GLASS AND GLASSMAKING IN ANCIENT MESOPOTAMIA An Edition of the Cuneiform Texts Which Contain Instructions for Glassmakers With a Catalogue of Surviving Objects A. LEO OPPENHEIM ROBERT H. BRILL DAN BARAG AXEL VON SALDERN THE CORNING MUSEUM OF GLASS @ CORNING, NEW YORK 1970GLASSES IN Chapter One MESOPOTAMIAN SOURCES A. THE SOURCES ‘vipexce for colored glasses comes from two distinct types of cuneiform texts, (The first contains economic records and otters, private and official, which, from the middle of the second millennium 8.¢. on, refer with increasing frequeney to the existence of colored glasses intended to imitate rare and coveted precious stones. Reference is made either directly by describing the stones as artificial, or by stressing that the stones mentioned are genuine. By following up the words used to denote these two qualities, one should be able to establish where and when the glasses were produced as well as their color. Of course, such references do not offer many clues to the identity of the craftsmen who made these glasses or to their technical knowledge. ‘The second type of text bearing on the history of glass in Mesopotamia consists of word lists in which certain designations of glasses appear. Since these lists—mainly that known as yaR.ra = fubullu!—go back to Old Babylonian prototypes, the information ‘they contain originated in an earlier period than that of the texts of the first type; it comes from the first half of the second millennium ».©. The Sumerian as well as the Alkkadian terms for glass and glasslike compo- sitions appearing in these lists permit us to further extend the range of our investigation y tracing them through the reaches of Mesopotamian literature. B, LAPIS LAZULI, ARTIFICIAL AND GENUINE Since all such raw materials as metals, stones and timber had to be imported, the ‘Mesopotamian concept of the geography of ‘the world exhibits the tendency to locate the sources of these materials in specific “moun- tains,” sometimes real, sometimes more or less mythical, situated far off from the plain which was the center of the Mesopotamian world. There was a “Cedar Mountain” which yielded the timber needed for the roofing of temples and palaces, a “Gold Mountain,” a “Silver Mountain,” and also a “Lapis lazuli Mountain.”" The conjuration published by 10, For tho nature and date of this important list of Sumerian words and their Akkadian trans- lations, see my Ancient Mesopotamia, pp. 247f. LL. It is immaterial for this argument that actually all the lapis lazuli of the ancient Near East came from a specific region, Badakhshan in northeast Afghanistan, For lit: feraturesee W. Culican, Zraq 26 (1964) p. 41m. 44, also Georgina Herrmann, “Lapislazuli: Thecarly phase of its trade” Irag 30 (1968) pp. 21-5710 Erica Reiner, “Lipsur Litanies” (JNBS 15 [1956] pp. 182M), offers the most complete list of such geographical and mytho-geographi- cal localities which appear also in a section of wana = hubullu (Tablet XXID) given like- wise loc. cit. pp. 46f. Tho name of the “Lapis lazuli Mountain” in these texts is Mt. Dapara, while an inscription of the Assyrian kking Esarhaddon (680-669 8.) speaks instead of a Mt. Bikni (Borger, Zearh. p. 55:47). Two more references come from peripheral texts. A Hittite ritual KBo 41:36 and duplicates (see Goetze, ANET p. 356) mentions the Takniy ra Mountain in connection with lapis Iazuli, and Darius I, when describing the building of ‘the palace in Susa ([DP 21 p. 8:26), speaks of the Bahtar Mountain which “brought” this precious stone. ‘The Sumerian composition Known as Angim refers on a purely mythological level to an‘‘Alabaster-Carnelian- Lapis-lazuli Mountain” and the Sumerian hymn to the god Martu speaks of a “Lapis lazuli Mountain” which was given to that god by his father An. There can be little doubt that lapis laguli, Akkadian ugnd, Sumerian nayza. gin with uneertain reading, was the most popular among the gems known to the in- habitants of Mesopotamia, Mesopotamian interest in lapis lazuli is expressed in the rich terminology for specific colors and shades and. 12, See also F.W. Konig, Der Burgbau zu ‘Susa (= MVAG 31/1), p. 62. 13. Tho Sumerian poem Angim named after its ineipit contains tho praiso of the god ‘Ninurta on four tablets. Apart from tho Sumo- rian version thero exists m later Sumerian text of it with interlinear Akkadian translation, ‘The passage from Angira TIT 21 runs bur.sag nay.gi8-nuy. gal noy.gug na.za.gin.nat Sad gitnugalli sndi uni; the other passage is from A. Falkenstein and W. von Soden, Sume- rrische und Abkadische Hymnen und Gebeto (Zorich-Stuttgart. 1953) p. 63, line 31f. 14, The Greek kyanoe and the Ugarit igné (see M. Dietrich and O.Loretz, WO3 p. 231 and n, 110) strongly suggest that the Alkkadian, und ‘as well as the Sumerian (za) gin go back to a “Kulturwort” denoting this coveted blue stone, Cf. also A. Goetze in JOS 1 (1947) pp. 307ff. on Hittite kuwanna and Myeenean kuawa-no. LEO A. OPPENHEIM other peculiar features of this stone, terms which are not attested in such abundance for any other precious stone. The series yan.ra = hubullu lists (Tablet XVI 52M) the follow- ing shades: “beet-colored” (laptanu), ‘“wine- colored” (kardnd) and “wild donkey colored” (cirrimanu), apart from a multicolored va- riety (burrumitu). Tridescent formations are referred to by comparing the design with the neck feathers of doves and ravens while the designation “star-like, starry” (kakkabanu) clearly describes the golden specks of pyrite characteristic of true lapis lazuli, The series abn sikinsw which offers descriptions of stones and their identifications begins its enumeration with lapis lazuli as the most: important stone ($7°7 108), and has in line four the following entry: “the lapis lazuli which has green dots is called Marhasu-stone lapis lazuli (ie., lapis Inzuli which looks like the stone coming from Marhasu).” This last variety—mentioned also in the treasury inventory found in Qatna in Syria (RA 43 152:40 and 172:363)—and the greenish type of lapis lazuli (or turquoise) called zagindur (see CAD s..) are the only varieties of lapis lazuli actually attested outside the lexical texts. ‘The contrast “genuine” and “artificial” when referring to colored precious stones is, expressed in Akkadian by the terms kuru and Sad@ respectively which appear in the genitive after tho name of the stone. Thus ugnit kari, literally “lapis lazuli from the kiln,” denotes lapis lazuli colored glass, and ugnit Sad, literally “Japis lazuli from the mountain,” the genuine stone, These dosigna- tions begin to appear in the second half of the second millennium in toxts from Assyria and the West. The term wayza.chy ku-ri is at- tested in an inventory text, Middle Assyrian dialect, about tho middle of the 13th century 15.This mountain country (also called Barajiéum, Marakéi and Parai) was farnous for its precious stones. Tt was probably situated in the regions to the northwost of Elam, and remained in contact with Mesopotamia from the Old Akkadian to the Neo-Asayrian period. It also produced a special shade of dugi-stono (Hh. XVI 27). A. LEO OPPENHEIM B.C, published by F. Kécher.!* Since it alternates there with N4,z4.GiN, we assume that the latter, ie., simple ugni, refers in this text to genuine lapis lazuli. The same contrast is expressed in the opposite way, in the somewhat earlier letters and lists found in Amarna, where Na,ZA.GIN KUR-€, ie., Sadé, denotes the real lapis lazuli (“ftom the mountain”) while Na,za.chN without any qualification necessarily refers to the imita- tion lapis lazuli. Nearly all the genuine lapis Inzuli, or ob- jects decorated with it, mentioned in the Amarna letters are sent to Egypt!” from ‘Mesopotamia. Thus the Assyrian king A&éur- uballit I (1365-1330 ».c.) sends a lapis lazuli seal (EA 16:11) and adate-shaped pendant of ‘the same material (HA 15:13). The Babylo- nian king Burnaburias II (1375-1347 8.c.) presents his Egyptian conjrére with ten lumps of genuine lapis lazuli (#A 11 r. 24) and the latter’s wife is to receive twenty ornaments in the shape of musical instraments (timbu’éti)!* of this stone (HA 11 r. 25) for which he ex- pects to receive gold from Egypt as counter sift. ‘Tuiratta, the king of Mitanni, a country whose center was somewhere in Upper Syria, is sending numerous objects made of “moun- tain lapis lazuli” to Egypt where imitation lapis lazuli was well known—the reason, probably, why all lists of objects sent to Eqypt stress that their blue stones were gonuine and not of glass. Thus the Pharaoh Amendphis IV (1367-1350 p.c,) is to receive a 16, 4j0 18 p. 302132, 37, p. 304483, 8, 23, 806 iit 7. 17. The lapis lazuli qualified in Egyptian sources (booty list of Thutmdsis IIT, Breasted, Anoient Records 2 § 446) a3 coming from Assur and Babylon poses a problem, for which sce J.R. Harris, Lexicographical Studies, p. 126 with literature. It could refer to tho genuine stone ‘or to its imitation. 18, The word denotes lyre of a character- istic shape. Noto in this contoxt in a Middle Babylonian tablet from Nippur: 3 xxa0~ (= ) GATES de. tidus TOR Nay ZAG oR “threo large rings with small fimbu'a foraamonts of genuine lapis lnzuli”” (PBS 2/2 120255). a gold beaker with lapis lazuli inerustations (BA 19:80), necklaces of lapis lazuli and gold omaments (EA 19:81 and 21:36), ete,, from Mitanni. Most of these objects are enumerated in two long lists of presents; among them are a seal (BA 22 152), rings (WA 25 i21) and arm rings incrusted with lapis lazuli (224 25 ii 27), earrings in the same technique (HA 25 i 20), the horn of a wild bull edged with gold and inlaid with this stone (BA 25 iii 43), to mention only a few of these treasures. Only in one instance does the king of Mitanni ask the Pharaoh for an object of gold and lapis lazuli (see the letters #4 26:39, 27:33 and 29:52, all referring to the same still unidentified ob- ject). Apparently, the king of Mitanni had access to a rich source of lapis lazuli, and so had the king of Babylon, In fact, in a roughly con- ‘temporary letter (K Bo 1 10 r. 67f.) written in. the Hittite capital, Babylonia is pointed out as a source for genuine lapis lazuli. (called there wat band “fine lapis lazuli” as also in BA 7:56, letter from Babylon, see p. 15), or, more exactly, as a center of the lapis lazuli trade, We read of this trade in three letters directed to kings eager for the beautiful blue stone, Two were addressed to a thirteenth ceontury king of Ugarit by his ambassador to ‘the Hittite court! (AIRS 9 221 RS 17.383 and 223 RS 17.422)" and one to an Assyrian king, 19. For the writer, Takublu, see M. Liverani, Storia di Ugarit nell'etd degli archivi politiet (Rome 1962), pp. 142F. 20. I quote from the first letter: “What is this ‘that you (the king of Ugarit) keep writing to the (Hittite) king as follows: ‘Here (ie., with this messenger) I am sending you Inpis Inzuli;’ the (Hittite) king has become very angry, he got hold of me and said: "Is, ‘this man making fun of me that he pieks up such, stones from the ground and sends (them to me) declaring: I am sending you horewith lapis, lazuli?’ Ts this true, is that (meant to be) lapis lazuli which you sent to tho (Hittite) king? wish you had not sent anything and had not. selected such stones (gloss: mutki) and sent (them) to the king, and that you had not made the king so angry with you, my lord. Now, try to find somewhere (good) lapis lazuli and Sond, (it) to the king so that he will not be angry ‘with you” (lines 10-31). And from tho second:2 several centuries later (ABL 1240, written to Sargon or Assurbanipal).* All speak of the difficulties in obtaining lapis lazuli and of its high price. An indication of the price is in- directly contained in a letter found at Ugarit (IRS p.20 RS 15.63) which runs as follows: “T have now sealed (the bag with) the precious stones with my own seal and given them over to you; pay their weight in silver but keep my seal intact until I come!” ‘Much lapis lazuli came to Mesopotamia as tribute from the mountain regions. So ‘Tiglath-Pileser IIL (744-727 8.c.) speaks of NagZa.cix hi-ip KUR, ie. “lapis lazuli hewn out of the mountains" (Rost p. 10:46), which he had received from the north, and Esarhaddon (680-669 .c.) tells us that the ‘Medes brought as tribute horses and blocks of, lapis lazuli likewise “hewn out of the moun- tain” (lakkas gat hip sad-di-si, variant KR.Séin Borger, Esarh. 54 iv 38) to Nineveh, The samo words recur in two legal texts of the period in which a heavy fine is mentioned consisting of bilat ugné hip Sa-du-[u] “one talent (ie., 60 Ibs.) of lapis lazuli hewn in the mountains” (ADD 498:10 = ARU 164, and, somewhat damaged, ADD 426:18 ARU 89), clearly one of those immense fines beyond the financial reach of both parties, “As to the lapis lazuli concerning which you wrote the king: ‘I looked around but could not. find any lapis lazuli,” tho king has gotten angry ‘with my lord. Now, my lord should obtain lapis, Jnzuli from somebody and send (it) to the king. ‘Tho king is very interested in lapis lazuli. If you send lapis Inzuli to the king, you will s00 whether the king will not show you favors” (ines 11-27). 21, “As to the lapis Inzuli concerning whieh Your Majesty wrote me as follows: ‘They should collect (all) lapis lazuli.’ Does the king, my lord, not know that lapis lazuli is now expensive and that if I eolleeted the (available) lapis lazuli, tho land would rebel against me? Rather—if it pleases Your Majesty—a large detachment of (Assyrian) troops should come and collect the lapis lazuli. But the king must not consider ita crime if when they como hore I will not eat and drink with them, nor accompany them, nor even rise before the mes- senger nor inquire about Your Majesty's health” yee 10-1. 11). A. LEO OPPENHEIM often mentioned in the legal texts of this period. "These descriptive terms are all poetic; they do not refer to the mining of the lapis lazuli but solely want to stress that it is genuine. Tt may be characteristic for the value attri- bated to our stone that in a love song from Assur (KAR 158 r. vii 49) the lover is called Napts.cin KUR “genuine lapis lazuli.” Quite unique is a medical prescription for an eye disease which concerns a salve made of genu- ine lapis lazuli, crushed, powdered and mixed into rendered butter (Wg 7A.01N.KUR. RA LvUN.NA lash [AMT 16,4 i 10)). When we trace the expression za.cln. KUR.RA, literally “mountain lapis lazuli,” ie., genuine, through first millennium texts from Assyria. and especially from Babylonia, some interesting facts are brought to our attention, First, a magic text from Assur (KAR 238 r. 17) demands for a certain purpose a string of blue wool, for which the seribe uses the ex- pression sf6.24.GIN.KUR.RA meaning “moun- tain-lapis-lazuli-colored wool.” As this and other specific references indicate, wool of this color was considered endowed with magic efficacy. The experts concerned with magic practices apparently insisted on using a spe- cial shade of blue wool. The same insistence on a characteristic shade of blue can be found in numerous economic texts coming from the Neo-Babylonian temple adminis- trations of Sippar, Babylon and Uruk. We have to conclude that the “wrong” —or cheap —shade of the imitation lapis lazuli was well enough known to warrant the differentia tion. Imitations must have been much more frequent then than the occurrences in the texts would lead us to believe; we have no direct evidence in that period for artificial lapis lazuli, most probably simply because ‘the strata of the population which used such imitations in those prosperous times left no documentary evidence. Second, while searching for references to the stone lapis lazuli in the documents of the ‘Neo-Babylonian period, T chanced upon a curious reference to it in the Uruk tablet YOS6 168 (dated 550 n.c.). This text lists A. LEO OPPENHEIM 3B several raw materials imported from the West, ~~~ to their color, polish or design. However, in specifying the value in silver of each item. It mentions large quantities of bronze, iron brought from Tonia, also iron from Lebanon, alum from Egypt, several dyes, spices and perfumes—even twenty jars of imported wine. In line nine, we read 55 MAA Nay. 2S.G1N a-na 36 GfX 2a Sv! “55 minas of lapis lazuli worth 36 shekels of silver.” This means that one pound of lapis lazuli was evaluated at Jess than two shekels of silver which is impossibly cheap, quite apart from the fact that lapis lazuli always moved westward and was never sent from the West into Mesopotamia. It is therefore quite likely that here the designation Na4.2a.c18 does not refer to genuine lapis lazuli but either to an imitation in glass or even to the famous “Egyptian blue” which is well attested in the ancient Near East of the first millennium Dot So far in this discussion of Mesopotamian blue glasses we have dealt only with referen- ces that differentiate the “kiln-made” lapis Jazuli ftom the genuine (“mountain”) stone, tracing them from the middle of the second millennium to the Inst third of the first. ‘There exist, however, more terms referring to imitation lapis lazuli. In the Middle Baby- lonian inventory from Qatna in Syria, we find quite frequently that Inpis lazuli is called “fino” (s1Gs, in Akkadian damgu), such as in Bottéro, RAB 138:7, 140:30, 142:20, 43 and passim. On the other hand, the same list of jewelry mentions objects made simply of NAyZA.0IN (see ibid. p. 138:5 and passim). This differentiation may refer to two typos of the precious stone which differed in value due 22. I have discussed this text and the very similar TCL, 12 84 in an articlo entitled: “Essay fon Overland Trade in the First Millennium 8.0.” published in JOS 21 280-254. 28. For “Egyptian Blue" see the contribution of F.R, Matson in B, Schmidt, Persepolis 2 (Chicago 1957) pp. 19811. For an object of this ‘material exeavaterl in Hasanka in northwest Iran, see M.N. van Loon, “A Lion Bowl from Hasanlu,” Expedition (Bulletin of the Univereity Museum of the University of Pennsyleania) 1962, pp. 14-19, the same text, in RA43 14:74, 178:3, 180:21, 182:9, 184:8 and 21, we also find way. za.08 ba-aS-lu literally “lapis lazuli produced by boiling”—a clear reference to glass, espe- cially since the glass manuals use the term basalu when speaking of the manufacture of glass Another designation of artificial lapis lazuli appears in a Middle Babylonian text from Dar-Kurigalz, north of Sippar. ‘The text, published by 0. Gurney (Sumer 9 [1953] pl.6 after p.34 as No. 22) runs as follows: “one mina of lapis lazuli (4.24. ix), the weight of nine eyebrow facings (saG.xt Su-ur i-) and eyeball facings (saa.t ka-kul-ti) for the (inlaid statue of a) full-grown sheep (Sa vDU.NETS Ltn) made of NA, bu-gu ba-al-lu for the Stag Palace.” The text speaks of lapis lazuli colored inlays destined for a statue to be made for the famous palace of Kastilia’ in his residence, Dir-Kurigalza, Though the material used is called ugnti (sa,24.ct8), its qualification “mixed with bapu-colored glass” indicates clearly that the term referred in this instance to a shade of blue colored glass or to another quality of the glass related to the term bigu to which we will come back later repeatedly. ‘Tho question readily arises whether the rynd mentioned in the texts from Dar- Kaurigalz denoted—often, or always—glass rather than the stone. And in this connec- tion attention must be drawn to two well- attested instances in which objects of glass or glasslike substances are identified by inscrip- tions written upon them as made of lapis lazuli, ‘This is the ease for two battle.axes made of artificial lapis lazuli but described in their inscriptions as 78.HA.DU NA ZA.cin ¢b- Bi2 The very same term—Nay2a.c1x ebbu “shining lapis lazuli—is used by the con- temporary king Kurigalau I to refer to ze- 24. The uso of abu “stone” and badhs “poiled, molten” for glass reminds one of the Grocks lithos chyté “molten stone” for which see Mary Luella Trowbridge, Philological Studies in Ancient Glass (= University of Tlinois Stulies in Language and Literature 13/34) Urbana 1930, pp. 19f7 25, For this designation (zap) see CAD s.i nuine lapis lazuli on a lapis lazuli dise (BE 1133 = PBS 15 49). The second instance concerns a decorative wall peg of Darius T (521-486 n.c.) published by Erich F. Schmidt (Persepolis, Vol. 2 [Chicago, 1957], p.50). It is provided with the inscription “peg of Ay. Za.G1N made in the household of Darius, the King” but consists actually of Egyptian blue, a lapis lazuli colored compound (ealeium-cop- per-tetrasilicate) for which see F, R. Matson in Schmidt, Persepolis, Vol. 2, pp. 1331827 A. LEO OPPEN EDM It can, of course, be objected that the inscriptions on these objects were not intended for person-to-person communication but rath- er for display purposes where veracity is not of the essence. I think that there are more instances of inscribed objects which parallel the eases quoted, and I am inclined to believe that quite frequently even in economic texts the term ugnd was used to refer to imitation lapis lazuli (see also note 108). C. IMITATIONS OF OTHER PRECIOUS STONES Apart from lapis lazuli, a number of pre- cious or characteristically colored stones were imitated in glass. They are far less often mentioned than the favored blue stone and will be enumerated here in the sequence of their frequeney. The designations ‘from the kiln” and “from the mountain” will serve again to identify respectively passages dealing with imitation and genuine stones. Tho already cited lists of gifts sent from ‘Mitanni to Egypt, to the prospective father- in-law of Tusratta, mention apart from lapis lazuli two more precious stones explicitly called “genuine,” namely huldlu and gure (£. CAD and Alfw. s.v.). Although the bulalw-stone appears not too rarely in texts from Mesopotamia proper—its name is used as a personal name, especially for girls, thus attesting its popularity—it is found most frequently in the above lists in the Amarna texts BA 22 and 25, Here it is clearly eon- sidered more precious even than the lapis lazuli because the hulalu-stone often serves as center piece in necklaces composed of these blue stones (EA 22 i 224f,), Tn nearly all instances this stone is qualified as Kur, ic., genuine (ef, ¢.g., BA 19:82f,, 20:83 22 id.and often, 25 i 16 and often, 27:111) which seems 26, For another instance see [a8]-+m Naz. ain eb-bi, BE 1 61 (Kadaiman-Turgu). The samo king writes on an irregular block of lapis lnguli fak-kas 2A.GIN 23 MANA KE-LA.BE “block of lapis Inzuli, its weight being 23 pounds.” 27. For this material soe my note in RA 60 pp. dif, to mean not only that a “hudalu-Mountain” was somehow within the reach of King Tusratta, but also, that imitations in glass must have been quite frequent. The only in- dication as to the nature of the Juldlu-stone comes from the series abnu sikinsu, the al- ready mentioned curious composition deserib- ing precious stones. It tells that the stone was characterized by whito and black lines in various arrangements (ST 108:16), which, especially when drawn in great density (sadirasu madu), resemble the design on the wing of a bird (line 19), or of a moth (line 20) or even the seales of a fish (hull madallu ine 24). One may think therefore of a variegated stone, an agate of characteristic design. Tt is tempting to suggest that certain glassmakers in Mitanni were able to produce imitations of agate by using different shades of colored glasses in a way which resembled ‘the designs mentioned. The second stone coming from Mitanni, especially characterized as “genuine” is ob- sidian, gurru (gurru Sadi in BA 25 ii 13 and 15). Like lapis lazuli gurru is sent to Exypt also from Babylon (BA 13:8 and 18) which ‘means that imitation obsidian was known in Babylonia. Thisis confirmed by a tablet found in Dar-Kurigal (Sumer 9 p. 4 No. 25 ii 26) which mentions “genuine obsidian” (sa,.26. KuR). In the Middle Assyrian inventory al- ready quoted (4/0 18304 i 11, 24f,, ii 18) we likewise find genuine obsidian, There it is even called i-pi 44 Nay.n KuR-e “cuttings of A. LEO OPPENHEIM genuine obsidian” (ibid. ii 24) and contrasted with “obsidian from the kiln” (xayz6 ku- ri) in ibid. 1i23, and mounted in gold as ear pendants in the shape of pine cones (erinnatu), ibid. i 24. Tt is difficult to estab- lish the color of the stone called gurru “obsidian” since the texts mention black, white and green varieties; the distribution of colors among glazed bricks (see p. 17 and note 32), and evidence to be set forth presently, seem to indicate a reddish shade. A farther precious stone which appears in a letter sent from Babylon to Amarna (£4 13:2) as well as in the Middle Assyrian inventory (4jO 18 30217, 8, 12), and characterized as “from the mountain,” is the pappardillu- stone. No definite indications of its color are available, but a Middle Babylonian text from ‘Nippur (PBS 2/2 150) speaks of a date-shaped pendant (lines 16 and 21), a crescent-shaped ‘omament (line 40) and, above all, a pome- granate made of gurru-stone—as its flesh— and of pappardillu-stone—as its skin—all suggesting rather convincingly that its color was either brown, red or yellow.*® ‘The much quoted list of presents dispateh- ed from Babylon to Egypt, £4 13, men- tions in line 17 an object (designation broken away) made of lapis lazuli and genuine ‘musgarru-stone (NAgMfUS.Gf]e UR). ‘The same mudgarru-stone appears beside the pappardiltu in an interesting passage of the 15 repeatodly mentioned Middle Assyrian inven- tory (4jO 18 3021 278.) which runs 31. TA.AN bu-uS-lu Sa NAyBABDAR.DT & Nay MUS.cfR, “thirty-one lumps of glass in the colors of the pappardillu and musgarru stones respectively.” The term buslu (literally “boiled mass”) refers here to glass as material, most likely to round cakes of glass as it comes out of the crucible. See note 76 for such pieces of glass accidentally preserved. According to the series abnu dikingu (STT 108:11) the mudgarre-stone was red and veined with white and red. Lastly, T mention here the artificial red stone (84,.cUG ku-ri) which appears twice i the Middle Assyrian inventory (4j0 18 304 ii 38. and 306iii7’) with obsidian and lapis Inguli as decoration on a pendant-shaped or- nament on a costly piece of furniture. Only in the Neo-Assyrian text ADD 1040 r. 8 are glass beads mentioned without. refer- ‘ences to color: L-en gi Nay.a88 ku-t-ru “one string of artificial stones.”® ‘Phe main purpose of this enumeration of stones whose colors and possibly even mark- ings were imitated in glass is to show the wide range of the Mesopotamian glassmakers’ craft as attested in the quoted texts from Babylonia, Assyria and Mitanni which are all datable to the period between the fourteenth and twelfth centuries 3.0. D. THE USES OF GLASS ‘This survey of the uses of glass in Meso- potamia will again be based on the only evidence directly available to me, the doc- 28. Compare another instance of such a work of art, mentioned in the Neo-Babylonian text GCOT 2 45, “one third mina of cuttings of red- stone (aindu) to make a golden pomegranate fas a pendant for the goddess Nani, given to the jeweler.” Clearly, a half opened pomegran- ‘ate had to be made with gold as its skin, showing its red pulp composed of small stone cuttings. Note, however, that. according to the series abnu gitindw (STT 108:18) the pappar- dilly was black and covered with red spots. uments. There is little doubt that a diligent search through excavation reports and mu- seum reserves would be bound to yield evi- dence of a wider field of application of glasses and glazes either forming objects or decorating objects made of different materials. T shall restrict myself here to the few published 20, For a similar uso of tho word abnu Giterally “stono”) seo lahannw Sa abni_ in Amarna (HA 22 ii 62) denoting a glass bottle (eee note 30) and possibly also the passages ited CAD sub abnw (meaning 2b), also EA 14 fii ATE, 04. For abnu referring to the glazing of fa brik, seo p. 17,16 glass objects, primarily in order to illustrate what the texts say about glasses, Technologically the most intoresting use of lass, attested quite abundantly for the period with which we havo beon dealing 80 far, is that of making glass vessels, Beads, formed and polished disks and plaques, gem. shaped forms for inerustations, and cylinder seals of glass or slasslike compositions occur in Mesopotamia, in varying frequencies, from quite early periods on, Glass vessels, however, and glazed bricks—all of which require a much more advanced technical knowledge and larger technical installations—begin to play ‘an important role in the history of glass- making in and around Mesopotamia only after the middle of the second millennium. A telling illustration of the relationship furnished by the “piriform” glass bottles found in Assur and Nuzi for which T am here able to present references from tablets excavated in Assur, An article of Dan Baraz “Mesopotamian Glass Vessels of the Second Millennium B.C.” (JOS, 4, 1962, pp. 9ff.) drew attention to these sophisticated con- tainers and their technology, and I would like to discuss here the corresponding philological evidence. A Middle Assyrian ritual published by F. Kiicher(ZA50, 1952,1 944. mentions I lahannu Sa NA, 7A.01N uri 8a karini “one lalannu- bottle of artificial lapis lazuli for wine” (lines 2, 6 and 17), and another one, most likely of the same material, for beer. From a later Assyrian letter (ABE 4.3), we know that the word lakannn denotes a small con- tainer with a narrow opening? because the nail parings of the king were placed in such a Tabannu, sealed in, and brought to a foreign country —presumably to prevent their use for magical purposes affecting the ruler. Only a vessel of the form of the glass bottles just described could be easily sealed. 20, Note also the passage Zimmem, BER 75-78:53, which speaks of water poured from a sappu-container into a la-hanw sar (= das Jarratu), i.e, from a storage into a serving ‘container, A. LEO OPPENHEDE From Assur comes another designation of a “glass” vessel. Tn the ritual VA 8005:17 (see Bheling, Or. NS 2 130) and its duplicate from Sultantepe (S7'7 1 88 x 26 and 34 for which see Frankena, BiOr 18 201) are mentioned containers called pve bagu. ‘They are placed on sacrificial tables on which food is served for the deity, apparently one such vessel for each god invoked. In the text from Nuri (HSS 14 643:31 and pl. 102 = RA 36208f,) to which Ebeling drew attention (Or. N8 21.135) we have 1 pwa bu-sw 52 SILA 1LD¥GGA el-li “one container of bagu holding two sila (about two quarts) with fine perfumed oil.” Tn biigu we have a word for glass—al- ready mentioned (see p. 13)—or to be more exact, for a type of glass. It occurs several times in the glass texts presented here, al- ways as a raw material with specific proper- ties used in the manufacturing of colored glasses. On the other hand, the eited Middle Assyrian rituals refer to vessels made of bau. ‘This double aspect of a type of glass will concern us repeatedly in the course of this investigation (sce the Index of Words Discussed sub bigu). A literary reference for dagw appears in a curious Assur toxt (KAR 307) where, among many other unusual topies, a description of the heavens is offered which runs as follows: “The upper heaven is of luludaniti-stone and belongs to the sky- god Anu, 360 Tgigi-deities took residence in it; the middle heaven is of saggilmut-stone and belongs to the (other) Izigi-leities, the ‘Lord took residence in it on a sublime dais, he took residence in it on a dais of lapis lazuli, he made it shine like (literally “‘with”) glass (text «ard» bu-gi) and erystal (elmésn); the lower heaven is of jasper (Nay api) on which are drawn the lumasu-stars of the gods” (lines 30 to 33). BL. The interpretation of elmédu and its Sumerian correspondences su.ud.ig.g8, ete., fas rock erystal or any other crystalline mineral suitable for ornaments, decoration and small objects, fits all the passages assembled sub elméiu in the CAD and Alte. Differently, B. Landsberger in Festschrift Baumgartner (Leiden 1067) pp. 190-198. A, LEO OPPENHEDI Much better known is the use of colored glazed bricks for the decoration of important buildings, gateways and special rooms in Mesopotamia (Assyria and Babylonia) and in Elam (Susa). I cannot discuss here the numer- ous problems connected with this technique (the use of flat and of preformed brieks) and the history of this type of wall decoration (in relation to murals, ete.), but shall restriet myself to a succinct presentation of the pertinent philological evidence in a chrono: logical framework. ‘The Assyrian king ‘Tiglath-Pileser I (1115~ 1077 #.c.) describes the palace in Nineveh (seo Weidner 4/0 19 141) which he builtand which had walls decorated with panels of glazed bricks (a-gur-ri Naya). Their colors are blue (ugnd), Le, lapis lazuli, red (gurrw), ie., obsidian, yellow (pappardillu) and white (pa: ritu), i.e., alabaster. The towers flanking the gateway of this palace were provided with a design in the form of date palms made of ob- sidian-colored glazed bricks (lamsil gisimmaré Sa gurri). Assurnasirpal IT (883-859 3.0.) de- soribes the decoration of his new palace in Calah made of blue-glazed bricks rather technically as follows (Iraq 14 33:32): “Thad blue glaze baked on bricks (ay agurri ina ‘ugné usabsil).” A cylinder of Sennacherib (704-681 B.C.) refers to certain architectural features of his palace (sellw “eorbel,” nibilw “cornice” and pasqe “‘coping(2)") as embel- lished by means of glazed bricks in the color of obsidian and lapis lazuli®® (OI P 2 107 vi-2) Of the same ruler we have a brick inseription (OTP 2 148) from which we learn, for the first time, that glazed bricks were used for a temple, the EXarra; it refers to them as agurri abni, ie., glazed bricks. Assurbanipal, the last great ruler of Assyria (668-627 8.0.) boasts of having built the entire New Year's Chapel of blue and red glazed bricks. He, moreover, informs us that the temple tower of Susa was provided with a coating of blue. 82. The color scheme in Khorsubad is pre- dominantly blue and red (see e.2., Gordon Lond fand Charles B. Altman, Khorsabad 3, p.17) 80 that we have fo assume for gunna “obsidian,” a red hue. glazed bricks (Streek, Asb, 52 vi 28 and, with collations Bauer, sb. 25 n. 3, also Aynard, Asd, 54 ¥ 19), We learn more about the use of such bricks for sacral buildings from the inserip- tions of the kings of the Chaldean dynasty of Babylon, Nebuchadnezzar TT (604-962 n.c.) speaks repeatedly of the bine bricks of the famous temple tower of Esagila (VAB 4 98 i 25), especially of the sanctuary placed on its top (VAB4 114i 43), "The eémaru (= “silver”) colored bricks used by the same king for decorating the approach to an especially beautiful chapel may refer to a silver-colored glaze (VAB 4 128 ifi 56 in relation to ibid. 158 vi36). ‘The glittering surface of glazed bricks seems to have been a characteristic of the later Babylonian temple towers. This is suggested by a hymn in praise of the temple Ezida in Borsippa (Kicher, 2 53 237) which contains (lines 7-10) the following passage its bricks are of ax.kat, stone, its cornice of reddish gold, choice gold, its supporting wall is of alabaster, pure glass is the brick surface of Ezida! In such a hymnicel context, reminiscent of the description of the architectural beauties of the “heavenly Jerusalem,” the expression way carkackatum lubusti $a Ezida® is not likely to refer to the glazing of the bricks that normally cover the immense brick walls of such @ sanctuary. Tt would be more in Keoping with the tenor of the presentation to assume that he speaks of outer bricks of pure glass sereening the bricks which form its eore. Quite interesting for usis the term zakakitu. for glass which appears only here and may: well be considered a loan from Aramaic where ‘the word is well known, However, the series 88, This reading of the text seems proferable to that of the text edition: Nayza.ciw.siK.ma. ‘Tua for several reasons; the sikkatu-ecoration is Assyrian and not Babylonian, the sikkatu- ous are never used to decorate an entire temple-towor and the term Jubudew must refer here, as it does elsewhere, to the brick coating. of such a building. Kécher's original reading (coe ZA 58.240) is definitely proferable, whatover the form of the fest “Ira” sign be,18 ‘dbnu Sikinaw lists the same word among the stones described there. Unfortunately the de- scription is destroyed (STT 108:54). ‘Two more words for glass or glasslike substances are ctymologically related to this term, both— A. LEO OPPENHEIM subi and fuzkii—denote intermediary and not final products and appear exclusively in the instructions for glassmakers. The words for glass in the modern cognate languages of ‘Akkadian are derived from the same root. E. GLASS IN THE SUMERO-AKKADIAN WORD LISTS ‘The lexical sories represent an unparalleled achievement of Mesopotamian scholarship. Whatever the actual date and provenience of the extant copies, they present mainly the intellectual range and technological inventory of the middle third of the second millenniam 8.6. as expressed in its Akkadian vocabulary, plus nearly half a millennium of the preced- ing development which found its reflection in the Sumerian word lists that form the basis of the bilingual lists. ‘Those lists arranged according to meaning categories (such as the series AR.ra = hubullu) which translate Sumerian terms into Akkadian, word by word, allow us particularly to extend our knowl- ‘edge of Mesopotamian technology beyond the limits imposed by the nature and contents of the cuneiform texts written during the first half of the second millennium, We aro forta- nate that a section of such a word list preserved words for glasses and glasslike materials. What is more, we have not only the bilingual (Sumerian and Akkadian) text but also the earlier Sumerian version (the forerunner”) of the section in which we are interested on a tablet excavated in Nippur. While the bilingual version is generally sup- posed to have been written and standardized in the latter part of the Hammurapi dynasty (beginning of the second half of the second millennium), the Nippur list of Sumerian words, and its predecessors, can be dated to the first centuries of that millennium. Words for glass appearing in these texts must be taken to represent the earliest Mesopotamian philological evidence for this material, As such, these lists—laconie and difficult as they are—are worthy of study, especially since they illustrate, as will become quite evident, & complex and probably quite long develop- ment in the technology of glass. More than one half of the 432 lines of the eleventh tablet of the series yARra = hubulle (see B. Landsberger, The series wana Inubullu, Tablets VILI-XI, “Materialion mum Sumerischen Lexikon,” Vol. 7, Rome 1959, pp. 12Lff.) comprise a list of leather and leather objects. The last one hundred lines or more deal with copper and copper objects, leaving about forty to fifty lines concerning designations of substances characterized by their determinatives as earthlike, such as ‘alum, gypsum, and river sediments, ‘These are followed by paints and cosmetics of mineral origin, sulphur and similar substances, and a group of metals. ‘The latter begins with an.n a = a-na-ku “tin” (line 289), [an.b ar] = par-zillu “iron” (line 290), ete., and ends with [.b]ér = a-basru “lead” (line 209). Within this section appears a group of entries containing words which nearly all reappear in the glass texts to be presented in Chapter Two of this book. ‘The first three lines of that group are of special im- portance, and they alone are found in the above mentioned much earlier “forerunner” of our series.*t These lines begin with an and are evidently entored hore due to the acrostie tendencies often exhibited by the seribes who compiled the lists. ‘Thus, after an. na, an.barandan.ta.sur.ra®% the 84, Tho Sumerian word list from Nippur containing the samo word for which the series Hh, gives us the Akkadian translations takes us back deep into the first half of the second rillennium (eoe Landsherger, MST, 7 p. 209%): an.zab, an.zab-mi and an.zah.babbar ie, anzabbirglass, black anzobbucplass, white ane zahl-glass (lines 145 to 147) 35. This word for a rare stone (see CAD sub antagurrd) appears here due to the acrostio character of the word list on whieh the vocaiu- lary is based. A. LEO OPPENHEIM ‘enumeration continues as follows: line 202 [an].zab simple a. = an-zaah-bu 203 an].nah.babbar white a. = Bruc{lub]-bu [an].zah.mi black a. = kut-pu-[1i] Tine 296 [iy]. .Ast 207 [xb ]acdorami = Te-uffemue) 298 [x.n]a, = S0 (ie,, same word in Akkadian) ‘The anzabhu-group (lines 292 to 295) recurs in other word lists which need not be quoted here but for a line of the series Izi (Tablet A ii 9) which replaces the entry line 295 by an.2ah. bul = bw-bu-{u). The earlier trans- lation of the Sumerian an.zab by “saltpetre” (Thompson, Dictionary of Assyrian Chemistry s.v.) cannot be accepted, because, as Lands- berger has pointed out, the Akkadian correspondences play an important role in the glass texts. His own translation—"Fritte”— has not been accepted here on account of the very specific and technical meaning of this German word which is so often abused by the archaeologists when referring to glasslike substances. As will be amplified later on (pp. 84f,), I propose to call the glasslike sub- stances. which appear in Akkadian as anzahhu, kutp@, bulubbe, bubti as well as biagu (see p. 16) and tuzkd, primary glasses, each specific product being apparently en- dowed with definite chemical properties. Some of them—such as anzabhw and bigu—can be used to produce glass objects, from simple lass beads to vessels in the core technique, others—such as 2ukd and tucki—are attested only as intermediary products used to manu- facture opaque colored glasses meant to imi- tate precious stones. In contradistinetion to ancabhiu and kutpt, the compositions called Juulubiu and bab (also bub) do not oeeur in the glass texts—the latter is once explained as slag from the potter's kiln. ‘Though the textual evidence is very meager and difficult to evaluate, T shall attempt the identification of the specific uses made of the 36. See Landsberger apud Kécher, KUB 37 p-IIn, 1, with respect to Kécher, A/O 16 p. 64f. 19 primary glasses mentioned in the word lists. ‘The best attested is the anzahhu-glass, appar- ently a loan word from Sumerian of a foreign word (a “Kullurwort,” see p. 84), It appears in the quoted word list as “white,” “black” and “mixed” anzabhw-lass and also in the series Abnu sikinsw which, as we have pointed out, describes color and markings of stones. The pertinent passages are: “the stone whose appearance is like ‘sulphur fire’ is called anzahhu” in STT 1 108:46 and dupli- cates, and another one which is damaged: “the stone whose appearance is like anzabhu but is black is called ‘fire’ stone” (ibid. line 47), with two damaged parallels in BAI 194 (=KAR 185) vii’ 1’ and 5", More im- portant are the references to anzahiu denot- ing objects coming from much earlier texts, two dating to the beginning of the second millennium .c., and one from the already repeatedly mentioned inventory from Qatna in Syria (middle of the second millennium), In an inventory of the period of the Third Dynasty of Ur (ie, the end of the 2st century B.C.) are enumerated the furnishings of the household of a well-to-do high official (Thureau-Dangin, R7'C 304). After a number of bronze objects, ten shekels of silver are listed, followed by (col. i11): 1 ma.al.tum an.zab ki.lé.bi } ma.na 5 gin, “one bowl of anzakbu-glass, its weight being fifty-five shekels (i.e., less than one pound).” ‘There follow copper utensils, a number of stone vessels, garments, ete. The word ma.al.tum (for references see I. J.Gelb, MAD 3 190) denotes an object made ordinarily of wood but also of stone and often deseribed as bur, ie., a bowl of a specific shape used for serving food. This suggests that ma.al.tum denotes a bowl, which is corroborated by the word list want — pubullu (IV 181) where we find the word between two groups refer- ring respectively to spoons, cups and bowls, and to tables. It is noteworthy that this bowl of anzahh-zlass (see note 37) appears in our UrTII inventory not among the stone ‘vessels, but grouped with the more precious items. The rarity of glass objects in this period is furthermore emphasized by another20 roughly contemporary inventory (TCL2 No, 5529). It lists metal tools for a variety of purposes, a set of elaborate vessels made of alabaster and elméu (seo note 31)—probably a translucent, even erystallike stone—some of ‘them mounted in gold, and stone vessels of the ma.al.tum and bur type (ef. above). Two lines (lines 4£,) should attract our special attention because they enumerate not finished objects but rather raw materials of a precious nature. They are 44 gin urudu.an.zab and 15 mana an.zah. While we may see in the second item a block of anzabluglass (weigh- ing 15 pounds), the very small amount mentioned first, and therefore to be considered the more precious item, is somewhat baffling. ‘The designation urudu.an.zah is unique and contains the words for both copper and glass; since its quantity is so small, Tam inclined to see in it a precious copper based or, possibly, a cobalt containing coloring agent in a glasslike composition for giving the coveted blue shade to still uncolored or in- differently colored primary glass (see p.36). Bo this as it may, the very fact that anzahbu-glass is so rarely mentioned in Ur IIT texts and that even the numerous texts from the capital itself (Legrain, Ur Exeava- tions, Texts Vol. 3) with their abundant ref. erences to precios metals, ivory, precious stones and objets d'art, do not mention ‘anzabbu-glass at all, neither as material nor in objects fashioned of it, should be taken as fa sign that anzabbu-glass as material for containers® represents the earliest phase in the complex history of Mesopotamian glasses as reflected in written records. When turning to Qatna, we come upon the last reference to anzabliu-glass used for a finished object. ‘The treasury inventory mentions (Bottéro, RA 43 162:239) “one tamarisk (leaf(?)-shaped ornament) of ancal: ‘bu, weighing seven shekels (ie., the gold of 87. For even earlier bowls made of “white frit, covered with a pale turquoise-bine glaze,” see TL. Woolley, The Karly Periods (Ur Excavations Vol. 4), pp. 30, 63, 66, 177, also Fig, 9d and pl. 26g. Lowe my knowledge of these references to Prof. Donalel Hansen, New York Universit Institute of Fine Arts A. LEO OPPENHEIM its mounting), together with a calf's head (made of) lapis lazuli (colored) glass.” In still later texts, ancahhu and also kutpt, the “black anzabln” of yar.ra = bubullu, are used either in bead form as charms against certain diseases, or—in medical preserip- tions—crushed and pulverized to be taken internally or made into ointments, ‘Dhis rather strange use of a primary glass happens to offer us an interesting indication as to the chemical composition of anzablu and kutpi as well as of another glass of the same type called tuzkd (or also tusk@). The rather extensive and still not adequately edited word list known among Assyriologists as Uruanna enumerates, in its two columns, medicinal plants and other materia medica, such as stones, minerals, insects, parts and products of animals, ete., in sequence which is far from clear. Several quite diver- gent types of relations between the basic left column and the explanatory or otherwise subsidiary right: column are in evidence. In this list of “correspondences” two of the just mentioned words for primary glasses used for medico-magie purposes occur and are “ex- plained” by the same term: [tu-nz}-kaa : gu- ub-lu, (kul]-pacas: gu-ub-lu (2 B30 No. 2:34f, a-band Kacher, Pflanzenkunde No. 24:34. and 82b on p.9, r. iii 4’). Since we know that the explanatory word guile means antimony (see AH, and CADs.v.) and since it is likewise established by chemical analyses that ‘the antimony content of early glasses rep- resents one of their characteristic features,®* the two lines of the series Uruanna should be taken to indicate that the two glasslike substances called tuzkt and kutpi are based on antimony compounds. This allows us to 38. See W. B.S, Tumer, “The Composition and Physical Characteristios of the Glasses of the Portland Vase,” (Part VI of Studies in Ancient Glasses and Glassmaking Proccasen), Fournal of the Soviety of Glass Technology, 43 (1959), pp- 202-288, especially p. 272. Also moro recent analyses by B. V. Sayre of Brookhaven National Laboratories and R. H. Brill at Tho Coming Museum of Glass have added much to our knowledge of the role antimony played in early lass technolozy. For a more detailed discussion of the chemistry involved see pp. 1056. A. LEO OPPENHEIM assume that the entire anzahbu-glass group in Hh, XI 292 to 296, representing the basie primary glasses of Mesopotamia, contained antimony. Antimony itself was of crucial import for the manufacture of opaque glasses, hence all these glasses were opaque showing either white, black or mixed coloring. Their very use in the glass texts (cf. pp. 54f,) proves that the Mesopotamian glassmakers used tuzkd and kutpd for the purpose of transforming erude soda-lime glass into opaque products which resembled the specific coloring of precious stones. ‘The intimate relationship between the arzabbu-glasses and antimony is further- more corroborated by the fact that the cited lines from yarra = Subullu XT (sep. 19) continue the enumeration of anzabju (line 292 to 295) with one of anti- mony compounds. ‘The first line (line 296) «gives us two words for antimony, the Sumeri- an xit.KAw and the Akkadian luli,’ both of which appear likewise in the glass recipes, the latter in the texts from Nineveh and the former in the Middle Babylonian tablet where it is written slightly differently, Ki.a0ty (40). Antimony was known in Mesopotamia quite carly. The texts of the Third Dynasty of Ur called it sit.gan and su.gan (ef. H. Limet, Le tranail du métal ax pays de Sumer, p. 55ff), and for the later periods we have an array of terms referring to the main uses of antimony compounds, namely as eye paint and as medication for eye diseases (cf. 39. The list continues, Tine 207, with [ee]. efatini = uull-mueu), black antimony, 500 MSL 7 p. 139, After a’ broken entry follows {a.ga)r,—a-ba-ru, “lead,” and an enumeration of lead objects or products up to line 803. In Tine 304 we have wu.ud.tg.g& = elsmenbu (s00 note 31) whereupon the list rotumns, in. lines 805-810, to antimony and similar substances used for a variety of purposes, mostly cosmetic (Simbicidd, ed, aman, ashur, spu and léru). ‘The enumeration of minerals begins with lin Si. 21 eg. AMT 16,3i5), such as amani, eg@, gublu, sadidu and Simbizidd. Apart from its importance for glassmaking, this metal was used in the Assur of the last third of ‘the second millenniuin by the metalworkers.40 Not only do we have objects made of anti- mony from that period (ef. J. R. Partington, Origins and Development of applied chemistry [London 1935] p. 206 n. 7) but a medical text (AMT 26, 2: 9) refers expressly to “antimony from the smith” (KU.KAN 5a nappabi). Finally, another bit of philological evidence might be mentioned although it originated on the very perimeter of the region under the influence of Mesopotamian civilization. By means of an ingenious combination of @ pas- sage in a text from Ras Shamra, written on clay but in a different system of writing and in another Semitic language (Ugarit), with difficult Bible passage (Prov. 26:23), H. 1. Ginsberg has succeeded in discovering a term for glaze (BASOR 98 211,). He connected the Usaritic spsg of the beginning of the second half of the second millennium with the rare Hebrew word spsyy which makes the mean- ing glazo extremely likely for both terms. ‘The relationship proposed by W. F. Albright (BASOR 9824) between this term and the apparently foreign word in Hittite (Fried- rich, Hethitisches Werlerbuch 260a) zapeagai (once used with the determinative for stone) remains, however, quite uncertain because the proposed meaning does not fit the Hittite passage (see Goetze, JOS 1 pp. 31Lff. and Rabin, Or, NS32 p. 139). Equally unlikely is ‘the connection sugzested in CAD between the isolated equation zan2aG.aa = za-ab-ra- [yu-u] (restoration conjectural) and the word, under discussion, 40, In KAJ 974 two kinds of metal from in- coming tribute to be stored in the royal maga- zines are described as AN.NAa.BABBAR, “white ‘tin” (line 6) and 5 MA.NA Iu-liak SUMUN'7 24.NA luti-i, “five ming of old antimony, soven minas of antimony” (lines 10f.)-THE CUNEIFORM TABLETS WITH INSTRUCTIONS Chapter Two FOR GLASSMAKERS A, THE SOURCES [ur toxts dealing with the manufacture of colored glasses are divided here ac- cording to their provenience into four groups. The largest and most important group consists of tablets from the library of Assurbani- ‘pal in Nineveh ; the second is represented by a small, perfectly preserved tablet of unknown provenienco, the third by a fragment exeava- ted in Babylon and the fourth by a tablet in the British Museum coming from Boghazkoui. Fist Group: More than half the tablets and fragments belonging to the first group, all kept in the British Museum, have already been published and translated. The first text of this group, K.203 (see pp.20f. for a list of museum numbers), was published as early as 1909 by Ch. Virolleaud (Babyloniaca 3 2218.) as “Une formule chimique.” H. Zimmern dis- covered and copied texts of this type as carly as 1897, and most of the fragments known until 1925 (see Z-4 36 178) had already been identified by B. Landsberger in 1911. In 1925 they were published and translated nearly simultaneously by H. Zimmer and by R. Campbell Thompson. ‘The latter had obtained knowledge of this text group through partial translation by B. Meissner in Baby- lonien und Assyrien (Heidelberg 1925) Vol. 2 _p-382ff. who in turn had received the pertinent information from H. Zimmern himself (see ibid. p. 383 n. 1) Both editions, that of H. Zimmern ““Assyri- sche chemisch-technische Rezepte, insbeson- dere fiir Herstellung farbiger glasierter Zie- geln, in Umschrift und Ubersetzung” (ZA 36 [1925] 177f1,), and that of R. Campbell Thompson, On the chemistry of the ancient Assyrians (London 1925), contain eighteen larger and smaller fragments. While R. C. ‘Thompson offers six plates of hand eopies (see pp.29f), Zimmern has only transliterations of the texts. The present edition adds seven- teen more fragments which have been identi- fied during the last thirty years mainly by the late Dr. F.W. Geers of the Oriental Institute who communicated them to R. Campbell Thompson. In a letter dated April 8, 1959, C.J. Gadd, the then Keeper of the ‘Department of Egyptian and Assyrian Anti- quities, British Museum, gave me a list of the ‘museum numbers of nearly all of these texts. A stay in London in the fall of 1961 made a ‘thorough collation of all texts in the British Museum possible, on which is based the transliteration given on pp. 32ff. The photo- graphs appear on plates 2 to 10. SECOND Group: In 1936, C. J. Gadd and R. Campbell Thompson published “A Middle- Babylonian Chemical Text” (Iraq 3 87M) giving the tablet BAL 120960 with a photo- graph, a hand copy, transliteration, trans- lntion and copious notes. The text, which describes the making of red glass, cannot be dated with certainty but seems to belong to the last third of the second millennium (see pp. 59ff). Much of what is known of the | | A. LEO OPPENHEDI contents of this difficult tablet is due to the ‘two scholars who gave us the editio princeps, ‘Dr. Landsberger was kind enough to allow me to use his hand copy of the mentioned article and the correspondence he had with the two English Assyriologists concerning certain readings. ‘timp cRour: In Babylon, in a building of the early Kassite period and in a location described by the excavators as Merkes n 26 II, a tablet was found which is now in the Staatliche Museen in Berlin (VAT' 16453). It is given here in transliteration (see pp. 23 65ff.). Dr. Franz Kécher drew my attention to it when I inquired about tablets of this type. For a photograph see plate 1. rovnti onovr: A Hittite tablet acquired by the British Museum in 1913 was studied by B. Rosenkranz, 7A 57 (1965) pp. 237, in an article entitled “Bin hethitischer Wirtschafts- text.” Since it contains a number of words which recur in the glass texts, I consider the document to belong to this eatogory and have discussed it on pp.67£,, although much of the text cannot be understood. A photograph of this interesting tablet is given on plate 10. B. THE GLASS TEXTS FROM NINEVEH 1. SURVEY OF TABLETS AND FRAGMENTS: i, Introduction By means of physical joins the numerous fragments coming from the library of Assur- banipal can be arranged into four tablets which I call here Tablets A,B, D and E. ‘Tablet C consists of two separate and un- connected pieces forming the top and the bottom of a one-column tablet. Bach of these pieces is composed of several fragments. Following is the composition of these five tablets. Numbers in bold characters indicate newly joined fragments: Tablet A (one-column tablet): K.2520-+ 4200-4731 462464 81574 9477+ 940249800, Tablet B (two-column tablet): K.203-+ S211 44747 +5839+ 58624 6891+ 9940-10493 413367, ‘Tablet C (one-column tablet): Tablot Cy: K.6961+7619: ‘Tablet Cy: K.8452-+13265+81-2-4, 201. ‘Tablet D (three-column tablet): K.4266-- 8076-+Sm.574. Tablet E (two-column tablet): K.6920-- 8614413917. 41. Two colophons are preserved, short one, ‘at tho end of Tublet B (threo generously spaced. lines are extant), and a long and complicated, ‘one on Fragment a for which see Zimmern, ZA ‘There remain six small fragments (Frag- ments a,b, ¢,d,e and f), four of which can be assigned with varying degrees of certainty to the just listed tablets while two more are too small to establish their relationship to either the extant or the reconstructed tablets of the series. Fragment a (K. 4237) is the largest of the fragments but contains mainly a long colo- phon, It formed either the left lower corner of the reverse of Tablet D, or, more likely, of a tablet which was in size, number of columns, ete., a duplicate of Tablet D. Fragment b (KX. 3889) formed the right lower corner of the obverse of Tablet B. It fits into the sequence of the content but cannot be physically joined to Tablet B. ‘Fragment ¢ (K. 7125) cannot be allocated (see pp. 58ff. for discussion). ‘Fragment d (K, 9551) belongs according to its contents to Tablet B somewhere between. the extant joint and Fragment b. This allo- cation is suggested solely by the wording of the text. Fragment o (KK. 10009) is quite important in spite of its smallness. The few words in its 36.204, and note the parallel in RA 17 139 (I. 4199), the copy of a text belonging to a series similar to Uruanna. See now also H. Hunger, Babylonisehe und assyriache Kolophone (Kevelaet 1968) No. 328.24 first line correspond to the catchline of ‘Tablet B, the fragment comes therefore from the very beginning (upper left corner of the obverse) of a tablet which continued the text of Tablet B. (See pp. 48f. Fragment f (K.13326), the upper left corner of the reverse of what was probably a one- column tablet, eannot be allocated (see p. 59 for discussion). ‘The preceding enumeration does not con- tain the text K. 794248167 which has been published as belonging to the glass texts by R, C, Thompson as well as by H. Zimmern. 1 have dealt with it and a related tablet from Babylon (see p. 5) in my article “Mesopota- mia in the early history of Alchemy,” RA 60 (1960) pp. 29-45. For Fragment g and Frag- ment h see Appendix pp. 230f. ii, The structure of the texts ‘The large number of fragments which comprise the glass texts of the library of Assurbanipal with their ever recurrent phra- ses and formulas aro liable to distract the reader from noticing the underlying structure of the composition. ‘This has been the main souree of the misunderstandings which have hampered the utilization of the material. ‘Misunderstandings were also caused by the fragmentary state of the text and by its lexicographical difficulties. New material and the progress of Assyriology have conte uted much to the elucidation of certain passages, but the essential step forward in the study of the glass texts lies in the realization that they represent a text composed of, several sources, Doublets and parallel se- quences suggest the existence of such sources and a critical study of the texts bears out this contention. Bven a cursory reading of the more than five hundred extant lines of the fragments shows that the text contains a series of prescriptions separated by more or less con- sistently used division lines.!® Within these 42. There are only a few errors or omissions (ouch ae § 5 and §6 on Tablet G) with regard to these division Tines. Tho errors oceur in the atypical sections of the Beta Group (see p. 52). A. LEO OPPENHEIM lines, the individual prescriptions follow a re- strictod number of style patterns. When one concentrates on the sequence of these pre- scriptionsin theseveral tabletsand fragments, certain regularities become evident. This has repeatedly permitted the restoration of dam- aged or missing passages and is even likely to reveal, to a degree, the contents of those parts of the tablets which are lost, Moreover, sequences appear which are liable to shed light on the relationship between groups of tablets within our material. We shall investi- gate first these sequences from a purely for- ‘mal point of view, leaving aside, for the moment, the principles underlying their arrangements. Although the aceidents of preservation may influence the picture revealed by our text material two groups emerge when one studies ‘the prescriptions with regard to their se- quence. They will be called Alpha Group and Beta Group. ‘The sections of the Alpha Group will be numbered (§ 1, §2, §3, etc.) and those of the Beta Group identified alphabetically (§A, §B, §C, ete,). The sections on Fragment ¢ and Fragment £ whieh do not fit into any grouping are to be §x, $y, §xx, and §yy respectively. The introduction preserved on some of the tablets is not included in this numbering. ‘The prescriptions of these two groups appear in the following distribution on the extant five tablets of the Ninoveh fragments: ‘The Alpha Group is represented by Tablets A, B (inclusive of Fragment b) and C, as well as by Fragments d, and f, ‘The Beta Group appears on Tablets D and B and also on the ‘Fragmenta. Withineach group the sequence of prescription is identical on the several tablets. Noto @ special use of these division lines in which they sorve to single out one or two lines as an addition to a section. This is the caso afer §3, after §8 and its parallel $C, after $14, after §18 and its parallel in the Beta Group § B. As the two instances just mentioned, § 8 and § 18, show, these additional one-line ‘entries oceur in both groups and henee must £0 back to their common prototype. For the preb- lems raised by those additional lines, seo pp. 43 and 49. | A. LEO OPPENHEIM ‘The sequence of the sections of the Alpha Group is borne out by the well preserved Tab- let A and the fragmentary Tablet C, both of which are one-column tablets. It is confirmed by the two-column Tablet B which has a large gap in its lower right section. Much of the gap can be restored from Tablet A which establishes also that Fragment b and proba- bly also Fragment d belong to Tablet B. This is objectively proven for Fragment a because it shows the same doubled vertical separation ines between columns as Tablet B. There is, however, a difference between Tablet A and ‘Tablet B. The latter contains all the sections of the former, except for the very last (§ 15), and adds four more sections plus the incipit of the next tablet of which only Fragment e is preserved. Here is a synopsis of the Alpha Group: SHCTION TABLET TABLET TABLET YRAG- A ® © Meste Introduction Xx x x gl x x x 2 x x x 33 x [missing) x 4 x x x 5 x Fragmentd x 56 x Fragmentd x §7 x x break 58 x Fragment b 59 x missing) 10 x [missing] su x [missing] 12 x [missing] 4s x x ga x x 35 x omitted §16 end x break break (see note 55) giv x §18 x 19 x 520 colophon x We thus have among the tablets of the Alpha Group two one-column texts, Tablet A 26 and Tablet, which differ in the distribution of sections (see Figure 1), with Tablet © exhibi- ting fewer sections than Tablet A, When one compares the crammed writing on Tablet A and its small colophon with the two-column ‘Tablet B with its spacious arrangement and extensive colophon, one realizes that the scribe intended to put the balance of the series on a second tablet, Hence Tablets A and B are each to be considered the first tablets of a two-tablet sequence. Only the use of the one-column format com- polled the scribe of Tablet A to place fifteen sections on the first tablet while the seribe of Tablet B placed nineteen sections on his first tablet. assume therefore that the entire series must have contained around forty such sections. The colophons on ‘Tablets A and B corroborate this assumption. That of Tablet B runs “(The next tablet bexins with the line): if you want to make busw-glass—(the present tablet contains all) the tersitu-prepa- rations (needed) to make lapis lazuli (colored) and dudi-(colored) glasses,” and thatof Tablet A: *“(Dhe listing of) the tersitu-preparations to make lapis lazuli (colored) glass is (herewith) concluded—{to follow on the next tablet): the balance of tho series (called after its first words): Door-of-the-Kila.” ‘The following facts can be gathered from the slightly differing wordings of these two subseripts: 1. The series dealing with the manufacture of colored glasses contained only two tablets, ‘the first of which is preserved in three ver- sions containing twenty sections. 2, The series itself was called “Door-of-the- Kiln” which should mean that it was intro- duced by a conjuration beginning with these very words. However, the three tablets with extant first Lines all show an entirely different introductory section (see below) so that we have to assume that either all threo tablets represent excerpts or that the series had two names." 43, Such as e.g., the series Summa izhw and tho Epie of Gilgamesh.26 3. The series was topically arranged and discussed the making of colored glasses in a -quence beginning with lapis lazuli, continu- ing with dus-colored glass and terminating with the glass called biigu. This arrangement is confirmed for the first two colors because § 1 to §15 on Tablet A deal with lapis lazuli colored glass (with the exception of § 14) while its sequel preserved on Tablet B is concerned with dusd-colored glass. The colophon on ‘Tablet B indicates that the next tablet began with prescriptions for the making of basu- glass as is borne out by Fragment e. All this allows us to state that we have at hand the fragments of three versions of a series which originally may have contained not many more than forty prescriptions. There exists a three-tablet version of which we have but the broken pieces of the first tablet (Tablet ©), and two two-tablet versions of which is preserved the one-column ‘Tablet A and the two-column Tablet B (and Fragment ©) which differs from the former only in the distribution of the sections. Tn no instance have we any indication of the contents of the lost tablets except for what is indicated by the wording of the colophon. See also the distrib- ution illustrated in Figure 1. The tablets of the Beta Group follow a different sequence. The large but badly dam- aged three-column text, Tablet D, gives us most of this sequence. Tablet E, which con- stitutes the lower right quarter of a two- column tablet, happens to continue the se- quence of Tablet D with a distinct overlap of two sections (§ Q and § R), and to carry it on for four more sections. Fragment a comes, very likely, from Tablet D, being the lower loft corner of its reverse,** or from a tablet which closely parallels Tablet D. Here is a synopsis of the sections of the ‘Beta Group: 44, This relationship is based on the obser- vation that the separation lines between the columns are made by the same string on Tablet D and on Fragment a, Mr. D. A. Kennedy in- forms mo that both show identical traces left by 9 not too tightly twisted string with which the vertioal linos were made. A, LEO OPPENHEIM SHCTION TABLET D TABLET E FRAGMENT a break gA x 5B x gc x §D [missing] break break §E x FE x sq x si x §1 x sJ . §K x sL break §M gx x 50 x sp x break §Q x x gk x x 3s break x sv x x break gu x x x sv x break sw x ‘The drawing in Figure 2 adds more infor- mation as to the distribution of the sections on the tablets of the Beta Group. The six columns of Tablet D seem to have carried the entire set of prescriptions, inclusive of an in- troduction. Since sections that belong to the last third of this sequence (which is inter- rupted by two breaks of unknown length) appear on Tablet E already, in the middle of its second column, one has to assume that the latter represents the second of a two- tablet sequence of two-column texts. Frag- ment a must come from a tablet in a similar if not identical correlation as Tablet D (ie., as the only tablet of a three-column version), because it exhibits §R and §S in approximately the same location in which they appear on Tablet D. As already suggested (see note 44), it is quite likely that Fragment a is actually part of Tablet D. Hence we have in the Beta Group tradition two three. A, LEO OPPENHED column single tablet copies of quite similar, perhaps even identical arrangement, and one ‘two-column text which seems to be the second tablet of a two-tablet version. ‘The relationship between the two groups is quite complex. Only eight sections appear in oth groups and they ovcur in three instances in short parallel sequences. The concordance given below is to illustrate the mutual rela- tionship of the Alpha and the Beta Group: AUHA = DTA. = BRTA. ALITA cnovr __enovr__Grovr __GRour Introduction [missing] break g1 [missing] $A 56 ge {missing} §B 0 § 7 g3 {missing} §C § 8 g4 [missing] §D 00 — §5 [missing] break §6 sA §B 18 7 5B SF $9 58 §c 8G 510 § 9 SF gH gu 510 §G gr — gun st ga — 52 — aK g13. — gL — gla - break 515 — sh $16 - gn — break 50 19 $17 _ gP end g18 jE §Q g19 gO §R §20 - gs end sv gu sv sw break As to the problem of the relationship be- ‘tween these two groups, it is essential to realize first the nature of their internal organization. In the Alpha Group, a tri- partite division is obvious. The groups aro: §1 to §6, then §7 to §12, and finally §13 to § 15—all on Tablet A and all dealing with lapis lazuli colored glass. ‘The division is not simply topical but rather more complex: the 27 first part (§ 1 to $6) deals with two parallel recipes (each embracing three sections) for sagindurd-colored glass; the second (§ 7 to § 12) has several prescriptions for lapis lazuli glasses, all characterized by the use of the ingredient called tersifu (see p.41) and a specific apparatus called tamsiltu, The last group (§13 to § 15) likewise forms a group of prescriptions comparable to §1 to §3, and §4 to $6. The additional sections of the Alpha Group which appear only on Tablet B all deal with dus@-colored glass. ‘The Beta Group has an entirely different composition. Tt contains a number of sections which appear verbatim among the Alpha Group (see above) as well as sections which follow the same style pattern, such as §H, §1, § and §K. Then there is an uninterrup- ted block of seven sections (§ Q to § W) which isbadly preserved but quite definitely differont incontent, phraseology and style.’Thisblock” appears at the end of the Beta Group just where the paralletism with the Alpha Group comes to a close. To this type of prescription belongs also the lengthy § 1, If these sections had parallels in tho Alpha Group, they are lost in the missing second part of these texts, §D and §M are too damaged to be assigned to one or the other of these two strands within the Beta Group tradition, ii, Text history ‘The above outlined structure of the eollec- tion of preseriptions for the glassmaker sug- gests, notwithstanding all breaks of the text, the following reconstruction of the “history” of this text category. It appears that there existed a corpus consisting of a considerable number of such prescriptions, styled in a re- stricted number of patterns. From this probably unwritten corpus of the glass- maker's lore evolved, for unknown reasons, ‘two written traditions which consolidated from forty to sixty recipes in specific se- quences. These we have been calling Alpha Group and Beta Group. Each of these tradi- tions was preserved in a number of versions in the library of Assurbanipal. The versions28 differ solely in their distribution of the seo- tions on one or more one-, two-, or three- column tablets; the wording within the in- dividual sections or prescriptions remains the same.!® Details about the extant fragments and their relationship to the tablets have been given above. Attention has to be drawn to a linguistic feature of all these texts because it may shed some light on the history of the text group. The texts are not only written in the Assyrian ductus, they contain also a sizable admixture of purely Assyrian dialect words. Such instances as mala for “once,” alvussu for Babylonian ubultu, kattwmu and Saktumu for uttwna and Suktumu, and forms such as Sipah (for spit), tuda’an (for tudannan), to mention only the most salient indieations,"® demonstrate that all glass texts in the library are part of the Assyrian tradition and do not go back to any textual material taken over from Babylonia, Evidently no Babylonian collections dealing with the manufacture of glasses were available in Assyria when the formulation of the written tradition to which reference was just made took place.!? 45, Apart from spelling variants, the addition of a word, ete., there exist a few instances which offer additional information, such as In- troduction, §4, §5, §8 and §U. See the re- marks in the translations of theso sections. 46, For iaolated instanees of vowel harmony see § 2 (Tablet B), § 5 (Tablet C) and § 15. For the use of -ni in the subjunctive, seo § 13, § ‘The paleographic variant for ofx “shekel,” which appears quite frequently in our texts as iver (sometimes transliterated as KISAL) is likewise characteristic for Assyrian texts. ‘The sign doce not refer to a subdivision of the shekel, against R. C. Thompson, Iraq 5 23if. ‘Tho Introduction does not show any traces of Assyrian dialect, which might be worthy of note. 47, Let me point out, in a footnote for the time being, that the alternative posited here is probably too simple to be valid. We know from ‘the Middle Assyrian Law Codo that there existed definito Babylonian influences if not transfers (see Landsberger, Symbolae Koschaker, p. 234). If wo had the original Middle Assyrian glass texts we might see a similar fasion of Assyrian and Babylonian elements as in the Code, See ‘also note 48, A, LEO OPPENHEIM An indication as to the period in which this event may have occurred can be gathered from another collection of chemical texts. The site of the old city and former royal residence of Assur has yielded a group of texts in the Assyrian dialect dealing with the manufacture of perfumes. This collection, kept now in the Staatliche Museen in Berlin and in the Ar- cheological Museum in Istanbul, was published by E. Ebeling as Parfiimrezeple (see note 5); itis ess well preserved and also less interesting than the glass texts. In style pattern, and linguistically, it corresponds rather closely to our glass texts although there is less confor- mity between the several versions. ‘Tho con- formity or lack thereof, however, could well be explained by the difference in time. The perfume texts can be dated to the twelfth century 3.0., while the glass texts are avail- able in copies which are about half a millen- nium younger. Therefore, the former had not been subject to the process of standardization which continuous copying brings about. These differences, then, do not preclude the proba- bility that both perfume as well as glass toxts were committed to writing at approximately the same period. So far no perfume text has been found in Kuyunjik, the mound which covers Assurbani- pal’s library, but one fragment has come from Calah (see Iraq 13 [1956] p. 112 ND 400), and we thus know that the Assyrian technological literature dealing with perfumes was alive in the eighth century 3.0. While it remains quite uncertain what stim- ulus created this specific Assyrian interest in procedural texts in the last third of the second millennium, one ean hardly fail to see a con- nection between the suggested beginning of the tradition of written prescriptions for the making of glasses and that golden period in the history of Mesopotamian glass, the second half of the second millennium, which was s0 intimately linked with Assur itself, iv. Style patterns ‘The formulations of the initial phrases of the individual prescriptions allow us to set up A. LEO OPPENHEIM the following typology. The phrase “if you want to produce ... glass” appears in seven instances (not counting parallel sections): § 1, $13, $14, §16, §20, §U, §V and §x. ‘The formulation which starts out with “into x amount of a substance you mix ... of other substances” can be found in eight sections: §7, §15, $19, §0, §P, §Q, §R and, with slight variants, also in §8 and §12. The ‘enumeration of ingredients without any use of verbs to indicate the processes to be applied is attested six times: §9, §10, §11, $1, §J and gk. ‘Phe way in which the outcome of the procedures is referred to in our prescriptions is likewise often standardized. The most fre- quent phrase is “and out of the kiln comes. glass”; we have it in §3, §7, §8, §12, §15 and §19, The phrase “this is... glass” ap- pears in § 14 and § 18; “its name is ... glass” in §1 and §2. Section 13 remains uniques it ends: “procedure for ... glass.” Apart from the use of standardized techni- cal terms to denoto specific operations, ete., the prescriptions show a definite tendeney to use certain locutions, a peculiarity which ean also be observed in the perfume texts and in ‘medical as well as in ritual instructions. Their adequate study would require the inclusion of much text material which is not pertinent to the topic of this book and has therefore ‘been omitted.$8 vy. Concordance and inde The texts were translated in a pioneering effort by H.Zimmern in 1925; all later translations of the Akkadian are either based on the renderings of Thompson or represent translationsinto English of Zimmorn’s version. Here is a concordance relating the frag- ments as identified by Zimmern, ZA 36 177f,, to the present arrangement: Zimmern’s Designation: New Designation: Ay ApandG = Tablet A B, Dand F ‘Tablet B G Tablet C C ‘Fragment ¢ D seo sub B EB = Tablet Cy F see sub B Gi see sub A H Fragment d I ‘Tablet D K ‘Fragment b Land M ‘Tablet E Msee sub L, N = Fragment a Since the present edition does not contain the customary hand copies, the Assyriologist may use the list below to locate the copies made by Thompson as well as the photo- graphs of the tablets given on Plates 2 to 10. INDEX OF K. TEXTS ext ASSIGNATION PREVIOUS PUBLICATION K. 208 Tablet B (Bab, 2 221.) Thompson pl. 1, 4 PLA K. 2520 Tablet A new text PL2-3 K. 321 ‘Tablet B new text PLA KK. 3889 Fragment b ‘Thompson pl. 3 PLO KK. 4266 ‘Tablet D ‘Thompson pl. 2, 5 PLT K. 2273, Fragment a ‘Thompson pl. 6 PLO 48, Noto eg, the phrase ita ta fwda-an in ult irfaffu) and §16 (adi aemiqu ... ult Ebeling, Parfiimrecepte Pl. 3 and p. 18:22 with ata twda--an in § 18 of tho glass texts, the parallel constructions in the medical text LKU 02:10 (adi ita wmasiaru .... (Rima) zit umtassirufsu}) and in §4 (adi iradiudu ... ‘itterqu) of the Nineveh text as well as in the Middle Babylonian glass text. § iii (tularraksima uulds . .. tultarrikudi). The latter seems important in view of what has been suggested in the preceeding note,30 A. LEO OPPENHEIM xt ASSIONATION PinvIOUS PUBEECATION K, 4290 ‘Tablet A ‘Phompson pl. 2 PL. K.A731 ‘Tablet A now text PL 23 KAT ‘Tablet B ‘Thompson pl. | PLA KK. 5839 ‘Tablet B now text PL 45 KK, 5862 Tablet B ‘Thompson pl. 6 PLA K. 6249 ‘Tablet A ‘Thompson pl. | PL28 K. 6891 ‘Tablet B now text PL 4-5 K. 6920 ‘Tablet E ‘Thompson pl. 4, 6 PLS K. 6964 ‘Tablet C, new text Thompson, Gilg. pl. 40) PLG K.7125 Fragment © ‘Thompson pl. PLO K. 7619 Tablet C, ‘Thompson pl. 1 PLG K. S157 ‘Tablet A ‘Thompson pl. | PL2-3 KK, 8452 Tablet C, new text PLO K. 8614 Tablet E new text PLS . 8976 Tablet D ‘Thompson pl. 2 PLT K. 947 ‘Tablet A ‘Thompson pl. PL23 KK, 9492 Tablet A ‘Thompson pl. 2 PL23 XK. 9551 Fragment d ‘Thompson pl. ca) KK. 9800 ‘Tablet A new text PL 23 KK. 9940 Tablet B new text PL 45 K. 10493 Tablet B ‘Thompson pl. 1 PL45 KK, 10009 Fragment new text PL. 10 K, 18265, ‘Tablet Cy new text PLO KK. 13826 Fragment f new text PI. 10 K. 13367 ‘Tablet B new text PLAS K.13917 ‘Tablet H new text PLS Sm. 574 ‘Tablet D new text AMT 93.6) PLT 81-2-4, 201 ‘Tablet C, new text PLO 2. THE ARRANGEMENT OF TEXT AND TRANSLATION All texts are offered in a system of trans- literation which attempts to render every sign of the text. Each fragment is given separately according to sections or groups of sections, with the English translation immediately after tho Akkadian text. For the translation of a specific section, the best preserved text was selected. The translation does not respect the line division of the original and strives for clarity rather than to imitate Akkadian sy tax. Restored passages are in brackets, addi. tional information needed to render the Akkadian text adequately are in parentheses. Alskadian words left untranslated are discus- sed elsowhere, and the glossaries of technical terms will guide the reader to these discus- sions. Tt seomea appropriate to replace a runninye commentary to difficult or otherwise relevant passages, given normally in footnotes, by dis- cussions of each section or group of sections separately. ‘Though this arrangement inter- rupts the flow of tho transliteration, it may prove tomake these difficult toxts more under- standable. ‘The table below is meant to account for each line of the extant text and refers the reader to the pertinent section of the two groups as well as to the pages where thes sections are transliterated. A. LEO OPPENHEIM sucriox g sercanewns LoxEs TABLET A 12 13-20 21-30 31-43 44 49 50-58 59-70 1-74 75-81 82- 83 84 85, 86- 89 90-110 1-115, 116-121, ‘TABLET B i 1-20 21-32 33-break break ii 2-12" 13’ —break break-46" 47’ ~break iii 1/22" 23" -break Dbreak-38" 39° -break break-iv 3" 417" 18’-22" 23" (colophon) TABLET C 1-10 break-2 Br" 15/27" 28'~breake FRAGMENT b break-1' 2-10" FRAGMENT d break—6" 7'-break PAGE 32 Bt Ey 3 B6E, 37 37 40 40 4B Bt “4 Be 3 37 37 378. amt al snorioN aves rage FRAGMENT e §20 16 48, FRAGMENT f xx break-.3 59 yy rd-break 59 TABLED D gA break-iii 10’ 49f. SB W’-16' 50 5 17-28" 50 gD 29'-break 50 §E break-iv 7’ 50 SF 8'-10° 50 ga a2" 50 SH 13-1’ 50 §I 15-17 50 ss 18-19" 50 sk 20'-21" 50, §L 22'break SIF, §M break-v2’ 53 gn 3a! 50 8/-12' sP 13-15" §Q 16’-20° gk 21-24" ss 251-27" st 28"-30" su 31/—break#® ‘TABLET E sr break-ii2’ 55 sU Blarev.i10 55f, sv 56 sw 56 FRAGMENT a su Dresk-18’ ab. FRAGMENT ¢ gx break-13’ 58 Sy M'-break = 58 49, OF the sixth eolumn of Tablet D only the ends of fourteen lines are preserved, mostly showing ono and, in a few instances, two signs. ‘Tt does not seem possible to use what is known of tho final sections of the Beta Group tradition ‘to restore these ends of lines. OF importance are solely the traces of two division lines which jindicato that at least three sections are lost in. ‘the break.32. A. LEO OPPENHEIM 3. TEXTS OF THE ALPHA GROUP Tablet A Introduction emia us8i kucieri Sa Na, Son-du-[ti] ina wo Sal-me wo.88,G[8 K]IN.KIN-ma ud8i Rusti ta-namedi adi kucti-ra tug-te-et-tu-ma te-te-ep-Bit dact.nv ams tuesfe-8ib-m]a NU Tub xv KL ana pa-ninsienu la om 5 gicna.a sfi-ir-ga a}-nfa pla-ni-st-noe ta-sdr- rag wp-um Nay ana SA iri tuSerridu vow. sisKUR anja tor Axb.nu.aes pi-ut sic.xa SIME GaRan tat ina K]et[A] ku-weri sar-ah-ma N[Aq ana] Sh ku-w-ri te [5 ana vow kutl}ri tw-gar [tictab]-ba-bu-ma ana wow ku. da orsam}.s 34 ina x0 10 [tja-Sar-ra-pu Gr8.a.10.¢an.t38 kab-bar-{ta] qaclivipet erin Sa kisig-ra la maeduen i-na Kos a-pi sab-tu [ina 1}rw.xw KUD-6w onS.an1.A an-netem inet E18 bueri-kat (Didi Tablet B Introduction [e-nJuma uS-8i Ku-ti-r}i Sd N[Ay tanadda] [f-na mv Salmi [vp.8B.6a KIN.KIN-ma] tuS8i Ruchori [ta-nani-di 2) adi kuticra t{ug-te-ct-tu-ma.te-[te-ep-8u] ina & kutier{t ar} tle()-4e-eb-bi] act nu.DS fu-Se[S-Sib-mJa Séenwew a fun] No TU-ub NU RE [ana pa}-ni-si-nu la 6 gi-naca sivir-ga [ana pet}-ni-stienu ta-sdr- aq UD-um NA, area Si Kfrtotier]é tuesiroriedu 10 upustsKUR ana tor O[Ri.nw] pi-us IG.NA Sonor oaran ué[t] Maxfox}s[a] Bate gi-ma ax ina W104 fencer’ SAR-ah-ma way dence BA kuti [lu)-Serrfedyu LEMS 84 ana vGU kucner[i] Mugarl. [ra-bui} 15 stab-ba-bu-ma ana we Rutior{i tuserrida 1.4 8 ina KITA hatter ta-Salrra-pu] a anSacrvcap.uis kab-bar-ta qu-li-{ip-tu] kivig-ra la na-d{u-u] api gab-tu ina revxB KU[D- querwn § Tablet © Introduction emia uisu kusti-ri 8d [ay ta-nam- jueié wD.S.6[A KIN.KEN-ma] uss kuctinri ta-named{i adi kulet-ri tue ugete-eft-tu x 2] teteeb-bi Ofxit.nv.an ti?) gi-ne- ana 10x 8x{t(2).B0 tasarrag UD] Nay a-na SA [ew-teri] 5 tuifroriedu vp p[uaens pt-n3] xx [fe ta ina veo. SKUR] a-na Tor &xty, infu...) [x x x GiS.yna §a ina xrta kiiri fa-Kar- ra-pu oi8.a.t[0.688.118 [kabbartu qaliplu queru-ti 3a kivig-ra la na-{du-tt] fina v8 api gablu ...Jx ubetu ora. [xa] Aannd ina wa ku-r}i-ka lle Translation When you set up the foundation of a kiln to (make) glass, you (first) search in a favor- able month for a propitious day, and (then only) you set up the foundation of the kiln. As soon as you have completely finished (Tablet B adds: [you ....] in the building of the kiln and) you (Tablet B and C add: go and) place (there) Kabu-images, no outsider or stranger should (thereafter) enter (the build. ing), an unclean person must not (even) pass in front of them (the images). You regularly perform libation offerings before them (Tablet © has: before the Kabu-images). On the day when you plan to place the “metal” in the kiln, you make a sheep sacrifice before the Kabucimages, you place juniper incense on A. LEO OPPENHEDL ‘the conser (Tablet B adds: you pour out a libation of honey (and) liquid batter) and (then only) you make a fire in the hearth of the kiln and place the “metal” in the kiln. ‘The persons whom you allow to come near the kiln have to be (ritually) clean and (then only) you allow them to come down to the kiln (Tablet C different but broken). The wood which you burn in the hearth of the kiln should be thick, peeled poplar wood, logs(?) which have no knots, bound together with leather straps, cut in the month of Abu (July or August) (Tablet C adds: from its grove [...]), (only) this wood should be used (literally: should go) in the hearth of your kiln. Commentary The ritual preparations and activities men. tioned in this introduction are in no way atypical or extraordinary. They are basically concerned with creating a favorable situation, ‘2 propitious coordination of timo and place for the erection of the kiln for making glass. This was apparently to take place every time & batch of glass was to be produced. The correct moment was established by selecting 8 propitious day from a tablet listing favor- able and unfavorable days (hemerology) which was an accepted practico in Mesopotamia, and by placing the locality under the pro- tection of the gods. On this specific occasion the divine beings are designated by the plural Kaba and are represented by images whose good will was assured by sacrifices and offerings in the accepted ways of the Meso- potamian cultic tradition. The nature of these “gods” is, however, quite uncertain, and their function can only be deseribed as vaguely apotropaic, They belong to the popular lev- els of Mesopotamian religiosity of which little is known. Suffice it to state here that: the Kabu-deitios are in no direct way related to the production of glass though they may in some way relate to the technological use of firo.* The images receive offerings even before 50, The discussion of the role of the Kabu- dcitis by R. Bisler, “Die chemische Terminolo- 3 the fire is lighted in the kiln and the sanctity which they are supposed to impart to the locality must not be adversely affected by inappropriate human behavior. More sub- stantial offerings are given to them when the work actually begins. The religio-magic preparations described reflect the Mesopotamian glassmakers’ aware- ness of the limits of their skill and technical knowledge which made the production of glass of the correct texture and color a matter of accident rather than of the application of technical know-how. From all the prescriptions contained in the ‘two traditions, only § 13 of the Alpha Group and §L of the Beta Group mention similar religio-magic practices. It is important to note that these two sections, especially § 1, differ in style, formulation and technology from the main body of our texts, suggesting thus a different background. They seem to come from a tradition that admits magie and ritual elements into the description of the procedures. Apparently the majority of the preseriptions in our collection had undergone ‘a process of “‘de-ritualization” which did away with all ritual activities except as they appear in a general introductory section. ‘This pro- posed separation of two seribal traditions in styling such prescriptions is furthermore borne out by the fact that § 13, beside ritual preparations, expressly prescribes poplar wood for use in the kiln, exactly as does the Introduction. ‘The wording of the final section is con- cerned with the fuel needed for the kiln and bespeaks the importance of the problem of obtaining high enough temperatures to make the kiln work properly. Unfortunately, we know next to nothing about the features of this essential structure (see pp. 69f). ie der Babylonier,” ZA 37 (1927) pp. 1098, is entirely irrelevant to the problem at hand. ‘This holds true likewise for E. Darmstaedter, ZA 86 (1925) p.3026.; and Mircon Eliade, “Symbolisme et rituele’ métallargiques baby: onions,” Studien zur analytischen Psychologie ©.G. Tungs, 2 (1985), pp. 42-46,Pabict A §1t0$3 §1 Summa Nay 2A.G1N.DUR, a-na e-pe-si-ka 10 MANA [NA T]LMA.NA [NJ5 MANA NE G.NAGA 1} MANA C. panpar a-hese ta-[mar-rag] L-niS urate 15 [ana] kustiori 864 OL MRS-5d kagicti tue Sr-rifd-ma ina bi-rit] 1oLMPS ta-red-di [ele fa-ab-ta la qectir-ta ta-Sar-rap a-[di NA il pi-igegeth tfu-s]ellam-ma tu-kag-si coR-ma ta-mar- rag a-nfa daab-ti za-kuct}i te-es-si-ip [ana kucu}-ri 8a tik-kaneni kangioti Dotter pu-id vat tla-ab-ta {la qa-tir-ta) ta-Sérrap adi ifharsrange ana velo a-qar-ri 20 [la-na-ca-lla-Sum-ma [Nay zubil] Su §2 10 [Wawa uRUDU ni-ba ana daab-t]i za- Kuti ta-tak-kan ana kutil-ri 8 te Ran-ni em-[me-ti tuserridma KX kitri tukattam un dan}-na-ta 1a [qatirta tasarrap adi URUDU.BLA i Sus WO MANA cwhu-e tabassal tamarrag wf Fueweri Oa-pecetti ana vau(?) [CRUDUAL.A SuBd)i avR-ma KA Aucwst tukattam adi 2uki vou uRUDU.gEA] Wl mal-ha-hume eRUDU.B[LA ina mulerri 1-5 Sth tabi-ib-bi8 aed{i ina api mucter-ri Prox ma- am-ma ta-mar Slum-ma abn pan kardni basti ittaskin ta-ba-i|i-il a-na UGU ag 30 blank [ta §3 [10 MANA terse 10 a.na bagu C.ACA] Thar ge Ta tad-aeru [x MANA namru)-tu, 1} Nay ANZA ses [ana vow da-alp-ti e-ti-ti te-es-vip [ana kari sa 4 rorarS-5a tu8'r]-rid-ma ina vaw né-me-di Gan-an 85 [SUNUS dabti kira Nu KUR wx fa-a]p-ta a ga-tir-ta ta-Sdr-rap [oes adi bilducka i-gu-udede tudeagsi u)-Sel-lam-mat ta-mar-raq, [ana ku-t}ri Si ték-kanni ha-gi-ti tcbirsrid 1 3 40 25 30 \. LEO OPPENHEIM [ear fa-ab-ta la qa-t}ir-ta [ta-8ér-rap a]-di Su KK kari Ta Dve-tan [ud-te ir-ta’}-in KA buce-ri p[vtema] adi ichar-tra-pu) malani ina pacni-ka ta- bites [ulti] th-tar-gu ra tor ma-am-ma (ta-m)ar [Summa way wlp-puug ana da-ab-ti iti ta-nacaz-ca-lam-mie ina ku-ri [BDz iD) Lam-mee XAy.28.6[E8.0URs} |] @ blank x [ ] a ip) @ Tabla BB § Los 8 Summa NAyZa.cin puns ana vi-ka 10 MA.NA IMMA.NA 15 MANA NB GNaGA 1 BABBAR a-he-e (la-malp-rag T-niS rast ana kuin’ 344 TOT. MESA [ha}-gi-ti tucse-ric [ta}-rid-di ax (fa-ab-ta Ta got [la-sYir-rap adi [Nay i}-pini [fu-Sel-lam-ma tw-k{ag-gi an-ma ta-mjar- [ralg [al-na da-ab-ti z{a-ku-te te-es-si-ip) ana kutiori St (tak-kan-ni ka-gi-te] puLepu-id ax fa-a{b-ta [la ga-tirsta} ta-sé-rap a-di i-Mar-ra-gu) ana ev a-gureri ta-[n}o-a2-2a-lam-ma fay 2k Bum Mana 6. 10 wa.8a URUDUABTA ni-ba ana da-ab-ti cack] ta-Sak-kan a-na kuctiri Sa tak-kan-ni 5 em-meti brser-rid-ma KK ku-wsi te Rét-tam tar dan-na-ta la qa-tir-ta ta-Sér-rap edi CRUDUABEA forai.ues 10 MANA 20- we tachas-Sad-mer ta-mar-rag WA foetiori ta-pe-et-ti-ma ana UGU URUDUEA SuB-di edi st-ku-té vow vnupUsttA tanah-ha-hee- mee URUDUANA ina KITA NA, é-Sak-Lu-nw tena mutersri 18 26 B65 ta-binibebe traces only broken break: (of 6 lines) st coli 53 col. ii 83 gh 83 A. LEO OPPENHEIM Tabla § 1tog 8 break [Lo] tanfanacec [SeD, i]lam-me lameana ina keri] Translation Tf you want to produce zaginduri-colored glass, you grind finely, separately, ten minas of immanakkw-stone, fifteon minas of naga- plant ashes (and) 13 minas of “White Plant.” You mix (these) together. You put (them) into a cold kiln which has four fire openings (literally: eyes) and arrange (the mixture) between the (four) openings. You keep a good and smokeless fire burning until the “metal” (molten glass) becomes fritted. You take it out and allow it to cool off. You grind it finely again. You collect (the powder) in a clean dabtu-pan. You put (it) into a cold chamber kiln, You keep a zood and smokeless fire burning until it (the “‘metal”) glows golden yellow. You pour it on a kiln-fired brick and this is called [zuk-glass]. You place ten minas of “slow” copper- compound (vRUDU-BT.A) in a clean dabtue pan, You put (it) into a hot chamber kiln and close the door of the kiln. You keep a good and smokeless fire burning until the copper compound glows red. You crush and grind finely ten minas of zuki-glass. You open the door of the kiln and throw (the ground glass) upon the copper compound (Tablet A adds: and close the door of the kiln again). As soon as the suki-glass be. comes mixed into the surface of the copper compound (Tablet B adds: and the copper compound settles underneath the “‘metal”) you stir it a couple of times with the rake until you see some drops (of liquid glass form) at the tip (of the rake). When the “metal” assumes the color of ripe (red) stapes, you keep it boiling (fore time). (Then) you pour it (the “metal”) on a kiln-fired brick, This is called tersitu-proparation. You collect ten minas of tersitu-prepara- tion, ten minas of bagu-glass, as much sifted(?) naga-plant ashes as is needed (literally: not measured), two-third minas of “white stuff,” one and two-thirds minas of cleaned 35 (literally: washed) anzahbu-glass in a now dabiu-pan. You put (it) into a kiln which has four fire openings and plaee it on a stand, [The base of the dattu-pan must not touch the (bottom of the) kiln.) You keep a gootk and smokeless fire burning [so that the flames come out of the openings]. As soon as your mixture is melted you allow (it) to cool off. You take it out of the kiln and grind (it) finely. [You collect (the powder) in a clean dabtu-pan,] You put it into a cold chamber kiln, You keep a good and smokeless fire burning, Not until the “metal” glows red do you close the door of the kiln, [After it has become rela you [elolse the door of the kiln and stir it once “towards you” (with the rake) until it becomes yellow (hot). After it has become yellow (hot), you observe some drops (forming at the tip of the rake). If the “metal” is homogeneous (without bubbles) you pour it (inside the kiln) in a new dabtu-pan, and out of the cooled-off kiln emerges zaginduri-colored glass. (A damaged and illegible line follows), Commentary ‘This complex group of prescriptions exhib- its all the features characteristic of the more claborate type of Mesopotamian glass recipes. Its over-all organization is carefully accentu- ated by the scribe in the last lines of § 1 as well a3 of §2. Tho first mentions a sub- stance called zuki which is the basic in- gredient for the activities described in §2, and the last line of the latter gives us again, in tersitu, the hasie ingredient for §3. And in the last words of §3, “out of the kiln comes zagindurt-colored glass,"" we have the echo of the first line of §1, “if you want to make cagindurd-colored glass.” Exactly the same integration of procedures comprising several stages can be found in the groups §4 to §6 and §13 to § 15. ‘The text as such makes an effort to de- seribe step by step the processes applied, preseribes the ingredients as to their quanti- ties, and clearly prefers.a consistent terminol- ogy for the instruction of the reader. Never-36 theless, a number of difficulties hinder our understanding, Not only ean all the ingre- dients not. be defined with sufficient clarity but—a more serious shorteoming—semi-fin- ished products are introduced beside primary materials without the seribe informing us about the way in which the former were produced. These are the glasslike substances baigu and anzahhu. Only the first is given a special section (§14, see also §P) in the group of prescriptions §13 to §15. The ‘anzabbu-glass, known already to the Sumeri- ans (see above pp. 19f), appears in all our texts in the way one would expect a raw material to be mentioned. ‘This is a charac- teristic feature of our text material and could suggest that anzahhu was produced by another craftsman. Since glasslike composi- tions are attested in Mesopotamia quite early —whatever their chemical nature (Faience, glazed or not, “Fritte,” ete.)—the term anzahbw quite likely refers to them. IF this is correct, our observation would reveal an important difference in glass technology— an carly and more primitive level on which the mentioned compositions were produced for beads, seal eylinders, simple bowls, ete., and ‘a later, more sophisticated one, in which imitations of precious stones were made out of a true alkalisilicate glass by a craftsman of a higher status. See also p. 78. ‘Technologically, the process described in § 1 to §4 consists of repeated heating, melt- ing and cooling off of the basic materials with special ingredients added at certain points to serve as coloring agents and opaci- fiers. Thus the first: stage (§1) yields the substance called 2uli. This takes two heat- ings in two different types of kairu-kilns. The second stage (§ 2) brings in the coloring agent hidden under the ambiguous writing cRUDU. 1.4, definitely a copper compound. Combined with the zuki-glass it yields a blue-colored glass designated by the vague term tersitu, literally “preparation.” In the third stage (§3), and again in two heatings, the blue and transparent tersitw-glass is being trans- formed into a glass with the color and tex- ture of the precious stone called 2agindurd, A. LEO OPPENHEIM a greenish type of lapis lazuli, The essential ingredients which are to bring about the last change are called bigu and anzabhu, two types of primary glass, Since anzahiw is known to contain antimony (see pp. 20f,) as a characteristic component, and anzabj is used to make bagu-glass (see §P), we have to assume that the Mesopotamian glassmakers knew exactly what they were doing. In view of the variety of terms used to designate what Teall here “primary” glasses (see the enumer- ation on p. 19), one is inclined to assert that each or most of these glasses had a definite and different chemical composition which not only conditioned its color but also its usability as an ingredient to produce in combination with other materials new and better types of glasses, Historically speaking, two phases seem again to be discernible in the development of Mesopotamian glassmak- ing: an early phase with a rieh vocabulary of designations for primary glasses, and a laterin which these same glasses were used by more advanced technicians to produce imitations of precious stones. Only the latter phase is in evidence in our text material. Of course, we have no means of finding out under what stimulus or where in the ancient Near East this technological “breakthrough” occurred, we only know that from the middle of the second millennium .¢. onward imitations of colored stones are mentioned prominently in cuneiform texts which describe jewelry and the like. ‘The only passages of special interest in this group are in §2 and §3 which describe the testing of the temperature of the pot metal by ‘a simple but efficient method. A rod (or rake) is inserted into the molten glass and ‘the formation of a drop at its point is ob- served. For another viscosity test: see p. 46. Tablet A § 41086 [Sujnema way 7A.ciNDUR, ana Db-ka 10. Ma.Na im-ma-na-ku 12 Ma.N]a aefinens-su achlece tamarrag] 45 Leni ptgt ana kwsti-ri Si 4 TorMRs. Sd kagictli tu-S|er-rid-ma ina bierit TOLMES ta-[red-di] st §5 56 A. LEO OPPENHEIM wax fa-ab-ta la qa-tir-ta ta-Sér-rap a-di bil- lwk{a ira3]-Su-Su ana vp-me tu-sel- lam-ma tu-(kas-s]i ewRma ta-mar-rag a-na da-ab-ti 2a-ku-ti teves-sip a-na ku-w-ri 8d tik-kan-ni ka- siti tusfe-r]id war la-ab-ta a qu-tirta taSé{r)-rlap] adi har-ra-su tu-kat-tam ul-tw ih-tar-gu ana wav a-gur-ri (ta-na-az- sucka Sum-sfei] 50 [10 af]a.Na URUDU.EEA nicba ana da-ab-ti za-kwti te-es-sip a-na (kulsiori Sd tke i ememesti p[ot+D]U puLtam 121 dan-na-{ta] ta -ir-ta ta-Sér-rap [adi URUDU]. BCA i-ra-dé-su-5u 10 MANA stcke-¢ ta-{has}-Sal-maa ta-mar-rag [4 ku-til-rita-pe-et-ti-ma ana vou vRvDw, HLA SuB-(di}-ma GuR-ma K[A] kueti-ri tukattam} [adi xag] fa" vRUDU.UT.A im-mab-ba-h ma URUDU.BLA in{a Sapal abni issakkuz nu] BD [ina mucter-r}i Lsi 26 Bo8tb tabi. ana ha-{ra-gi e&¢ti) ina 12 vS-di ina ap-pi mucter-ri TA 16r ‘ma}-am-m{a tammar] Summa Nay pa-an GxSei~ ba-ds-ti it Kin] way ina CoRUDU.BEA? f[a-ba- ana veu agur-ri ta-n[aa}e-2a-la-am)- [mia ter-si-ta Sum-3{uc] 10 MANA ter-si-tw10 MANA bluse 6. waa argu la la-aa-re 60 F MANA nameructuy Sé A.A0,[BA sa]-an- di qacli-tu a-he-e ta-mar-raq Lnis yrgt ana da-ab.t{i) 2a-{ku}-te(?) ip ana kuuri 86 4 roraMnS8d Hi vou ni-medi GaRan svyus da-ab-ti KOR [er fla-ab.ta la (ga)-tirta ta-Sér-ra-ap war ultw 3k TOLMES ki-i x x BateSa [andi bil-lu-bJa i-gueudedu 12x ta-8ad-da-ad Su SED, tuefel-lam-ma ta- 37 (12x (aati la ga-tir-ta ta-sérrap a-di Way brad5u-5u [84 ku-u)-ri la Dutetam ul-te NA, ir-ta’- Su KA ku-w-ri DoL-ma [adi i-har-rja-gu ma-la-ni ina pa-ni-ka ta- bicibehis ul-tu th-tar-gu [ra 161 ma}-am-fma} tain-[mjar-ma sum ma NA, up-pieug ana da-ab-ti e-si-ti 70 [la}-na-az-za-[lam-mja i-na kuri SnD, il- Tam-ma Ay ZA.G1N.DUR, Tablet BB § 4t0§6 [Sum-ma Nayza.chx.puns ana] vit-ka 10 MA.N[A IM.AN-NA] 15 [IANA a-hu-us}-ou acheve t[a-mar-rag) Wl {na kuliori 664 1ar.aeB8- te] 5! tu-sirtrid-ma ina bi-rit 161.6 ta-re[d-di] vax fa-ab-ta la ga-tir-ta ta-Bér-[rap] aedi bil-lu-ka up.we8 tw-sel-lam-ma tu. Has-si) eunma ta-mar-rag ana] da-ab-ti 2a- Mucte te-es-sip) ana ku-w-ri Sd ték-kan-[ni] a-red(di] 10" was fa-ab-ta la qla-tirsta tasarrap] adi ishar-ra-su [tukattam ultw ibtarsu) ana wav a-gur-ri [la-na-az-2a-lam-ma uk: Sumi] niemed{i catean ...] ux fa-lab-m la qetirta tasarrap . war ul-[tu 8A TOLMES ... BateSa] 35° adi bifl-lu-ka iguddu ...] ina ku-til{ri BRD, tusellamma tamarrag] [na dabti zakiti tessip ...] Lo] C reverse §4 §5 56