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Caste identity formation in schools through the Identity Process Theory

Kanisha J. Bafna

Department of Psychology, FLAME University

PSYC306: Culture and Communication

Professor Sasi Kiran

February 8, 2022
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Caste identity formation in schools through the Identity Process Theory

Introduction

The expansion of India into the global space had extreme consequences for its

population. While on a surface level it boomed recognition of the state, on ground, the gap

between those with privilege and resources only grew wider. It is no secret that those with

financial resources and consequently power drive social and economic policies in the country.

Those in this visible position of accessible power have one thing in common: their caste identity

being more or less similar (Despande, 2021).

While formally India rejects the practice of caste discrimination, it is prevalent

everywhere, overtly or covertly. However, the experience of caste as central to identity is limited

to those who experience itt on a daily basis. For others i.e. the upper-class, identity is wholly

defined by their professional and financial status regardless of the role caste plays in achieving

opportunities towards said statuses (Despande, 2013).

Caste works its way through every social institution and community. That said, it is not a

part of our identity that can be modified or changed. While financial or professional identities i.e.

the identities by which many upper caste individuals publicly and privately identify themselves

are subject to social mobility, caste which is most visible in the everyday lives amongst those of

lower castes is a birth given and maintained identity not privy to change or modification. The

visibility of these identities, however, are solely controlled by those in positions of power

(Despande, 2021). Hence, we arrive at a junction where the way lower caste individuals view

their identity is often through the lens of an upper-caste individual.

Schools form a central part of developing identity. School as a social institution is also

riddled with privilege. However, they have the power to deescalate the sense of authority an
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individual might assume to have by imparting necessary, accurate and socially reforming

knowledge that challenges the notions of caste children learn at home.

This paper aims to understand the perpetuation of caste identities in the mindsets of

young students through the identity process theory. While they form a demographic who are

upcoming generations that might have the power to collectively deteriorate the social system of

caste, their opinions on caste seem to be solidified in their homes and not challenged in schools.

Thus, the paper explores how identity construction occurs for young students with respect to

caste.

Identity Process Theory

The identity process theory posits that while identity begins through internal

psychological processes it manifests itself through actions, thought and behaviour. It works on

the basis of two principles: accommodation/assimilation or evaluation.

Accommodation/assimilation refer to when new information is filtered into thought processes

whereas evaluation is more critical in nature questioning aspects of identity (Jaspal, 2011).

The identity process theory is guided by seven motivational principles. These are (i)

continuity, (ii) distinctiveness, (iii) self-efficacy, (iv) self-esteem, (v) belonging, (vi) meaning,

and finally (vii) psychological coherence. Each principle targets one aspect of psychological

thinking and behaviour. The continuity principle refers to the practice of maintaining stability in

a group without change that threatens to affect the social entity of the ingroup. Distinctiveness

refers to the perception of the ingroup being more unique and exclusive than the outgroup.

Self-efficacy and self-esteem refer to the feelings of control and worth that individuals possess

respectively. Belonging, in this context, is different to self-esteem in that it refers to acceptance

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from community members to feel like a part of the group. The meaning principle stands behind

finding a rooted purpose in life and finally psychological coherence works to maintain

similarities between all identities that one individual holds (Jaspal, 2011).

Caste Identity in Students

Identity formation begins at home greatly facilitated by family dynamics. However,

schools play an important role in refining our identity manifestations because they form the roof

under which children from different castes are able to interact with each other. This paper will

apply the identity process theory on data found by Mohite (2014) and Chaulane (2020) to

understand how caste identities have been formed and maintained within the school atmosphere.

The study by Mohite was based in the taluka city of Chiplun in Maharashtra. The study by

Chaulane was based in Kailali and Achham Districts of Nepal, giving this paper a some-what

international view to understand caste identities out of the Indian context.

Mohite’s (2014) study found that most students felt very strongly about inter-caste

friendships and marriages. Relationships predominately remained endogamous and most

opinions favoured towards maintaining this stability in relationships on a conscious level. The

idea of ‘falling in love with someone from the same caste’ was noticed within the study which

finds resonance with the continuity principle that promotes zero change in self despite

environmental changes.

Secondly, while Mohite’s study did not find significant caste differences being reflected

in sports, distinctiveness was observed in the idea of impurity which most students attributed to

the caste community of Katkaris (forest-dwellers). They also saw this being reflected in the

voting preferences of the students with more than 40% of students wanting to vote for candidates
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from their community because they viewed them as being the only ‘good’ candidates (Mohite,

2014).

With respect to self-esteem and self-efficacy, Chaulane’s study (2020) found that most

Dalit students experience more difficulties comprehending lessons being taught which affects

their ability to visualise success for themselves in the future. While they see improvements

occurring, most view current schooling programmees to be incoherent with Dalit needs, curbing

their potential and consequently their self-estem and self-efficacy.

Belonging is interrelated with the aspects of relationships and esteem in that most

students maintain caste boundaries in who they interact with. Moreover, for most Dalit students,

teaching is not adequate beecause of the lack of Dalit teachers in their schools. With a lack of

facilities suited towards Dalit needs in the academec and extra curricular work, they tend to feel

out of sync with the schools everyday activities (Chaulene, 2020).

Mohite's study (2014) found interesting connections between caste and intellectual

abilities. While the majority of students did not denote a relationship between the factors, a huge

percentage believed that only upper caste children were capable of being smart. Moreover,

Chaulene’s study also found that most Dalit students viewed themselves in a government job,

social work, or being unemployed. Hence, their meaning in life was not clearly known to them

because of the lack of resources presented to them (Chaulene, 2020).

Finally, psychological coherence between identities is seen through how upper caste

students view their opportunities in the academic and professional spaces (Mohite, 2014). For

Dalit students, their conscious understanding of the lack of opportunities isolates their identity

(Chaulene, 2020).
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Conclusion

This paper looked at the experiences of children in forming their caste identities outside

of their family environment through the identity process theory. While the studies mentioned

make it evident that the identities of belonging to a certain caste are often solidified at younger

ages, schools provide a space where these identities can be challenged and critically analysed.

However, they often do the opposite by becoming spaces that continue to enforce these divisions

overtly in discriminatory praactices or covertly by simply not providing equal opportunities.

Thus, acknowledging caste divisions cannot go a long way till we truly establish spaces where

caste does not hold the power it does everywhere else.

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References

Chalaune, B. S. (2020). Dalit students‟ perceptions and experiences of caste-based

discrimination in Nepalese schools. International Journal of Research–Grant Haalayah,

8(8), 147-154. https://doi.org/10.29121/granthaalayah.v8.i8.2020.977

Deshpande, S. (2013). Caste and Castelessness: Towards a Biography of the “General Category.”

Economic and Political Weekly, 48(15), 32–39. http://www.jstor.org/stable/23527121

Deshpande, S. (2021). Who’s afraid of a caste census?. The Indian Express. Retrieved 4

February 2022, from

https://indianexpress.com/article/opinion/columns/caste-census-india-population-reservat

ion-7451160/.

Jaspal, R. (2011). Caste, social stigma and identity processes. Psychology and Developing

Societies, 23(1), 27-62. https://doi.org/10.1177/097133361002300102

Mohite, S. (2014). Critical Thinking on Caste among Schoolchildren in Maharashtra: Case Study

of Two Schools in Chiplun. Economic and Political Weekly, 49(22), 139–144.

http://www.jstor.org/stable/24479648