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    Fink 2020 Criticizing The King

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    Ben Fleuss

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    To Classica et Orientalia | Der Alte Orient und die Entstehung | der Athenischen Demokratie Herausgegeben von Ann C. Gunter, Wouter F. M, Henkelman, Bruno Jacobs, Robert Rollinger, Kai Ruffing und Josef Wieschafer Herausgegeben von Claudia Horst Band 21 | 2020 2020 Harrassowitz Verlag - Wiesbaden Harrassowitz Verlag » Wiesbaden Unschlgabbildung: Gustav Graf (1821-1893), Solon lisst den Senat von Athen sine Gesetzeberchwcen”. Olauf Leinwand Foro: Ane Zeis-Loi. © Stftang Sammlung Volmes, Wuppertal Bikiopaich frat de essen Nationa Die Desh Nationalist enone cte Plato der Dewi atealiiyafer dealin iingahehe Duende erp ‘iborapicifrmaton pails byte Deus Nationa The DeicheNatonaibthek is hin pcson inthe Desc itoebisiopafs dele opp aboot Informacion um Velagsogramm fadn Sic ter pulnewwharsowstseriede © Ono Haraiowtz Gt Co, KG, Wiesbaden 202 Das erences ser Te whthcreiich och Jele Verwertng util der eg Gresan ds Uiebene pecs chne Zustinmung ds Vege unaulatigund seal: Dash nbeeeies {or Vervlaigungen ede Are Otescsngen Meet ad far die Eipttcrng inlelaroniste Syn Ged sarc indigem pe Printed in Germany . : a ae ISN 2bo308 SUNSreeret284-0 Inhalt Vorwort. Claudia Hort Einletung: Demolratie und agonal Polk in Mesopotamien und Griechenland Mare Ven De Microep ‘Popular Pascipaion in the Political Lie of ehe Ancient Near East, Sebastian Fink (Crciciing the King in Ancient Mesopotamia: An Overview. obaones Hanbold Politsche Redekulrurim giechischen und akadischen Epos Wolfgang Oneald Die palitischen Konzeptionen des Deuteronominme als Tell, des politichen Denkens der antiken Micteecrvile Kurt A, Rasflanb Der gross Sprung! in Politik und poliischem Denken der frthen Griechen ‘und das Ende einer Ose West kine Karen Radner & Alexander Vac ‘The Site of Al Mina, the Porc of Abts and Mediterranean Trade in the Age of the Assyrian Empire Winfred Soma Die Weltin der Mite. Netarisenschafiche und poiiche Konsepte sam Ubergang von aistatatschen 24 demokratchen Ordnungeo Hans Klfe Die attische Demoratie cin Vertilungsmodel Wilfried Nipp Die athensche Demokratie und wit. vir ca 195 25 Criricizinc THE Kine rN ANCIENT MEsoroTAMIA: AN OVERVIEW* Sebastian Fink Critique and Opposition For this paper understand critique asa fundamental need of every viable sytem, beit2 whole soir, a government, or an enterprise. Crcque ofers the system an opportunity to reflect on its own Functioning in onder to identify malfunction and co adapt itself co ‘hanging cicumstances, In order to make critique work, there needs tobe someone who ttiticzes something and someone with the power to make use ofthe crcque inorder to ‘optimize che system in general ot his r her own behavior in particular. From the various ‘amples of totalitarian sates in the 20" century we know quite well var the frst ching totalitatian sates abolished was the posbility to openly formulate critique against the ruling clas, which often led to paradoxical situations People ervczing totalitarian or ‘authoritarian regimes always had to fice the eheea of heavy punishment. Today’ liberal, ‘emocracies are proud of “feed of specch" aright har theoretically allows everyone to Formulae critique against the powerful without the ehreat of being panished. Brought ro a simple formula we ean sate that the most Hberal democracies allow any ciique, while totalitarian regimes nearly completely prohibit ertque. This isa face chat might also have contributed to the downfall the relative shor lifespan of most toaltarian states, However, what does that mean fr our investigation segarding the Ancient Near Eas? In democracies, we expect 0 find alot of critique while in totalitarian sates we expect only well hidden critique or no visible critique at all. Therefore, what do we expect fom Mesopotamia? If we take a Hegelian evolutionary perspective things seem clear. In the ‘Ancient Neat Eas, everyone excep che king, wis unftee and only during Hegel’ life- Tris placeTfav o shank Candia Hos for inviig eo imlating spd high oeresing ores. tional have to tha Sto Parpls nd Jor Sven fr che consroctve ‘iam on the coment end language hiss 1 Numerous cumple can be found in AlesandeSothenisyes ook: The Gulg Archipelgo, Tpebciays Aa Experinein Literary Invesietion, New York etal 974. When etique Was ex reed, persons wee punished or th cig, ir wa nocespreed ed someting Went MON, they wer punished or sabotage 2 Sebastin Fink vie people collie fedom.Accordingo Henri Lime west hater ugg to feted ofthe vew othe Mesopotamian ruts stan without ime) Howes son ‘erelyunderand he Mesopotamian pole ens be tyme ey ate or the Neo Asin Emi, a 20 century ttaltaan state vet re Pay te. Rather, the evel of ono xed ont teppei sem to have been ot "lo lvl compared etn tray demas Tee is plc scton, ha public healtheare, no centrally organized police, nr secret service ~ institutions which have the potent osjematily guersevahat information an punih aon fi andre Iasperstheory of he Alga ndcctharwecannotexpeccriguein pre as il Mesopotamia The Atal Agee the geo the re ean ae he the foundations a out moderns lad and inhi orien ego enced philosopiychange drama Msoporania sul dened pee Asante ‘ecannot expect any mete shaking there, No maces how nee such ety eplan. ons sem fs igh the srinivas ers polems henlonking the sees 2nd ompriog chem sth ere movil, These mois can hve the dadaotge thawe might hor be sets wha cand nour soutcsbece the pein ‘hemode el sth thee tings done exis ek neon nee pape that deviating opinions nd ctu of fundamen egos sues dlexiin Ano Mespocamis tat eos! news wee changed ae news aes were formulated, and hat the king ma sbjct oti Ia ear exe 3 Bt tat 7 Tn "Vrsungen ber ie Gsciche dxPiosopi Hee Jlospic’ Hep at "Des Oren wate und eid in etc grchche und omic Wl, aie cen, dips ‘Wel wel dalle fis sin, Dc eon Form, wi darn de West che et Do ‘pti, de xweiet die Demakrate wo Avisobraic, und die dete die Marche” Hegel, Cen ‘itn Fiednch,vsewngea abe di ilo dr Gece, Fe Molino a Masks Michell), eres 20 Bind, Bn Fanaa Ba 986 4 : 3. “La qrmiesan mt de sneer ay poe dogs ec pr, de FOnee el out changes, ‘Stun ponder quiere Line eu Radeon nt tres npn, in: Aree) Cand oppaisonen Mesopocanie unc os, ce-y.ca 4 Shapes, Kar Vom Unprutg nd Zl dr Gah, ntfs Ma, Hose ys seebcomtion in En Su Theisen le he eons, Alea 3986 Aso, Johar, Escnta,Shnel Ns Wied, Br (a A Crna Wad Hy, Lees) Sena 5 Sethe humors devetingriqu of ch ovcsipliffng approaches ia Lae, Mo Tle The By Eskom Ml. Reen on Scent ssn Francesca Rochberg Halon (od) Language, Literature, and Hisory, Pilological nd Histo State presents Eis Rete New tea 820-35 ae 6 Fink, Shania, Coen Alen Ose ne Haimeding ve Mari ochhaset Erich Kier dy Gage, Worbur ory, ik Seana clad Oppo seni Mepenins ane Re de Bas aD 8) tng ofthe hs ence Aang nematode ten aap sot Wane lakes, Wha tn soe Psy map Mc Ada ar ok Questioning Doane of Raye es Milos Menpounan atte spend (Criciig the Kingin Aaciene Mesopotamia: An Overview 5 often was disregarded in Assyriological studies’ The fat that we ae actully able to find ‘his eitique in texts rather astonishing on fst ight, 2s many ofthe teats in which this Shaque i formated come foe coyal libraries. We ean be sue that most of the rats ‘ficialy scored royal libraries were intended co praise and legitimate the rule ofa king” ‘Am intcoductory section presents some literary text with critical potential ‘iafistcase scudy,L will teatthe inscriptions fom third millennium Lagan which the population of city “criticizes” its rule by ling him. Rebellion obviuslyis harsh form of critique and usually hard ro reconstruct from the cuneiform records, bat in this ase, he rebellion seem to be regarded as legitimate because the euler of the enemy city {serves this punishment ae he has broken a0 oath. Therefore, it seems thatthe whole population could act as apolitical and eal agent when i became necessary. As this [rele aims at presenting sme ineresting texts fom different source-groups as evidence for eritizing the king, I cannot teat the discussed phenomena and their development through time here I decided to begin with the texts from Laga’ because they preset a highly interesting example of questioning the lgitimation ofa ruler, or rather: the dec sion thata rulers not legitimate anymore because he obviously lost the fivor ofthe gods Similar cases could be Found in quite a numberof Royal Inscriptions, here it should sue fice 1 hine at those of Assurbanipal in which a great number of evil enemy rulers safer death for various reasons." “The subject ofthe next case sy are the seribes and scholars of the Neo-Assyrian kingas agents of eiticism, Fortunately the Neo-Assyran letters allow us detailed insight inwo the ongoing discussions between the king and hs scholars. Sanctioned by thei abi “sich Ty oimcprate snl nthe footnotes of thir Te book gies decal emment (erin era teats inthe Neo Assia period 17 Doetothe based ature ofthe sources shard answer the quetio fe Mesopotamian se Iyeve questioned she sist of kingship for enmpe Pongo Leste, Bete, Hersch ‘tines a Mesopramien (State Archive of Asi Sees), Hea op, ates think the Tene dno low lel demonstrate ha they wee avae ofthe problematic spect ofthe Inmteetnofkingiip as wear swore the pobematc ppc democracy ~barthisdoes not tncan tha sey deeaped a alternative ser, Foramore decid dscsson ofthe question of the matoreof saa nd pose sourey sce Fink, Gepenlerim Alen Ole? 80-82 See Befronic, Golo Civic Luiutins ad Segorerament a Souther Mesopotamia inthe 2M He Milena BC, Jan Gers Dercloen (a), Astin and Beyond, Sudies Presented Moyen Til Lane, Lede, itabul:004 47-98 te Tn theschighly elaborate and bsg tte the foes SR away from he population a he sgsnel punishment tothe gods who govern the whole wold with ei otal vs Tei puis then ofr behavior sean so bese unavoidable Thereby Assrbanpal becomes 2 king ~ bo thvoaly he nly hinksofhiael asthe aking who exces che Lngs other bss or Tring td shepherds ofthe populition and for Beall beng responsible fore dovaflf hit thier snd hon dts case of th nlign avons. The examples cooghout surbanipals itsripons ae numerous, See Borger Ryle, Beieage 2am Inches Asuanipa, Wies Inden 197 foraniton ad rartion ofthese tes. 4 Sebati Fink ity understand thesis ofthe gd theses wer imaledin nell desis thekingandhed th poten gue andertceehins nT Nanos In thelescas sy. wil with the pops gets erique Asthe corps trp oh Arsen gw OBA Teese loaliein che act Near ae ne veer PDI Ina fal caper wll ry snoner the queon whether we hae anyeience for 1 pniihmene for exiting King nd go, something tha athe well doce ithe Gree source with Sacre the mos ma itm fac ate Theres taherimportne ine Forth pensar andonaessmen ohio shld belpast aly understand why how righ ws outed in scan way ritictzing the King i Literary Texts ‘When openly criticizing rules seems dangerous, crique via literary textsisa welcome pporeanity to formulate one equim an understandable but nx oles way As ‘neaely all literary texts from the ANE deal with kings all these texts havea potential for ‘ticning kings as ~ generally speaking ~ none ofthe protagonists of hese texts with ‘out file, Theyallare human beings with thet ertors, fears, and sorrows and, in the best «ass, they become good kings ether in the human or divine sphere. As discussed quite numberof trary texts and their ritque near publications and he recent bock of Jennifer Finn provides dealed discussion of the erica potential of namerous literary texts, [will only zeferto some examples here ‘ Tn aseies of acces Jn Keetman discussed the critical potential ofthe Gilgamed-sto ries" Gilgames is, together with Sargon of Agade, the prototypical king of Ancient Mesopotamia and thereby a role model for all kings. Keetman points out that literary texts give an opportunity to cicize tyrannical behavior ofthe king in general. Even if ‘the examples of suppression and abuse of power ae clearly exaggerated ~ maybe even ex aggerted in ridiculous way’ ~ the cexes erste suppresion by using an example, not Bibel6, 2012, 15-30. : Sonieas ce Cling the Kingin Ancient Metpotamit: An Overview 5 in am abstrace ways and all he kings who read or heard this text should have understood its message" Keetman discusses three examples of such a critique. The frst one is the {yannial, young Gilgaaies who abuses his subjects as mounts in order to pla 2 kind of| Polo. The second sa discussion ofthe significance of GilgameS and Enkidu’ fightin the house doos, which is obviously an open rebellion agains the powerful king Gilgames.* ‘The third ext reared by Keetman is Gilgamet and Aga, where the critique aims a Ag, the king of KB, Once more, the text stresses che limits of royal power and reminds the king cha he fsking because his subjects follow hin. Here~ quite contrary to aloof oth- cx texts, where the ultimate legitimation does nat derive from the subjects but fiom he gods — the king becomes king by che proclamation af his people, wino provide him with Ime ina ~ usually translated as frightening splendor” Iisa wel known hkerary technique not vo formulate the moral of thestory buco leave thisco the audience, inorder eo give them the convition that chey created thisinsight on their own ~ seemingly this also applied to che eriique formulated ia these stories. Addi tionally, mos literary texts were seen as age-old anonymous texts, and no author could be ‘made responsible for their conten. Thescribes presented themselves quardiansof these old texts and even ifchey would have composed a new textin order co citicze the king, they surely would have told hin that che ea is age-old in order to increase its authori. For my treatment of ertique in lerary texts, I divided these texts into two groups ‘One group of texts challenges established customs and views,” and another group of texts Teal dior Wie periten i, wal kau saunshmin-DieroceleZaordang eae Ree persed beabihge Ke bers lar ekennen, Das Ganae wikis wiecneKaatar {iF einen Kong der seine Untrtanen nic Laie erick” Kerman, Gilgamesh ott a {sine Untrann, Oboe mesoning fee widows shoal inate wel pow ob ignionaf the Lng to tae ete the widows nl he mek, See Wen Moshe, Sod Justices sal an the Aen Ne Eat Jeoaiem 29 and the seus belo, 14 “Alb eraser Ten ana ds Gilet Eps cin igen in vetremdecer Get drstlen Stas Untedrchung gant aba oder am Honk Gepeseand sutzregen (eB oberseben- tr Aveta, Sewers}, ies migich das de Unerdrkungin caenandaen Beech tans ponict wide alssnule Unerrclang, Ansinen slchen Basel sch Untedrickung Finer ihe, degli ie Gf eines fons gegen den Konigader de beschende Ord sung emt, Wa geschlder wird, girs sonic aber man kines doch als epi ge Ureauthen”Keeemann, Der Kemp Haast, 63 1. 15 “Dar Thoma der Groen hingicher Mac, om dem wt meinen, dass rc den Kampf und das Uaskeren im sor symbole: wld ec ao in der anzen Komposton meh n den inverund us beim pngbatylonichen Epos wll sega noch has in de akbabyl fee Fr Toate cht ach de Kamp in astra Anfang Tet die Sci ‘erung soe v0 deuihen Widerandet gegen den Herscher went unbengtnovwendig {eves wenn ess darum geangen wat, den King ie orig ier Pal Diese et {Gensinchafe oraufuen” estan, Der Kampf Hor, #3, 16 “Dasallesmachy vorighich Sinn men man ni ein rer Line ie Ee fretder ig nen Unetaun vender st, dee Vorametzang fdas Kongtu st. [.] Dasmelim de Egan’ wi ofenscch nic sf eaen Fenden” Keeman, ABE Kis, 4 sink nisl Opposition in Mepis, 75-477 6 Sebaian Fink makes fun of che king Maybe the late category wasalitebit too narrow and iemainly applies to the depiction ofthe king in che Poor Man of Nippur. 72 °SUMMAS' ana ma-bar mal-bu ina orebic 73. ud kina’ tg gag-ga 1 macbar-si 7, ofl-la-(a’ SU.a.MES-ii MAN kibiete rkarrab 75 et fe Slabei UN.MES MAN i Jura ‘LAMMA 76, ner ‘GISGIGIR ina ghee, fa birdinueninema 77, UDAKAM ema i garam-mara i2i-invt leuk dtc 78, (fe DUmesia apie} MANA “rat-i¢-4 K[UG]GI 99 [olf al smal ku [és}in-tarka minu‘wnl ma 80.4 ina ret ‘GIS\GIGIR tarlak-ba D]a al UD -mse* When GimiltNinurta entered ino the preseace of the king, he prostate (and) {ised the ground before him. (Fe) aise his hands, blessing the king ofthe wold “0 Sire, pride ofthe people, king whom Lamassu extolled, let them give me one ‘harioet your command. Fone day let me achieve ny desir wherever I plan, my ally compensation is one pound of red geld." The king didnot ask him, "Why doa you deste co ridea whole day ina chariot” 72-80)" ‘The kingin this text does not Full his obligation as guarantor ofa just word order, his {reed for gold makes him forget about justice, and he gives the chariot wo ehe Poor Man, ‘ho is able to make use ofthe king’ weakness fr is own plans. If this passage was com sidered funny, which Lassume, the humor arase out ofthe expectations of the audiences the faerthacthe king did nord what the audience expected htm todo, namely earn down the pooe man's desire fo the chariot." ‘The notion “Making fun ofthe king” alo applies to other texts, one of them a very cxplicicrext about the sexeal powers of Fear." which contains, as Wilfid Watson has ar gued convincingly at leas sie blow on che sevenfold prostation infront ofthe king 18 Fil, ecu Oppoion in Mesoporamia, 17-180, 4 Ocervange, Baruch, The Tle ofthe Poor Man of Nip (Sate Archies of Asya, Cuneiform “eae 3} Helin 2016 Onteranger, The Tale ofthe Poor Man oF Nppur Foster, Bejamio, Humor nd Canfrm Literature nT Jounal ofthe Ancien Nes Ease Society 6,574, 69-85 ges 2 genet acount of huts in cuelionm erate, Eekord, amor i asyrbshen Konigsinschiften is Jt Poss ed) Inelletl Life ofthe Ancien [Near Es. apes presented athe aed Rencontre uyriolgsgue imematnal Pager hy to ‘996, Prague 998, re-i6a discus born Royal Tnsepans Thien ws fit edited hy Soden, Wolf von in spt aithbylonches lrwm-Pried A tan: viet S60 191 339-34 and daca more deb Victor Avo owes ‘who called his texts “Bondy Ballad se Horas, Visor Avgdor An OM Babponan Booty alla in Zhony Zev, Seymour Gin, Michal Saif) Slving Riles and eying eos [bis Epigraphl, and Semi Sater In Honor of Jonas C. Geen, Winans Lake yo, ‘avon, Wie, Furcher Comments on the Prosetion Forms Breese Units 003, 65 9) In: Novels Anprilogiques CCrtkizing the Kingin Ancient Mesopotamlas An Overview 2 See re ee ee een Tae isonet ea eee eae ec eta es eect eat Ene perpetrate pamersternaraie ihn ot ce ee ee icq iepeeeal*Unhlhowete ee cat " 74 thin gull 75 172. ali mare biré wma’ tr 73 [7 ana pin) 7 pub alputu 74, ukin gu 5 ‘alma (dnt rabité 76, Hear [alba Zababe Annunitum 77. Sullat fant) Samat quran 78, narzag ini rab ana alata w cagiie al idinamma 79 ‘sam aqhi ana lbh uomma bi andeima Ro, amet sri 1. a barbara ial itu So af arabs na] mgr ib 8. lade ilo jt agha* lune cchot een Trappe elias. qa be re pt By ee Sa GO or eetercaoe ‘Sins sceoniogo my on nna Ardea chess) “This shore passge contains he basic warnings Listen tothe gods! Do nocbelievein your ‘vn powers! Do not forget thatthe gods geancall power! Beyond Critique: Killing the King inthe Third Millennium tnganften sh le conezion betwee the ng dn beings cesta yin bran heingané hos hed inid {heres sae taba of millennium Mepotamis could st Rul hy the tos inellthc wong pan fom tet tinea a tori oneher la oder ‘Srl Emp estuton rbtna nb rage ot omtap ncn enh itn tan oi ng OF Lagat ling thee Lng, butthead ofthe wrong ing? cade 4 Westen, Joan Goodaick, Legends of che Kings of Akkade (Cuneiform Monographs7), Winons Lake rasy 36 as, Weta, Lgends ofthe Kings oF Ade, 31. of Sebastian Fink by the population ofthe city, obviously, a case of rebellion.” Unlike other rebellions, of| ‘which we know mainly hrough reports of those who suppressed them,” these rebellions ae described inarather neural oreven positive way, as they are interpreted as just pur ishment of an vildoe. The available inscriptions inform us about the famous Lagat Un 'ma border confi From the Lagatite point of view" The frstinsripron relevant forthe topic is E-anatum 1." The txt describes the his ‘ory ofthe conflict and makes clear that itis a result ofthe numerous sins and the anes, lability of the leader of Unima, who isa notorious oathbreakey, as he caianed the fields ‘of Ning, the city god of Lage, for himself. This makes Nines intervene in the human world by creating E-anatuo with the elp of other gods tool for his revenge = 4a dream (vt ~ vis) the furureis reveled to E-anatum, and itis foretld tht hel ‘win the war and chat his enemy will be klld by his own people” Seemingly, the actual description ofthis events lacking in che text, which has many lacuna. Inthe ond ofthe text Enatum restores che borders and makes the leider of Uma swear oath in order ‘o solve the border conflict fra Facute. Unfortunately, E-anatumn’s plan does not work out and so the conflict continues, fn E-anatum 4, we can find another insriprion with acuse on any future leader of Ureana who dares to violte che border. The text reads lias) ura mest (TE ME) 6) su hénact ‘May (the people sebe against him in his (very) own ce Again, the cext uses the verb Su ~2i (“aise the hand?) to describe rebellion and does noe speak of ecsn group rebelling, bu itrather seems that the ebelion is aid out by the city asawhole. 46 Forselonsin Mesopotstis se the contusions in Richard, Sth, Weng Rebelion Hac let th Record in: Seth Richardson fe), Reblon and Peripher ashe Conor Weg [New Haven 201-3, 27 Obviouy eas refined hodology wo udertand the nature of hese evens when sig such ‘se sources. hl irodacoy aril othe abovementioned volume Richuron spe “tng rebelion bakin the recor” and provider simetbodolgial nk fortes the sory oF his conic, sce Coope, Jerald, Reconsvctng Mien ove cet fn. ‘erp The Lagi Umma Border Conic Sours fom the Ant New Lae ie Mel 29, The umber archos of The Royal Ineipions of Mesopocina RIM), 30 TheRoplnseripionsof Mesoptamia ga sss 4 Thebgpnnig ofthe pasageisins lacus, the rable ox ea“) ene a2) °K OSU. a3) ga” Faye andi “Tis peopl wil aac hand agai hin Sod fe lb ill kin Gia esl)” The verb aa whichieraated Co aie the hindi slate ‘oreerco rebellion que len, ean “to reel by Fgnein otter oe = TheRayal cigs of Mesopranisy3-¢ Citing he Kingin Ancient Mesopotamia: An Oveview » the insitons of Enmesna it mension tac UsLUM a, another re SE Engrs titel nen pone nd he populion ofUmna"The insertion ces with the cn tha the poplaon fbn deny shoul any who alts the border of aga In extaodnay te the called Urano ow he ny fom Una deste dace Lapa ands thee fhe et that the goissalloc punish Urakagine fr hese ints bur athe ee gly Lage Het the inendel punishments not neon, butt seams que posible that i oped that woul lens lon ee eee populiton och esto bean acepcle punsien or nj ule who Beak fot pponn er ser ng gh spores cy gehen ving be might aloe nda reeaton teaver nanel the wah tne fr, Fig Ene reports theater UrLUMan expe asf tok oleh or ile" Ih pie vrs involved in mdi Gr LUA is ot enone inthe tet, bases be tarps Obvious ras morerovarng om an Heol pane ewe UO: LUM deby an anoaymous hand “hither of Bang ile by on own population neato wrong behav i ob viusya wer hash, be maybe elec, orm of eiq fr enetealor her sn tel behavior othe King ear feelin ia pres cheers and ext othe Neo Asyian kings bu the equ in ers and prophesies is forma a2 more Akpan wy shan hrescenig mare, But basal thers contin these wang toi Lng do oe ym pho te pod CCriticlaing the King in Scholarly Leters acaletonsfene ‘The cxample dca ere come om Sate Ani of upria"acall fr sao Ehud and Asbo The chs were aad 0 the 33 Hla) we LUMma 16) ba-da-kar 17) #8 MKUSU Ka 1) es Fy ns TULUM "escaped, bus was killed in Ciéa (Urmuma) itself.” The Royal lascriptions of fesopocamia 95-1 > Teopleofkisown cir, after sing up oainst hn kllhim chte within is (own) cig The Royal Tsepins of Mesopocis foi Tor ose afta Wal ema, ase eater Aas 3p Farsdiunio af thedirent hla ce aio he Asin coun edhe inoducton 20 Sebsstan Bk service of the Assyrian king as his spiritual guardians and advisers." The high esteem in ‘hich these scholars were held in posterity is demonstrated bythe fact that their mew ory was elevated ina Hellenistic list, in which they wete paired with famous kinge ‘Therefore; each important king was considered ta have wise man ahis side." That he ‘esponsibility ofthis wise man was enormous and thatthe king realy depended on good advice in different matters is elevident. Giovanni Lanfranch's discussion of leer oF [Be-uSeib to king Esachaddon provides insights ito the way scholars tied to guide the king. In the letter (K. 195) analysed by Lanfranchi, Beludeath cuens aad portent ito 8 good portent for the king by using sophisticated exegetical methods, Lanfranchi com wemvmaclalmi 9° Blab tlk -te ma dine dn 0's) rit «pluie (on) tam Se etka e-eristal t! émucma gira tenes) 18 [Bela scrim a af] 1° Ura aa ks na se-[dr ee [a] sxacaza}e gisrracam tet 6 Jemma Ula Kram-ma baca-ans 7 Ua tule) akan tam apilam igre” [Now hear ingle word of mine: Fanyone cries otto you forjadgement, yng “Thane bon wrong” be there to decide cas, aoe ily TA ‘shat esi from you f yougo fo] tthe war ever do o [without consulting orate (Whe [I] Bocome manifest [ny] oral goo the war 1 does [ot bapen doo go oto the ty gate (> ‘The fist part of this eats obviously repeats what we also encountered inthe former le The king should establish and keep up justice in his and. The second part contains ‘warning also found in literary texts, The king should noe go eo war without establishing, thedivine willby consulting an oracle, The whole Cuthaean Legend, a exe that desribes ‘the unsuccessful war of Naram-Sin against the enemy hordes and explains is ost bates ‘wih his hubris of going co war wishout the approval andeven against she wil of the gods, could be seen as an claboration on this one sentence This kind of critique eannot be found in the Neo-Assyrian sources, although the dal ofthe king as guarantor of justice and defender of che weak and poor was obviously also presen i the frst millenium Nissnen sees no reason why the *NeorAssytian prophets would not have reminded the king of is oyal obligations” and explains this by bringingat Royal Ideology ° “Ths mou fades abandoning ths bligaions and thee losing eer throne the main pic ofthe Weidner Chronic, See Finn, Mach Ado out Marduk, 0138 ora dealed ween of the rextandforhe references leg Marana 798 (A.968). Tasltraton fo hep arb Tranlson rom Nise, Ancien Prophesy 27, ‘The cet pocatil ofthis texts discussed by Ron, Ascent Propey, 71. A lion and canst ose sever version ofthis te ound in Weel, oan Gondeik, Legend of (he Kings of ALsade(Cupeorm Monographs) Winars Lak 1985, 26;-368 See Nisin, Ancien Prophecy a7 ape with freee aerate 7 Sebastian Fink Thatthskind fer isnot nthe Neo Asspian prophck preserve tousmaybe dete thereon thy wee din he archiver at hse ep !niy of aban and Assrbanipal chosen ing who bad spec ae ship with he gods tar and wih her pophets The venta! wanfeaon of pophecal etic cannot be expected at sve th Purp bv schalas an prophes wee inthe potion wo vce a thereby innce thing Thre th in fa opin esha pe othe had to coneral them, make use oftheir messages for his own legtimation snd avoid thiothrsmighedotesame Thing obvious naman ac hinschlarcoullon sind of informing him sour bad ports” an therefore perp meme he 'tpor to him abou nepieptent so in ther words he enced then a openly tic.” Timea tha ce ings wee aware ic ce orev cee sound em who dared wine pole dangers and pee hi laog seg sons, Prophsic messages could be sed in reclions" and he New Ast Lins brs we eae othe dng th th Horan ol ewe ye ‘enemies, This leads us to our next question — was there any punishment for criticizing t Wingthac goes beyond hele of soiling elon? Per stlcingshe Critique and Punishment: ‘Was there a punishment for criticizing Kings and Gods? [eis obvious thatone ofthe central aims of every ruler isto kep his rl " y ruler isco keep his rule intact, but there ae diferent ways to achieve his aim. Avoiding rebellions by presenting oneself as ast, and legitimate kings a common strategy of Mesopotamian kings. Lending an ext to the weak and suppressed and establishing justice for them are important duties of the Mes 7 Lettie he ea ey mane omen mor pean heal ee ‘tigi emer a Toca pee mst ea a atin heptane teiaarssemperoenct epee een ke ssdmaybevtwedsndarcstenpen rated ino pultonfe ete ea 1 and Sly Taco Nein Tne A ee seh ae A Bulletin 3/2, 1989, 99-114, 11, - “seine tn ona sas demon sh anes stent dion cho tng aes eager ee he whiny aren owiehe barrage ‘eyhig meinen) ng myers tose aga Soumatcmed tora rng inp ctor om ny lord?” (State Archives of Assytia 10,265, ¢ 7-13) ‘ saci names Artin cnet ence ped igh hn ‘nnd sane Thetamctceefaean Se wpe ng ey Pistvinan ere baci Anche riicicing the King Ancient Mesopotamia: An Overview 2» ‘opotamian king, documented in txts from the third millenaium onwards.” Te seems ‘that these dies were inevitably connected with the ability ofthe king to accept ertique. “Although he hiself was mayle noe drecely responsible forthe grievances, he had to face the fact char they occurred under his rule and that his kingship was not perfect, but an ongoing process of (establishing order anljustice.* ‘Away co deal with ciiqueis simply co ignore it the one who critcies the powerful isnot heard, he might turn to more ficient means of opposition or give upcrcciing at all, Fora powerful king, it was irrelevan if some ondinary people mocked or criticized him, Howeves,ertque can become dangerous when it comes from the mouth of influ ental people, and then the king tried to control i, a shown inthe succession treaties, ‘which are disused below, In contrast tothe succession treaties we can find no regula tions concerning lée-majeté inthe law-codes, but there are some paragraphs mention ing blasphemy. The reason to forbid evil words fom all kinds of divine and prophess against Assurbanipal, che furore king, i obvious ~ all hese people could be exploited in onder to initiate ot eologically support revole agains the king” "That hekings were aware ofthe danger of etique or slander," especialy in the Fragile sieuation ofthe transfer of power to their succesor, is amply demonstrated in the treaties cited in State Archiver of Ayia», The treaty of Samt-Adad V with Marduk-zakirsami ‘obligates both partes not wo say “vil words" about each ater. Sennacherib’s Succession “Treaty mentions slander against Sennacher and declares the obligation to inform the king abour it something that also mentioned inthe Accesion Teeary of Esarhaddon, where the passages somewhat beter preserved and rads 3° Seta Fink 4 mma ama) aati la deg (TA* prs NUMUNGH ala anaes las imma) TA ple oben "TAM (8A) ‘LU\GAL-MES [LU NAMMES] 6 (TA' ped ven) “TAY SA LULs—sipant alee TA pe? [eon LUSAG-MES) 7 [esiem-mucn-i) i ane Maisar PAB —{SUM}na EN ie la aqub been Should I he(ar an ugly word about him [ftom the moulkh of is progeny, Should "hea it] from che mouth of ne ofthe magnates or [govenors, [fom the mouth ‘of one off the bearded or from the mouth of the eurachs},I wil go and tlle 10 Esathaddon, my lord, 7") In the frous and wel peeved text own as Bathaddn'Sucetion ‘Testy he importance of good vec see are mensoned che thecomeing pany sold give sound adc (nla) to Aworbanipal™ Additonal che coneacing party one tore blige to epor andr 73 Hummes abun aces la DUGGA-t le nit 74a trie fa eel LD. GAL-e fd ina UGU maisur—DU—A 75, DUMU—MAN GALoa id E—USte a tarsitoneni a tacat wn 76, her ina pt SES MES. SES MES—AD MES. 4 DUMUMSES MES —AD-MESsid 7. gin-niid NUMUN EAD lina 4 LO.GAL-MES LO.NAM-MES 78 la ina pei LULSé—cigni LUSAG-MES 79 le ina pid LOaom-mani lina pi nap har a matSAG.DU Bo, mala Basten main tepacaredni 8 latalabani-niana massa—DOA DUMU-MAN GAL 8s. ld EUS letangab beni If you hear any improper, unsuitable o unseemly word concerning the exercise of kingship which is unseemly and evi against Assurbanipal, the great crow prince designate, citer from che mouth of his brothers, his uncles, his cousins, his aly (ar his people), members of his father’s ine; oF from the mouth of magnates aud _governors, oF from the mouth ofthe bearded and eunuch, ot from the mouth of the scholars or from the mouth of any hurnan being 2 all, you shall not conceal it bur come and report iteo Assucbanipal, ce designate (75-82) Sate Archives of Assyrian The reny was dstibted wal the provinces ofthe Asan emit, by. 2 demonstrated by copy fhe text in ancien Kalli todays Tl Taya in Take Se Radar Kare, Auth eso “TemplePesied” TheRessorstion ofthe Calf Ai s3$BCE, in Chrsopher Levin Rein Miller (ed), Herrschatslegtian in vordtointaichen Relchen der Enact (Onetaloche Relgonea in der Ane 2), Tubigen 20777-96808, "You shall speak wit im nthe erarhf your eas, ie hn sound aie yy, and noch hie srayinevery respect” (Sate Ache of Atria 65-3, Sent Archives of Assia Cicsing the Kingin Anciene Mesopotamia: An Overview ” A very similar passage is inserted only some 20 lines ater: The epetiton obviously stres- ‘ache importance of avoiding “el words” agaast the crown prince: 108. Yen aebutt ta DUG.GAvt Le desig 109, be bani ina UGU mat ar—DUA DUMU—MAN GAL dv £—U8- 10. DUMU maltar—PAB— (AS MAN KUR—atur ENG fa tara tbat len a ed LOKUR fr, dc na psalms, np SES-MES 4. SES-MES— |AD-MES fv DUMU—SES-MES—AD-MESsi us, gine NUMUN EAD. {lac ina ped SES.MES. rn 6. DUMU-MES oe DUMU.MEMES tr Io ina pa LO ya gime 7. LO.mah- oe DUMU ia-¥ mat DINGIR ni, few ina pei nap-har ga-mat-—SAG.DU mal baci-w 1p. tam ma ahi arpacare tent 20 la telabanin! ana makinr—DU—A DUMU—MAN GAL sa tid EUS DUMU matur--PAB—AS MAN KUR hertz, lat-gabsbaa-né fy hear any vihmproper ugly word whichis nc semly or ond Asurb wi he reece prc designe on of Esch, ing Aa, your Toc fom the mouth of heey or rome mucho hiv alo fom then of hs brothers orm he mouth oF isle, is couse, his fami reno hero host your bth ots Your SRENSSLiv any man blige youll nv concl it ccbme trp ie to Asurbanipal, the gear crown prance designate, on of Eurhadde, ingot Asya tna" In ueaty of Assurbunipal with his Babylonian allies he allies have co swear that they will nor listen to persons ho peakevl words agsinst Assurbanipal? Thecteais, which svete sworn by thedlites of the whole Neo-Assyrlan Empire, obviously ered to prevent re ballon by taking apprap re measutes to prevent evil words against the own prince, As ‘tis not enticely clear on fistsight what i actually meane by those phrases, we ck an {Improve our understanding with examples,® Barjamovic mentions one example (State “Archives of Assyria 182) which quotes such “vil words” that made the writer of the Teecr wit to the king,” so we can assume that forthe writer of the letter it was obvious that the fllowing were indeed “ev improper, and ugly” words abour the king Siac Archineso Ayes Sate Ashes of Ariz 8209 Barumovie, Goa, Ci asesions a Selfpnerment ia Sutera Mesopotamia inthe Mi Fine Millenium Bin Jan Gert Drelaen fe}, Assyea apd Beyond, Stules Presented Magen Tle tanen, Lede, abl oq 7-98, 06 rte co seve cass pli gon Infonet, [Rnothe ermpeof denouncing Sandee dicated in Nisinn, Ancient Prophesy, 2 Sebati Fink 0.10 xm-ma mi-ma make LUGAL t--ba tet LUUNUG Kea dab bw gab-bi psirga-ata LUSAG—LUGAL ana pcan inna mia dé UD me ia) a-ca na GIB 2-MES id LUGAL a t-sabbat min ma LUGAL ‘Lippe a hla am dein Gl ME Lhe bem relic (x “Everything chacthekingissplesking] to you and the Urukiansisbutabigli. The

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