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Crowd psychology

Crowd psychology (also mob psychology) is a

branch of social psychology that deals with the ways
in which the psychology of a crowd is different from
the psychology of the individual persons who are
the crowd. The field of crowd psychology enquires
into the behaviors and thought processes of both
the individual members of the crowd and the crowd
as a collective social entity. The behavior of a crowd
is much influenced by deindividuation, a person's
loss of responsibility, and the person's impression
The psychology of a crowd is a collective
of the universality of behavior, both of which behaviour realised by individual men and women.
conditions increase in magnitude with size of the
crowd.[1][2] Notable theorists in crowd psychology
include Gustave Le Bon, Gabriel Tarde, and Sigmund Freud.[3]

Origins
The first debate in crowd psychology began in Rome, at the first International Congress of
Criminal Anthropology, on 16 November 1885. The Congress was dominated by Cesare Lombroso
and fellow Italians, who emphasized the biological determinates of the psychology of a crowd.

"Lombroso detailed before the first congress his theories of the physical anomalies of
criminals and his classification of criminals as 'born criminals', or criminals by occasion and
mattoids. Enrico Ferri expressed his view of crime as degeneration more profound than
insanity, for in most insane persons the primitive moral sense has survived the wreck of their
intelligence. Along similar lines were the remarks of Benedickt, Sergi and Marro."

A weak response was offered by the French, who put forward an environmental theory of human
psychology.

"M. Anguilli called attention to the importance of the influence of the social environment upon
crime. Professor Alexandre Lacassagne thought that the atavistic and degenerative theories
as held by the Italian school were exaggerations and false interpretations of the facts, and
that the important factor was the social environment."[4]

In Paris during 10–17 August 1889, the Italian school received a stronger rebuke of their biological
theories during the 2nd International Congress of Criminal Anthropology. A radical divergence in
the views between the Italian and the French schools was reflected in the proceedings.

"Professor Lombroso laid stress upon epilepsy in connection with his theory of the 'born
criminal'. Professor Léonce Pierre Manouvrier characterized Lombroso's theory as nothing
but the exploded science of phrenology. The anomalies observed by Lombroso were met
with in honest men as well as criminals, Manouvrier claimed, and there is no physical
difference between them. Baron Raffaele Garofalo, Drill, Alexandre Lacassagne and

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Benedikt opposed Lombroso's theories in whole or in part. Pugliese found the cause of crime
in the failure of the criminal to adapt himself to his social surroundings, and Benedikt, with
whom Tarde agreed, held that physical defects were not marks of the criminal qua
criminal."[5] It is in this context that you have a debate between Scipio Sighele, an Italian
lawyer and Gabriel Tarde, a French magistrate on how to determine criminal responsibility in
the crowd and hence who to arrest. (Sighele, 1892; Tarde, 1890, 1892, 1901)[4] Both
thinkers had published early studies on this matter (Sighele wrote "The Criminal Crowd", and
Tarde "La criminalité comparée".)

Earlier, literature on crowds and crowd behavior had appeared as early as 1841, with the
publication of Charles Mackay's book Extraordinary Popular Delusions and the Madness of
Crowds.[6] The attitude towards crowds underwent an adjustment with the publication of
Hippolyte Taine's six-volume The Origins of Contemporary France (1875). In particular Taine's
work helped to change the opinions of his contemporaries on the actions taken by the crowds
during the 1789 Revolution. Many Europeans held him in great esteem. While it is difficult to
directly link his works to crowd behavior, it may be said that his thoughts stimulated further study
of crowd behavior. However, it was not until the latter half of the 19th century that scientific
interest in the field gained momentum. French physician and anthropologist Gustave Le Bon
became its most-influential theorist.[3][7][8][9][10][11]

Types of crowds
There is limited research into the types of crowd and crowd membership and there is no consensus
as to the classification of types of crowds. Two recent scholars, Momboisse (1967)[12] and
Berlonghi (1995)[13] focused upon purpose of existence to differentiate among crowds. Momboisse
developed a system of four types: casual, conventional, expressive, and aggressive. Berlonghi
classified crowds as spectator, demonstrator, or escaping, to correlate to the purpose for gathering.

Another approach to classifying crowds is sociologist Herbert Blumer's system of emotional

intensity. He distinguishes four types of crowds: casual, conventional, expressive, and acting. His
system is dynamic in nature. That is, a crowd changes its level of emotional intensity over time,
and therefore, can be classed in any one of the four types.

Generally, researchers in crowd psychology have focused on the negative aspects of crowds,[7] but
not all crowds are volatile or negative in nature. For example, in the beginning of the socialist
movement crowds were asked to put on their Sunday dress and march silently down the street. A
more-modern example involves the sit-ins during the Civil Rights movement. Crowds can reflect
and challenge the held ideologies of their sociocultural environment. They can also serve
integrative social functions, creating temporary communities.[1][7]

Crowds can be active (mobs) or passive (audiences). Active crowds can be further divided into
aggressive, escapist, acquisitive, or expressive mobs.[1] Aggressive mobs are often violent and
outwardly focused. Examples are football riots and the Los Angeles riots of 1992. Escapist mobs
are characterized by a large number of panicked people trying to get out of a dangerous situation.
Acquisitive mobs occur when large numbers of people are fighting for limited resources. An
expressive mob is any other large group of people gathering for an active purpose. Civil
disobedience, rock concerts, and religious revivals all fall under this category.[1]

Theoretical perspectives

Le Bon

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Gustave Le Bon held that crowds existed in three stages: submergence, contagion, and
suggestion.[14] During submergence, the individuals in the crowd lose their sense of individual self
and personal responsibility. This is quite heavily induced by the anonymity of the crowd.[14]
Contagion refers to the propensity for individuals in a crowd to unquestioningly follow the
predominant ideas and emotions of the crowd. In Le Bon's view, this effect is capable of spreading
between "submerged" individuals much like a disease.[1] Suggestion refers to the period in which
the ideas and emotions of the crowd are primarily drawn from a shared unconscious ideology.
Crowd members become susceptible to any passing idea or emotion.[14] This behavior comes from
an archaic shared unconscious and is therefore uncivilized in nature. It is limited by the moral and
cognitive abilities of the least capable members.[14] Le Bon believed that crowds could be a
powerful force only for destruction.[7] Additionally, Le Bon and others have indicated that crowd
members feel a lessened sense of legal culpability, due to the difficulty in prosecuting individual
members of a mob.[1] In short, the individual submerged in the crowd loses self control as the
"collective mind" takes over and makes the crowd member capable of violating personal or social
norms.[15]

Le Bon's idea that crowds foster anonymity and generate emotion has been contested by some
critics. Clark McPhail points out studies which show that "the madding crowd" does not take on a
life of its own, apart from the thoughts and intentions of members.[16] Norris Johnson, after
investigating a panic at a 1979 The Who concert concluded that the crowd was composed of many
small groups of people mostly trying to help each other. Additionally, Le Bon's theory ignores the
socio-cultural context of the crowd, which some theorists argue can disempower social change.[7]
R. Brown disputes the assumption that crowds are homogenous, suggesting instead that
participants exist on a continuum, differing in their ability to deviate from social norms.[1]

Freudian theory

Sigmund Freud's crowd behavior theory primarily consists of the idea that becoming a member of
a crowd serves to unlock the unconscious mind. This occurs because the super-ego, or moral
center of consciousness, is displaced by the larger crowd, to be replaced by a charismatic crowd
leader. McDougall argues similarly to Freud, saying that simplistic emotions are widespread, and
complex emotions are rarer. In a crowd, the overall shared emotional experience reverts to the
least common denominator (LCD), leading to primitive levels of emotional expression.[3] This
organizational structure is that of the "primal horde"—pre-civilized society—and Freud states that
one must rebel against the leader (re-instate the individual morality) in order to escape from it.[3]
Moscovici expanded on this idea, discussing how dictators such as Mao Zedong and Joseph Stalin
have used mass psychology to place themselves in this "horde leader" position.[8]

Theodor Adorno criticized the belief in a spontaneity of the masses: according to him, the masses
were an artificial product of "administrated" modern life. The Ego of the bourgeois subject
dissolved itself, giving way to the Id and the "de-psychologized" subject. Furthermore, Adorno
stated the bond linking the masses to the leader through the spectacle is feigned:

"When the leaders become conscious of mass psychology and take it into their own
hands, it ceases to exist in a certain sense. ... Just as little as people believe in the depth
of their hearts that the Jews are the devil, do they completely believe in their leader.
They do not really identify themselves with him but act this identification, perform
their own enthusiasm, and thus participate in their leader's performance.  ... It is
probably the suspicion of this fictitiousness of their own 'group psychology' which

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makes fascist crowds so merciless and unapproachable. If they would stop to reason for
a second, the whole performance would go to pieces, and they would be left to
panic."[17]

Deindividuation theory

Deindividuation theory is largely based on the ideas of Gustave Le Bon[15] and argues that in
typical crowd situations, factors such as anonymity, group unity, and arousal can weaken personal
controls (e.g. guilt, shame, self-evaluating behavior) by distancing people from their personal
identities and reducing their concern for social evaluation.[3][7] This lack of restraint increases
individual sensitivity to the environment and lessens rational forethought, which can lead to
antisocial behavior.[3][7] More recent theories have stated that deindividuation hinges upon a
person being unable, due to situation, to have strong awareness of their self as an object of
attention. This lack of attention frees the individual from the necessity of normal social
behavior.[3]

American social psychologist Leon Festinger and colleagues first elaborated the concept of
deindividuation in 1952. It was further refined by American psychologist Philip Zimbardo, who
detailed why mental input and output became blurred by such factors as anonymity, lack of social
constraints, and sensory overload.[18] Zimbardo's (in)famous Stanford Prison Experiment is a
strong argument for the power of deindividuation.[3] Further experimentation has had mixed
results when it comes to aggressive behaviors, and has instead shown that the normative
expectations surrounding the situations of deindividuation influence behavior (i.e. if one is
deindividuated as a KKK member, aggression increases, but if it is as a nurse, aggression does not
increase).[3]

A further distinction has been proposed between public and private deindividuation. When private
aspects of self are weakened, one becomes more subject to crowd impulses, but not necessarily in a
negative way. It is when one no longer attends to the public reaction and judgement of individual
behavior that antisocial behavior is elicited.[3] Philip Zimbardo also did not view deindividuation
exclusively as a group phenomenon, and applied the concept to suicide, murder, and interpersonal
hostility.[15]

Convergence theory

Convergence theory[19] holds that crowd behavior is not a product of the crowd, but rather the
crowd is a product of the coming together of like-minded individuals.[1][7] Floyd Allport argued
that "An individual in a crowd behaves just as he would behave alone, only more so."[20]
Convergence theory holds that crowds form from people of similar dispositions, whose actions are
then reinforced and intensified by the crowd.[7]

Convergence theory claims that crowd behavior is not irrational; rather, people in crowds express
existing beliefs and values so that the mob reaction is the rational product of widespread popular
feeling. However, this theory is questioned by certain research which found that people involved in
the 1970s riots were less likely than nonparticipant peers to have previous convictions.[7]

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Critics of this theory report that it still excludes the social determination of self and action, in that
it argues that all actions of the crowd are born from the individuals' intents.[7]

Emergent norm theory

Ralph H. Turner and Lewis Killian put forth the idea that norms emerge from within the crowd.
Emergent norm theory states that crowds have little unity at their outset, but during a period of
milling about, key members suggest appropriate actions, and following members fall in line,
forming the basis for the crowd's norms.[7]

Key members are identified through distinctive personalities or behaviors. These garner attention,
and the lack of negative response elicited from the crowd as a whole stands as tacit agreement to
their legitimacy.[3] The followers form the majority of the mob, as people tend to be creatures of
conformity who are heavily influenced by the opinions of others.[6] This has been shown in the
conformity studies conducted by Sherif and Asch.[21] Crowd members are further convinced by the
universality phenomenon, described by Allport as the persuasive tendency of the idea that if
everyone in the mob is acting in such-and-such a way, then it cannot be wrong.[1]

Emergent norm theory allows for both positive and negative mob types, as the distinctive
characteristics and behaviors of key figures can be positive or negative in nature. An antisocial
leader can incite violent action, but an influential voice of non-violence in a crowd can lead to a
mass sit-in.[3] When a crowd described as above targets an individual, anti-social behaviors may
emerge within its members.

A major criticism of this theory is that the formation and following of new norms indicates a level
of self-awareness that is often missing in the individuals in crowds (as evidenced by the study of
deindividuation). Another criticism is that the idea of emergent norms fails to take into account
the presence of existent sociocultural norms.[3][7] Additionally, the theory fails to explain why
certain suggestions or individuals rise to normative status while others do not.[7]

Social identity theory

The social identity theory posits that the self is a complex system made up primarily of the concept
of membership or non-membership in various social groups. These groups have various moral and
behavioral values and norms, and the individual's actions depend on which group membership (or
non-membership) is most personally salient at the time of action.[7]

This influence is evidenced by findings that when the stated purpose and values of a group
changes, the values and motives of its members also change.[21]

Crowds are an amalgam of individuals, all of whom belong to various overlapping groups.
However, if the crowd is primarily related to some identifiable group (such as Christians or Hindus
or Muslims or civil-rights activists), then the values of that group will dictate the crowd's action.[7]

In crowds which are more ambiguous, individuals will assume a new social identity as a member of
the crowd.[3] This group membership is made more salient by confrontation with other groups – a
relatively common occurrence for crowds.[3]

The group identity serves to create a set of standards for behavior; for certain groups violence is
legitimate, for others it is unacceptable.[3] This standard is formed from stated values, but also
from the actions of others in the crowd, and sometimes from a few in leadership-type positions.[3]

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A concern with this theory is that while it explains how crowds reflect social ideas and prevailing
attitudes, it does not explain the mechanisms by which crowds enact to drive social change.[7]

See also
Psychology portal

Society portal

Bystander effect Group behaviour

Charisma Groupthink
Class consciousness Herd behavior
Collective behavior Herd mentality
Collective hysteria The Mass Psychology of Fascism
Collective consciousness Mass society
Collective unconscious Public relations
Communal reinforcement Riot
Crowd manipulation Volksgeist ("Spirit of the People")
Crowds and Power Wilfred Trotter
The Wisdom of Crowds

References
1. Greenberg, M.S. (2010). Corsini Encyclopedia of Psychology.
2. Toch, Hans (1988). "Psychology of Crowds Revisited". Contemporary Psychology. 33 (11):
954. doi:10.1037/026204 (https://doi.org/10.1037%2F026204).
3. Manstead, ASK; Hewstone, Miles (1996). Blackwell Encyclopedia of Social Psychology.
Oxford, UK: Blackwell. pp. 152–156. ISBN 978-0-631-20289-9.
4. Reicher, Stephen. "The Psychology of Crowd Dynamics", Blackwell Handbook of Social
Psychology: Group Processes. ed. Michael A. Hogg & R. Scott Tindale. Blackwell Publishers
Inc. Malden, Mass. page 185.
5. Edward Lindsey, "The International Congress of Criminal Anthropology: A Review" (https://ww
w.jstor.org/stable/1133200), Journal of the American Institute of Criminal Law and Criminology,
Vol. 1, No. 4 (Nov., 1910), pp. 578–583. Northwestern University. Retrieved 24 May 2013.
6. Forsyth, D. R. (2012). Handbook of Psychology (Second ed.).
7. Reicher, Stephen (2000). Alan E. Kazdin, editor in chief (ed.). Encyclopedia of psychology (http
s://archive.org/details/encyclopediaofps0000unse). Washington, D.C.: American Psychological
Association. pp. 374 (https://archive.org/details/encyclopediaofps0000unse/page/374)–377.
ISBN 1-55798-650-9. {{cite book}}: |editor= has generic name (help)
8. Triandis, H. C. (1987). "Theoretical Framework for Mass Psychology". Contemporary
Psychology. 32 (2): 123–124. doi:10.1037/026751 (https://doi.org/10.1037%2F026751).
9. Nye, R. A. (1975). The origins of crowd psychology. London: Sage.
10. Barrows, Susanna (1981). "Distorting mirrors – Visions of the crowd". New Haven: Yale
University Press.
11. Van Ginneken, Jaap (1992). Crowds, psychology and politics 1871–1899. New York:
Cambridge University Press.
12. Momboisse, Raymond (1967). Riots, Revolts and Insurrections. Springfield, Ill.: Charles
Thomas. OCLC 512791 (https://www.worldcat.org/oclc/512791).

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13. Berlonghi, Alexander E. (1995). "Understanding and planning for different spectator crowds".
Safety Science. 18 (4): 239–247. doi:10.1016/0925-7535(94)00033-Y (https://doi.org/10.101
6%2F0925-7535%2894%2900033-Y).
14. Le Bon, Gustave, 1841-1931. (2004). The crowd : a study of the popular mind (https://www.wo
rldcat.org/oclc/57245405). Whitefish, Mont.: Kessinger Pub. ISBN 0-7661-3008-8.
OCLC 57245405 (https://www.worldcat.org/oclc/57245405).
15. Postmes, Tom; Spears, Russel (1998). "Deindividuation and Antinormative Behavior: A Meta-
Analysis" (https://www.researchgate.net/publication/232560381). Psychological Bulletin. 123
(3): 238–259. doi:10.1037/0033-2909.123.3.238 (https://doi.org/10.1037%2F0033-2909.123.3.
238) – via Researchgate.
16. McPhail, C. (1991). The Myth of the Madding Crowd. New York: Aldine de Gruyter. ISBN 0-
202-30424-8.
17. T. W. Adorno, "Freudian Theory and the Pattern of Fascist Propaganda." In Vol. III of
Psychoanalysis and the Social Sciences. Ed. Géza Roheim. New York: International
Universities Press, 1951, pp. 408–433. Reprinted in Vol. VIII of Gesammelte Schriften.
Frankfurt: Suhrkamp Verlag, 1975, and in The Culture Industry: Selected Essays on Mass
Culture. Ed. J. M. Berstein. London: Routledge, 1991.
18. Zimbardo, Philip (1969). "The human choice – Individuation, reason and order versus
Deindividuation, impulse and chaos". Nebraska Symposium on Motivation, Vol. 17, pp. 237–
307.
19. "What is Crowd Psychology?" (http://www.wisegeek.com/what-is-crowd-psychology.htm).
wisegeek.com. Retrieved 29 July 2012.
20. Allport, Floyd (1924). Social Psychology. Boston. p. 295.
21. Guilford, J.P. (1966). Fields of Psychology (https://archive.org/details/fieldsofpsycholo0000guil)
(Third ed.). Princeton, NJ.: D. Van Nostrand Company, Inc. pp. 192 (https://archive.org/details/f
ieldsofpsycholo0000guil/page/192)–205.

Further reading
Borch, Christian. The Politics of Crowds: An Alternative History of Sociology. Cambridge
University Press 2012, ISBN 978-1-107-62546-4
Buford, Bill. Among the Thugs: The Experience, and the Seduction, of Crowd Violence. New
York, NY: W. W. Norton & Co., Inc. (1990)
Canetti, Elias (1960). Crowds and Power. Viking Adult. ISBN 0-670-24999-8.
Challenger, R., Clegg, C. W., & Robinson, M. A. (2009). Understanding crowd behaviours.
Multi-volume report for the UK Government's Cabinet Office. London: Cabinet Office.
http://www.cabinetoffice.gov.uk/resource-library/understanding-crowd-behaviours-documents
Johnson, Norris R. "Panic at 'The Who Concert Stampede': An Empirical Assessment." Social
Problems. Vol. 34, No. 4 (October 1987): 362–373.
Le Bon, Gustave (1895) Psychology of Crowds. [Improved edition www.sparklingbooks.com.]
Le Bon, Gustave (1895). "The Crowd: A Study of the Popular Mind" (http://onlinebooks.library.u
penn.edu/webbin/gutbook/lookup?num=445). Retrieved 15 November 2005.
Mackay, Charles (1841). Extraordinary Popular Delusions and the Madness of Crowds.
Wordsworth Editions. ISBN 1-85326-349-4.
Martin, Everett Dean, The Behavior of Crowds, A Psychological Study, Harper & Brothers
Publishers, New York, 1920.
Mc Phail, Clark, The Myth of the Madding Crowd, New York, Aldine de Gruyter, 1991.
Moscovici, Serge
(in French) Psychologie des minorités actives, P.U.F., 1979
(in French) L'Age des foules: un traité historique de psychologie des masses, Fayard, 1981
(about Gustave Le Bon's invention of crowd psychology and Gabriel Tarde)
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Rheingold, Howard, Smart Mobs: The Next Social Revolution, 2003

Surowiecki, James, The Wisdom of Crowds: Why the Many Are Smarter Than the Few and
How Collective Wisdom Shapes Business, Economies, Societies and Nations, 2004.
van Ginneken, Jaap, Crowds, psychology and politics 1871–1899, New York: Cambridge
University Press, 1992.
van Ginneken, Jaap, Kurt Baschwitz – A Pioneer of Communication Studies and Social
Psychology. Amsterdam: Amsterdam University Press, 2017.

External links
Dr. J. P van de Sande, On Crowds (Dutch and English) (http://www.vandesandeinlezingen.nl/s
erv03.htm)
"Crowd Disasters" by Prof. Dr. G. Keith Still (https://web.archive.org/web/20120420010641/htt
p://www.safercrowds.com/CrowdDisasters.html)
Understanding crowd behaviours (https://www.gov.uk/government/publications/understanding-
crowd-behaviours-documents), gov.uk

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