I n the series Global Ethics and

edited by C A R O L G O U L D
Politics,
The Ethics
of Care
A Feminist Approach to Human Security

Fiona Robinson

TEMPLE UNIVERSITY PRESS

Philadelphia
62 | C H A P T E R 2

power o f rights language should not be underestimated; there is a need,

however, to move beyond rights as the sole normative, transformative
idea. Indeed, we should begin to t h i n k about how rights may, for exam-
ple, serve as an immediate strategy for those w h o are vulnerable and
dispossessed to draw attention to their plight and to secure the condi- 3 | "Women's W o r k "
tions for independence; the ethics o f care, then, could guide us i n the
longer term, based on the conviction that the needs and interests o f all The Global Care and Sex Economies
people w o u l d be better served i n societies that valued interdependence
and acknowledged the vulnerability o f all (F. W i l l i a m s 2 0 0 1 : 481).
The discourse o f individual rights cannot, alone, effectively address the A global demand exists for labour whose core component consists
complex sets o f relations that both lead to situations o f h u m a n insecu- of "women's work. "By this I mean sex, childcare and housework.
rity and can ultimately find lasting solutions to that insecurity. T h i s — M A C K L I N 2003
in no way suggests that the recognition o f political freedom f r o m the
coercive power o f the state is i n some way u n i m p o r t a n t or that the
demands o f justice—especially those that recognize human autonomy
and political freedom—should be ignored. Rather, this approach argues
that h u m a n autonomy can be achieved only through good relations o f

T
care and that justice and political freedom can be enjoyed only under his chapter explores the h u m a n security dimensions o f " w o m -
conditions where care is adequate and given w i t h o u t exploitation or en's w o r k " i n the global economy t h r o u g h the lens o f a critical
marginalization. feminist ethics o f care. By "women's w o r k " I mean care w o r k
(including c h i l d care and care for the sick and elderly); household m a i n -
tenance labor (including cleaning and food preparation); and " i n t i m a t e "
labor (including prostitution, other forms o f sex work, and "mail-order
brides"). Currently, millions o f w o m e n from income-poor, peripheral
states migrate to more affluent countries to do the w o r k that is "associ-
ated w i t h a wife's traditional r o l e — c h i l d care, homemaking and sex"
(Ehrenreich and Hochschild 2002: 4). T h i s situation is usually linked
causally to recent social and demographic transformations i n the nature,
extent, and location o f paid work; the most striking and influential o f
these demographic shifts has been the increase i n women i n the paid
workforce. Ehrenreich and Hochschild report that recent estimates
show women as the sole, primary, or coequal earners i n more than h a l f
o f American families (2002: 3); i n Canada, between 1960 and 2000, the
female share o f the labor force increased from 25 to 48 percent (Hey-
m a n n et al. 2004: 4).

I n income-rich countries, i n the absence o f accessible, affordable,

universal child-care programs, many women w o r k i n g outside the home
64 | C H A P T E R 3
now purchase transnationally the reproductive labor that they no longer
have time to provide. Between 1985 and 1990, the number o f women
migrating to another country increased at a faster rate than the n u m -
ber o f men ( U N I F E M 2000: 31). By the beginning o f the twenty-first
century, women made up almost 50 percent o f the world's 120 m i l -
lion migrants, many o f them seeking reproductive work i n the nearest
comparatively rich country (Agathangelou 2004: 5). I n countries like
the Philippines, Indonesia, and Sri Lanka, female migrant workers sig-
nificantly outnumber men ( U N I F E M 2005). W h i l e the focus o f this
migration tends to be on nannies and domestic workers, the migration
o f women for sex work is a substantial part o f this trend. As Agathange-
lou points out, "desire industries" constitute one o f the fastest-growing
employment sectors for working-class migrant women (2004: 6).
B o t h the " p u l l " and "push" sides o f these migration flows reveal a
growing crisis o f care i n b o t h the Global N o r t h and the Global South.
I n the income-rich N o r t h , care gaps are left as more women enter or
reenter the paid labor force. I n the South, countries are still struggling
to accommodate the conditions o f neoliberal economic globalization,
including structural adjustment programs (SAPs), the opening o f their
economies to foreign firms, and International Monetary Fund ( I M F )
austerity measures following financial crises (Sassen 2002: 257). M e a n -
while, many w o m e n i n developing economies are struggling to find
ways to support themselves and their families, i n the light o f reduced
employment opportunities for men and women and cutbacks i n social
services linked to the burden o f debt servicing. T h i s chapter addresses
the h u m a n security dimensions o f women's transnational labor i n the
global economy. I argue, first, that the increase i n legal and illegal
migration flows o f women interact w i t h structures o f gender equality
at every level—global, national, c o m m u n a l , and familial (Heyzer 2006:
102)—and that this creates the potential for enormous insecurity for
those women. T h i s insecurity has b o t h economic and physical d i m e n -
sions. A l t h o u g h many women migrate i n order to pursue economic
opportunities that may improve their overall economic security, this
usually comes at a cost. I n many countries, substandard employment
practices and the use o f undocumented workers can lead to the con-
cealing o f workers by employers t h r o u g h physical confinement. Because
they w o r k i n private homes, domestic workers are particular vulnerable
"WOMEN'S W O R K " | 65
to overwork or physical and sexual abuse. Finally, women w h o are
pushed toward trafficking for sex w o r k as an alternative to the drudgery
and danger that characterizes their daily lives at home are particularly
vulnerable to myriad physical and mental health problems, including
H I V / A I D S , sexually transmitted diseases (STDs), and unwanted preg-
nancies (Heyzer 2006: 107-109).
Second, by employing a critical feminist ethics o f care as an onto-
logical and normative lens t h r o u g h w h i c h to view the h u m a n security
dimensions o f women's transnational reproductive labor, I use the con-
text o f women's migrant and trafficked labor to illustrate w h y h u m a n
security must be understood relationally. I argue that the concept o f the
global care chain provides an excellent tool for highlighting the relational
nature o f h u m a n security i n this context. The concept o f the global care
chain refers to "a series o f personal links between people across the globe
based on the paid or unpaid w o r k o f caring" (Hochschild 2 0 0 0 : 131).
I n Hochschild's original formulation, the concept typically entails "an
older daughter from a poor family w h o cares for her siblings while her
mother works as a nanny caring for the children o f a migrating nanny
w h o , i n t u r n cares for the c h i l d o f a family i n a rich c o u n t r y " (131).
As Nicola Yeates argues, global care chains do not simply demon-
strate the connections between personal lives and global politics; they
elucidate the structures and processes that reflect and perpetuate the
unequal distribution o f resources globally (2004: 373). I also argue that
the concept demonstrates clearly the extent to w h i c h the h u m a n secu-
rity o f women, children, and entire families is linked i n a complex rela-
tional ontology that often crosses regional and state boundaries. T o put
it simply, the human security o f children and families i n many income-
poor countries cannot be considered independently f r o m the security
o f m i g r a t i n g or trafficked women w h o have left them behind. These
relationships, furthermore, must be understood as embedded i n b o t h
the institutions and structures o f the global care economy and i n the
gender and racial norms and hierarchies that feminize and devalue car-
ing labor. Indeed, the h u m a n security impact o f migrant care w o r k is
o f greater significance i n the light o f Yeates's argument that the concept
o f the global care chain should be expanded to include other groups o f
migrant care workers—such as nurses—in different care contexts over
different historical periods (2004: 374).
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As I have argued previously i n this book, a critical ethics o f care does
not valorize caring relations or caring values as essentially "feminine,"
intrinsically morally superior, or more desirable based on their " f e m i -
n i n i t y . " O n the contrary, it is essentially a set o f claims about how moral
responsibilities and practices arise and about the nature and substance
o f morality. By locating moral responsibilities and the practices that seek
to f u l f i l l them, care ethics focuses on ontology. Specifically, this lens
focuses our attention on the subjects o f security as beings-in-relation;
the degree and nature o f insecurity o f most individual h u m a n beings
are intimately connected to the lives and security o f others. Moreover,
it allows us to see the extent to w h i c h all persons rely on adequate care
as a fundamental condition o f survival and security. As care becomes
transnationalized, the webs o f relations that provide care and security
become more complex. As care is increasingly commodified, feminized,
and racialized, its links to security demand attention to transnational
hierarchies o f gender and race, the normative structures o f hegemonic
masculinities, and the moralized discourses o f "womanhood," "family,"
"exoticism," and "national security." A feminist ethics o f care can thus
help to uncover and elucidate the normative discourses and structures
that govern the global distribution o f " i n t i m a t e services" and o f respon-
sibilities and demand for those services. Moreover, as a feminist ethics,
it can assist i n revealing the reasons why women, especially women o f
color, are responsible for sex work, as they are for housework and care
work, and w h y there is relatively little critical moral reflection on this i n
the context o f relations o f gender and race at the global level.
T h u s , I explore the global crisis o f care i n the context o f the con-
temporary global political economy. I n an effort to demonstrate the
h u m a n security costs o f this crisis, and the relational nature o f those
human security effects, I examine the coping strategies o f women and
families, especially i n developing countries. For women i n the income-
rich Global N o r t h , coping w i t h the "care gap" often involves employ-
ing migrant domestic workers from developing countries. I t is crucial
to address not only the insecurity experienced by these migrant women
but also that experienced by others i n the global care c h a i n — i n c l u d i n g
dependent c h i l d r e n — t h a t they leave behind. Finally, I explore the ethi-
cal and security dimensions o f sex workers. I argue that although there
are obvious differences between the activities o f trafficked sex workers
"WOMEN'S W O R K " | 67
and migrant child-care workers, b o t h must be understood i n the con-
text o f gendered and racialized processes i n the contemporary global
political economy. Furthermore, I argue that sex workers show us, i n
Olena Hankivsky's words, the " d a r k side o f care" (forthcoming) and
that a feminist ethics o f care can help us to understand b o t h the m o t i -
vations o f sex workers and the implications o f this w o r k for h u m a n
security.
The Crisis of Care and the Transnationalization
of Care Work
A l l over the w o r l d , demographic and social transformations have altered
the nature, extent, and location o f paid w o r k . These changes began i n
the mid-nineteenth century i n N o r t h America and Europe, as men, and
then women, moved into the industrial and postindustrial workforces,
but the changes have now occurred and are c o n t i n u i n g to take place
worldwide ( H e y m a n n et al. 2004: 3). T h e urbanization o f the global
p o p u l a t i o n — f r o m 18 percent at the beginning o f the twentieth century
to nearly 50 percent at the end—has led to important changes i n com-
m u n i t y , work, and family life, i n c l u d i n g the inability o f extended fami-
lies to live together and the need for more adult family members to take
up paid employment away from the home (4). But perhaps the most
striking demographic shift has been the increase i n women i n the paid
workforce: I n K u w a i t , the increase was from 4 to 31 percent. I n many
other regions, i n c l u d i n g southern A f r i c a , the female participation i n the
labor force was already well over 40 percent i n 1960 and remained high
in 2 0 0 0 ( H e y m a n n et al. 2004: 3 - 4 ) . I n 2003, 1.1 b i l l i o n o f the world's
2.8 b i l l i o n workers, or 40 percent, were women, representing a w o r l d -
wide increase o f nearly 200 m i l l i o n women i n employment i n the past
ten years ( I L O 2004).
T h i s trend is occurring concurrently w i t h exponential g r o w t h i n
the global population. A l t h o u g h the number o f children per family
has dropped i n b o t h the industrial, and m u c h o f the developing, w o r l d
since the 1970s, 77 m i l l i o n people continue to be added to the w o r l d
every year (Radford Ruether 2005: 23). As Rosemary Radford Ruether
notes, Western concerns w i t h population have usually ignored the gen-
der dimension o f this question. W o m e n bear the children and do most
68 | C H A P T E R 3
o f the caretaking (23). I n the industrialized N o r t h , and i n the absence
o f accessible, affordable, universal child-care programs, women w o r k i n g
outside the home have turned to poor women o f color—often i m m i -
grant w o m e n — t o care for their children. These women may be citizens
or permanent residents o f these industrialized countries, or they may be
"illegal aliens"; they may even be migrants participating i n schemes to
bring female domestic workers to the N o r t h from countries such as the
Philippines. Between 1985 and 1990, the number o f women m i g r a t i n g
to another country increased at a faster rate than the number o f men
( U N I F E M 2000: 21).
I n parts o f the Global South, the recent acceleration o f these t w i n
trends o f urbanization and rising paid labor f o r c e — w i t h most notable
rises i n female participation—can be explained partly by the nature o f
economic globalization or, more specifically, global economic restruc-
turing. 1 I n this era o f accelerated speed and scope o f global trade and
investment, states compete fiercely to provide a low-cost economic envi-
ronment that is attractive to investors. T h i s has often meant the reloca-
tion o f production processes to the Global South, where regulations are
m i n i m a l and wages and w o r k i n g conditions are poor. W o m e n for the
most part have taken up these new "opportunities" i n export sectors,
w h i c h has meant long hours w o r k i n g outside the home. Moreover, while
social programs have been under fire for decades all over the w o r l d , the
power o f international financial institutions i n developing countries has
meant that the erosion o f state-run welfare provision is felt the hard-
est there. Women—already overburdened w i t h labor responsibilities—
must f i l l i n the gaps. W h e n all adults w i t h i n a household w o r k outside
the home for pay, obvious and often serious problems arise. Financial
responsibilities must be balanced w i t h caregiving responsibilities, espe-
cially where care is required for children; elderly, i n f i r m , or disabled
adults; and acutely or chronically i l l family members.
Moreover, while these trends are evident throughout the w o r l d , it is
important to consider the differential effects o f these changes on work-
ing families i n the Global N o r t h and the Global South. I n many cases,
women's entry into the paid labor force i n the Global N o r t h represents
1 O n the difference between "globalization" and "global restructuring," see Marcband and
Runyan 2000.
"WOMEN'S W O R K " | 69
an exercise o f "choice" and a desire for financial independence and the
satisfaction that w o r k can bring. T h i s is not to d i m i n i s h the extent to
w h i c h many women i n the N o r t h w o r k outside the home first and fore-
most due to financial need; indeed, this is especially true i n the case for
female-headed, single-parent families. But all o f these w o m e n , regard-
less o f their socioeconomic circumstances, require care for their children
when they w o r k outside the home—except i n those increasing but still
rare cases where men cease their w o r k outside the home to take on the
role o f p r i m a r y caregiver. Ironically, while i t is i m p o r t a n t to recognize
that w o m e n i n the N o r t h often w o r k outside the home because o f f i n a n -
cial need, i t is also the case that many women give up their paid labor
to care for their children because c h i l d care is too expensive. I n other
words, financial need forces them to leave their j o b s — w h i c h they may
enjoy and value—because the cost o f child care, especially for a n u m -
ber o f children, is prohibitive. T h i s i n itself demonstrates a disjuncture
between the needs and rights o f women and the role and policies o f
wealthy Western states i n the current era.
I n parts o f the Global South, structural adjustment policies and
development programs have propelled a global increase i n women's
employment i n the low-wage service sector ( L i t t and Z i m m e r m a n 2003:
157). T h e increased concentration o f women i n manufacturing w o r k i n
the South certainly raises women's earnings; however, this w o r k is usu-
ally inflexible w i t h regard to hours and incompatible w i t h c h i l d supervi-
sion (Glick 2003: 148). Moreover, the dependence o f t h i r d - w o r l d states
on international financial institutions has weakened state provisions for
health, education, and social services, placing an increased burden on
women's unpaid labor—or care w o r k — i n the home ( L i t t and Z i m m e r -
man 2003: 157). W h i l e the causes and circumstances o f the increase
in women's paid labor i n the South differ from those o f women i n the
N o r t h , the effects are also dramatically different.
First, and most obviously, the households i n the South are t r y i n g
to meet their caregiving needs w i t h far fewer resources. W h i l e many
w o r k i n g women i n the N o r t h are confronted w i t h real choices regarding
w o r k and care, many women o f the South have no choice. T h i s means,
in simple terms, that they must w o r k for wages or they and their chil-
dren w i l l not survive; often, this means they are forced to leave small
children home alone and unsupervised because they cannot afford to
70 | CHAPTER 3
pay for c h i l d care. Second, the age-dependency ratios—of children and
elderly to working-age adults—tend to be 50-100 percent higher i n the
developing world than in developing countries ( H e y m a n n , Fischer, and
Engelman 2003: 77). Thus, the burden is already significantly heavier,
simply due to demographic differences. Finally, rates o f b o t h c o m m o n
illness and serious diseases are higher i n developing countries, w h i c h
places even greater demands on adult caregivers (77-78).
Clearly, a series o f reasons explains w h y many women in parts o f
the South feel the global crisis o f care more strongly. However, there
are dangers i n drawing this distinction too sharply. W i t h i n the indus-
trialized N o r t h , there are vast differences i n state responses to care—
consider the contrast between the social democratic N o r d i c countries,
for example, and liberal economies such as that o f the U n i t e d States
( H e y m a n n et al. 2004). Moreover, w i t h i n individual nation-states, care
work is overwhelming undertaken by women o f color and o f ethnic
minorities o f low socioeconomic status. Similarly, w i t h i n many develop-
ing countries, the legacy o f colonialism maintains the situation whereby
domestic and caring work is done for the white m i n o r i t y by poor women
o f color. Thus, while women the w o r l d over face challenges and choices
regarding the balancing o f w o r k and care, the situation i n the Global
South illustrates that the politics o f caring reveals power inequalities
related not only to gender but also to race and locational politics. T h i s
situation is often made worse by the effects o f violent conflict, environ-
mental disasters, or chronic health crises.
The Global Care Crisis: Consequences and
Coping Strategies
Laura was raising her 18-month-old daughter alone since the
death o f her husband. She worked i n a foreign-owned factory
7 days a week. The shifts were inhumanely long—ranging from
15 to 22 hours a day. But it had been the only job she could
find. I t was summertime, and Laura's niece temporarily provided
care for her daughter, but she was due to return to school i n a
m o n t h . Earning only $26 every 2 weeks and having to pay $14
to the factory for the one meal a day she received, Laura earned
too little to afford child care. Soon she w o u l d have to choose
between trying to get her 10-year-old niece to drop out o f school
"WOMEN'S W O R K " | 71
to provide care—with the inevitable long-term consequences for
the life options available to the g i r l — a n d leaving her o w n toddler
home alone—as too many others i n her neighborhood had been
forced to do. (Heymann 2003a: 1)
T h i s is the story o f a w o m a n l i v i n g i n the slums surrounding Tegu-
cigalpa, Honduras, as told by Jody H e y m a n n . T h i s short paragraph
tells a long and complex story about the gendered consequences and
coping strategies o f women i n the South when faced w i t h their o w n
crises o f care. I n some developing countries, many adults are forced to
work extended hours i n order to provide for the needs o f their f a m i -
lies. A workweek o f sixty hours o f paid labor outside the home, for all
adults i n a household, is not u n c o m m o n i n many developing countries
( H e y m a n n , Earle, and Hanchate 2004: 250). T h i s represents a twelve-
hour workday—every day o f the week—even before transportation is
included. T h i s situation has obvious implications for children's and
adults' physical and emotional health and safety.
Leaving young children home alone to care for themselves is a com-
m o n coping strategy i n many income-poor countries. I n a study done
by the Project on Global W o r k i n g Families, large percentages o f respon-
dents i n developing countries—50 percent i n Botswana, 20 percent i n
V i e t n a m — r e p o r t e d that they had left their children home alone. O f
those, similarly large percentages—33 percent i n Botswana, 29 percent
in V i e t n a m — r e p o r t e d that their children had experienced accidents
or other emergencies ( H e y m a n n , Fischer, and Engelman 2003: 88). I n
order to avoid a situation where y o u n g children have to stay home alone
and unsupervised, parents often t u r n to their older female children, or
their older girls w i t h i n the extended family, to care for the young c h i l -
dren. As a result, these older girls are missing much o f their schooling
or d r o p p i n g out completely. Instead o f attending school and gaining an
education that could enrich their lives and help their employment pros-
pects i n the future, these girls are t a k i n g on a weighty physical and emo-
tional burden at a very young age.
Another solution to the problem o f f u l f i l l i n g b o t h care w o r k and
paid labor responsibilities is to alter the nature and location o f income-
earning work. Indeed, this double burden, combined w i t h deteriorating
work conditions i n the formal economy and decreasing state welfare, is
p u t t i n g increasing pressure on families—especially w o m e n — t o engage
72 | C H A P T E R 3
in i n f o r m a l activities to compensate for declining resources (Peterson
2003: 87). As Spike Peterson has argued, global restructuring has dra-
matically increased the volume, value, extent, and sociopolitical sig-
nificance o f informal-sector activities (2003: 85). I n f o r m a l economic
activities are undertaken largely by women, migrants, and the poor.
M a n y women "choose" i n f o r m a l labor because it is often located i n the
home, so they can carry out their o w n caretaking and their income-
earning w o r k simultaneously. Moreover, it is important to note that gen-
der hierarchies intersect w i t h those o f race/ethnicity, class, and national
patterns i n determining w h i c h households engage i n w h i c h forms o f
informal labor. W h i l e these are related to what types o f w o r k are avail-
able and where informalization is concentrated, the relationship largely
comes d o w n , quite simply, to who is most likely to be available for and
w i l l i n g to undertake informal activities (89).
Mehrangiz Najafizadeh describes how these trends have material-
ized i n post-Soviet Azerbaijan. The closure o f Soviet factories, and w i t h
it the loss o f formal-sector jobs, has led to a dramatic rise i n informal-
economy activities d u r i n g the post-Soviet transition. M a n y women
have turned to the informal sector to take on the role o f sole or p r i m a r y
breadwinner—especially i n situations where husbands have migrated
in search o f w o r k . T h i s , o f course, is i n addition to their traditional
responsibilities as the m a i n family caregiver. I n the economy context o f
transition, w h i c h has included the elimination o f state services—includ-
ing medical, c h i l d , and elder care—this dual role for women has been
particularly d i f f i c u l t (Najafizadeh 2003: 296).
As Najafizadeh's research has demonstrated, however, Azeri women
should not be constructed as the passive and vulnerable victims o f these
burdens. Since 1991, more than twenty nongovernmental Azeri w o m -
en's advocacy associations have emerged that b r i n g women's issues to the
forefront o f public debate and attempt to influence social policy. These
associations are now providing particular types o f caregiving services
(Najafizadeh 2003: 298). Importantly, these associations are engaged
i n a dual f u n c t i o n : to serve as caregivers to w o m e n — p r o v i d i n g medi-
cal and legal assistance, family counseling, or job training; and to assist
women i n becoming more effective caregivers to their o w n families and
communities through the provision o f prenatal, child, and elder care
and i n teaching skills for income generation (303).
"WOMEN'S W O R K " | 73
Similarly, i n her study o f women i n Suriname, Mayke K r o m h o u t
argues that many women have turned to a variety o f sources o f alterna-
tive income because o f the great difficulties they experience i n h o l d i n g
on to their jobs i n the formal sector. T h e specific survival strategies these
women use demonstrate the importance o f caring work i n their day-to-
day lives and the ways i n w h i c h household composition is changing to
facilitate social reproductive tasks. M a n y Javanese women i n Suriname
who are entering the labor market use their extra earnings to provide
housing for relatives i n return for the sharing o f domestic tasks such as
child care and food preparation. T h i s strategy o f "house sharing" is a
way o f coping w i t h the obvious difficulties that women experience i n
c o m b i n i n g w o r k for production w i t h the management o f their house-
holds ( K r o m h o u t 2000: 147).
Given the conditions i n many developing countries, it is perhaps
not surprising that a number o f women eschew factory or i n f o r m a l
work i n favor o f state-sponsored domestic worker migration programs.
The migration o f care workers from the Global South to the Global
N o r t h is a startling example o f a pervasive, yet often hidden, side o f
globalization. O f course, these patterns o f migration are not happen-
ing spontaneously: rather, they have been aided by the state-sponsored
spread o f such solutions i n Western Europe, often fueled by a m i x o f
still-hegemonic mother-substitute "ideals o f care" and i m m i g r a t i o n
regimes that facilitate such flows ( M a h o n and Robinson, forthcoming).
American researchers have documented the heavy reliance o f U.S. f a m i -
lies o n (documented and undocumented) women migrants from South
America and elsewhere (Parrenas 2001; Ehrenreich and Hochschild
2002), whereas i n Canada, the Domestic Live-In Caregiver program has
attracted a large number o f female domestic workers f r o m the Philip-
pines (Bakan and Stasiulis 1997; T r o n t o , forthcoming).
W h i l e there has been some research done on the threats to h u m a n
security faced by migrant domestic workers—including exploitation
because o f unregulated home-based employment, physical confine-
ment, and sexual abuse—the relational nature o f h u m a n security i n
this context is rarely explored. W o m e n w h o migrate for domestic labor
usually leave children behind. Sometimes they leave behind a husband
who is the father o f those children; often, the fathers have already left
(Parrenas 2001: 85). Thus, they must find care for their children; often,