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Doris Moreno has pointed out that the ‘success’ of the auto was related
more to the popularity of the festive ceremonies than to the popularity
of the Inquisition.10 Its two-day format is similar to that of solemn death
rituals such as royal exequies, which were focused on the vigils on the
eve of the funeral ceremony and the Mass on the principal day, and
which also involved processions; in contrast, other festivities, such as
beatifications and canonizations, lasted throughout the whole of the
week, or Octave, starting on the eve of the main feast day. The
platforms of the autos were a type of ephemeral architecture also
comparable to the catafalque built for solemn exequies. Beyond these
similarities, however, there were also notable differences between
the autos and other urban rituals. For instance, as noted above,
the autos generales took place outdoors, in the main square of the
town, while the catafalque for solemn exequies was usually built
indoors, in the transept of either the cathedral or another principal
church, or in the main hall of a palace. 11 This public nature is a
particularly distinctive element of the auto, relating to the central
message of the ritual, which was interpreted as an allegory of the Last
Judgement by the inquisitor from Toledo, Luis de Páramo, in his De
origine et progressu officii sanctae Inquisitionis(Madrid, 1598).12 The
penitential significance of the auto also had an impact on the role of
music in the ceremony: the texts that were sung were programmed to
reinforce the OOOOOmessages of fear, penitence, and reconciliation
with the Catholic faith.
Abundant printed and manuscript accounts of the autos de fe are
preserved in the form of relaciones. The relación is a minor literary
genre considered to be a predecessor of the newspaper, in which a
special