ELWIN

Verrier Elwin was an Indian anthropologist who was considered a prolific writer but a
mediocre scientist. His work was often disregarded not a trained anthropologist and he
never held a university appointment position but is one of the most influential
anthropologists. Elwin studied English and Theology at Oxford which shaped his writing
career. Elwin wrote on a diverse range of topics and his writings encompassed various
mediums including poetry, religious tracts, novels, and folklore. Elwin successfully identified
himself in spirit with the state of self-evolution of the tribals he studied. He wrote with
intimate knowledge and sympathy and sought to fight for voiceless tribals. Elwin’s writings
provide insight into tribal practices and way of life, challenged prejudices of urban elite, and
advocate for the protection of tribals.
Elwin was identified Gandhi and the Congress Party and located himself between two
worlds acting as an interpreter. Elwin’s interest shifted away from politics, towards social
work and anthropology as he studied the Gonds. Living among tribals, he began seeing the
world through their eyes and abandoned his older allegiances. Elwin left the Church because
he refused to proselytise tribals and became disenchanted with Gandhism and its emphasis
on asceticism, vegetarianism, and prohibition. These shifts in perspective are reflected in his
later works as the anthropologist’s protective instincts replaced the social worker’s
improving agenda.
His work on tribals covered several neglected themes such as conservation of tribal culture,
tribal folklore, and their sexual life. Elwin prioritised the material concerns of tribals and
addressed the loss of tribal land, restrictions imposed on use of forests, and their
exploitation. He sought protection of the tribals’ integrity and improvement in tribal living
conditions through his work. He held a utilitarian view of anthropology and hoped his work
would spur administrative reform. He drew attention to the culture and condition of tribal
Indians who were neglected or despised by Indian society.
Elwin’s fieldwork, his residence among tribals, identification with them and shared
experiences vitalised his work. He attempted to understand their world from the
perspective of the Weberian term, verstehen. He questioned traditional conceptualisations
of 'modern' and 'civilised' and his own values and ideas, operating with understanding and
appreciation. Elwin noted tribal exploitation and disintegration of tradition due to external
intervention. He expressed anguish over the attack on tribal institutions, practices, and
beliefs. He attributed disruptions in tribal life to colonial, post-Independence policies, Hindu
and Christian reformers. His work was an attempt to preserve tribal freedom and way of life.
He believed an understanding of the tribal way of life would compensate for their neglect
and ill-treatment, encourage participation in the whole human condition, and render them
visible in Indian society.

Elwin wholeheartedly believed in intensive fieldwork which involved residing among

subjects in their villages and sharing in their distress and joy for an understanding of the
community. Following Malinowski, he believed long term immersion in the field was
needed. He critiqued Indian anthropologists who did not conduct intensive fieldwork in
communities. He believed anthropology encompassed one’s entire life as he settled among
people, adopted their practises, and shared their life as much as possible. He did not only
rely on asking questions but internalised the knowledge he gained from the people. 

Guha believed his research methods were distinct from other professionals. While many
anthropologists underscored speaking in native tongue, Elwin employed interpreters in his
fieldwork as he was a poor linguist. Nuances and meanings were often lost in translation
consequently. Elwin conducted multi-site ethnographies where he visited several villages
repeatedly over the years, rather than the traditional single site, continuous fieldwork
approach adopted by professional anthropologists. His field methods were characterised by
a lack of discipline reflected in his writings. He was unable to present his content in
structured, disciplined, coherent ways through his writing.

Literature and science present contending claims. Elwin’s monographs were enlivened by
his prolific writing and skill as a novelist. However, his irreverence was subordinated to
claims of exactitude and comprehensiveness. Elwin’s ethnographies expressed an
uncommon interest in material culture as he engaged in detailed descriptions of material
life to counter the portrayal of tribal life in terms of religion and ritual. Elwin’s parallels
drawn between institutions he studied and other similar institutions were bereft of
systematic or sustained comparisons. While anthropologists emphasised the functional
interrelatedness of parts of a social system, Elwin highlighted one key attribute or institution
to define the essence of a culture. Elwin claimed to follow the Malinowskian school
functionalism, but his applications of the theoretical approach opposed his novelistic
inclinations.

Elwin was critiqued for desiring isolation of the tribals from mainstream Indian nationalism
and the Indian nation and was thus a controversial figure. Elwin altered his writing style
frequently to suit his subjects. Elwin’s work reflected great love and respect for his subjects.
His sympathetic and human approach enhanced the limited scientific thoroughness in his
work. Elwin communicated the texture of tribal life but did not facilitate a more objective
understanding of the fundamental facts of Saora society. His analysis was incomplete as it
lacked a systematic effort to connect religion and social organization. His writings on tribal
culture were considered exercises in sentimentality, as literature, and not science. Elwin’s
theories were considered inadequate, out of date, and lacking in systematic conceptual
analysis. Elwin only saw things from perspective of the community he studied and identified
with, and did not conceal his prejudices.

Elwin exaggerated tribal cohesiveness and uniqueness, and undermined interactions

between tribes and non-tribes. Later, he exhibited an understanding of larger processes
connecting tribes and non-tribes. The distinct identity of tribals must be acknowledged
alongside their participation in Indian society. Elwin did not recognise inequalities intrinsic
to the structure and relations within a tribe. His preoccupation with protection of tribals
prevented him from seeing the unequal power relations, inequalities, and undemocratic
elements in tribes.

Initially, Elwin was concerned with preserving the uniqueness and separateness of tribals as
he romanticised the conception of the noble savage. Under Nehru’s influence, his ideas
regarding tribal development transformed as he realised isolation in the modern world was
impossible and undesirable. Development of tribes must take place with preservation of
tribal culture, art, religion, and values. Elwin had faith in the vision and policies of the Indian
government, but legislations and schemes overwhelmed tribal communities without
improving their quality of life. Tribal identity and their material conditions of existing are
brought into question.

Elwin’s Religion of an Indian Tribe, Elwin documents the ways of life of the Saora tribe, with
an emphasis on their religious life. This ethnography embodies Elwin’s approach to the
study of tribes.
Religion is an expensive component in the Saora budget due to elaborate and expensive
ceremonies such that it is the primary cause of indebtedness. Shamans are differentiated by
their rates. Poor people are forced to rely on shamans with no tutelary who prescribe
cheap, simple sacrifices and have modest prerequisites and offerings. Offerings correlate
with the status of the shamans. Famous shamans have higher and more expansive
standards for offerings. Rich men are not concerned with the amount of religious
expenditure as long as they can keep themselves interesting to themselves and their friends.
In addition to material costs in money and kind, Saora ceremonies are a drain on time as
well.

Elwin contends that religion functions as a stimulus and support to the Saora economy. The
industry of the tribe is connected to the need for grain and money for its ceremonial. He
believes religion comforts and strengthens Saoras in their economic struggle, ascribing
confidence and energy. Agriculture transforms into adventure of faith and effort. Saoras
who believe their fields are protected by supernatural sanctions work harder. Material and
efforts dedicated to religion are consumed within the tribe. Religion functions as a source of
a heavy meals and feasts, binding the society by association and a common purpose. This
provides adequate nutrition and impetus to work hard.

Elwin documents the circumstances of religious functionaries who earn their livelihood from
religious activities. The number of religious functionaries depends upon number of families
in a village as each group must have one Idaimaran and one Idaiboi for funerary ceremonies.
There are no limitations on the number of Shamans, though the supply does not tend to
exceed the demand. There are two Siggamarans who participate in funerals of the whole
village. Shamans can freely officiate within and beyond the village.

Funerary assistants and Shamans can emerge from any class or group of Saora society. Elwin
believed economic considerations were not compelling or restraining factors in choosing a
religious profession for Saoras. Shaman and shaminins live a portion of their lives as
peasants with their own property and engage in additional secular occupations. Shamans
and shamanins are diverted from their work or field constantly, and the disruption leads to
fatigue and economic loss which is disincentivising.
The profession of a shaman is profitable as they receive a modest, useful income in kind to
compensate for the time and energy expended in work. The income supplements regular
annual profits of Shamans from their fields, herds, trees. There is wide diversity in the
shaman’s receipts, based on their qualifications and status. Shamans generally live free of
cost. They receive several free meals as ceremonial feasts must be shared with them. Ritual
profits are commonly known to everyone and are largely fixed.

Elwin identifies Two words that influence Saora conduct: Ersi which means taboo, and Ukka
which means custom. Ukka is traditional behaviour and conduct, conformity to tribal rules,
the normal, socially approved. It is good conduct directed by tribal norms but unsupported
by supernatural sanctions. Ersi entails a range of dangerous behaviour, often trivial but
nevertheless dangerous. Ersi is man’s conduct as seen by the spirits and Ukka is conduct as
seen by fellow men. A breach of ukka leads to punishments like ostracization or fines but
are not automatic while Ersi leads to automatic retribution from the spirit world without
appeal.

The Saora idea of Ersi contains element which form a complete image of taboo. The essence
of breach of Ersi is the automatic reaction it generates, distinguishing it from other offences
against spirits. Elwin contents that man’s relationship with the other world is personal and
sees Ersi as a code of etiquette for approaching inhabitants of the other world. Shamans and
Shamanins are subject to more taboos, to avoid displeasure of spirits.

There are few sympathetic prohibitions which work in accordance with laws of similarity
and contact. Some Saora taboos are resultant of external influences, with expansion in
education. Several prohibitions from other parts of the world are acknowledged but not
designated as taboos. It is not ersi to have intercourse with strangers despite the danger.
Elwin believes taboos rest lightly on Saoras. There are few name-taboos but no totemic
taboos, lucky or unlucky days, or sympathetic prohibitions. Elwin observed social and family
taboos to be weak though rules governing marriage and sexual relations are strict. Incest,
relationships between people descending from the same paternal ancestor, is the greatest
Ersi crime.

Taboos do not govern the Saora social life, though some cause interferences and
temptations which infringe upon daily life. Breach of taboos affects the individual, but may
injure the community as well. Saoras are driven by ideas of guilt and appropriation, offense
and appeasement. When a Saora is conscious of breaking a taboo, he takes action to fix
things to clear his conscience and takes remedial action. Saoras suffering from taboo-
sickness recover by confessing and making amends.

Elwin believes Saoras are indifferent to violence and believe in rough justice due to their
history of turbulence, their tradition of independence and their hostility towards plainsmen.
He investigates the violent temperament of Saoras through the themes of rebellion, murder
and suicide. In Saora culture, Rebellion or Fituri is a result of intolerable conditions and a
method of asserting one’s rights and duty to fight for the nation. Saoras resort to violence
when pacificatory measures fail. Rebellion has been directed against the Bissoyis, Doms and
the Government. The Saoras were historically oppressed by the Bissoyis and plainsmen and
resorted to barbarous methods in retaliation. Bissoyis impose heavy burdens on people and
are a primary cause for Saora impoverishment. Saoras were economically exploited by the
Dom userurs and retaliated against them. Saoras conflicted with the Government regarding
shifting cultivation and resisted reservations of forests. Saora engagement in rebellious
activities emerged from a belief that they were right and taking back what rightly belonged
to them.

Saoras are generally prone to murder. Saora murders are resultant of trivial reasons and
indicate underlying strain, weariness, and hunger. Economic motives are common motives
for murders among Saoras. Few murders are caused by magical or religious motives. Saora
attitude towards murder is centred on who is murdered and why. There is little
condemnation and disapproval attached to killing a witch, sorcerer, money-lender, a Dom or
agent of Bissoyi. The murder of fellow Saoras is empathetically disapproved and it is Ersi to
kill women. External forces are believed to drive a murderer to violence.

Saora’s condemn murder because it cuts life short, causes sorrow, economic loss and has
serious repercussions. Reporting to the police and the trial involves trouble and expense and
leads to loss in working days. Murder and suicide are considered anti-social due to their
economic cost. Saoras may attempt to hide the murder if the murderer is cooperative and
the murder is socially approved. Saoras feared dangers of being apprehended by the ghost
of the murdered who was quarrelsome and resentful. Elaborate ceremonies are performed
to prevent the release of a ghost. Saoras are rarely hanged and receive varied sentences. A
murderer returning from jail is considered to have a highly toxic condition and threatens the
community. Ceremonies are performed to drive away spirits accompanying the convict, it
sanitizes him of his associations and prevents repetition of the offence and blood feuds.

Saoras believe victims are generally motivated to suicide by external influences. Suicide is
not socially condemned and is accepted with pity and understanding. It causes alarm as it
might lead to imitation by others. Suicides are believed to be caused by divine intervention
but there are underlying natural causes. Women attempt suicide when they do not work
properly, have enough food, or conflict with the husband while men attempt suicide if they
are insulted or fear incurable diseases. Saoras only employ the method of hanging for
suicide. The somatic and psychic disturbances of adolescents can lead to suicides. Religious
motives may combine with domestic stress. The elderly may die due to sorrow and
loneliness. Suicides are relatively rare and infrequent among Saoras.
Elwin examines values and motives among Saoras. They were considered reserved,
suspicious, refractory, obstinate and fierce due to their corrupted morality. Elwin rejects
views that consider Saoras to be less civilised and attributes their childlikeness to anxiety
caused by alien circumstances. Attributes of obstinacy, intractability among Saoras as
perceived by outsiders are a result of their resistance against detrimental laws and invasions
of their community. Elwin focusses on the reactions of Saoras to each other. Saoras are
affectionate, social, loyal, devoted, and hospitable among fellowmen. Saoras are good
citizens by their standards. Within their community, they are cooperative, generous, helpful,
clean, and hardworking.

Elwin examines the principles of Ukka, the tribe and its laws. While Saoras rarely generalise,
pride is universally condemned as a divisive trait which divides the community. Insolent,
quarrelsome, disobedient, miserly, and arrogant people are disapproved of socially. Saora
culture rests on mutual hospitality, co-operation, ritual gift-exchange and tribal solidarity.
the miser becomes a misfit. Greed is disapproved as it disrupts ceremonial life and
encourages breaking taboos. Saoras fear jealousy evident in their suppression of initiative
and individualism. Theft is condemned strictly and deception is reviled. Saoras regard Oaths
with respect. Sexual behaviour is regulated after marriage and sexual opportunity is
restricted. Saora conception of love is characterised by tolerance. Marriage is associated
with mutual assistance and child-bearing. Widows, adulterers, and loose women are
condemned socially.

Saora religion is not the only determinant of conduct and morality. Shamans and Shamanins
tend to be good people. Men’s behaviour with God sets standards for their treatment of
fellow men. Retribution associated with disobedience of spirits governs human relations in
the tribe. The community has primacy over the individual. Religion, law, and government
regulate everyday conduct of Saoras. The Saora ethic reaches full development within the
community borders. Saora life is disciplined formally, but not rigorist.
The Saoras do not foster a division between the sacred and secular as they do not have a
centralised church or religious hierarchy. Institutionalism manifests in pressures of
conformity to Ukka and Ersi, and tribal opinions.

Punishment by God is more severe than law such that they guide actions but there is no
conception of ultimate reward or punishment. The fate of souls depends on the cause of
death and performance of funerary rites. Saoras often dread the rest of the world and other
worlds, but fear is eliminated by justice and just Gods and religion assuages worries. The
religion of Saoras provides an image of Saora life, and reveals their implicit fear and
courage.

Elwin recognized the unequal relationship between the ethnographer and community as he
addressed the intrusive nature of anthropological research. He is both a premodern and
postmodern scholar. Elwin was able to make anthropology accessible to the general public,
brought women to the forefront, and covered themes that were neglected by mainstream
anthropology. Munshi believes Elwin was successful in bridging the gap between the scholar
and the activist in anthropological research. He produced valuable documentation on tribal
lives and succeeded in providing them relief in concrete ways.