Professional Documents
Culture Documents
regards to ASEAN
MUKUL JOSHI
Internal Assessment- India’s Foreign Policy
Teacher in charge- Dr. Vipin Malhotra
Department of Political Science
Sri Arobindo College (M), University of Delhi
Author’s note
All the data and facts in this article have been collected from various
authenticated sources and references for such have been provided.
Efforts have been made to provide details on this topic in such a way
that readers find it easy to comprehend. This article has been made
under guidance of Professor Vipin Malhotra, Sri Aurobindo College
(Day), University of Delhi.
Abstract
India-ASEAN relations can be traced to historical and cultural
relations. Hinduism, Buddhism and Islam spread from India to the
region and the imprint of this shared cultural heritage is also seen in
art forms and architecture. Despite this after independence India did
not have good relations with ASEAN because, ASEAN was
perceived to be pro-West during the Cold War period (Ideological
differences). After the end of Cold War, India-ASEAN relations have
evolved from just economic ties to new strategic heights owing to
common threats and aspirations.
Credit: https://www.indiaasean.org/
Historical Background
India’s earliest contacts with South-East Asia date back to the rule of
Chandragupta Maurya. This was the time when procurement of gold
from Siberia had begun to be interrupted by nomads. This pushed the
ruler to look for alternate sources of procurement, and thus gold trade
with Malay Island began. What followed was Ashoka’s contingent of
Buddhist missionaries. The relation between South East Asia remained
cultural and commercial in nature for a long time. In the medieval period,
Chola invaded Srivijaya- the largest Maritime South East Asian Empire.
This opened doors for merchants of Arabia and Persia to South East
Asia. In modern period, India and South East Asia shared the ill fate of
colonisation.
Struggle against colonisers gave South East Asia and India a common
goal. Jawaharlal Nehru was a prominent champion in cause of
Indonesia’s freedom, for which India provided political and diplomatic
support to Indonesia. Although Nehru was vocal for the cause of
decolonization, he refused material support. This cost him the legitimacy
of being the champion of Asian unity. Amitav Acharya categorised
India’s relation with South East Asia until Look East policy into 4 stages.
First stage was the stage of ‘romancing India’. At the beginning of 20 th
century, India had constructed its own identity, and established its
connection with the rest of Asia. It became an important component of
Indian national movement. India’s role in development of civilisations
across Asia in ancient times gave India a sense of being natural leader
against colonisers in Asia. This enforcement of collective identity had
been critiqued by Rabindranath Tagore and many countries as well.
India saw itself as the natural leader of
Asia, many in China and Japan looked down upon colonial India as a
defeated and pacifist nation. Even as they admired Indian leaders, many
smaller Asian nations were also afraid of India emerging as a dominant
power. These contradictions between India’s self-perception of its role in
Asia and the image of India in other Asian countries would prove to be
enduring in the rest of the twentieth century. The second stage was
called the stage of ‘leading Asia’. Jawaharlal Nehru forged the Asian
identity into an ambitious political agenda and aimed at building a new
Asian century through regional solidarity and unity. Nehru took the lead
in organizing Asian cooperation by hosting two pan-Asian conferences in
New Delhi. But India, despite its early start as an independent Asian
nation and as an international actor, was resented and feared in Asia
because of its diplomatic style and domineering attitude. India shifted its
attention from Asia to global non-alignment after the Bandung
Conference, assuming perhaps too big a role for itself. This led to third
stage in India’s post-war approach to Asia may be called ‘leaving Asia’.
This was a strategic mistake, as it would cost India the possibility of
membership of ASEAN, which was set up in 1967 as Asia’s first regional
organization, with five nations: Indonesia, Malaysia, Singapore,
Thailand, and Philippines. ASEAN would subsequently expand its
membership to bring in another five countries: Brunei (1984), Vietnam
(1995), Laos (1997), Myanmar (1997), and Cambodia (1997), thereby
becoming ASEAN-10. The last stage began After the Cold War and the
collapse of the socialist model, wherein India began the process of
‘returning to Asia’, marking the fourth stage in its evolving relationship
with East Asia. It is during this stage that the ‘Look East’ policy was
articulated. But the forces driving this return were quite different from
those which underpinned India’s diplomacy in East and South-East Asia
in the 1940s and 1950s.
Conclusion
India has traditionally focused on insulating itself from the pressures
of the international and regional systems than in shaping them. The
big question is can India lend a new purpose to its newfound regional
power? This is the key challenge facing the future of its ‘Look East’
policy. The question is all the more pertinent when asked keeping in
mind India’s engagement with ASEAN. South East Asia is a region
which has asserted itself with great vigour in contemporary age,
however the question of leadership of the region is a historic one.
China’s growing dominance in the region is a testimony to failure of
India’s foreign policy in ASEAN.
Yusof Ishak Institute, affiliated with the Institute for South East Asian
Studies released third report called State of the South East Asia:
2021 Survey. The survey gives a reality check for India’s foreign
policy establishment which considers South East Asia as a successful
area of its foreign policy. India has gained much in economic and
strategic domains from its engagement with ASEAN, although soft
power of India does not appear to be increasing. India’s main
competitor in the region- China, appears to be doing much better.
South East Asians prefer China over India in tourism, education, etc.
India’s pursuit of ASEAN received new energy and aggression in
2014 when Look Est policy was rebranded as ACT East policy. Age
old cultural ties were re-invoked and India tried to regain its footing
the region by strengthening its naval presence through dialogues and
exercises.
India has emerged as an alternative to China, however India desires
a much stronger and consolidated position in the region. Indonesia
was against offering to India, a member position in the ASEAN, for
Indonesia feared losing its dominance. Since its inception, member of
ASEAN have had differing views towards India, however all agree
that only India can balance China in the region. It is for the time to tell
what India will be to ASEAN in the future, however it is clear that
neither India, nor ASEAN can see peace without one another
References
3) Acharya, A. (2013). The Making of South-East Asia: International
Relations of a Region. Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press.
4) Acharya, A. (2014). Constructing a Security Community in South-
East Asia: ASEAN and the Problem of Regional Order, 3rd edn.
Abingdon: Routledge.
5) Appadurai, A. (1979). ‘The Asian Relations Conference in
Perspective’, International Studies, 18(3): 275–85.
6) ‘Discussions on the International Situation’ (2000). Statement at
the Second Session of the Conference of the Prime Ministers of
the Five Colombo Countries, Bogor, 29 December 1954, in
Selected
7) The State of Southeast Asia: 2021 Survey Report.
https://www.iseas.edu.sg/articles-commentaries/state-of-
southeast-asia-survey/the-state-of-southeast-asia-2021-survey-
report/
8) https://mea.gov.in/aseanindia/20-years.htm
9) RAJAK, BRAJESH. “Indo–Asean Relations.” World Affairs: The
Journal of International Issues 13, no. 4 (2009): 48–61.
https://www.jstor.org/stable/48505216.