cabildo meeting from the period in question was one
and setting the price and conditions of each license of these men mentioned by name: Pedro Angola, who
or concession. Commissioners also attempted to was Juan de Mansilla’s slave (LCL.18.IV.1654).12
ensure that no one took more water than their title Apparently this was a position requiring skill, but also
allowed and coordinated the construction and main- entailing damp and difficult conditions.
tenance of the pipe network in general. In this case
some specialized knowledge was developed; for exam-
ple, Councilman Ordo~ no de Samudio was selected Lima’s Drinking Water Pipelines and the
thirty times as pipeline commissioner between 1650 Establishment of Neighborhoods “Above”
and 1683 and was considered an expert on the topic. and “Below”
The engineer (alarife) in charge of the pipelines was
another important person and one who gained influ- The pipeline network began at the springs located on
ence over the course of the seventeenth century. In the outskirts of the city (Figure 2). In the sixteenth
1609 the Cabildo determined that the municipal pipe- and seventeenth centuries, Lima drank mainly from
lines and public fountains should be maintained by a two springs located approximately 6 km from the
specialist (LCL 14.XII.1609), and from 1625 the post Plaza Mayor, called locally Atarjea and Sabana
Figure 2 Connections of the two major springs Atarjea and Sabana with the municipal pipeline network and the important reservoirs and water tanks. The springs are located at an
elevation of approximately 250 m above sea level and 100 m above the main plaza. Source: Bromley and Barbagelta (1945), “Plan[o] Topografico” (1787), GoogleMaps. (Color figure
available online.)
Historical Political Ecology of Water
5
(Bromley and Barbagelata 1945, 41; Raimondi [1824] A total of sixty-three petitions for drinking water
2009, 257–58). The location of both springs, topo- connections were recorded in the LCL from 1578 to
graphically above the city by approximately 100 m, 1700 for Municipal Pipelines 1 to 3, and a total of
provided the necessary inclination to canalize the eighty connections could be identified for these three
water toward the main water tank located in the urban pipelines using additional data from Bromley and Bar-
core, called the Caridad water tank (Caja de Agua de la bagelata (1945).15 Information about these petitions
Caridad) for its location next to the Caridad Hospital and the eventual concession of titles is listed in
(Hospital de la Caridad). Water was distributed from Tables 4 through 6, including biographical and insti-
this central storage point into the public and private tutional information about the petitioners and the
pipelines. From the outset, this infrastructure contrib- locations of these concessions are mapped in Figures 3
uted to inequality in water access. The pipeline net- and 4. Several significant patterns can be observed.
work’s center of gravity was the Caridad water tank in Spatially, below the Caridad water tank the three orig-
the northeast section of the city center. Those who inal municipal pipelines were distributed fairly evenly
lived above this key point in the network, including over the central section of Lima’s original thirteen-by-
the farmers in the rural area around the springs, had nine city block grid, which would have been the main
to cede their rights to the zones lower in the flow of area populated when the original water system plans
water.13 were initiated in the 1550s. As visible on the map of
The momentous inauguration of the first public the pipeline system in 1613 (Figure 3), however, there
fountain in Lima’s Plaza Mayor in 1578 was part of is a clear concentration of concessions in the area just
a larger municipal project to bring piped drinking below (west and northwest of) the Caridad water tank,
water to city residents.14 This project, in planning with distribution tapering off the farther outward one
since 1552, culminated in the three main municipal travels below this tank (especially to the southwest).
pipelines that were constructed by 1613 (Bromley The map of concessions along the municipal pipelines
and Barbagelata 1945; see also LCL 26.XI.1610). after 1613 demonstrates a similar geographic concen-
The pipes were ceramic, made by city potters, and tration, albeit with more connections, especially to the
buried below city streets (LCL 14.IX.1660; see also immediate southwest of the Caridad. The branching
San Crist obal 2005, 185–86). The water for all three of Municipal Pipeline 3 speaks to the need to serve
flowed from the Caridad water tank (routes and several key points, including religious institutions
construction dates summarized in Table 1 and illus- (e.g., the Jesuit Novitiate College and the Encarnacion
trated in Figure 3). The Cabildo received petitions Monastery, map references n and c, respectively), and
for private connections of running water from these residences of important people not included along
three main municipal pipelines, to be installed in prior municipal pipeline routes (e.g., Councilmen don
homes, monasteries and convents, and institutions Martin de Ampuero and don Diego de la Presa, map
(like hospitals). These connections were for specific references i and j).
amounts of water withdrawn from the main pipe- Straightforward social patterns are also apparent. Of
lines, called pajas or reales, which were units of mea- the eighty concessions, seven were for public foun-
surement based on the flow of water through pipes tains, four were for government institutions (Cabildo
of controlled circumference (Table 2). The majority and Viceregal), twenty were for religious or charitable
of petitions were submitted during the twenty-year institutions (including schools), and forty-nine were
period in which the three pipelines were being con- for private individuals. Of these private individuals,
structed (summarized in Table 3). twenty-eight were for members of the Cabildo or their
Table 1 Chronology of the construction of the three original municipal pipelines based on the Libros de Cabildos de Lima:
Initiation, progress, routes, and number of petitions for connections received by the Cabildo for each of the three public
pipelines
Number of petitions
Municipal Date of project Dates of progression and Notable points along for connections
pipeline initiation completion of project the pipeline route (1578–1699)
1 1552 (Plans) 1578 (Water arrives to the public Plaza Mayor public fountain, Santo 18
fountain in Plaza Mayor); 1588 (Title Domingo Convent
to Santo Domingo Convent)
2 1590 (Proposal);1594 1595–1596 (Construction); 1596 La Concepcion Monastery, San Martın 22
(Plans);1595 (Completion of the San Sebastian College (Jesuit), San Agustın
(Initiation) public fountain but water not yet Convent, San Sebastian public
flowing) fountain
3 1590 (Proposal);1594 1596 (Progression of the project); 1602 La Encarnacion Monastery, La Merced 23
(Petition by (La Merced public fountain Convent and public fountain, Jesuit
neighbors finished); 1612 (Water flowing to Novitiate College, San Marcelo
and plans);1595 San Marcelo) public fountain
(Initiation)
Figure 3 Lima pipeline network up to 1613. This includes the three original municipal pipelines and the additional Santa Ana private pipeline. The symbols represent petitions for
connections; it is not always possible to know the date of installation of a connection (or indeed whether the connection was ever installed). Keys for identifying references for each
connection are found in Tables 4 through 7. Note references are case and font (italics) sensitive. Source: Bromley and Barbagelata (1945), Google Maps. (Color figure available
online.)
7
Table 2 Units of measurement of water based on circumference of pipe opening
Measurement Description of amount
Real Pipe opening with circumference of a Segovian half-real coin [“una moneda de un medio real de a ocho segoviano”]
(Cerdan de Landa 1828, 23–24)
Paja Pipe opening with circumference of an American peso coin [“un peso de moneda americana”] (Cerdan de Landa
1828, 23–24); listed as equivalent to 1/16 of a real of water (Real Academia Espan~ola 2014)
Note: The real was the biggest unit. There are references from 4 reales to 1/ 2 real and from 8 pajas to 1/ 2 quarter-paja (or 1/ 16 of a paja). This
measurement was controlled at the opening in the reservoir or water tank (caja de agua) that fed the specific pipe leading to the site to
which the license was awarded. This opening was called data and was preferably constructed of bronze or another durable material. The
Libros de Cabildos de Lima does not make any mention of water pressure or volume of water flowing through the data over a period of
time, although this obviously would impact actual amount of water. The Real Academia Espanola ~ (RAE 2014) also defines paja as a little
more than 2 cm3/second. Bromley and Barbagelata (1945, 65), register paja as equivalent to the flow of 5,072 liters/24 hours, which is a
much lesser volume than the RAE definition. Like many measurements, there was likely considerable variation by location and by time
period. See also Aznar de Polanca (1727, 230–32) and Palerm and Chairez (2002, 227–51).
families. The vast majority of the remaining private of Pipeline 3 described earlier. Overall we find that
individuals were of high status, including royal and powerful people were living in close proximity to one
viceregal officials, church officials, university rectors, another and that the municipal pipelines passed by
and more. Women seem to be mentioned on water many of their houses. Additional water connections
petitions only when they were high-status individuals were easier to install near previous connections. For
themselves; for example, if they were daughters, moth- example, Captain Juan Fernandez de Heredia’s con-
ers, or widows of conquistadores, Cabildo members, nection on Municipal Pipeline 3 (map reference i) was
or high-ranking royal or viceregal officials. Among the facilitated by the prior existence of a water storage
religious and charitable institutions, convents and tank at the corner of the Carvajal Statue (Marmol de
monasteries received the most water: 82 percent of Carvajal) that served both a public fountain and don
total water conceded (see Bell [forthcoming] for this Diego de la Presa’s connection (map references k
calculation), with the Jesuits controlling the largest and i). Religious institutions also influenced pipeline
water concessions of all—nearly nine reales of water— routes: The powerful Dominican, Franciscan, and
among their various properties.16 Jesuit orders, among others, were all served by the
Taken together, the sociospatial patterns of the original municipal pipelines. These features all con-
water concessions paint a picture of the distribution of tributed to the concentration of water connections in
power in the city. The Cabildo designed and imple- certain sectors of the city; power, wealth, status, and
mented the original municipal water system and, not water connections went hand in hand.
surprisingly, it served many of the homes of the may- Nearly no concessions were given to merchants or
ors and councilmen. Indeed, many of these connec- professionals (who were not royal officials) and none
tions were awarded for free, in recognition of service at all to artisans, laborers, or other lower ranking
to the pipeline projects and other public works. Public members of society. The Indian neighborhood—San-
fountains, ostentatiously part of the original plans, tiago del Cercado—was not served at all by the three
experienced delays in construction and many interrup- original municipal pipelines and was only provided
tions in service. For example, in 1596 the San Sebas- with one public fountain.17 This neighborhood,
tian fountain was completed but no water was flowing reported to be home to 800 Indians and eighty African
(LCL 19.IV.1596), in 1612 the drainage of the San slaves in 1629 (Bromley and Barbagelata 1945, 59),
Marcelo fountain failed, causing problems, and in provides a key illustration of the sociospatial patterns
1621 the public fountains were found to be in a gen- of access described earlier: The Cercado was actually
eral state of disrepair (LCL 5.VII.1621). When an located right along the water main leading from the
important individual’s house was located outside of springs to the Caridad water tank, very near to the
the basic layout of the three pipelines, this layout was main area with springs. Because it was located “above”
adjusted, as demonstrated by the repeated branching the Caridad, however, it had only limited access to the
city’s drinking water (Ram on 2011). The African pop-
ulation is only referenced with regard to the pipelines
Table 3 Chronology of petitions for water connections in terms of slave labor toward their construction and
(1578–1699) recorded in the Libros de Cabildos de Lima maintenance and as water sellers. These lower status
populations used the public fountains, purchased
Municipal 1578–1592 1593–1599 1600–1613 1614–1699 Total water from sellers who made deliveries via mule cargo,
pipeline
or collected water from the river, even though from
1 3 2 7 6 18 1552 river water was considered too polluted for most
2 0 10 2 10 22 domestic uses (Cogorno 2011).
3 0 3 11 9 23
Total 3 15 20 25 63
After these three municipal pipelines were built the
Cabildo received various petitions for the construction
Figure 4 Lima pipeline network up to 1699. This includes the three original municipal pipelines and the additional pipelines, both municipal and private. The labels represent peti-
tions for connections; it is not always possible to know the date of installation of a connection (or indeed whether the connection was ever installed). Keys for identifying references
for each connection are found in Tables 4 through 7. Note references are case and font (italics) sensitive. Source: Bromley and Barbagelata (1945), “Plan[o] Topografico” (1787),
Urrutia (2006), Google Maps. (Color figure available online.)
9
10
Table 4 List of connections for Municipal Pipeline 1
Map reference Petition for Link with the Cabildo/

number Petition date(s) Petition by/for (amount awarded) Cost Category indicator of social status
A No petition, pre-1613 Plaza Mayor public fountain N/A N/A Public fountain Public center of the city
B No petition, pre-1613 Inquisition N/A N/A Institution Royal institution
C No petition, pre-1613 Inquisition plaza public fountain N/A N/A Public fountain Public plaza
D No petition, pre-1613 Viceroy’s palace N/A N/A Institution Viceroy
E No petition, pre-1613 Royal jail N/A N/A Institution Royal institution
F No petition, pre-1613 Municipal jail N/A N/A Institution Municipal institution
G No petition, pre-1613 Francisco Ortiz de Arbildo N/A N/A Private home City councilman, water judge (1570,
1575, 1581, 1583), commissioner
for the public fountain project
(1573, 1578–1580)
H No petition, pre-1613 Gregorio Ortiz de Arbildo N/A N/A Private home City councilman, water judge (1597)
I (destroyed by fire No petition, pre-1613 The house/store of Antonio Barrera N/A N/A Private home Candle wax merchant
soon after 1613;
not included in
Figure 5)
J 15.II.1588 Santo Domingo Convent, by Father 4 pajas N/A Religious Convent
Reginaldo de Lizarraga (Prior)
1
K 4.XI.1588, 11.XI.1588 don
~a Jordana Mejia (widow of Melchor / 4 paja (“cuartillo”) 400 pesos Private home Widow of a conquistador and
Verdugo) wealthy landowner
L 20.IX.1591, 16.II.1595 San Francisco Convent Quantity not specified, later N/A Religious Convent
listed as 1 real
1
M 14.4.1595 Antonio de Avalos / 2 paja 100 pesos Private home City councilman, water judge (1584)
1
N 8.VI.1598, 3.VII.1598, Dr. In
~igo de Hormero (renewed by M. / 2 paja 150 pesos Private home Royally appointed doctor
5.IV.1599,20.XI.1634 Hurtado de Hormero in 1634) (Protomedico de la ciudad)
O 1.VI.1601, 25.I.1602 Cathedral (by Joan de Palomares, 2 pajas (2 petitions of 1 paja N/A Religious Cathedral
majordomo of construction of the in 1601 and 1602)
Church)
P 19.IV.1602 don Diego de Carvajal 1 paja Free, in Private home Sitting mayor (also 1617, 1619),
recognition special commissioner of pipelines
of the (1602), pipeline commissioner
service of (1617, 1619), son of past mayor
his father Diego de Carvajal y Vargas (who
worked on pipeline project),
postmaster of colonial mails
(Correo Mayor)
Q 8.III.1604, 8.IV.1604 General don Fernando de Cordoba y 1 paja 100 pesos Private home Sitting mayor (also 1601,1609, 1615),
Figueroa pipeline commissioner (1609)
1
R 1.X.1604 Dr. Cipriano de Medina 1 paja ( / 2 paja awarded) N/A Private home Lawyer, Rector of San Marcos
University in Lima (1605–1606,
1617–1618)
1
S (probable location 24.X.1608 Licenciado Pedro Gonzalez de las / 2 paja N/A Private home J. Perez de las Quentas was a royal
mapped) Cuentas (with Juan Pe
rez de las mining official. B. Nin
~o, his wife,
Cuentas and Bernarda Nin~o) was the daughter of Rodrigo Nin ~o,
who had been mayor (1555, 1558)
Table 4 List of connections for Municipal Pipeline 1 (Continued)

T 9.V.1609 Caridad: Hermandad, House, and 1 paja N/A Institution Charitable institution
Hospital, petition by Miguel Ochoa
(majordomo)
1
U 26.I.1610, 11.V.1611, Seminary College, petition by / 2 paja N/A Religious Religious educational institution
19.V.1611, 20.V.1611 Hernando de Guzman
1
V 29.XI.1624 (renewal of Dr. Feliçiano de Vega / 2 paja N/A Private home Canon of the Cathedral, advisor to
unregistered title from the Cabildo (1601–1605), Rector
1604) of San Marcos University in Lima
(1610–1611, 1616–1617, 1621–
1623), Archbishop of Mexico
(1639)
1
W (not located, near F) 20.VII.1646 don Francisco de Carvajal Vargas y / 2 paja N/A Private home Postmaster of colonial mails, son and
Co
rdoba grandson of past mayors (see
above: Diego de Carvajal)
X (not located, near A) 13.XI.1654 Captain don Pedro de Castro Isasaga 1 paja (1/ 2 paja awarded) N/A Private home Sitting mayor (also 1639), pipeline
commissioner (1654)
Y 30.VII.1668 La Casa de las Recogidas (women’s 1 paja Free Institution Charitable institution
shelter or spiritual retreat)
Z 20.XII.1680 General don Juan de Urdanegui 1 paja N/A Private home Mayor (1679), Knight of the Order of
Santiago
1
AA 15.IV.1681 don Lorenzo de Zarate Verdugo / 2 paja Free, for merits Private home Unspecified, described as having
and services provided services to the Cabildo
Note: The data in this table serve as the key for the map labels in Figures 3 and 4. This list was compiled using Bromley and Barbagelata’s (1945) reconstruction of Lima’s water system in 1613 and from the
petitions recorded in the Libros de Cabildos de Lima. The connections listed as pre-1613 by Bromley and Barbagelata are not included in Tables 1 or 3. Of the twenty-seven connections, two were for public
fountains, three for royal institutions, one for a municipal institution, six for religious or charitable institutions, and the remaining fifteen for private individuals. Of these individuals, nine were for mayors or
city councilmen or families of Cabildo members. This includes three sitting mayors, three water judges, three pipeline commissioners, and one public fountain special project commissioner. The other private
individuals were also high ranking, including families of conquistadores, a protomedico
(royally appointed doctor charged with regulating medical education and practice), two rectors of San Marcos Univer-
sity (the first university in Lima and in the Americas), a correo mayor (postmaster of the colonial mails), and a royal mining official. Several individuals have military titles, and about half have the honorific
“don” or “don ~a.” The wax seller Antonio Barrera seems out of place in this list, but the location of his well-known establishment, directly on the pipeline route, might indicate why he was included. Women
seem to be mentioned on water petitions only when they are high-status individuals: The two mentioned here were a widow of a conquistador and a daughter of a mayor. There were two petitions for con-
nection on Municipal Pipeline 1 with unidentifiable locations: Francisco de Carbajal (1646) and Pedro de Castro Ysasaga (1655). Biographical information comes from the Libros de Cabildos de Lima, Bromley
(2005), Bromley and Barbagelata (1945), and Lohmann Villena (1983a, 1983b, 1983c, 1993).
11
12

1 No petition, pre-1613 Fountain next to the house of don N/A N/A Public fountain/fountain Nearby home owned by a past mayor
Lorenzo Estupin ~an de Figueroa just outside a private (1561, 1564)
home
2 No petition, pre-1613 La Concepcio
n Monastery N/A N/A Religious Monastery
3 No petition, pre-1613 don Juan Gutie
rrez Flores N/A N/A Private home Sheriff of the Holy Office of the
Inquisition (Alguacil Mayor del
Santo Oficio de Lima)
4 No petition, pre-1613 don
~a Francisca de Salinas N/A N/A Private home Sister of Dr. Diego de Salinas (see
below), daughter of Lope de
Salinas, a landowner (hacendado)
and Lima neighbor (vecino)
5 No petition, pre-1613 Alvar Ruiz de Navamuel y de los Rios N/A N/A Private home Royal scribe to several viceroys
6 No petition, pre-1613 Dr. Francisco de Leo
n Garavito N/A N/A Private home City councilman, named to a special
commission to regulate water
licenses in 1594; lawyer, professor,
and rector at San Marcos University
(1601–1602)
7 No petition, pre-1613 Bernardino de Tejeda N/A N/A Private home Engineer; chief founder/metal worker
of the viceroyalty (Fundidor Mayor
del Virreinato)
8 No petition, pre-1613, but Public fountain in San Sebastian N/A Charged to the city, Public fountain Public
see also 28.VII.1595, church plaza public works
22.IX.1595, 19.IV.1596 project
9 24.IX.1593, 15.X.1593 Diego Nun
~ez de Figueroa 1 paja Free, in recognition of Private home City councilman, water judge (1605),
his work on merchant, uncle of Diego Nun ~ez de
pipeline project Campoverde, who succeeded him
as city councilman (see below),
named to a special commission to
regulate water licenses in 1594
10 6.V.1594, 12.VIII.1594 Diego Nun
~ez de Campoverde and his 1 paja 400 pesos Private home City councilman, nephew of Diego
wife don~a Maria Fajardo de Billaroel Nun~ez de Figueroa, who he
succeeded as city councilman (see
above)
11 1.VII.1594 (see also petition San Martin College (Jesuit), by Father 1 paja N/A Religious College/school (secular but run by
14 below) Pablo Josepe (rector) Jesuits)
12 12.VIII.1594, 29.XI.1596 Dr. Diego de Salinas 1 paja 400 pesos Private home Lawyer for the Court of the Inquisition
13 4.XI.1594 Holy Spirit Hospital, by Antonio 1 paja (1/ 2 paja) Free Institution Charitable institution (hospital for the
Fernandez (majordomo) poor)
14 18.XI.1594 (see also petition San Martin College and adjacent Jesuit 2 reales in addition to N/A Religious College/school (secular) and Jesuit
11 above) residence, by Father Hernando de previous titles (11/ 2 reales house
Mendoza (rector of the college) total, including previous)
15 9.XII.1594 Licenciado Juan Martinez Rengifo 1 real N/A Private home Treasurer in charge of collecting city
revenue (Depositario General de la

Ciudad), powerful landowner

(hacendado)
16 23.XII.1594, 28.II. 1622 San Agustin Convent 2 reales (11/ 2 reales) N/A Religious Convent
17 6.XII.1599 Casa de San Jose (Jesuit), by Father 1 real (1/ 2 real) N/A Religious Religious institution
Francisco de Vitoria (Rector)
18 14.XI.1603, 8.IV.1604 don Juan Manuel de Anaya 1 paja 100 pesos Private home Royal treasurer (Tesorero de la Real
Hacienda)
19 1605 Public fountain in San Pedro church N/A N/A Public fountain Public
plaza
20 23.VI.1617 don Juan de la Cueva y Villavicençio 1 paja 250 pesos Private home Mayor (1608, 1616, 1626), pipeline
commissioner (1616)
21 17.III.1625 (original title see San Pablo College (Jesuit) Alter the course of a pipeline, The college will pay all Religious Seminary college
above 16), 11.VII.1625, install a new storage tank; costs
1
14.VII.1625, 15.XII.1625 / 2 real in addition to the
(petition for additional 11/ 2 reales already
water); see also 5. awarded to the Jesuits in
VII.1627 and petition for 1594
private pipeline in 1630
22 8.VII.1631 don Francisco Gutierrez de Coca Water (unspecified) N/A Private home Official at the Inquisition (son of
military captain, who likely
submitted the original petition),
Knight of Calatrava
1
23 24.IV.1634, 5.V.1634 Diego Lopez de Lisboa / 2 paja 250 pesos Private home Chaplain to the Archbishop of Lima
(priest) but previously had been
wealthy merchant
1
24 6.XI.1643, 14.XI.1643 Dr. don Juan de Cabrera / 2 paja 200 pesos Private home Treasurer for the Cathedral
25 7.V.1666 San Agustin Hospital Water for a fountain N/A Institution Religious hospital
26 13.I.1668 don Nicolas Fernando de Villavicencio Water (unspecified) N/A Private home Mayor (1657), pipeline commissioner
(1657)
27 27.II.1670, 6.III.1670 Jesuit offices (Estudios), by Father 1 paja N/A Religious Religious institution
Rodrigo de Baldes
28 22.X.1688 Dr. don Francisco Bermejo y Roldan Fountain without drainage N/A Private home Medical doctor, Protomedico
of the
Royal Court (1673), Rector of San
Marcos University (1690–1691)
1
29 17.VII.1691, 29.V.1695, don
~a Theresa de Vilela y Esquivel / 2 paja N/A Private home Widow of don Martin de Savala (mayor
29.VII.1695 1670)
petitions recorded in the Libros de Cabildos de Lima. The connections listed as pre-1613 by Bromley and Barbagelata are not included in Tables 1 or 3. Of the twenty-nine connections, three were for public
fountains, nine for religious or charitable institutions, including schools, and the remaining seventeen for private individuals. Of these individuals, six were for mayors or city councilmen or families of Cabildo
members. This includes a water judge, two pipeline commissioners, and two special commissioners for pipeline projects. The other private individuals were also high ranking, including royal officials (Inquisi-
tion officers, viceregal scribe, treasurers, chief viceregal engineer/founder) a protomedico,
a rector of San Marcos University, and Archbishopric and Cathedral officials (chaplain, treasurer). Of special interest
here are the several petitions made by the Jesuits for their various properties (residences, seminary college, lay/secular school). The Jesuits ended up amassing the largest amount of water—nearly 9 reales
total—using Municipal Pipeline 2 and a private pipeline for which a petition was submitted in 1630. The two women mentioned here were a daughter of a landowner and sister of an Inquisition official and a
widow of a mayor. Biographical information comes from the Libros de Cabildos de Lima, Bromley (2005), Bromley and Barbagelata (1945), Lohmann Villena (1983a, 1983b, 1983c, 1993), and Sala Catala
(1994).
13
14
Map reference Petition for(amount Link with the Cabildo/indicator of

number Petition date(s) Petition by/for awarded) Cost Category social status
a 1.VII.1594, 21.I.1605, 25.I.1605 San Marcelo neighborhood Public fountain Public works project by Public fountain Public fountain, part of original plan for
Cabildo municipal pipelines
b 9.IX.1594 don Antonio Xuarez de Medina 1 paja N/A Private home Viceregal sccretary
c No petition pre-1613 La Encarnacion Monastery N/A N/A Religious Monastery
d 8.V.1598 La Merced Convent 3 reales Free Religious Convent
1
e 6.III.1600, 3.VII.1600 Miguel de Solsona / 2 paja 500 pesos Private home N/A
f 14.VIII.1600 Captain don Juan Davalos de 1 paja N/A Private home Sitting mayor (also 1603, 1609), royal
Ribera (aka don Jusepe de official in various capacities under
Ribera y Davalos) Viceroy Marqu es de Montesclaros
(1607–1615)
g 22.XII.1600, 22.XI.1602 Convent of the Nuns of the Holy Renew the water N/A Religious Convent
Trinity, by don
~a Lucreçia de license
Sansoles (Abbess) (original
location, convent later
moved)
h 18.11.1602 Dr. Andres Diaz de Abreu 1 paja 450 pesos Private home Canon of the Cathedral, Rector of San
Marcos University (1612–1613, 1627–
1628)
i 20.VI.1602 don Diego de la Presa 1 paja 250 pesos Private home City councilman, pipeline commissioner
(1608), Escribano Mayor de los Navios
de la Mar del Sur (chief scribe of the
Ships of the Southern Sea); his wife,
Luisa de los Rıos Navamuel, was
daughter of Alvaro Ruiz de Navamuel y
de los Rıos (water connection 5,
Municipal Pipeline 2)
j 4.XI.1602, 1.VIII.1603, don Martin de Ampuero 1 paja 100 pesos Private home City councilman (first mestizo city
8.VIII.1603, 6.X.1603 councilman: son of don Francisco de
Ampuero, city councilman, and mayor
and Inca Princess Don ~a Ine
s Huaylas
Yupanqui); water judge (1610)
k 25.I.1605 Public fountain at the Marmol de Public fountain Public work to be paid for Public fountain Public fountain
Carvajal with a sisa tax
1
l 6.VII.1609, 2.III.1612, 12. Captain Juan Fernandez de / 2 paja 200 pesos (Solorzano Private home Fernandez de Heredia was mayor in
III.1612, 3.VI.1619 Heredia; title transferred to Pereira paid this after (1585); Solorzano Pereira was an a
Dr. Juan de Solorzano the title was member judge of the Royal Court
Pereira (1612) transferred) (Oidor de la Real Audiencia)
1
m 15.I.1610, 29.XI.1610 Captain don Diego de Ayala y / 2 paja 100 pesos Private home Mayor (1618)
Contreras
n 26.XI.1610, 29.X.1612, Jesuit Novitiate College 1 paja Free Religious Religious college
23.VII.1614, 24.VII.1614, (Noviciado de la Compan~ia
20.IV.1668 de Jesus), by Hermano
Eujenio Sanchez
o 29.II.1610, 13.XII.1612 Alonso de Carrion 1 paja N/A Private home Scribe/secretary of the Cabildo

Map reference Petition for(amount Link with the Cabildo/indicator of
number Petition date(s) Petition by/for awarded) Cost Category social status
p 23.X.1615 Francisco Severino de Torres y 1 paja N/A Private home City councilman, pipeline commissioner
Bohorquez (1614), city sheriff (Alguacil Mayor)
(1573–1617)
q 10.XI.1634 San Diego Hospital, by Fray 1 paja Free, as a donation Institution Hospital (for men)
Juan de Graçia (Prior of San (obligated to provide a
Diego convent) public fountain in the
San Diego
neighborhood or the
Recoleta de Santo
Domingo
neighborhood)
r 29.XII.1653 Captain don Francisco de la 1 paja N/A Private home Sitting mayor (also 1652, 1673); pipeline
Cueva Guzman commissioner (1652, 1653)
s 29.XII.1653 Juan de Figueroa 1 paja N/A Private home City councilman, pipeline commissioner
(1654–1658)
1
t (probable 24.VII.1654 don Ordon
~o de Samudio / 2 paja N/A Private home Mayor (1648, 1681), city councilman,
location) pipeline commissioner (1650–1683,
except 1651) (1659, 1662–1664 no
data)
u 17.IX.1667 Licenciado don Bernardo de 1 paja N/A Private home Member judge of the Royal Court,
Iturrizarra president of the Royal Court (1666–
1667), governor and general captain of
Peru in the absence of the Viceroy
(1666–1667)
v 7.X.1689 Captain don Juan de la Presa Data for his house N/A Private home Unclear, but probably this is don Juan de
la Presa y de la Cueva, who was mayor
(1667, 1679), city councilman, pipeline
commissioner (1667), grandson of
Diego de la Presa (see above i)
1
w 9.II.1690 don
~a Mariana Zapata / 4 paja Free, for the services of Private home Widow of Maestro de Campo don Antonio
don~a Mariana, her de Llanos, mother of Pedro de Llanos
husband, and their Zapata (sitting mayor, also 1708, sitting
family pipeline commissioner)
x 2.I.1697 Maestro de Campo don Gaspar 1 paja N/A Private home Mayor (1691, 1694), city councilman,
Perales y Saavedra water judge (1698), pipeline
commissioner (1691, 1694)
petitions recorded in the Libros de Cabildos de Lima. The connections listed as pre-1613 by Bromley and Barbagelata are not included in Tables 1 or 3. Of the twenty-four connections, two were for public
fountains, five for religious or charitable institutions, including a hospital, and the remaining seventeen were for private individuals. Of these individuals, thirteen were for mayors or city councilmen or families
of Cabildo members. This includes two water judges and eight pipeline commissioners. The other private individuals were also high ranking, including two member judges of the Royal Court (one of whom
was interim governor between Viceroys), a viceregal secretary, and a rector of San Marcos University (also Canon of the Cathedral). Again, the only woman mentioned seems to be in relation to her family
members, especially her son, who was the sitting mayor. Of special note here is the branched form of the pipeline, which seems to be designed to include important individuals not served by the first two
pipelines (e.g., Martin de Ampuero, j). Biographical information comes from the Libros de Cabildos de Lima, Bromley (2005), Bromley and Barbagelata (1945), and Lohmann Villena (1983a, 1983b, 1983c,
1993).
15
of private pipelines. Private pipelines were designed to were initiated in 1668, although the pipeline was still
serve only their final points, and typically petitions not completed or functioning properly in 1692, mainly
could not be submitted to install additional connec- due to lack of funding (LCL 20.IV.1668, 20.VII.1668,
tions to take water from along their courses (although 30.VII.1668, 16.1.1669, 12.II.1669, 16.IX.1692).
there were several exceptions). The person or group Details about these pipelines are also included in
who requested a private pipeline paid for its construc- Table 7 and Figure 4.
tion. These pipes generally served religious orders or In general, the Cabildo was not able to provide ade-
neighborhoods where the municipal pipelines did not quate drinking water to all of the residents of the city.
reach, which were called far neighborhoods (LCL 28. Some problems were due to the slow construction of
XI.1651; San Crist obal 2005). The Cabildo supervised the municipal pipelines, like that of San Marcelo,
the construction of at least twenty-one private pipe- which took nearly thirty years to complete. Others
lines between 1600 and 1700. Information about these were due to the difficulty of controlling illegal water
pipelines is presented in Table 7 and they are mapped connections (LCL 21.I.1605, 7.I.1611, 2.I.1636), which
in Figure 4. was compounded by the fact that the Cabildo lacked a
Examination of the petitions for private pipelines registry—either a list or a map—that detailed the legal
demonstrates that from the perspective of potable connections. The Cabildo had sought to create such a
water provision, the city below the Caridad water tank map of the pipelines and connections at several times
was divided into two zones: that of “above” and that of throughout the seventeenth century without success
“below.” The zone below suffered from continuous (Bell 2012). In 1665 it ordered engineer Clemente de
water shortages. This zone, identified as “below the Mansilla to make a pipeline map, but he died before
principal plaza” and “the bottom half of the city” (LCL completing this work. In 1691 Pedro Fernandez de
20.III.1629), included the far neighborhoods (LCL 28. Valdes was similarly reprimanded for failing to submit
XI.1651) like La Merced, La Encarnaci on, San Sebas- his Cabildo-ordered map. As far as is known, the first
tian, San Marcelo, and Guadalupe (see also LCL 9. map of the pipeline network was made in 1787, of
III.1620, 29.X.1671). These neighborhoods all had which only a copy from 1862 remains (Ram on 2010).
public fountains that experienced water shortages. It is unclear why this project was so difficult to com-
The word below references actual topographic position plete, although it might relate to the way knowledge
but also location at the end of the pipelines; in other of the pipelines was stored: as practical working
words, the lowest point in the water flow, to the north- knowledge held by the engineers and their slaves. This
west and southwest of the Plaza Mayor. These zones was observed in Cabildo records from 1790, which
lacked water because those located above (along the described the “depositing” of knowledge of the water
pipeline) used the water, often taking water in excess system in an elderly engineer and his still living slave
of what their titles allowed and consequently letting (Ram on 2011, 88).
little water flow to the end of the pipe (LCL 9. From a broader perspective, it is easy to note social
III.1606, 11.VIII.1621, 20.III.1629). Other “poor” distinctions in the patterns of drinking water access
zones were left totally outside of the network; their that were both purposefully and inadvertently influ-
residents had to buy water from water sellers or collect enced by the Cabildo’s governance strategies. Even
it themselves from distant public fountains or the river though the Cabildo (and some religious orders)
(LCL 11.VII.1621, 20.III.1629).18 employed a discourse supporting the necessity of pro-
The construction of private pipelines was an imper- viding water to all, and especially to poor neighbor-
fect solution to the problem of supplying the general hoods, in reality it was the most powerful residents
population with drinking water. For example, each and the monasteries and convents that enjoyed run-
monastery or convent that constructed a private pipe- ning water. These areas were strategically located just
line was also required to install a public fountain for below the Caridad water tank in the city center or,
general use. In theory, this would contribute to a more perhaps better said, the Caridad water tank had been
egalitarian distribution of water. In practice, though, strategically located near this neighborhood. No titles
the convents did not comply with this obligation. In were awarded to either African or Indian individuals,
1670, for instance, the Cabildo found that none of the and the Indian neighborhood (Santiago del Cercado)
public fountains were running as they should, and had only one public fountain, located “above” the Car-
some were not even built (LCL 3.IX.1670; see also 25. idad water tank and thus in a relatively low-power
II.1671, 12.V.1671). These fountains are mapped in location in the network. Moreover, the spatial distri-
Figure 4, but this is an important case where installa- bution of the pipelines was one of the features that
tion of infrastructure did not necessarily equate to produced the differences between a rich neighborhood
proper functioning of infrastructure. Therefore, in the and a poor one. The division of water not only
second half of the century, the Cabildo decided that it reflected social inequalities but also created and rein-
was also necessary to expand the municipal pipeline forced divisions between groups and zones. The
network. It built two new municipal pipelines. The expansion of the pipeline network in the seventeenth
first was built for a new fountain in the Plaza Mayor century shows that although Lima’s hydraulic space
and was finished in 1650. The second was constructed was oriented by the physical location of the springs
to serve the San Marcelo neighborhood. Plans for this and the topography of the region, its form was not at
Table 7 Chronology of construction of twenty-one private pipelines and two additional municipal pipelines and information about water connections for each, 1606–1700
Map reference
number Connection Pipeline name Date of pipeline initiation Dates of progression and completion of pipeline
1 don Francisco de Balençuela Loaysa (petition 1604) Santa Ana 1606 (Petition by Santa Ana 1606–1609 (Construction of water tank); 1623
2 Santa Ana neighborhood public fountain (1606) neighbors); 1617 (Unfinished);1629 (Fountain finished, water not
(Renewed petition); 1620 flowing);1630–1632 (Fountain broken, no water); 1643
(Plans) (Complaints about poor quality); 1651 (Water shortage)
3 San Agustin Convent (1619) San Agustın 1619 (Petition); 1622 1629–1630 (Under construction but with problems); 1640
4 San Sebastian neighborhood public fountain (1622) (License awarded and (Construction of the fountain inside the convent)
5 Santa Rosa Convent (petition 1687, installed 1699) plans)
6 Santa Clara Monastery (1624) Santa Clara 1624 (Petition)
7 San Pablo Seminary College (1630) Compan us (Jesuits) 1630 (Petition)
~ıa de Jes 1635 (Pipeline completed but broken); 1657 (Repairs)
8 San Martin Secular College (1630)
9 La Recoleta (1633) La Recoleta 1633 (Petition)
10 San Diego neighborhood public fountain (1633)
11 Convent of the Discalced Nuns of San Jose (Las Descalzas de Las Descalzas de San Jose
Before 1643 1643 (Petition to the Cabildo for assistance with repairs)
San Jose ) (before 1643)
12 Holy Trinity College (1645) Holy Trinity 1645 (Petition for water); 1656–1657 (Construction); 1662–1665 (Construction);
1662 (Plans for private 1665 (Completed); 1685 (Petition to redo the work)
pipeline)
13 Santa Catalina Monastery (1646) Santa Catalina 1646 (Petition);1646; (Plans) 1671 (Project complete)
14 Plaza Mayor public fountain Plaza Mayor (Municipal) 1647 (Plans); 1648 (Plans) 1650–1660 (Construction); 1667 (Repairs); 1682–1683
(Repairs)
15 San Andres neighborhood public fountain (1651) San Andre
s 1651 (Petition)
16 San Andres Hospital (n.d.)
17* not mapped Manuel de la Vega (1672)
18 Our Lady of Prado Monastery (1654) Prado 1654 (Petition)
19 La Concepcion Monastery (1657) La Concepcion 1657 (Petition); 1657 (Plans) 1659 (Repairs); 1682 (Renewal of license)
20 San Lazaro Hospital (1657) San Lazaro 1657 (Petition)
21 San Bartolome Hospital (1660) San Bartolome 1660 (Petition)
22 Pedro Fernandez de Valdes (1690)
23 San Ildefonso College (n.d.) San Ildefonso
24 Captain Francisco de Haro (1666)
25 San Francisco Convent (n.d.) San Francisco
26 San Pedro Hospital (1667)
27 San Marcelo neighborhood public fountain (1668) San Marcelo (Municipal) 1668 (Petition); 1668–1670 1672 (Problems with construction);1688 (Funding
28*Probable don Gabriel de Vega y Rinaga (1668) (Plans) problems);1692 (Fountain completed but no water
location flowing to San Marcelo); 1699 (Repairs)
29 Jesuit Novitiate College (1668)
30 Orphan Girls Charity (1669)
31 Fernando N un~es de Sanabria (1692)
32 Captain don Bernardo de Gurmendi (1692)
33 Guadalupe College (1699)
34 La Recoleta de Bele n (1668) Bele
n 1668 (Petition)
35 Bele
n street public fountain (1668)
36 Santo Domingo Convent (1668) Santo Domingo 1668 (Petition); 1668 (Plans)
37 don
~a Ana de Zolo rzano y Velasco (1670)
(continued on next page)
17
18
Table 7 Chronology of construction of twenty-one private pipelines and two additional municipal pipelines and information about water connections for each, 1606–1700
(Continued)
Map reference
number Connection Pipeline name Date of pipeline initiation Dates of progression and completion of pipeline
38 San Pedro Nolasco College (1689) San Pedro Nolasco 1689 (Petition)
39 Convent of the Discalced Nuns of the Holy Trinity (Las Descalzas Las Trinitarias 1690 (Petition)
de la Santısima Trinidad) (1690)
40 Beaterio (Sanctorum) de la Merced (n.d.) Las Mercedarias 1695 (Petition)
41 Incurables Hospital (1695)
42 El Cercado Indian neighborhood public fountain (n.d.) El Cercado n.d.
Note: Text in italics indicates data from San Cristo bal (2005, 206–33), and all other information is from the Libros de Cabildos. Pipelines are private unless noted as municipal. Most private pipelines served
only their final points, usually a religious or charitable institution, and perhaps a public fountain near this final point. There are, however, several examples of unrelated private individuals being awarded con-
nections along a private pipeline (e.g., don Francisco de Balençuela Loaysa on the Santa Ana Pipeline). There was one petition for connection on the San Andre s private pipeline with an unidentified location:
Manuel de la Vega (1672).
all natural; the design clearly depended on the social thus shapes and influences power relations, instead of
geography of the city. This design and the concession merely reflecting or responding to them (Swyngedouw
of licenses—both controlled by the Cabildo—was 1999; Gandy 2004; Loftus 2009). This can also be
integral in determining who had direct water access observed at a broader level, in terms of urban–rural
and who did not. relations, and usually results in significant urban bias.
In colonial Lima, the governance strategies applied in
the management of potable water resources not only
Discussion and Conclusions led to the development of the urban space and the spe-
cific sociospatial patterns of access to water within the
Lima’s hydraulic space was oriented by the east–west city but also contributed to differentiation between
flow of the Rímac River and the location of the springs urban and rural spaces. A significant urban bias was
to the northeast and topographically above the city. observed, with the city’s hydraulic reach or water foot-
The installation of its components, though, especially print extending beyond the urban zone into surround-
the drinking water pipeline, followed the desires, ing farmland. Although these questions and
objectives, and values of Lima’s human residents more approaches might seem basic to political ecology, they
than it did natural features. The LCL demonstrates have not frequently been applied to the study of early
that effective governance of Lima’s hydraulic space colonial natural resource access and never before to
was difficult. The Cabildo repeatedly failed to achieve water in colonial Peru.
its primary objective of securing a clean and copious The relationship between the history of water sys-
flow of drinking water in the municipal pipeline net- tems and the history of cities also warrants further
work. Problems with water supply were nearly always consideration (Swyngedouw, Kaika, and Castro 2002;
attributed to infrastructural and management prob- Gandy 2003, 2004; Swyngedouw 2004). As Bakker
lems, rather than “natural” issues like aquifer depletion (2003, 332) wrote, “The water network is, in part, an
or spring location. Although biophysical aspects of artefact of urbanization.” Given the great investment
water availability and conduction were significant to in construction and the difficulty of changing a pipe-
drinking water supply, especially the seasonality of line network already built, water systems typically
aquifer levels and the slope needed for gravity-based reflect water needs at one point in time and generally
flow, drinking water access was most closely linked to only cover a portion of a city, usually the most affluent
the installation of infrastructure and to the spatial part. Although such observations are generally made
proximity down-flow from the Caridad water tank. for contemporary urban situations, they are also true
The unequal distribution of drinking water infrastruc- for colonial Lima and likely for other colonial Spanish
ture reflected colonial social divisions but also helped cities in the Americas, which were established early in
to create and widen gaps between groups based on the colonial period and incorporated complicated and
access to water. Although the Cabildo made grand sophisticated water systems from the start. There are
statements about the importance of providing water to interesting remnants and traces of these colonial water
all city residents, only the most powerful members of systems in modern ones. For example, even though
colonial society had running water in their homes. the city of Lima now draws drinking water from dis-
This interpretation of Lima’s municipal water sys- tant Andean lakes, the location of the Atarjea spring
tem was only possible through interrogation of the used from 1578 is still the location of Lima’s central
Cabildo archives from a political ecology perspective. reservoir and water treatment plant (SEDAPAL
Most significantly, this perspective asks direct ques- 2013). This speaks to an enduring orientation of
tions about the linked biophysical, material, social, Lima’s hydraulic space, even amidst modernization,
political, and economic influences on patterns of water development, and great change. With further histori-
access of individuals, groups, and regions. Political cal analysis, it might be possible to reconstruct addi-
ecological analysis of contemporary urban drinking tional legacies of the colonial system with greater
water systems shows strong inequality in access, and significance to modern patterns of water access.
historical cases like that of Lima suggest that such pat- There are clear advantages of applying a political
terns are not new (although the specific relationships ecology approach to historical water systems, but mov-
between past inequality and current conditions need ing backward in time has methodological implications
to be clearly demonstrated and not assumed). Bakker’s for the types of questions that can be asked and the
(2003) archipelago metaphor is also helpful for histori- types of data that might be available. Closer attention
cal water analysis because it suggests that multiple, to material traces left on the landscape, including both
overlapping strategies are commonly used in urban biophysical and sociocultural features, is necessary,
drinking water delivery, including public and private and a useful guide can be found in the hydraulic
supply systems, and that spatial coverage of water archaeology approach. In this article, I used written
infrastructure is typically partial and uneven. This descriptions to explain the design and construction as
level of nuance is not always considered in historical well as the day-to-day management of infrastructure.
situations, even though it was likely present. Finally, In other cases, archaeological analysis of infrastructure
political ecological work has shown how uneven water might provide a useful complement, as historical docu-
access also leads to further social differentiation and ments have significant limitations for a political
ecological analysis. With the LCL we have only the infrastructure; management of natural resources (e.g., fire-
finalized or “clean” version of the Cabildo meeting wood, pasture); and social support (e.g., assistance for the
agendas, and rarely hear dissent among Cabildo mem- poor, education, annual fiestas). The Cabildo governed
bers, let alone direct contributions from lesser heard through nomination of commissioners and inspectors from
among the mayors and city councilmen, as well as through
voices, like Indians or African slaves. The LCL and appointment of outside specialists like engineers, architects,
other similar sources do, however, provide key insights police officials, surveyors, measurement inspectors, and
into “how Europeans conceptualized ‘their’ colonial secretaries.
landscapes and how those imaginations produced 3
The LCL includes forty-five volumes covering 1535
material consequences for colonized people, environ- through 1824. The first twenty-three volumes, 1534
ments and wildlife” (Offen 2004, 29). In the case of through 1639, were transcribed and published (Lee and
Lima’s water, we have a clear representation of the Bromley [1534–1637] 1935–1964); the remaining vol-
administrative, legal, engineering, and measurement umes are held as handwritten manuscripts at the His-
concepts developed and applied to water. Understand- torical Archive of the Municipality of Lima (AHML).
Book #2, referring to 1540 through 1544, has been
ing these colonial practices and conceptualizations, as
missing since the sixteenth century.
well as their consequences and legacies for postcolo- 4
The LCL do not describe matters that fell outside of the
nial resource management and environmental science, Cabildo’s authority. This source is virtually silent on topics
is a principal goal of historical political ecology (Offen dealing with territory beyond Lima’s jurisdiction and con-
2004; D. K. Davis 2009). Although here I have delved tains little information on non-Spanish populations. The
only briefly into one history of water access, I have LCL should be considered a “final draft” of the written
endeavored to show the utility of the historical politi- minutes of meetings and does not provide much informa-
cal ecology perspective for explaining sociospatial pat- tion about dissention or disagreement among members of
terns of natural resource access in the past. & this institution.
5
Locations of these connections and pipeline routes were
mapped through textual description in the LCL and the
Acknowledgments valuable previous reconstruction of Lima’s pipelines found
in Bromley and Barbagelata (1945). See also Urrutia
I would like to thank Penn State dissertation commit- (2006).
tee members Karl Zimmerer, Derek Holdsworth, 6
The citation style used for the LCL references the date
Brian King, James McCarthy, and David Webster for of the Cabildo meeting (LCL Day.Month [Roman
their comments. I am grateful to my Riva-Ag€ uero Numeral].Year); this is the reference style used in
research team: Gabriel Ram on, Gilda Cogorno, Mar- Gutierrez (2005).
7
cos Alarcon, and Moises Cueva, as well as to Nicanor For analysis of Lima’s demography and social diversity, see
Domínguez. This research benefited from participants Bromley and Barbagelata (1945), Moore (1954), Keith
(1976), Cushner (1980), Lohmann Villena (1983a, 1983b,
in the Historical Political Ecology sessions at the 2014
1983c, 1993), Lockhart (1994), Vergara Orme~ no (1995),
Association of American Geographers meetings. I am Charney (2001), Bromley (2005), Gutierrez (2005), and
grateful also to the 2014 Nystrom Award Review com- Quiroz (2008).
mittee, to Editor Barney Warf, and to three anony- 8
Prior to this date special commissioners were selected as
mous reviewers. necessary for the pipeline projects.
9
Between 1611 and 1699 there are nine years for which
there are no data on the naming of commissioners, mainly
Funding due to missing pages in the LCL.
10
This research was funded by a Fulbright-Hays Doc- This man was given a title that evolved from someone
named for the “cleaning and dressing of the pipes, res-
toral Dissertation Research Abroad grant, a National
ervoirs, and fountains of water” in the beginning of the
Science Foundation Doctoral Dissertation Research century, to the much higher sounding “chief fountai-
Improvement grant, and a group research grant from neer” (Fontanero Mayor) by its end (from 1689).
the Riva-Ag€ uero Institute of the Pontificial Catholic 11
The continuation was notable: Juan de Mansilla took
University of Peru. over when his father Clemente died (LCL 29.III.1635);
likewise, Pedro Fernandez de Valdes replaced Juan de
Mansilla when he died (LCL 1.I.1666). In 1706, Pedro
Notes was replaced by his own son Miguel Fernandez de
1
On pre-Hispanic canals see Narvaez Luna (2013). Valdes, who had assisted him for many years (LCL 2.
2
The Cabildo was a Spanish colonial institution with roots I.1706).
12
in thirteenth- and fourteenth-century Castile responsible Mansilla said that Angola had been very skilled in repairing
for governing a municipality and its surrounding region pipes and distributing water, and after Angola died, Man-
(Moore 1954). During the sixteenth and seventeenth cen- silla complained that now he had too much work to do
turies, a Cabildo of a metropolis (ciudad) like Lima was himself and had to use two slaves (LCL 18.IV.1654). There
made up of two mayors (Alcaldes Ordinarios) and twelve is another reference to the two slaves who worked for
councilmen or alderman (Regidores), selected from the Pedro Fernandez de Valdes who “risked life by always
highest social classes of the city. The Cabildo claimed being in the water” (LCL 15.VII.1667).
13
authority in Lima and its hinterland over issues such as For more information on the legal aspects of extending
urban planning and land grants; trade and business; food Lima’s urban hydraulic reach to these “rural” canals see
production, supply, and distribution; water rights and Bell (forthcoming).
14
For an illustration of the Plaza Mayor and its fountain from Bromley, J., and J. Barbagelata. 1945. Evolucion urbana de
1680, see the painting published in Kagan (2011, Lima [Urban evolution of Lima]. Lima, Per u: Talleres
Figure 6.2). graficos de la editorial Lumen.
15
This includes the public fountains that were part of the Brooks, D. B., and J. Linton. 2011. Governance of
Cabildo’s original design for the municipal pipelines and transboundary aquifers: Balancing efficiency, equity and
did not require special petitions. There were four other sustainability. International Journal of Water Resources
petitions for which it was not possible to identify pipeline: Development 27 (3): 431–62.

Albaro de Alcocer (1598), don Manuel Artero de Loaysa Carey, M. 2010. In the shadow of melting glaciers: Climate
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line as Manuel Artero de Loaysa), and don Pedro Balthazar Press.
Merino de Heredia (1692; on the same pipeline as Manuel Carey, M., A. French, and E. O’Brien. 2012. Unintended
Artero de Loaysa). effects of technology on climate change adaptation: An
16
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sands) of residents and water users of the various convents, Glaciers. Journal of Historical Geography 38 (2): 181–91.
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MARTHA G. BELL is the Global Interactions Postdoctoral
Museo Nacional de Arqueología, Antropología e Historia
Researcher at Leiden University Institute for Area Studies,
del Peru.
2300 RA Leiden, The Netherlands. E-mail: m.g.bell@hum.
Vergara Orme~ no, T. 1995. Hombres, tierras y productos: Los
leidenuniv.nl. Her research interests include the history of
valles comarcanos de Lima (1532–1650) [Men, lands and
land and natural resource use and the history of agricultural
produce: The valleys surrounding Lima (1532–1650)].
practices and hydraulic technologies in Peru and Latin
Lima, Peru: Pontificia Universidad Cat olica del Peru,
America.
Instituto Riva-Ag€uero.

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H istorical perspectives have long been considered

Table 2 Units of measurement of water based on circumference of pipe opening

Measurement Description of amount

Map reference Petition for Link with the Cabildo/

Table 4 List of connections for Municipal Pipeline 1 (Continued)

Map reference Petition for Link with the Cabildo/

Table 5 List of connections for Municipal Pipeline 2 (Continued)

Ciudad), powerful landowner

Map reference Petition for(amount Link with the Cabildo/indicator of

Table 6 List of connections for Municipal Pipeline 3 (Continued)

(continued on next page)

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