THE BALKANS AND THE WEST

The Balkans and the West

Constructing the European Other, 1945-2003

Edited by

ANDREW HAM M OND

Swansea Institute, University o f Wales

O Routledge
Taylor & Francis Group
LONDON AND NEW YORK
First published 2004 by Ashgate Publishing

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British Library Cataloguing in Publication Data

The Balkans and the w est: constructing the European other, 1945-2003
1. English literature - 20th century - History and criticism - Congresses 2. Balkan
Peninsula - Historiography - Congresses 3. Balkan Peninsula - Literatures - 20th
century - History and criticism - Congressess 4. Balkan Peninsula - In literature -
Congresses 5. Europe, Western - In literature - Congresses
I. Hammond, Andrew
949.6
Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data
The Balkans and the W est: constructing the European other, 1945-2003 / edited by
Andrew Hammond,
p. cm.
Includes bibliographical references and index.
ISBN 0-7546-3234-2 (alk. paper)
1. Balkan Peninsula - Relations -Europe, Western. 2. Europe, Western -
Relations - Balkan Peninsula. 3. Europe - Politics and government - 1945-
I. Hammond, Andrew, 1967-

DR38.3.E85B35 2004
949.6—dc22
2004003904

ISBN 13: 978-0-7546-3234-4 (hbk)

 Contents

Notes on Contributors
Acknowledgements

Introduction
Andrew Hammond

1 Britain and the Yugoslav General Election of November 1945

Jim Evans

2 Primitivism and the Modern: A Prolonged Misunderstanding

Felicity Rosslyn

3 The Rhetoric of Economics: Cold War Representation of

Development in the Balkans
Michael Haynes

4 The Red Threat’: Cold War Rhetoric and the British Novel
Andrew Hammond

5 Seeing Red: America and its Allies through the Eyes of Enver Hoxha
Timothy Less

6 Paradoxes of Occidentalism: On Travel Literature in Ceau§escu’s

Romania
Alex Drace-Francis

1 Images of the West in Serbian and Croatian Prose Fiction,

1945-1995
Celia Hawkesworth

8 Western Writing and the (Re)Construction of the Balkans after

1989: The Bulgarian Case
Yonka Krasteva

9 Albanians, Albanianism and the Strategic Subversion of Stereotypes

Stephanie Schwandner-Sievers
vi The Balkans and the West

10 Albania after Isolation: The Transformation of Public Perceptions

of the West 127
Fatos Lubonja

11 Between a Balkan ‘Home’ and the ‘West’: Popular Conceptions of

the West in Bulgaria after 1945 136
Galial. Valtchinova

12 Milosevic, Serbia and the West during the Yugoslav Wars,

1991-1995 153
Tom Gallagher

13 Savage Tribes and Mystic Feuds: Western Foreign Policy Statement

on Bosnia in the Early 1990s 169
Riikka Kuusisto

14 The Balkans Conflict and the Emergence of the Information

Operations Doctrine 184
Philip M. Taylor

15 War in the Hall of Mirrors: NATO Bombing and Serbian Cinema 199
Nevena Dakovic

Bibliography 213
Index 233
 Notes on Contributors

Nevena Dakovic is currently Associate Professor of Film Studies and Head of the
Department of Theory and History at the University of Belgrade. She is the author
of Melodrama is Not a Genre (1995) and CO Multimedia Dictionary o f the Film
Theorists (2002); she is the co-editor of Gender and Media (1998) and Mediated
Identities (2000) (both with D. Derman and K. Ross). She publishes widely in
national and international reviews, and has lectured at, amongst other places,
Oxford, Riga, Ankara, Istanbul, Kent and Madison.

Alex Drace-Francis is a lecturer in Romanian Studies at the School of Slavonic

and East European Studies, University College London. He has published
numerous articles on themes including British images of Romania in the Cold War
period and the concept of regional identity in South-East Europe, and has recently
completed his PhD thesis, entitled ‘Literature, Modernity, Nation: The Case of
Romania, 1829-1890’.

Jim Evans is pursuing doctoral research at Oriel College, University of Oxford,

where he completed his undergraduate and masters degrees. He is writing a thesis
on the British involvement in the settlement of the Yugoslav question in the latter
stages and immediate aftermath of the Second World War, with particular emphasis
on British perceptions of the Yugoslav national question during the period.

Tom Gallagher holds the Chair of Ethnic Conflict and Peace at Bradford
University. He has published widely on the role of nationalism in a South-East
Europe currently experimenting with democracy, as well as on individual Balkan
countries, particularly Romania. Outcast Europe: The Balkans from the Ottomans
to Milosevic, 1789-1989 was published by Routledge in 2001. Distrusting
Democracy: Romania since 1989 was published by Hurst in 2003. The Balkans
since the Cold War: From Tyranny to Tragedy was published by Routledge in May
of that year.

Andrew Hammond is a lecturer in twentieth-century literature at the Swansea

Institute, University of Wales. In both research and teaching, he has pursued
interests in modernism, identity, exile and cultural representation, with a focus on
the genres of travel literature and fiction. He has published a number of articles
dealing with the construction of the Balkans in nineteenth- and twentieth-century
travel writing, and is currently editing Cold War Literature: Writing the Global
Conflict for Routledge.
viii The Balkans and the West

Celia Hawkesworth is Senior Lecturer in Serbian and Croatian at the School of

Slavonic and East European Studies, University College London. Her main
publications include Ivo Andric: Bridge between East and West (1984), Voices in
the Shadows. Women s Writing in Serbia and Bosnia (2000, editor), and A History
of Central European Women’s Writing (2001). She regularly publishes literary
translations, including several works by Ivo Andric and Dubravka Ugresic.

Michael Haynes teaches in the School of Humanities at the University of

Wolverhampton. He is a comparative economic historian with a special interest in
the former Soviet bloc and the Balkans. He has written widely on both development
issues and problems of identity in present-day Europe and in the recent past. He is
an occasional contributor to the Guardian on these issues, while his academic
essays have been published in several languages, including Bulgarian, Hungarian
and Serbo-Croat.

Yonka Krasteva is an Associate Professor of American Studies at the University

of Veliko Turnovo. She has published widely on modern American literature and
culture and on issues of cultural encounter, especially between West and East. She
was awarded Fulbright research grants at the University of Ann Arbor, Michigan,
and at Stanford University. The publication of the first edition of her book, The
West and the American Dream: Studies in Twentieth Century American Literature,
was sponsored by the American Cultural Centre in Sofia.

Riikka Kuusisto is a lecturer at the Department of Political Science, University of

Helsinki, Finland. She completed her doctoral degree in International Relations in
1999. She has published texts on the Western major power definitions of war in the
Persian Gulf, Bosnia-Herzegovina, Rwanda and Kosovo, as well as on the ‘war on
terrorism’. Her current research interests include foreign policy rhetoric,
metaphors, enemy images and peace and conflict studies. She teaches courses in
qualitative methodology and International Relations theory.

Timothy Less is a political risk analyst of the Balkans and the Former Soviet
Union with the American ratings agency Dun & Bradstreet and is currently
preparing a doctoral thesis on the communist period in Albania at the School of
Slavonic Studies, University College London.

Fatos Lubonja is an independent writer, editor and human rights activist, living
and working in his native Albania. He was imprisoned for seventeen years under
Enver Hoxha for ‘agitation and propaganda’, and since 1991 has been involved in
the democratic movement in Albania, being General Secretary of the Albanian
Helsinki Committee and a leader of the Forum of Democracy. He is the author of
numerous articles and books, including In the Seventeenth Year (1991), The Second
Sentence (1996) and Threatened Freedom (1999). Amongst other prizes, he was
awarded the Alberto Moravia prize for International Literature in 2002.
 Notes on Contributors ix

Felicity Rosslyn is Senior Lecturer in the Department of English, University of

Leicester. She won the Andric prize in 1982 and has published essays on his short
stories in Yugoslavia and Britain. From 1983 to 1984, she taught at the University
of Sarajevo, and continues to write about problems of ethnicity and modernisation,
most recently in Tragic Plots (2000).

Stephanie Schwandner-Sievers is Nash Fellow for Albanian Studies at the School

of Slavonic and East European Studies, University College London. She has
conducted anthropological research into questions of identity, social cohesion,
ethnicity and ‘tradition’ in various Albanian inhabited lands. She is the main editor
of Albanian Identities: Myth and History (2001), has co-edited a number of
German books in Albanian studies and authored numerous academic articles and
consultancy reports. Her PhD thesis, Evoking a Past: Albanian Identifications and
Local Power, was completed in 2003.

Philip M. Taylor is Professor of International Communications and Director of the

Institute of Communications Studies at the University of Leeds. His recent books
include Global Communications, International Affairs and the Media since 1945
(1997), Selling Democracy: British Propaganda in the Twentieth Century (1999)
and The Historian, Television and Television History (2001, edited with Graham
Roberts).

Galia I. Valtchinova is Research Fellow Senior in Historical Anthropology at

the Bulgarian Academy of Sciences and part-time Lecturer of Anthropology at the
New Bulgarian University (Sofia). She received her PhD in History from the
University of Sofia in 1988, and a DEA from EHESS - Paris in 1991. For the last
ten years, she has worked on issues of ethnicity, border identities, religion and
politics, saints and nationalism. She is author of Local Religion and Identity in
Western Bulgaria (1999) and is currently completing a book on women as
alternative religious experts in Balkan Orthodox societies.
 Acknowledgements

The following collection of essays emerged out of a conference entitled ‘The

Balkans and the West’ held at the University of Warwick in April 2001. Thanks are
due to all those who assisted in organising the day, including Giorgia Alu, Janet
Bailey, Katia Merine, Kishori Nayak, Arlette Remond and Zhang Sharshan. I
would like to express my gratitude to the University of Warwick’s Humanities
Research Centre, which assisted with the funding of the event, and particularly to
Sue Dibben who helped out with tireless support and enthusiasm.
I am also grateful to all those who assisted with different aspects of the
volume, either in the initial stage of conception or during the editing and revising of
the various drafts. Here, thanks are due to Lynn Guyver, Arthur Hammond, Aleka
Lianeri, Ashley Morgan and particularly to my two doctoral supervisors, Piotr
Kuhiwczak and Susan Bassnett, who guided and improved the research work out of
which this project grew. I am grateful to Martin Stannard for originally encouraging
the publication of the conference proceedings, and to all those at Ashgate - Ann
Donahue, Erika Gaffney, Emma Williams and Meghan Hinchey - who nurtured the
volume over the course of two years. I would also like to thank Stephanie
Schwandner-Sievers for her advice on the Albanian papers included here, Ariola
Vishnja for her translation of Fatos Lubonja’s contribution, and Yonka Krasteva for
information about Malcolm Bradbury’s sojourns in Bulgaria.
The volume would not have been possible without the assistance of the British
Academy who funded my research during the period that much of this volume was
organised.

Andrew Hammond, Swansea, 2003

 Introduction
Andrew Hammond

It seems strange, looking back now, to recall the optimism occasioned by the
Eastern European revolutions of 1989. As the communist populations swept aside
decades of tyranny, seeming to prefigure the reunification of the continent, the
immediate response amongst Western Europeans was one of almost unanimous joy
and relief. The mood of the times can be witnessed in the words of travellers,
journalists and historians. In Prague, one writer describes his ‘rush of emotion’ at
seeing the ‘crowds of happy, excited people drifting around with a freedom they
had rarely if ever experienced’.1 Another, in East-Central Europe, spoke stirringly
of this ‘springtime of citizens’ and of how the ‘great moral courage’ and
intellectual integrity’ of the liberated peoples held an important lesson for the
West.2 At the Berlin Wall, a third commented upon how ‘delightful’ it was ‘to
swan at will across that once implacable border’ and join with a population
‘comradely and sentimental’.3 It was Berlin that most clearly symbolised the
momentous changes taking place across the continent, although the Romanian
revolution was also notable. After the fall of the Ceau§escus, one travel writer was
typical in describing her feelings as ‘euphoric’, not just about a nation ‘made happy
by freedom’ but also about her own new-found freedom ‘to share in Rumania’s
happiness’.4 This delight at the apparent drawing together of Europe was
unbounded: it was as though a continent sunk in the antipathy and fears of Cold
War politics had suddenly acquired a genuine humanism.
It is somewhat difficult, then, to explain the speed at which disaffection set in.
Although certain East-Central European countries would soon be embraced by the
West, there were parts of the old Eastern bloc, most notably the Balkans, which by
the early 1990s were already being reviled as an irredeemable other of Western
civilisation. Indeed, no sooner had commentators extended their favour to the
Balkan societies then they withdrew it again in a fit of resentment and ire, a
process taking place so swiftly that the two approaches often occurred in the very
same text. So it was that post-Ceau§escu Romania - for example - became viewed
as a zone of ‘dark intensity, exhaustion and disorder’, of ‘semi-mythical badlands’

1 John Simpson, Strange Places, Questionable People, new edn (1998; London: Pan, 1999),
pp. 341,340.
2 Timothy Garton Ash, We the People: The Revolutions of ’89 Witnessed in Warsaw,
Budapest, Berlin and Prague (Cambridge: Granta/Penguin, 1990), pp. 149, 154.
3 Jan Morris, Fifty Years of Europe: An Album, new edn (1997; London: Penguin, 1998), p.
76.
4 Dervla Murphy, Transylvania and Beyond, new edn (1992; London: Arrow Books, 1993),
pp. xiii, xiv.
xii The Balkans and the West

populated by ‘shady, devious, perverted specimens of humanity’ amongst whom

‘anything remotely good does not exist’.5 The pattern of denigration, repeated for
all the Balkan states, was of such extremity that one was soon reminded of the
worst tendencies of Cold War discourse, a binaristic, hierarchical manner of
ordering the continent that one had assumed was at an end. So the accusations of
poverty and failed modernity flung at the communist East by the democratic West
were dusted off and reapplied, as were those of danger, violence, cruelty,
irrationality and internal dissension. The Bosnian War became the defining trope of
the post-1989 discourse, encouraging a particular stereotyping of the whole of the
peninsula from Northern Romania to Northern Greece, despite its general
peacefulness. At the same time, these far-flung peripheries of Europe were marked
by backwardness, clannishness, mafla-style criminality and, most significantly of
all, by mass migration westwards, a motif that emerged from anxieties about the
new frontierless Europe, but that was also grounded in the Cold War fear of
invasion from the East. In fact, taken together, the post-1989 discourse was
somewhat worse than that of the Cold War. Whereas the latter was focused on
governmental practice and ideology, of which the beleaguered populations were
always seen as victim, the former has persistently targeted the populations
themselves, who are deemed bereft of any cultural achievement or moral probity.
As Dina Iordanova has pointed out, such conceptualisation has obstructed the
‘return to Europe’ of these post-communist societies, branding them instead as
‘inherently unfit fo r Europe’.6
The intensity of the current discourse on the Balkans has undoubtedly been
facilitated by the region’s historical position in the Western imagination, a position
exerting an irresistible pull on post-1989 writing. During Ottoman occupation in
the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, particularly during the movements for
national emancipation that preceded the First World War, a strong tradition of
denigration developed amongst Western travellers, the majority of whom regarded
the region as the antitype of the enlightened West. This was a place of savagery,
unpredictability, lawlessness, moral turpitude and mystery, a set of motifs and
evaluations that closely resembled those of colonial discourse, the interpretative
framework that dominated Western notions of abroad during this era of
expansionism. Indeed, at a time when Western travellers were more likely to find
accord with Ottoman overlords than with their colonised populations, South-East
Europe developed the reputation as the locale where colonial otherness achieved its
closest proximity to the imperial West. The discourse of imperialism was so
powerful an influence on the understanding of Eastern Europe that, as many critics
have argued, it was not abandoned after 1945, but rather inspired and moulded the
manner in which the West constructed its communist adversary. In a study of

5 David Selboume, Death o f the Dark Hero: Eastern Europe 1987-90 (London: Jonathan
Cape, 1990), p. 244; Dave Rimmer, Once Upon a Time in the East (London: Fourth Estate,
1992), p. 243; Iris Gioia and Clifford Thurlow, Brief Spring: A Journey through Eastern
Europe (London: Alan Sutton, 1992), pp. 212, 186.
6 Iordanova, Cinema o f Flames: Balkan Film, Culture and the Media (London: BFI, 2001),
p. 32.
 Introduction xiii

Western attitudes to the Eastern bloc as a whole, William Pietz locates a

‘continuity of colonial and cold war discursive structures’ and wonders if the
speedy ‘acceptance of cold war discourse after the war [can] be explained in part
by its appropriation of ideologically familiar elements from the earlier discourse of
Western colonialism’.7 Similarly, Martin Walker comments on the West’s
‘attempts to portray the Soviet Union as a semi-Asian state, as “the East’” . As
evidence, Walker quotes a passage from the memoirs of Dean Acheson, American
Secretary of State under Truman, which amongst other things compared the
communist ‘threat to Western Europe’ to ‘that which Islam had posed centuries
before, with its combination of ideological zeal and fighting power’.8 In the
Balkans, a backwater within the wider Eastern bloc, that threat might not have
been overt. Yet the motifs of enigma, austerity and barbarity through which the
West frequently viewed the region during the Cold War were exactly those of early
centuries, the period forming a bridge between the representation of the late
nineteenth century and that of the late twentieth, one hundred years later.
This representational tradition has acquired the handy epithet ‘balkanism’ as a
term of reference. Coined by Maria Todorova in her Imagining the Balkans (1997),
‘balkanism’ designates the complex patterns of representation, identification and
power that have accumulated around the West’s relation with South-East Europe, a
relation which, as Todorova examines, emerges from an equally complex pattern
of historical transformation and geopolitical ambition. Although not the first work
to address these issues,9 Imagining the Balkans has done much to establish a school
of critical study. It has been followed by a steady stream of publications, such as
Ludmilla Kostova’s Tales o f the Periphery (1997), Vesna Goldsworthy’s Inventing
Ruritania (1998), Slobodan Markovich’s British Perceptions o f Serbia and the
Balkans (2000) and DuSan Bjelic and Obrad Savic’s edited Balkan as Metaphor
(2002), not to mention a plethora of articles and book chapters. Influenced by
poststructuralism and postcolonialism, the school is occupied with an examination
not of Western Europe’s relationship with colonised territories, but of how Europe
itself is internally imagined and structured, carving out space within cultural and
literary studies for a closer understanding of the binary frameworks that fashion the
continent. One of the important features of the school is its awareness that while
balkanism shares commonalities with other Western cross-cultural discourses, it

7 Pietz, ‘The “Post-Colonialism” of Cold War Discourse’, Social Text, 19: 20 (Fall 1988), p.
55. His most convincing example is George Kennan’s ‘Long Telegram’. Here the American
Charge d ’affaires in Moscow represents the Russian government as sunk in an ‘atmosphere
of oriental secretiveness and conspiracy’, and claims that the ‘Russian-Asiatic world’ is
entrenched in ‘a skepticism as to the possibilities of permanent and peaceful coexistence of
rival forces’ (ibid., p. 59).
8 Walker, The Cold War and the Making o f the Modern World, new edn (1993; London:
Vintage, 1994), pp. 4-5.
9 See John Allcock’s and Antonia Young’s edited Black Lambs and Grey Falcons (1991)
and Milica Bakic-Hayden and Robert Hayden’s ‘Orientalist Variations on the Theme
“Balkans”: Symbolic Geography in Recent Yugoslav Cultural Politics,’ Slavic Review, 51:1
(Spring 1992), as well as Larry W olffs Inventing Eastern Europe (1994) about the wider
notions o f ‘Europe’s East’ in Enlightenment and post-Enlightenment writing.
xiv The Balkans and the West

has its own specific traditions, forms, proponents and functions. K.E. Fleming, for
example, has argued persuasively against any easy reliance on Edward Said’s
theories of the West’s conceptualisation of the Middle East, a model which, since
its appearance in Said’s Orientalism (1979), has dominated studies of cultural
alterity in Western discourse. There are three dissimilarities to orientalism that
Fleming points out. Most obviously, the representational modes of balkanism are
not linked to the kind of imperial relations with West that the Orient has
undergone, and therefore Said’s methodologies are often less than efficacious in
the Balkan context. Secondly, before the second half of the twentieth century the
Balkans did not receive the sustained, consequential scholarship that the Orient
did, with intellectual engagement with South-East Europe beginning relatively late
and tending to be non-academic writings produced during periods of crisis. Lastly,
the Balkans have been conceived less as the ‘alien other’, that point of absolute
difference from the West, than as the “‘outsider within’” , an entity whose
European location and marks of similarity to Western European culture produce a
very particular form of anxiety.10 Indeed, it is when remarking on the region’s
liminality, a feature that seems to crystallise its divergence from the Orient in terms
of religious composition, geo-political significance and imperial experience, that
Fleming notes the importance of Balkan Studies. With the Balkans being a part of,
rather than opposed to, Europe, such scholarship becomes ‘ripe with theoretical
possibility’, providing ‘promising theoretical terrain’ for a more wide-ranging and
insightful examination of Western constructions of self and other.11
The following collection of essays is a contribution to this branch of research
and its ever-advancing movement and debate. Drawing together scholars from both
sections of the continent, and from a range of academic disciplines, the volume
aims to locate, investigate and challenge the Manichean interpretative structures by
which South-East Europe is understood in the West. The focus will be on Bulgaria,
Romania, Albania and the countries of the former Yugoslavia, those territories
which constitute the region in Western geo-political thinking.12 In order to fully
investigate the contemporary intricacies of the discourse, the volume will restrict
itself to the post-1945 period: to Cold War and post-Cold War balkanism, and to
the involved, multiple interactions between them. The genres of fiction, film,
journalism, economics, travel writing and diplomatic and political statement will
all be surveyed in an attempt to locate the processes and implications of Western
balkanism and its embeddness in the material conditions of post-Second World
War Europe. At the same time, a central feature of the volume is an exploration of
how the Balkans have been ‘speaking back’ to the West. Viewing the phenomenon
as central to the issue of European identities, a number of contributors look at the
impact of Western representation on South-East Europe, and at how the cultural

10 Fleming, ‘Orientalism, the Balkans, and Balkan Historiography’, American Historical

Review (October 2000), pp. 1229, 1220.
11 Ibid., p. 1231.
12 For a good introduction to the difficulties of defining and locating the ‘Balkans’
geographically, see Maria Todorova, Imagining the Balkans (New York and Oxford: Oxford
University Press, 1997), pp. 21-31.
 Introduction xv

and intellectual production of these peripheral cultures have worked either to

entrench or oppose the hegemonic discourses of the centre.
In particular, there are two strands of the balkanist debate that the volume
seeks to highlight. The first is the relation of knowledge and power, and the
systems of political and economic control that are facilitated by Western
representation. As Fleming’s comments exemplify, critics have often remarked on
the absence of Western settlement colonialism in South-East Europe, an absence
that rightly indicates the need for a critical departure from postcolonialist
paradigms. Yet while settlement colonialism is rare, other forms of political
engagement have been a constant feature of Western involvement ever since the
days of the ‘Eastern Question’ and of the West’s troubled allegiance to the
declining Ottoman Empire, a time when the Balkan peoples were treated as
‘dispensable pawns on the great-power chessboard’.13 That such engagement has
also been true of the second half of the twentieth century was shown at the very
start of our period. In one of the first instances of Cold War geo-strategy, the
Balkans were given away by Churchill to Stalin in the infamous percentages deal
of 1944, an agreement by which the Soviet leader was offered dominion over
Romania and Bulgaria in return for the West’s control of Greece (and part-control
of Yugoslavia). After the souring of Western-Soviet relations, this policy of
‘buy[ing] the Russians o f f 14 was exchanged for an attempt to undermine their
influence within the communist bloc. The subversion of established government,
the support for those regimes like Ceau§escu’s that stood against Moscow and the
advancing of economic assistance via the International Monetary Fund and
Western commercial banks (then the sudden, catastrophic withdrawing of that
assistance) were all pursued in South-East Europe, and cannot be separated from
the social turmoil that finally afflicted the region.15 After 1989, the establishment
of the ‘new world order’, and the development of both the EU and NATO, not only
instituted the gradual extension of political and economic control over the former
Eastern bloc countries. As many of these essays show, it also meant a simultaneous
restriction on the mobility and economic opportunities of their populations by the
raising of new boundaries across the continent. Furthermore, in a process that
Michael Herzfeld has termed, caustically, ‘intervention in the name of peace,
rights, civil society, and economic development’,16 the West has achieved military

13 Tom Gallagher, Outcast Europe: The Balkans from the Ottomans to Milosevic, 1789-1989
(London and New York: Routledge, 2001), p. 40.
14 Robin Barrington-Ward quoted in Victor Rothwell, Britain and the Cold War 1941-1947
(London: Jonathan Cape, 1982), p. 240.
15 For a discussion of the attempted subversion of the Eastern European regimes, see
Beatrice Heuser, ‘Covert Action within British and American Concepts of Containment,
1948-51’, in Richard J. Aldrich, British Intelligence, Strategy and the Cold War, 1945-51
(London and New York: Routledge, 1992), pp. 65-73. For financial involvement, see
Woodward’s analysis of the foreign debt crisis in Yugoslavia at the end of the 1980s: Susan
L. Woodward, Balkan Tragedy: Chaos and Dissolution after the Cold War (Washington:
The Brookings Institution, 1995), pp. 47-81.
16 Herzfeld, ‘Foreword’ to Du§an I. Bjelic and Obrad Savic, eds, Balkan as Metaphor:
Between Globalization and Fragmentation (Cambridge, Mass. and London: MIT Press,
xvi The Balkans and the West

and administrational sway over large swathes of the former Yugoslavia in a fashion
that predated many features of its involvement in Afghanistan and Iraq. In
vindicating the power relations that have existed between the Balkans and the
West, denigratory representation has been fundamental. If there is one issue that
should be learnt from the study of orientalism, it is that cross-cultural
representation is never innocent, and that when cultures are formed as objects of
Western knowledge they are also formed as objects of Western control.
The second feature of balkanism that the volume accentuates, and one which
leads us into the intricacy of the discourse, is what I would like to term discursive
collaboration. Here, the volume explores the manner in which the subject and
object of a representational framework, through their production of similar
imageries, are not always antagonists within that framework but can also be co­
conspirators in its assignment of meaning and value. In most studies of the topic,
the vast percentage of which has been pursued within postcolonial studies, there is
a tendency to see Western representation of abroad as produced solely by the
dominant, or source, culture and projected, unadulterated, onto its object. Abdul
JanMohamed’s notion of ‘Manichean duality’17 is a case in kind, evoking a
creation of binary opposition between self and other in which the other so often has
no participation. This is not the case for balkanism. Its styles of representation
emerge not purely from the West but simultaneously from both sides in the
discursive relationship, forming periodic congruence - for example - between
Western balkanism and the elaborate conceptualisations that compose indigenous
self-image, or between Balkan representation of the West and West’s collective
sense of self. Milica Bakic-Hayden and Robert Hayden have argued, pertinently,
that the concepts of balkanism ‘are often used even by those who are disparaged by
them, a point [...] which indicates the hegemonic nature of the concepts
involved’.18 With reference to the former Yugoslavia, Bakic-Hayden also explores
how ‘the designation of “other” has been appropriated and manipulated by those
who have themselves been designated as such’,19 a process that inevitably
entrenches essentialist categories.
Although the concept of discursive collaboration might seem to indicate
homogeneity within balkanism, it actually helps to locate the discourse’s
fundamental complexity. Far from contributing to a unitary, unchanging practice
(as critics have sometimes mistakenly implied), the cultural production focusing on
South-East Europe has proved to be fractured, mutable and contingent, frequently
departing from that set of value judgements that solely denigrates the region and
acclaims the West. On the one hand, favourable strands of cross-European

2002), p. ix. See also Noam Chomsky, The New Military Humanism: Lessons from Kosovo
(1999).
17 See JanMohamed, ‘The Economy of Manichean Allegory: The Function of Racial
Difference in Colonialist Literature’, Critical Inquiry, 12 (Autumn 1985), p. 61.
18 Bakic-Hayden and Hayden, ‘Orientalist Variations on the Theme “Balkans”: Symbolic
Geography in Recent Yugoslav Cultural Politics’, Slavic Review, 51:1 (Spring 1992), p. 3.
19 Bakid-Hayden, ‘Nesting Orientalism: The Case of Former Yugoslavia’, Slavic Review, 54:
4 (Winter 1995), p. 922.
 Introduction xvii

representation do exist in Western culture, with texts, writers, even periods in

which the dominant mode is complimentary, and in which the Western viewpoint
comes close to the national discourse of a particular Balkan country. I am referring
here not merely to pastoralist idealisations of peasant or pre-modem culture, but to
weighty polemics in support of nationhood, government and political and industrial
developments that give a very different sense of the ideological implications of
discursive collaboration. On the other hand, there are Balkan representations of the
West which have been censorious and hostile, and which display numerous
theoretical connections to radical movements (against capitalism and neo­
imperialism, most obviously) that exist in Western culture, as a number of
contributions to the volume demonstrate. In this way, exploration of the collusion
between Western and South-East European discourses helps to comprehend those
strands of cross-European representation that can be considered oppositional. It is
in order to gauge the full extent of this opposition that a good percentage of the
volume is given over to an analysis of South-East European traditions. While
acknowledging the hegemony of Western discourse, and exploring how the entry
of that discourse into the official and popular imaginings of Balkan cultures helps
to maintain a deeply divided continent, the collection also emphasises the
numerous alternative methods of viewing self and other that have emerged after
1989.
The themes of collaboration and power become clearer when surveying the
essays that make up the volume, as the opening contribution begins to illustrate.
Drawing on a range of diplomatic and journalistic reports, Jim Evans analyses
British opinion on Yugoslavia in the immediate post-war period, when the long
years of occupation, civil war and eventual Partisan victory led to the national
elections of November 1945. The ambivalent British coverage of those elections
epitomises the divided nature of Western discourse on Yugoslavia and the Balkans
during the Cold War and after. On the one hand, a number of reports were openly
critical, denouncing the authoritarianism and terror of the Partisan campaign and
casting grave doubts on the legitimacy of the communist victory. On the other
hand, the vast percentage of commentators viewed the election as democratic, and
went on after 1945 to eulogise the harmony and progressiveness of the post-war
state. Such complimentary representation naturally worked to support, and
vindicate British diplomatic relations with, the Titoist regime, an instance of
power-knowledge that was linked both to the British-Partisan co-operation of the
war and to the later desire to maintain a powerful federation that could withstand
Soviet encroachment. The same style of discursive collaboration is explored in the
next contribution, in which Felicity Rosslyn analyses British Cold War travel
writing on Yugoslavia. Opening with Rebecca West’s famous comment about the
tendency of British travellers to return from the Balkans with ‘a pet Balkan people
enshrined in their hearts’,20 the essay details the politically naive romanticism with
which Cold War travelogues conceptualised Yugoslavia, its organic communities,
folk customs and religious traditions. Rosslyn deploys Ernest Gellner’s notion of

20 West, Black Lamb and Grey Falcon: A Journey through Yugoslavia (New York: Viking,
1941), p. 20.
xviii The Balkans and the West

‘modular man’ to examine the misinterpretations that accrue when such travellers,
fleeing from modernity, approach a region where to the modern eye culture has
remained fixed and unchanging. In a manner reminiscent of the travel texts and
political commentary that lionised the Soviet Union,21 their writings worked to
uphold the communist regime by overlooking all those uncomfortable political
realities unsuitable for the evocation of a pastoralist state.
Discursive collaboration was not only taking place in travel literature, but also
in the work of Anglo-American economic analysts. Michael Haynes’s contribution
assesses the expansion in economic writing that occurred in the 1945 to 1989
period, a result of the particularly Cold War fascination with Eastern Europe, as
well as of the global economic boom and the general growth of academic research
after the war. Rejecting the common notion of the discipline as empirically
grounded, however, Haynes views economics as a form of story-telling, equally
liable to distort the reality of the world it seeks to place in language. In the context
of the Balkans, economists built on the presumption that industrial civilisation was
naturally beneficial, and, ignoring any evidence to the contrary, resolutely
determined to produce success stories of growth and modernity, developments
which they claimed were helping to homogenise the population and to
triumphantly end ethnic and national tensions. The discourse was so powerful that,
once established, it continued to guide economic commentary even when growth
rates decreased and social and political problems emerged in the late 1980s. It was
with this air of optimism that much writing on South-East Europe regarded
socialist achievement, an approach undoubtedly augmented by the decisive stand
that countries like Yugoslavia, Romania and Albania were making against the
Soviet Union, the real Cold War opponent. Yet not all the Western rhetoric was
positive. The Balkans had, after all, become part of the Eastern bloc, and for many
were contaminated with the aura of ideological and cultural alterity. Andrew
Hammond analyses the kind of Manichean evaluations of the region that often
resulted and that existed alongside the more positive images in circulation. With a
focus on British literary fiction, his essay explores how the motifs of official anti­
communism entered the writings of such luminaries as Olivia Manning, Evelyn
Waugh, Lawrence Durrell and Malcolm Bradbury, who constructed in their texts a
world of uncompromising state brutality, ideological evil and economic austerity,
unrelieved by any civilisational achievement. Hammond goes on to survey the way
in which such texts also tended to vindicate the power structures that characterised
the democratic West, not only the aggression and interventionism that governed its
strategy abroad,22 but also its increasing control and surveillance of mass publics at
home.

21 See F.S. Northedge and Audrey Wells, Britain and Soviet Communism: The Impact o f a
Revolution (London and Basingstoke: Macmillan, 1982), pp. 146-54, 160-72.
22 As David Painter notes: ‘[a]nti-communism became a guiding principle of US foreign
policy and a significant force in US domestic politics. It provided an explanation for what
was wrong in the world; a prescription for what to do about it; and an ideological
justification for US actions’ (Painter, The Cold War: An International History (London and
New York: Routledge, 1999), p. 19). Charles Nathanson questions whether the Soviet Union
 Introduction xix

The following three contributions turn attention to some of the conceptual

patterns that marked the South-East European understanding of the West during
the Cold War. Here, motifs might differ and styles might vary, emerging as they do
from divergent literary and political traditions, but representation still wavers
between the evocation of a binary Europe and the pursuit of discursive
collaboration. Timothy Less, for example, analyses the ideological campaign that
communist Albania waged against the West, a useful counterpart to Hammond’s
exploration of Western anti-communism. Using the writings of Enver Hoxha as an
exemplar of official rhetoric, Less outlines the Albanian notion of the West as
corrupt, exploitative and oppressive, and of the US specifically as a belligerent
imperialist power intent on expansionism in the international sphere, a polemic that
might strike a chord with many post-war Western Left-Liberals who have opposed
US involvement in South America, South-East Asia and currently the Middle East.
Hoxha’s political purpose, of course, was far from ethically orientated. Less
proceeds to explore the usages that such representation served in the domestic
sphere, including the vindication of political repression, the excusing of any
setbacks along the road of socialist development and the self-affirmation of
Albanian nationhood. As Alex Drace-Francis demonstrates in the next essay,
however, the discourse on Western Europe was not always sunk in such archetypal
Cold War binarism. Surveying Romanian travel writing of the period, Drace-
Francis finds that instead of othering the West, which might have been expected in
cultural production under Ceau§escu, a more common strategy was to suggest
comparability between Western cultural and economic levels and those of the
homeland, thus conferring upon Romania an air of achievement and progress.
Paradoxically, the glowing account of Western civilisation that was produced
collaborated with the Western self-image, and did so in a manner that harmonised
with the West’s own valorisation of Ceau§escu’s Romania after his adoption of an
anti-Soviet stance.23
Celia Hawkesworth’s essay, on the twentieth-century Yugoslav novel,
elaborates upon the complexities of Balkan representation during the Cold War.
The essay explores the frequent, often subtle disparities between Croatian and
Serbian literary attitudes towards Western Europe, both on the level of statement
and on the level of the styles of writing that novelists adopted, the latter being an
ideological act fraught with cultural and political significance. After surveying the
divergent colonial histories of the two regions, Hawkesworth analyses the rich and
complex forms that resulted from the aesthetic cross-currents entering Cold War
fiction, particularly the highly charged stand-off between Western modernism and

was ever an expansionist power (see his ‘The Social Construction of the Soviet Threat: A
Study in the Politics of Representation’, Alternatives, 13 (1988), pp. 466-67).
23 Misha Glenny records, for example, that after Ceau§escu’s condemnation of the Soviet
invasion of Czechoslovakia in 1968, Washington ‘indicated unofficially that NATO would
go to war if the Soviets moved against Romania’ (Glenny, The Balkans 1804-1999:
Nationalism, War and the Great Powers (London: Granta Books, 1999), p. 595). See also
Mark Almond, The Rise and Fall of Nicolae and Elena Ceau§escu (London: Chapmans,
1992), pp. 142-45.
XX The Balkans and the West

Soviet, or socialist, realism. Epitomising Yugoslav in-betweenness, Serbian and

Croatian writing between 1945 and 1989, with its critical approach to both the
democratic West and communist East, is seen to articulate a wider ambivalence
about the nation’s cultural positioning within Europe. It is an ambivalence that
finds a fascinating continuation in the literature of the turbulent 1990s, especially
in Serbia.
The volume then begins to focus on the post-1989 period, and on the multiple
strands of continuity and opposition that exist between Cold War and post-Cold
War discourse in both Balkan and Western cultures. Understandably, it is the
Western mode of denigration that has achieved ascendancy throughout the
continent, establishing the framework by which discourse on Europe is pursued,
identity is negotiated, and political and economic relations are established. The
section opens with Yonka Krasteva’s survey of the general tropes, images and
evaluations of post-1989 balkanism. Using Western writings on Bulgaria as an
illustration, Krasteva explores such widely-read authors as Robert Kaplan, Bill
Bryson and Julian Barnes to clarify the motifs of threat, discord, violence and
incompletion that have been defining and marginalising South-East Europe.24 The
discourse has found its adherents within the region itself. Krasteva’s essay
acknowledges the power that Western cross-cultural discourse can have over the
self-conceptions and self-representations of subordinate cultures, and exemplifies
the thesis via an exploration of Julia Kristeva’s critical approach to Bulgarian
identity in her Crisis o f the European Subject (2000).
The volume goes on to expand on the way that balkanist constructions of self
and other are received by South-East Europeans. The following three essays
acknowledge the collaboration with Western balkanism that has occurred across
the peninsula, and the tendency in popular discourse to idealise the West as a kind
of ‘promised land’. Yet the essays focus on how West’s self-valorisations are being
challenged and how its discourses are being negotiated and resisted through the life
practices and self-narrations of individuals. Stephanie Schwandner-Sievers details
the process in the context of those Albanians entering Britain and Germany after
1989, who find themselves caught in a complex web of domestic identification and
Western stereotype. Weighed down by their reputation for criminality and
violence, asylum seekers, migrant workers and students have all found the need to
mould identity according to the preferences of the host culture, most obviously by
assuming the guise of a Western European ethnicity. Alongside such ‘strategic
mimicry’, Schwandner-Sievers explores how those Albanians who have fallen foul
of the law have often attempted to shift the blame onto native traditions of violence
and vendetta which they know to underpin the Western image of Albania, a form
of ‘ideological alliance’ which colludes in denigratory essentialisation. This kind
of complicity, however, need not indicate esteem for Western culture. As Fatos
Lubonja details in another contribution on Albania, there has been a gradual,
though significant shift towards disillusionment with the West during the 1990s.

24 Krasteva argues that there have been examples of complimentary representation after
1989, as her citing of Becky Smith’s Bulgarian Diary (c.1995) exemplifies, but that
denigration has remained dominant.
 Introduction xxi

Isolated and oppressed by Hoxha’s particular brand of despotism, Albanians had

built up a profound reverence for the Western democracies, viewing them
collectively as a utopic space of freedom and plenty in a way that mirrored the
more extreme self-imaginings of Western Cold War rhetoric. As the country
opened up in the early 1990s, however, the political and economic realities of the
‘new world order’, all of which disadvantaged a nation like Albania, produced both
bitterness and what Lubonja considers a new maturity to the national
understanding of self and other. There are similarities here to the path taken by the
post-Cold War Bulgaria that Galia Valtchinova analyses in the next essay. After
setting her theme in historical context, Valtchinova looks at twentieth-century
Bulgarian concepts of the West as they evolved in one small town on the
Bulgarian-Yugoslav border, which has had a diverse history of economic
migration, Partisan struggle and cross-border contact with the West. Of particular
interest is the way the town’s idealistic notions of the US during the communist era
were finally challenged by the establishment locally of an American base during
the escalation of tensions in Kosovo in the late 1990s, an event which produced a
measure of pride, but also resentment at US aloofness and power in the region.
Through three case studies of the Yugoslav wars, the volume then moves to a
consideration of how balkanism has facilitated Western power in South-East
Europe after 1989. Tom Gallagher introduces the topic by an overview of the
West’s relations with Serbia and Milosevic over the ten years of crisis. Drawing on
a welter of historical detail, the essay establishes the aggressive, brutal nature of
the Serbian involvement in Bosnia and Kosovo, and proceeds to itemise the
weakness, incompetence and self-interest that characterised the Western, and
particularly the British, response. Gallagher argues that not only was the approach
of conflict known about and a solution possible, but that Western obstructionism
and delay, while exacerbating the crisis, were also covered up by a representational
strategy that blamed the whole crisis on autochthonous ancient hatreds and the
‘equivalence of guilt’. The argument is taken up and expanded by Riikka Kuusisto.
With a specific focus on the war in Bosnia-Hercegovina, her contribution draws on
a range of theoretical insights into foreign policy statement to examine the
diplomatic representations of the conflict. These include both the traditional
balkanist motifs of complexity, violence and discord, and a number of more
context-specific metaphorical constructions, such as natural catastrophe and past
military failure. The outcome was a vindication of Western non-action, a sense that
little could be done to assuage the regions’s congenital violence and that
intervention was doomed to failure, a discourse which, curiously, collaborated with
the Serbs’ determined propaganda against foreign intervention.25 Philip Taylor’s
essay furthers the discussion of power-knowledge in the Bosnian and Kosovan
contexts. The Yugoslav wars of the 1990s are here put into the wider context of

25 See Norman Cigar, Genocide in Bosnia: The Policy of “Ethnic Cleansing ” (Texas: Texas
A&M University Press, 1995), p. 93; Brad Blitz, ‘Serbia’s War Lobby: Diaspora Groups
and Western Elites’, in Thomas Cushman and Stjepan Mestrovic, eds, This Time We Knew:
Western Responses to Genocide in Bosnia (New York and London: New York University,
1996), pp. 188-89.
xxii The Balkans and the West

NATO military intervention strategies, especially the way it conducts its

‘information operations’, an overarching term encompassing the range of media
strategies, civil-military relations and psychological manoeuvres that are deployed
for the furtherance of military goals. Through a study of the tactical delivery of
information to both indigenous and domestic populations, whose support is desired
before and during military intervention, Taylor reveals the highly sophisticated,
multi-million pound procedures which lie behind the construction of warring
factions that one witnesses on television, and which help to facilitate the Western
control and administration of a chosen region.
It is only fitting, after this lengthy study of Western geo-strategy, to end with
the South-East European reaction, a voice that has rarely been heard in the acres of
news print expended on the Balkans over the last fifteen years. Nevena Dakovic’s
piece on Serbian cinema and its treatment of the NATO bombing of Belgrade in
1999 gives a good indication of the multiplicity, sophistication and frequent anger
that has marked the region’s response to foreign encroachment upon its economic
and political landscape. Naturally, the Serbia of the 1990s was awash with a
government-generated nationalism which formulated and transmitted a vehement
anti-Westernism through musical, cinematic and televisual production. Dakovic
chooses to focus, however, on what she terms the oppositional ‘national discourse’
of the period, which countered nationalism with the expounding of a pacifistic,
cosmopolitan and pro-‘European’ line that became increasingly humanist as the
NATO bombing continued and that maintained a highly refined critique of
Western action. Dakovic explores two example of recent Serbian cinema in the
light of national and humanistic discourses, looking at how their usage of Western
cinematic traditions facilitates an analysis of the Balkans and the West that allows
for both censure and approval of the latter.
The work of South-East European scholars like Dakovic, which analyses the
rise of popular scepticism towards Western involvement in the region, hints at a
groundswell of support for the academic deconstruction of balkanism and its
multiple strands of collaboration and power. There is no doubt that contemporary
Europe is being guided and controlled by the massive instruments of Western
bureaucracy, economic regulation and military power, not to mention the
concomitant patterns of representation, and no doubt that discontent is growing
within the European peripheries. Thinking back to the utopianism of 1989 only
emphasises how little unity has been achieved during the setbacks and crises of the
post-Cold War years. In fact, the ending of the Cold War seems to have merely
shifted the continental partition from democratic West and communist East to that
of ‘Europe’ and the Balkans, with all the political and economic inequality that
such division entails. The reportage of the Eastern European revolutions, which
viewed events, simplistically, as the passing from totalitarianism to democracy,
established expectations which inevitably led to frustration and reproach when
such transition faltered. A more realistic look at Balkan cultures in the West, one
that works within Western intellectual traditions yet refuses their easy reliance on
essentialisation and binarism, is becoming increasingly necessary, as is a greater
dissemination of the critical work coming out of the region itself. The more study
of balkanist paradigms that is pursued, and the more challenges to the political
 Introduction xxiii

injustices of Europe that are mounted, the more the academy can develop an
effective opposition to the Western control of wealth and opportunity both within
Europe and without. In the fight against global injustice, perhaps such oppositional
scholarship will, in Fleming’s phrase, make the Balkans ‘more central than we ever
imagined’.26

26 Fleming, ‘O rientalism p. 1233.

 Chapter 1

Britain and the Yugoslav General

Election of November 1945
Jim Evans

With the exception of Greece, where British involvement in an ongoing civil war
provoked furious controversy in parliament and media alike, the plight of
Yugoslavia at the end of World War Two had greater resonance in Britain than that
of other Balkan countries. The coup which deposed Prince Paul in March 1941 —
like the later guerilla resistance, only in part British-engineered and only in part
anti-German - had produced enormous enthusiasm in Britain at one of the lowest
moments of the war. Such popular engagement with events in Yugoslavia was
maintained by rosy media coverage first of Mihailovic’s activity in Serbia and then
of Tito’s Partisan movement. During the years 1941 to 1945 Axis occupation,
national resistance struggle, civil war, starvation and disease combined to leave
some 1.7 million Yugoslavs dead. By 1945 a much larger number were homeless,
cut-off and imperilled by the coming winter. In addition to well-publicised UNRRA
relief work, the response from British charitable organisations like the Yugoslav
Emergency Committee and the Yugoslav Relief Fund attracted wide support,
belying subsequent suggestions of popular ‘compassion fatigue’.1
In accordance with the British-sponsored Tito-Suba§ic agreements of 1944,
intended to resolve the intractable dispute between a radical liberation movement
and a govemment-in-exile based in London and Cairo, a general election was
scheduled for 11 November 1945.2 Broadly coinciding with similar post-war
elections in Hungary, Bulgaria, Romania, Czechoslovakia and Poland, it aroused
considerable interest among a British public optimistic about the potential for a

1 For the history of Second World War Yugoslavia see Jozo Tomasevich, War and
Revolution in Yugoslavia 1941-45: The Chetniks (1975) and the same author’s
posthumously published, War and Revolution in Yugoslavia 1941-45: Occupation and
Collaboration (2001). On British involvement see Mark Wheeler, Britain and the War for
Yugoslavia, 1940-43 (1980) and Walter R. Roberts, Tito, Mihailovic and the Allies 1941-
1945(1913).
2 For an account of the genesis of these agreements and associated British thinking, see
Mark Wheeler, ‘Crowning the Revolution: The British, King Peter and the Path to Tito’s
Cave’ in R.T.B. Langhone, ed., Diplomacy and Intelligence during the Second World War:
Essays in Honour ofF.H. Hinsley (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1985), pp. 184-
218.
2 The Balkans and the West

belated flowering of stable democracy in Central and Eastern European states

bedevilled by instability and autocracy in the inter-war period. A study of British
attitudes to this event should provide insight into the understanding (or
misunderstanding) of Yugoslav - and wider Balkan - realities in Britain during the
uncertain period before the ossification of ‘Cold War’ divisions. It should cast light
on the relationship between, on the one hand, the public representation of Yugoslav
politics and culture in official and independent media, and, on the other, the
evolution of British foreign policy. It should also illuminate some of the
practicalities and pitfalls of electoral monitoring, problems which continue to
exercise the international community today.

The reality of the election need detain us only briefly. While a Times editorial
pronounced the ballot ‘fair and free’, it might more accurately be characterised as
‘relatively free and by no means fair’.3 Though polling on election day itself was
largely uninhibited, the campaign as a whole was anything but. For weeks before
the ballot a barrage of moral and psychological coercion aimed to instil the need for
electoral unity. The Yugoslav-born Reuters correspondent Monty Radulovic - no
friend of the old regime - described his experience of endless political meetings
and rallies, harassment by ‘street leaders’, OZNA agents and other (ubiquitous)
Party representatives, as well as the exclusion from the franchise of any suspected
of oppositional tendencies.4 As British officials similarly reported, while secrecy at
the ballot seemed adequate, ‘before the elections, every form of pressure,
intimidation and propaganda was brought to bear’.5 Voting itself could then be
ostentatiously free and democratic for the benefit of foreign observers, without any
of that unpleasant uncertainty about the result which can cloud a candidate’s
enjoyment.
These heavy-handed tactics appeared to have backfired, however, when
opposition parties decided to boycott the election altogether, a problem for Partisan
authorities hoping the semblance of a free election would speed international
recognition. The solution was twofold: a ‘blank ballot box’ by which protest votes
might be registered, and the portrayal of the National Front to foreign observers as
a loose coalition of competing parties. These ploys fooled few in Whitehall and not
many in the American media, but were treated in the British press with abject

3 Anon, ‘Marshal Tito’s Victory’, The Times, 14 November 1945, p. 5. The latter phrase was
used recently by an electoral monitor in Belarus.
4 Radulovic, Tito’s Republic (Wrotham: Cold Harbour Press, 1948), pp. 83-91. The senior
Partisan Milovan Djilas later described how the election law had been framed ‘in such a way
as to block the participation of any opposition’: Rise and Fall, trans. John Fiske Loud (San
Diego, New York and London: Harcourt Brace Jovanovich, 1986), p. 27. The offence of
wartime collaboration was left sufficiently ill-defined to cover most cases. (OZNA was the
Partisan secret police, equivalent to the Soviet NKVD.)
5FO 371/48874/19435.
 Britain and the Yugoslav General Election 3

credulity.6 ‘As far as I have seen’, a Southern Department official noted with
distaste, ‘there has been no criticism of the elections in any of the press here, of
whatever political tendencies.’7
This was not strictly true. A current of virulent anti-communism manifested
itself in small-circulation weekly publications like Time and Tide and The
Nineteenth Century and After and in the Catholic press. Here the repression carried
out by ‘Tito-talitarian’ Partisan authorities was fiercely denounced and the
mainstream portrayal of Tito’s regime and the November election bitterly
condemned. On 17 November Time and Tide complained that ‘the daily press
records the Yugoslav elections as though they had been a genuine ballot, and the
‘special correspondents’ [...] accept the result of the ballot in a measure that
suggests they left their critical faculties at home’.8 But all of these hostile news
organs undermined their credibility by stubbornly denying evidence of Cetnik co­
operation with Italian forces, and by attaching an unquestioning credence to emigre
propaganda. The Catholic press, while influential, was regarded with justification
as a mouthpiece of the Vatican, more sensitive about the privileges of the Roman
Church than about civil liberty.
In general Whitehall was quite right about the tenor of reporting. Mainstream
coverage of the election was overwhelmingly positive. Tito’s poll of ninety per cent
of the ballot (in which, according to the official record, eighty-eight per cent cast a
vote) was represented as testimony to his popularity as a symbol of unity and
patriotic struggle against Nazis and quislings, as well as being a reflection of the
fact that political groups had converged in a ‘front’ organisation. Basil Davidson,
writing for the Manchester Guardian and The Times, declared the result ‘a triumph
for the aims and organisation of the National Liberation Movement [which] will be
interpreted as a vote for the new way of life, a vote against the past and all that
went with it’. Kenneth Syers of the News Chronicle enthused, ‘it is refreshing to see
a Balkan election conducted with dignity and fairness’, while John Ennals of the
Daily Herald assured his readers that ‘all the British observers agree that the
elections were conducted freely and democratically’.9 On his return Syers insisted
that ‘there is no censorship - and no “iron curtain’” . He debunked the ‘terror myth’
and made the surprising assertion that OZNA ‘is rather like MI5, except that it does
not even try to be secret’.10
While Lovett Edwards of the less ‘progressive’ Telegraph was unusual in
devoting some attention to the Yugoslav opposition, he accepted the inevitability of

6 Alexander Cadogan, Permanent Under Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs, noted that
‘the presentation of one list only makes the election a farce’ (FO 371/48873/19180). Djilas
recalled the similar attitude of American correspondents (Rise and Fall, p. 30).
7 Minute by J.R. Colville, FO 371/48874/19394.
8 Anon, ‘Elections under Tito’, Time and Tide, 17 November 1945, pp. 956-57.
9 Davidson, ‘Marshal Tito’s Triumph’, The Times, 13 November 1945, p. 4; Davidson,
‘Triumph for Tito’, Manchester Guardian, 14 November 1945, p. 8; Syers, ‘Yugoslavia
Goes to the Polls’, News Chronicle, 12 November 1945, p. 1; Ennals, ‘Voted for 20
Ghosts’, Daily Herald, 19 November 1945, p. 4.
10 Syers, ‘Yugoslavia - The Facts’, News Chronicle, 22 November 1945, p. 2.
4 The Balkans and the West

a Front triumph and confirmed wholeheartedly that ‘the system is the fairest
possible’.11 Even weekly journals which had been more cautious towards the new
masters in Belgrade - Tribune, The Economist, The Spectator - overcame their
doubts amid the heady enthusiasm. The Economist, which on 1 September had
talked of ‘the fact of political terrorism’ in Yugoslavia, affirmed on 10 November
in a markedly less critical report that ‘the spirit of next Sunday’s elections is that of
a new start, of a radical break with the disastrous past’.12 While Kingsley Martin
tried in the New Statesman to scratch beneath the surface sheen of Tito’s new
‘democracy’ and noted the intimidation by ‘street leaders’, he was sympathetic,
keenly citing a British official who had declared this ‘the fairest election ever in
Yugoslavia’.13 Tribune likewise noted deficiencies, but hailed a monopoly ‘that has
the genuine backing of the great majority of the people’.14
Quick to capitalise on the propaganda triumph of the election, the communist-
dominated Constituent Assembly voted on 29 November to abolish the monarchy
and declare a federal republic. Though it had been widely assumed in Britain that
King Peter’s future would be decided by popular plebiscite, there was barely a
squeak of disapproval in the British media. On 1 December a Times editorial
enthused: ‘for the first time in the history of the country, the local population is now
intimately connected with the work of government, which had ceased to be an
official machine superimposed on them from above [...]. The system is working’.15

Since the fall of Belgrade in October 1944 Whitehall had bemoaned the lack of
objective reportage from Yugoslavia. In late February 1945 only one of four allied
correspondents was British and by the end of April there were none. Partisan claims
that the British government was preventing them coming and reporting favourably
from Yugoslavia were wholly without foundation. Repeated pleas to papers to send
‘good men’ to Belgrade fell on deaf ears.
Officials’ concern was not, of course, with the general edification of the
British public. In the first place it was hoped that, given Partisan sensitivity to their
international image, ‘the presence of foreign correspondents [might] be expected to
exert a salutary influence on the authorities’.16 Less directly, Whitehall hoped a
balanced media coverage - critical of abuse but sympathetic to the difficulties of
reconstruction - would act as a useful tool of foreign policy. In a negative sense,

11 Edwards, ‘Tito Likely to Get Majority’, Daily Telegraph, 12 November 1945, p. 1.

12 Anon, ‘Balkan Governments’, The Economist, 1 September 1945, pp. 294-95; Anon, ‘The
Jugoslav Elections’, The Economist, 10 November 1945, pp. 680-82.
13 Martin, ‘Yugoslavia Votes’, New Statesman and Nation, 17 November 1945, p. 328. In
the light of all available records, it seems most unlikely that this official’s intonation
conveyed the same enthusiasm as Martin’s prose. Weary exasperation with Balkan electoral
history was often expressed in such terms.
14 Anon, ‘Tito Defeats Peter’, Tribune, 16 November 1945, pp. 4-5.
15 Anon, ‘Yugoslavia: A Republic’, The Times, 1 December 1945, p. 5.
16 FO 371/48859/7797. British Ambassador Sir Ralph Stevenson (in a telegram dated 30
April 1945) had the November election particularly in mind.
 Britain and the Yugoslav General Election 5

this meant ensuring media opinion did not constrain diplomacy. The disastrous way
recent events in Greece had been presented in the media had gravely complicated
British policy in that country and was attributed to the inadequate press
representation in Athens.17 Accurate news coverage would help British opinion
‘march in step with events in Belgrade’,18 a phrase whose elusive meaning might
perhaps be rendered as ‘march in step with British policy towards events in
Belgrade’. More positively, diplomats hoped to be able to protest the very
constraint they sought to avoid: to emulate, in other words, the ploy used with
shameless panache by the Soviet bloc regimes (and tirelessly by Tito himself) of
lamenting to foreign governments the restriction of their options by domestic media
opinion. Whereas the incessant anti-Western propaganda in the controlled
Yugoslav press was used to justify Partisan intransigence over Trieste and other
issues, the largely uncritical British coverage of Yugoslav affairs offered few such
opportunities.
How, then, do we account for the inadequate press representation of
Yugoslavia in this critical period?
Matters of simple practicality certainly played a role. Editors already short of
men and resources were discouraged by the logistical difficulties in a country in
which the devastation of infrastructure as well as Partisan obstructionism made
travel awkward and slow.19 Though officials cited Yugoslav censorship as a further
discouragement, in truth Allied military censorship was primarily to blame for
delays (as well as excisions), requiring that copy be sent to Bari before returning to
be cleared by Partisan authorities. From autumn 1944 news moved swiftly in
pursuit of Allied armies liberating the occupied cities of Europe. For the brief
moment of its liberation Belgrade was newsworthy; a few days later the tide had
moved on taking most Western journalists with it.
In the absence of permanent correspondents, papers were forced to rely on
Yugoslav sources which came in two very contrasting hues, Partisan or disgruntled
emigre. On the one hand there were the official Titoist outlets: Radio Free
Yugoslavia (which, unmentioned by British papers which cited it, operated from
the Soviet Union), Radio Belgrade and written press releases. On the other hand
there was the fiercely anti-communist refugee community. Papers relied on the
sources which accorded most closely with their political predilections, rarely
accounting adequately for the prejudice of the material. While The Economist
admitted that ‘any comment on the political situation [in the Balkans] must be
guarded, for the information available is insufficient and grossly biased for or
against the Government in power’,20 the daily press eschewed such caveats. It
turned almost exclusively to Partisan channels whose rhetoric of unity,

17 FO 371/48859/1769.
18 FO 371/44390/15559.
19 The editor of The Times acknowledged the importance of posting a permanent
representative to Belgrade, but lamented to Whitehall the difficulty of locating a suitable
candidate (FO 371/48859/7797).
20 Anon, ‘Balkan Governments’, pp. 294-95.
6 The Balkans and the West

transformation and liberation appealed to those optimistic about the potential of

left-wing politics - the only politics, it might be argued, that a European could be
optimistic about in 1945.21 Meanwhile anti-communist papers preferred to buy the
tales of fanatical extremism relayed by the refugee community. Their reports of
genuine instances of oppression and injustice went unnoticed or uncredited in the
wider media perhaps because, like the proverbial leaf hidden in the tree, they were
immersed in baseless scare-stories and propaganda.22
When qualified individuals were eventually secured (after disbandment from
the military) in time for the November election, their backgrounds did not always
equip them to observe objectively. Basil Davidson, Kenneth Syers and John Ennals
had all served as liaison officers with the Partisans during the war and been deeply
impressed by their experiences, confirming Fitzroy Maclean’s observation that
‘most British and American officers find it difficult to retain their objectivity after
spending long periods with the Partisans’.23 In fact, as Whitehall was aware,
officers linked to either of the warring factions tended, in the comradeship of
guerilla units, to identify with their companions-in-arms. It is not, of course,
surprising that editors sought to employ men with recent experience of Yugoslav
affairs; nor that they should have considered those assigned to Partisans rather than
Cetniks less likely to arouse the suspicion of the new regime.
Perhaps more surprising are hints that reputable correspondents still felt to
some extent bound by a wartime code of adherence to the government Tine’,
regardless of their personal sympathies, a line perceived as favourable to Tito’s
movement long after officials and ministers had in reality become disillusioned.
That this loyalty was no longer wholly binding, even for broadsheets, was indicated
by the hostile coverage The Times and Manchester Guardian gave to British
intervention in Greece in late 1944; that it was still to some extent taken for
granted, was indicated by Churchill’s furious reaction. In the case of Yugoslavia,
there is a telling remark made by David Carpenter in a letter to Tribune defending
his claim that the regime was a dictatorship. His sources, he maintained, were not
‘reactionaries’ but well-known correspondents ‘who, it is to be regretted, consider

21 As Hugh Seton-Watson noted, it was not that there was any lack of anti-communist
propaganda in Europe at the end of the war, but that he and others like him were disinclined
to trust Balkan ruling classes ‘whose attitude to communism was obviously determined by
fear for their dubiously acquired possessions’: The East European Revolution, 4th edn
(1950; London: Methuen, 1961), p. xiii.
22 The sensational testimony of Lt. Todorovic, an ex-member of Tito’s forces, concerning
the massacres of Yugoslav refugees repatriated by British forces in Austria - printed at
length in both the Tablet and the Catholic Times in September 1945 - drew not a single
reference elsewhere in the media, despite J.M. Addis’s admission in the Foreign Office that
they had ‘the ring of truth’. See Anon, ‘The Testimony of Lieutenant Todorovic’, Tablet, 8
September 1945, p. 110; Anon, ‘Massacred Repatriates’, Catholic Times, 14 September
1945, p. 6.
23 FO 371/48810/4246. Telegram dated 2 March 1945. Maclean was head of the British
military mission in Yugoslavia from July 1943 until the end of the war.
 Britain and the Yugoslav General Election 1

it their duty to praise in public, while they criticise in private’.24 In the same paper
in April 1946 Arthur Koestler lamented the pressure exerted during the war to
prevent any media criticism which might upset Britain’s Soviet ally. There is no
evidence in Foreign Office files of serious interference with journalistic output
from Yugoslavia during 1945 - they wanted some less rose-tinted coverage - but
the mindset of wartime conformity may form a partial explanation of the nature of
the reports. Stephen Koss has argued that before the outbreak of war editors knew
far more than they chose to communicate, restraining comment in the misguided
hope that damping fears might avert the looming conflict. A similar mentality
seems to have operated in the immediate aftermath with regard to deteriorating
Western-Soviet relations.25

We also need, however, to explore the ways in which the general intellectual
climate in Britain impacted upon attitudes to the establishment of Tito’s new
regime.
Among a large body of the British ‘intelligentsia’ during 1945 and 1946 there
was, superficially at least, considerable optimism about the development of
‘people’s democracy’ in Central and Eastern Europe. The yearning for rebirth and
regeneration, moral as well as physical, was understandably strong in Britain as in
mainland Europe. The chaos and destruction of liberated Europe, with the old order
having been swept away, seemed to those many progressives disillusioned with
‘bourgeois’ politics and impressed by Soviet ‘economic democracy’ a tabula rasa
on which enlightened regimes might build more just and stable societies.
Of the states which were, by mid-1945, falling under Soviet influence, none
held more promise than Yugoslavia. Here alone (with the exception of Albania
which drew very little attention) the forces of progress had risen on a wave of
genuinely popular resistance to the fascist occupation. The personal appeal of Tito,
the romanticisation of his guerilla movement (in which Churchill led the way at the
despatch box), British involvement in supplying the resistance, as well as the
suppression by the Partisans of explicitly communist propaganda in favour of a
woolly but appealing rhetoric of anti-fascism, equality and progress, all conspired
to give the new regime a higher and more positive profile in the British media from
1944 to 1945 than other Moscow-leaning administrations.
Tito benefited further from a residual British warmth towards the Yugoslavs
for their resistance to the Nazis in the dark days of 1941 which revived memories
of the martial exploits of ‘plucky little Serbia’ during World War One. The irony
that this had been associated in the British media with the Cetnik organisation of
Mihailovic did not escape the disgraced general’s staunch British supporters who

24 Carpenter, ‘Yugoslavia’, Tribune, 14 December 1945, p. 13.

25 Stephen Koss, The Rise and Fall of the Political Press in Britain, 2 Vols (London:
Hamish Hamilton, 1981-84), II, 542-76.
8 The Balkans and the West

pontificated in correspondence columns on the fickleness of British allegiances.26

The profile of the Partisans had been further enhanced in Britain by rapturous
reports recounting the trouble they were causing the German occupation in
Yugoslavia and the number of Axis divisions kept from other fronts. That these
figures were often wildly exaggerated - culminating in the bathos of the Daily
Worker's straight-faced claim that Tito’s guerillas had been containing ‘some forty
divisions’ - was beside the point.27 The result was a prevailing sympathy in the
mainstream British media for Partisan ideals and ambitions and for the undoubted
difficulties they faced.
On a wider level, the sharp division which characterised the British response
to the new Yugoslavia matched the pattern of attitudes to the phenomenon of
Russian-style communism during this period. Here too considerable ignorance
underlay the prejudice. As Hugh Seton-Watson noted, for those not directly within
the communist fold after 1917, ‘uncritical praise or uncritical abuse, panic or
ostrich-headed optimism took the place of knowledge’.28 Those prepared in 1945 to
credit Stalin’s benign assurances and to admire his domestic achievements almost
invariably granted similar slack to the satellites and hoped that here the perceived
virtues of communist planning might be combined with those of liberal democracy.
Thus the News Chronicle, greatly impressed by the socio-economic as well as the
military record of ‘Generalissimo Stalin’, repeatedly advocating trust and co­
operation with the communist world, was at the forefront of progressive British
Titophilia. With Tito’s Yugoslavia, as with Stalin’s Russia, it was the centre-left
mainstream in Britain rather than the harder left (with the obvious exception of the
Communist Party itself) which swallowed the reassuring propaganda with the
greatest credulity.
At the ideological extremes these considerations were paramount. Hardened
opponents of the Soviet Union and the National Liberation Movement blamed all
of Yugoslavia’s perceived ills from 1944 onwards on the Partisans and their

26 See, for example, the letter of Eva A. Baker to The Times, 20 January 1945: ‘All the
sentiments now expressed about Marshal Tito were once your views on General Draja
Mihailovic and his Chetniks. The manner in which we blow hot and cold about our friends
in Europe will not be lost on the realistic Marshal.’
27 Leah Manning, ‘Building a New Life in Yugoslavia’, Daily Worker, 7 December 1945, p.
2. Though this was extreme, the tendency to attribute more military significance to Tito’s
movement than, with hindsight, it deserved, was almost universal. Under the headline ‘15
Divisions Tied down by Tito’, Maurice Fagence reported in the Daily Herald on 12 March
1945 that ‘the Germans would get out of Jugoslavia tomorrow if they could [...] but Marshal
Tito, knowing how badly the Germans want those 14 divisions for the Western and Eastern
fronts [...] is making them stop and fight it out. His aim is to keep the Germans away from
the fronts where the Allies are going to deliver the death blow.’ Maclean had established a
similar orthodoxy in Whitehall, reporting in February 1945 that the Partisans had ‘by the
successful use of guerilla methods [...] succeeded in containing a force of anything from 15
to 20 enemy divisions, which could otherwise have been used against the Allies on another
front’ (FO 371/48810/3985).
28 Seton-Watson, East European Revolution, p.xiii.
 Britain and the Yugoslav General Election 9

Russian and British sponsors. It was widely - and falsely - believed in Britain
(outside Whitehall at least) that Tito’s triumph over his internal rivals was a direct
consequence of British military and propaganda support. ‘That it was a terrible
blunder to have established Tito in power is now recognised’, Time and Tide
observed in October 1945, ‘by every critical observer of Balkan affairs. It was also
an easily avoidable blunder.’29 Associated with this attitude was a feeling that
Britain had been guilty, in particular, of betraying Mihailovid’s constituency, the
Serb nation, to a despised communist movement in callous disregard of its bravery
in 1915 and 1941.
Some in Whitehall shared these scruples. Dew minuted gloomily in late June
1944 that ‘it would be criminal if we were to sacrifice the Serbs in post-war
Yugoslavia just because the Mihailovic Chetnik bands have not been fighting the
Germans, not out of any love for the Germans, but because of their hatred of the
Croats and Communism’.30 But the Foreign Office also rightly realised that
Mihailovic had sacrificed much of his own support and that Tito’s movement was
likely to prevail in Serbia regardless. To back Royalist anti-communism would
therefore be to leave the British post-war position ‘hopelessly compromised’.31
Like his hardened opponents, the more dogmatic British Tito-enthusiasts
found little reason to take Yugoslav history or present contingencies specifically
into account. If Lenin’s opportunistically reworked Marxism could rejuvenate the
war-shattered Russian empire after 1917, why not the ravaged regions of East-
Central Europe in 1945? Yugoslavia, in particular, had already done enough in the
most difficult circumstances to merit such optimism, national rivalries and corrupt
capitalism alike swept aside in the cathartic struggle against the German invader.
After the destruction of the ancien regime, the election marked ‘a new start, [...] a
radical break with the disastrous past’.32

But for the majority of British observers, attitudes towards Russia - and
communism - were not the only prism through which reports were refracted.
Equally important were traditional preconceptions about the fundamental nature of
Yugoslavia and the wider Balkan region and its suitability for democracy on the
British model. In particular these patterns of thought enable us to understand why,
when the pro-Partisan centre-left consensus finally collapsed in late 1946 and early
1947, the collapse was so quick and so complete. Observers’ largely negative

29 Anon, ‘Yugoslavia’, Time and Tide, 13 October 1945, p. 4. The decision to dump
Mihailovic in 1943 has been the source of anti-communist conspiracy theories from that day
to this. Recent scholarship concurs with Fitzroy Maclean’s view that ‘nothing short of
armed intervention on a larger and more effective scale than that undertaken by the Germans
would [have disposed] of the Partisans’ (Eastern Approaches, new edn (1949; London:
Penguin, 1991), p. 340). See for example John R. Lampe, Yugoslavia as History: Twice
there was a Country (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1996), p. 197.
30 FO 371/44291/9921.
31 FO 371/44290/7680.
32 Anon, ‘Jugoslav Elections’, pp. 680-82.
10 The Balkans and the West

assumptions were the hollow foundation on which much of the optimism which
greeted the election was constructed, an optimism which with hindsight appears
superficial and fragile.
Time and again in the media coverage of Tito’s regime during 1945 one finds
the brief incursion of reservations about the nature of the administration swiftly
tempered by the assurance that, in the circumstances, one could scarcely expect
otherwise. In part this was an understandable emphasis on the war’s legacy of
devastation, division and human suffering. ‘In these conditions’, The Economist
cautioned on 20 October, ‘the restoration of even a framework of order is
exceptionally difficult [...]. It follows that to go further than maintain order and to
attempt to introduce Western electoral methods in the forthcoming elections is
almost impossible.’33 Usually, however, there was more to it. It was not simply the
destruction of the war but rather the stifling weight of longer-term Yugoslav (and
wider Balkan) political history - seen as intractably violent and seedy - which
rendered expectation of rapid progress towards Western democratic standards
naively ill-conceived.
In its post-election editorial on 15 November, the News Chronicle suggested
that while ‘Britain would probably not have been satisfied with the conditions in
which the elections were held, [...] Yugoslavia cannot be judged by British election
standards’. Tito seemed to be widely supported, he had promised not to persecute
political opponents, and ‘in all this there is ground for satisfaction’.34 The
Manchester Guardian's report on 10 November recognised, in an otherwise
gushing piece, an element of intolerance; this was ‘inextricably bound up with the
history of the pre-war years, with the Partisan resistance, and with revolutionary
change’.35 The Sunday Times noted the British Government’s satisfaction that the
elections were ‘as free as could be hoped for in the circumstances’ - an accurate
reflection of Whitehall’s public thinking but of its private mind entirely false.36 The
New Statesman's Hal Lehrman, admitting that Yugoslavia was not democratic in ‘a
Western sense’, explained that ‘Yugoslavia’s tradition of dictatorship and politics
by violence makes any democratic innovation a slow process’.37 Kingsley Martin’s
election report concluded that rumours of terror in Yugoslavia were exaggerated:
‘the terror is at present a mild one by Balkan standards',38 An editorial in The
Times on 10 August called for an understanding of the inevitable ‘teething
problems’ democracy would suffer in a country so unaccustomed to it. The West
should avoid the ‘perfectionist snare’ and encourage a more liberal system ‘stage
by stage, as rapidly as conditions permit’.39 Even seasoned observers like R.W.

33 Anon, ‘Electoral Trouble in Eastern Europe’, The Economist, 20 October, 1945, p. 555.
34 Anon, ‘The Brighter Side’, News Chronicle, 15 November 1945, p. 2.
35 Basil Davidson, ‘Fairness in Yugoslavia’, Manchester Guardian, 10 November 1945, p.
6.
36 Anon, ‘Republic of Jugoslavia Recognised’, Sunday Times, 23 December 1945, p. 1.
37 Lehrman, ‘Report from Yugoslavia’, New Statesman and Nation, 25 August 1945, p. 120.
38 Martin, ‘Yugoslavia Votes’, p. 328 (my italics).
39 Anon, ‘Steps to Freedom’, The Times, 10 August 1945, p. 5. This drew the partial but
cogent response from Juraj Kmjevic, Secretary-General of the Croat Peasant Party, that to
 Britain and the Yugoslav General Election 11

Seton-Watson let optimism prevail over judgement, insisting that while ‘it would be
foolish to claim that democracy in the Western sense prevails in Yugoslavia today
[...] Tito has the younger generation ardently behind him, and they believe they can
build a new and better Yugoslavia’.40
Privately Whitehall officials were anything but satisfied with the conduct of
the election: ‘the impression made on all foreign observers seems to have been that
the ballot was secret. If this is so, it was the only part of the electoral campaign
which was democratic in our sense of the word.’41 Nevertheless, they invoked
similar justifications for their recognition of Tito’s republic. As Mark Wheeler has
noted, there is a strange schizophrenia about the minutes dealing with the Tito-
Subasic Agreement,42 and this quality likewise pervades assessments of the
election. At times the commitment to securing a democratic future for Yugoslavia,
and to securing a popular plebiscite on behalf of the Karadjordjevic dynasty,
appears ingenuous and determined. Sincere outrage at Partisan malpractice
punctuates surveys of the electoral campaign. But elsewhere there is an inescapable
sense of motions being gone through and appearances being maintained for the
sake only of the image of a British foreign policy pledged to these things. True
democracy - the suggestion is frequently implicit and not infrequently entirely
explicit - was scarcely a realistic expectation in a country so steeped in
authoritarianism and intrigue. A frank report by Lord Birkenhead after a three-week
visit to Yugoslavia early in 1945 applauded the reconstruction effort but regretted
that hopes for democracy ‘have already been disappointed [...]. These people have
been steadily engaged during the past few months in setting up the machinery of a
totalitarian state.’ But things were not so bad. Yugoslavia had never been anything
like a Western democracy: as Birkenhead continued, ‘One feels less shocked at the
establishment of an authoritarian system when one casts one’s mind back over her
turbulent past. ’43
To a degree, of course, these reservations were understandable. There was no
viable alternative to Tito’s movement in 1945. Those few British journals which
continued to hail Mihailovic or Ma5ek as potential heads-of-state were deluding
themselves. Inter-war Yugoslavia had indeed been riven by political corruption and
autocracy. But so, it might be noted, had Italy and Germany, neither of which could
boast any stable tradition of liberal-democratic administration. The feeling was
strong, as it remains to this day, that while instability and dictatorship were an
aberration in German and Italian history requiring explanation and careful
correction, for Balkan politics they were a timeless and irreversible norm. Germany

establish a more liberal system, stage by stage, as rapidly as conditions would permit, would
in practice only prolong a dictatorial regime indefinitely. ‘[Yugoslavia’s] pre-war rulers
used to invoke the same arguments for their regimes’ (letter to The Times, 22 August 1945).
40 Letter to Manchester Guardian, 24 April 1945, in reply to William Teeling’s letter of 16
April.
41 FO 371/48873/19180. Minute by Dew, 13 November 1945.
42 Wheeler, ‘Crowning the Revolution’, pp. 204-5.
43 FO 371/48810/4133. Report undated.
12 The Balkans and the West

would certainly require a lengthy occupation if stable democracy was to be

established in 1945, but culturally, like Italy, it was an advanced and civilised
nation, capable of embracing democratic practice on the Western model. The same
could not be said for Yugoslavia.
The primary explanation for these negative preconceptions accounts also for
the slack that Tito in particular was cut by British media and government circles in
1944 and 1945. For British minds, Balkan - and particularly Yugoslav - political
life was characterised by intractable internecine conflict. The label ‘national
question’, not a prominent issue in the Axis dictatorships, ‘from the Western point
of view, conveyed the essence of Eastern Europe’.44 The approval in Britain which
greeted ‘the first democratic election in Yugoslav history’ reflected above all a
belief that, after decades of internal turmoil, Tito’s charismatic leadership might at
last help bury the national rivalries which had paralysed the politics of inter-war
Yugoslavia. More than their rhetoric of progress and social justice, it was the
Partisans’ renunciation of petty nationalism which struck a chord. This was as true
within Government circles, exasperated beyond measure by the feuding of the
exiles, as it was among a wider intelligentsia still accustomed to associate
Yugoslavia’s national relations with the events which had made headlines abroad:
the shooting of Radic in the parliamentary chamber, the declaration of a royal
dictatorship, the assassination of Alexander in Marseilles and the massacres which
accompanied the rise of the nominally independent Ustasa state in Croatia.
A reshaped federal Yugoslavia, a central plank of the Partisan political
agenda, was popular with many in Britain who had long seen some form of
federation - arranged under suitable auspices (that is to say, not in thrall to
Germany or the Soviet Union) - as the only solution to perennial instability. There
was, indeed, a strong and understandable tendency among British observers to react
to the failures of inter-war Yugoslavia and the atrocities of the war by privileging
the national question above all others in Yugoslav politics. Tito’s appealing
rhetoric of national equality and reconciliation, contrasted with the blinkered
sectarianism of many of the exiles, wrought an uncritical optimism in even
seasoned Balkan observers. R.W. Seton-Watson, for example, analysing Tito’s
provisional government in March 1945, concentrated on its national breakdown,
rightly denied that it gave excessive representation to Croats, and concluded that ‘it
is essential to realise - what so many British officers can bear out from personal
experience - that the movement is a splendid fellowship of patriots, altogether
transcending the old distinction between Serbs, Croats and Slovenes’.45
The naivety of this assumption, which has been exposed by recent scholarship
illustrating the persistence of national rivalries within and without the Partisan

44 Ivo Banac, The National Question in Yugoslavia: Origins, History, Politics (Ithaca and
London: Cornell University Press, 1984), p. 11.
45 Seton-Watson, ‘The New Yugoslavia’, Manchester Guardian, 28 March 1945, p. 4.
Seton-Watson’s enthusiasm for Tito’s national policy was increased by Yugoslav moves to
establish friendly relations with Bulgaria and Albania which struck ‘at the root of the old
Balkan system of dictatorship at home and imperialism abroad’ (ibid., p. 4).
 Britain and the Yugoslav General Election 13

movement,46 was representative of a wider tendency in British opinion.

Concentrating on Tito’s admittedly considerable achievement in reunifying the
country, few questions were asked in the mainstream press before or immediately
after the election about restrictions of liberty at an individual and regional level
which rendered the high-flown cadences of the constitution - like those of the 1936
Soviet constitution on which they were modelled - almost wholly redundant.
Indeed the resolution of an intractable national question by the substitution of
enlightened federalism for centralist Slav supremacism was then widely regarded as
one of the Soviet Union’s great triumphs, a model which doubtless underlay much
British enthusiasm for Tito’s proposals.
A detailed breakdown in The Times of the national make-up of Tito’s
provisional government did not think to identify communists.47 The Tribune
stressed that the importance of the abolition of the monarchy lay ‘not in the fate of
King Peter, but in the cutting of the last historic ties between the new federal
Yugoslavia and the old ‘Greater Serb’ nationalism’, and insisted that ‘the great
political achievement of Marshal Tito [...] was precisely that he overcame the
blood-feud between Yugoslavia’s nationalities’.48 The Manchester Guardian
reported:

The speakers of the Front, from Marshal Tito downwards, reiterate that their
notion of democracy is genuine, even if it is not of the Westminster variety,
in that they stand for social and economic equality amongst the peoples of
Yugoslavia, and as proof of this they point first and foremost to the new
federal structure, whereby the six constituent peoples of Yugoslavia have,
they claim, at last achieved equality among themselves.49

Whitehall did not make the same mistake of equating federalism and democracy.
While the former seemed a reality (though with hindsight it was scarcely less
bogus), the latter was decidedly not. But while officials’ anxiety about the stillbirth
of Yugoslav democracy was not entirely disingenuous, their priority was not
democracy but rather the things this seemed unlikely in Yugoslavia to provide:
unity and stability. Indeed, though it seems rather extraordinary given the failures
of inter-war Yugoslavia and the hatreds unleashed and exacerbated during the war,
British policy-makers remained unquestioningly devoted to the reunification of the
country. For a period, after the disillusionment with Mihailovid and before Maclean
had arrived to eulogise the Partisan army, this seemed an inconceivable ambition.
Tito’s movement had salvaged it, and for this the Foreign Office was deeply
grateful. A perennial British foreign policy objective (that is, the creation of a
stable bulwark in the Ottoman vacuum of South-East Europe against German
empires to the north and Russian to the east) would be ill-served by Roosevelt’s

46 See, for example, Melissa K. Bokovoy, Peasants and Communists (1998) and Jill Irvine,
The Croat Question (1993).
47 Anon, ‘United Yugoslav Government’, The Times, 8 March 1945, p. 3.
48 Anon, ‘Tito’s Achievement’, Tribune, 7 December 1945, p. 5.
49 Davidson, ‘Fairness in Yugoslavia’, p. 6.
14 The Balkans and the West

notion of independent Serb and Croat states. In any case, where would a boundary
commission begin?

‘Few people in Britain’, Churchill suggested to Parliament in January 1945, ‘are

going to be more cheerful or more downcast because of the future constitution of
Jugoslavia.’50 This, it seems, was one steady assumption upon which British foreign
policy was based. No serious attempt was made to guarantee the electoral terms of
the Tito-Subasic agreement, quickly dismissed by Maclean as a ‘polite fiction’.51
Proposals for an official delegation to monitor proceedings were dismissed. When
the US suggested a postponement of the elections until conditions were more
conducive to democracy, the British government demurred. When, in the
immediate aftermath of the poll, Washington called for protest and the withholding
of recognition, Whitehall argued it was now too late for such a measure.
Prior to 1939, Britain, like the US, had accorded Yugoslavia little strategic
significance. But the war had altered the British view. Tito was there to stay and
must be treated accordingly. In a letter to Ambassador Stevenson, Sir Orme Sargent
summarised Whitehall’s response:

The Yugoslav elections - whatever we may think of them - have presented

us with a fait accompli [...]. There seems little doubt that the Yugoslavs have
got the Government which the majority in fact want. If they elect to be ruled
by a dictator, backed by a political police, it is their own affair [...].
Yugoslavia is strategically far too important to our position in the
Mediterranean and in Greece and Italy for it to be possible for us to adopt of
policy of sulking towards her.52

For the Foreign Office, which never set much store by Partisan ‘democracy’, the
developments of the ensuing months were trying but predictable. Though trade
negotiations occasionally promised a thaw in Anglo-Yugoslav relations, the show-
trials first of Mihailovic then of Archbishop Stepinac, the shooting down of two
American aircraft in 1947, the recriminations over British failure to return alleged
Yugoslav war criminals from Austria and Italy, as well as the ongoing tensions over
Trieste, ensured that the frost remained largely unbroken.53

50 See the parliamentary report in The Times, 19 January 1945, p. 5.

51 Maclean, ‘An Appreciation of the Situation in Jugoslavia’, report dated February 1945:
FO 371/48810/3985.
52 FO 371/48874/19433. Letter dated 24 November 1945 (phrase underlined in the original).
53 For Anglo-Yugoslav relations in the immediate post-war years, see Ann Lane, Britain, the
Cold War and Yugoslav Unity (1996). Her occasional implication, however, that British
policy towards Tito in 1944 to 1945 should be applauded as having anticipated the
Yugoslav expulsion from the Cominform in June 1948 is unpersuasive. Though individuals
like Maclean did note Tito’s independence of mind (as they were not slow to recall after
1948), Whitehall assumed consistently (and rightly) during 1945 and 1947 that the
Yugoslav Communists were loyal to Moscow.
 Britain and the Yugoslav General Election 15

In the press, however, these events gradually produced a dramatic volte-face,

as the thin veneer of optimism about progress in Yugoslavia wore through and the
traditional denigration of Balkan politics, which was never really absent, reasserted
itself. This process naturally coincided with, and was reinforced by, the increasing
tension with the Soviet Union which marked the incipient ‘Cold War’, as well as
events - such as the Petkov trial in Bulgaria - revealing the cruel fraudulence of
‘people’s justice’ across the Soviet bloc. The Times and News Chronicle were
slowest to respond. A Times editorial in September 1946 weakly conceded that
Yugoslavia’s regime was ‘in part unpleasant to the Western mind’;54 rule by fear
being, one infers, congenial to the Balkans. But by September 1947 the Petkov trial
had provoked even A.J. Cummings - the epitome of liberal apologism for Soviet
Russia after 1945 - to rail against the ‘rampant’ totalitarianism in Eastern Europe.55
By June 1948, days before the Tito-Stalin split, he was recommending Radulovic’s
study of the Tito regime:

His story of the methods of OZNA, the secret police, and of the prolonged
tortures practised on hundreds of innocent victims inside the prison walls, is
detailed and altogether nauseating [...]. British members of Parliament who
visited the country in 1945 and saw Tito should be edified to read how
thoroughly they were deceived [...].56

When E.P. Thompson - his doctrinaire enthusiasm for the ‘new Yugoslavia’
undiminished - edited in early 1948 a volume on the experiences of British youth
volunteers helping to construct a railway in Bosnia, he eulogised the experience of
breaking through ‘our own newsprint curtain’.57 It was a curtain that had taken
some time to draw.

54 Anon, ‘The New Yugoslavia’, The Times, 21 September 1946, p. 5. Interestingly, the
paper’s editorial opinion lagged considerably behind that of many of its correspondents.
Reportage from Trieste, Rome and Istanbul - as well as the special correspondent reports on
20 and 21 March 1946 - were notably more critical of the Yugoslav regime.
55 Cummings, ‘After Petkov?’, News Chronicle, 26 September 1947, p. 2.
56 Cummings, ‘Tito’s Republic’, News Chronicle, 25 June 1948, p. 2. In November 1945
Cummings had applauded the Yugoslav regime’s decision to ‘open her doors to the friendly
scrutiny of this galaxy of representative Britons’, and would certainly have dismissed the
claims of this ‘patriotic young Yugoslav’ as scoffmgly as he did those made by London
Poles of Soviet atrocities in Poland (‘the Polish country-folk and the Russian soldiers are, in
fact, on very friendly terms’: Cummings, ‘Report from Poland’, 17 April 1945, p. 2). The
visit of twelve MPs (eleven of whom were Labour) had caused Whitehall considerable
irritation in its impact both on anti-regime Yugoslavs and on British coverage. Stephen
Clissold lamented from Belgrade that ‘to see only what the government of a country wishes
its visitors to see, and to say only what it desires to hear said offers no short cut [...] to the
goal of improved relations between Britain and Yugoslavia’ (FO 371/48883/21361).
57 Thompson, ed., The Railway: An Adventure in Construction (London: British-Yugoslav
Association, 1948), p. 1.
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