Istituto Per L'oriente C. A. Nallino Rassegna Di Studi Etiopici

THE ROLE AND SIGNIFICANCE OF THE RELIGIOUS CONFLICTS AND PEOPLE'S MOVEMENTS
IN THE POLITICAL LIFE OF ETHIOPIA IN THE SEVENTEENTH AND EIGHTEENTH CENTURIES

Author(s): ANDRZEJ BARTNICKI and JOANNA MANTEL-NIEĆKO
Source: Rassegna di Studi Etiopici, Vol. 24 (1969-1970), pp. 5-39
Published by: Istituto per l'Oriente C. A. Nallino
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THE ROLE AND SIGNIFICANCE
OF THE RELIGIOUS CONFLICTS AND PEOPLE'S
MOVEMENTS IN THE POLITICAL LIFE
OF ETHIOPIA IN THE SEVENTEENTH
AND EIGHTEENTH CENTURIES l)

ANDRZEJ BARTNICKI - JOANNA MANTEL-NIECKO
The necessity of making a new survey of the factors defining the

role played by the Church in the history of Ethiopia is an indisputable
fact. This is not only because the historians interested in the history
of the Church2) in Ethiopia have hitherto mostly concentrated on
theological aspects and the recording of factographical data3). None-
*) This article is based on a work " The History of Ethiopia " which
the authors have prepared for publication. Therefore, quite naturally, it
contains only the main theses concerning the subjects which are extensively
dealt with in the book itself.
2) The Ethiopian Church is Monophysite. From the 4th century to
1959, it was subordinate to the Coptic Patriarchy in Alexandria. Since
1959, it has been autocephalous. From the theological aspect, it is similar
to the Coptic Church. However, if for objective reasons, we bear in mind the
external isolation as well as its internal differentiation, it would be difficult
to state whether the doctrines of these two Churches have been identical
through the centuries. The Ethiopian Church was for centuries subordinate
to the Coptic Patriarchate in Alexandria, but more by convention, than
in reality. The formality of this connection is substantiated by the fact
that the Metropolitan assigned to Ethiopia by Alexandria was on his arrival
in Ethiopia examined on religious questions by the local clergy. The actual
head of the Ethiopian Church was an Etchege (see p. 6 note 2). There were
several groupings in the Ethiopian Church and, at least, two of these, the
Tewahdo and the Kebat, played a very predominant role in the political
history of the country, and from the 13th century, at least, the Ethiopian
Church considerably influenced the economic and political affairs of the
country.
8) Among the works dealing with the problems of the Church in Ethiopia
in general, the following are foremost: I. Guidi, Uno squarcio di storia
ecclesiastica di Abissinia, " Bessarione VIII, Roma, 1900; H. M.
6 ANDRZEJ BARTNICKI - JOANNA MANTEI/-NIE£KO
theless, these are of vital import for the history of religious doctrines
and also have great significance for a knowledge of the history of Chris-
tianity in general. However, such formulations, although perhaps of
interest to a specialist on religious matters, could help, but to a very
limited degree only, to clarify the question of the part played by the
Church in Ethiopian history. This role, which was certainly a very
predominant one, resulted both from the economic position of the Church,
which owned a third of the lands in the country, and the mutual ties
existing between the interests of the Church and the state as equally,
the links and interpenetration between the Church and state institutions.
It would seem that from the times of the conversion to Christianity
in the 4th century (the Aksum Period) this new religion, in an ethnically
heterogeneous country, was a very convenient instrument of unifi-
cation for the rulers. This, however, becomes evident only from the
second half of the 13th century, that is, from the Restoration of the
so-called " Solomon Dynasty At this time, the Church was beginning
to attain a position of equality with the secular authorities. The formal
nitiation of the new relationship between the Church and the Emperor,
was the " Year of the Concordat ", when the Emperor Yekuno Amlak
concluded a treaty with the Church1), on the basis of which, the ruler
gained the strong support of the clergy. According to Ethiopian tradition,
this event occurred in about 1268. It is obvious that the support extended
by the clergy was not, as legend persists, solely for subjective reasons;
nor for altruistic ones, either. For, according to the treaty concluded
with Yekuno Amlak, the Church in return for supporting him was
granted economic and political privileges2).
Hyatt, The Church of Abyssinia, Iôndon, 1928; J. M. Coui,beaux,

Histoire politique et religieuse de I'Abyssinie, Paris, 1929; AyyaIvA Taki,a
HaymanoT (abba), Ya-ityopya byeta-krdstiyan, Asmara, 1951 (1958/59);
Id., La dottrina della Chiesa Etiopica dissidende sulVunione ipostatica, " Orien-
talia Christiana Analecta 147, 1956. Among works of a general character,
in which the Church is only one of the subjects taken into account are:
E. UXl/ENDORFF, The Ethiopians. An Introduction to Country and
People, London 1962. The above mentioned bibliographical information
does not, of course, include the numerous treatises concerning more detailed
subject matters.
x) The Year of the Concordat in g^'az is '{od' ' : zamana kidan,
in Amharic language ' ' ya-qal kidan zaman, whereas the
name of the treaty is A.A : siso mangdst.
2) Ethiopian sources among which, above all, the lives of the Ethiopian
saints should be mentioned, give different versions concerning the treaty
THE ROIÊ AND SIGNIFICANCE OF THE RELIGIOUS CONFLICTS ETC. 7
However, and regardless of, what the individual clauses of this

treaty concluded in the Year of the Concordat, were, in reality, it is
a fact that later on, the Church, for its own convenience, accepted the
interpretation that this treaty bestowed a third of the lands in the
country on it. This interpretation was acknowledged by the later rulers
of Ethiopia and applied in practice. In these circumstances, it would
seem that debates concerning the actual date of the treaty, or even
questioning its existence, as well as deliberations as to which groupings
of the clergy were granted economic and political privileges, are of
secondary importance. What does count, in reality, is the fact, that
the Church was able to avail itself of the tradition of the Year of the
concluded in the Year of the Concordat. These differences mainly concern

the extent of the privileges political and economical, which were granted
the Church, as also, the course of events which led to the treaty. The credit
for bringing Yekuno Amlak to the throne and, for this service, the right
to privileges, is variously attributed to different members of the regional
Ethiopian clergy. According to tradition, the main claimants to the right
to benefit from the provisions of the treaty, were the Shoa clergy, repre-
sented by Abuna Takla Haymanot, and the monks from the monastery
on the island in Lake Hayq, whose principal was the Abba Iyasus Moa.
A summing up of the records hitherto known on this subject, is contained
in the introduction to the life of Iyasus Moa, see: S. Kur, Actes de
Iyasus Moa, abbe du Convent de St. Etienne de Hayq, CSCO, Lovauium
1965. Apart from the question of economic donations, the controversy
deals with, among others, the right to hold two of the key positions in the
state, during the centuries, the positions of "Etchege" and " Aqabe sa'at
The former position gave the holder the right to virtually govern the Ethiopian
clergy, and at the same time, because of the connections between the
interests of the Church and State, an important role in affairs of state. The
position of " Aqabe sa'at " (The Time Keeper) was, throughout the centuries,
a court and clerical position. A cleric holding this position was entitled
to give verdicts in religious matters and at the royal court was responsible
for the timetable of the ruler. It is a fact that in the traditional Ethiopian
records concerning the " Year of the Holy Concordat " members of the
clergy from various regions of Ethiopia are accredited with authority
to hold these positions. Here, it should be stressed, that contemporary
Ethiopian historians consider that in the Year of the Concordat the
right to hold the position of " Etchege " was granted to the principal of
the Shoa clergy, and the position of Aqabe sa'at to the clergy of Hayq.
See: Taki,a Sadhq Maktjriya, Ya-ityopya tarik, vol. II, p. 21 ff., Addis
Ababa 195 1 (1957/58). It should be emphasized that, according to Ethiopian
sources, the first mentioned Etchege is Takla Haymanot, from Shoa, and
in the XlVth and XVth centuries the position of " Aqabe sa'at was held
by the monks from Hayq.
8 ANDRZEJ BARTNICKI - JOANNA MANTEIrNlE £KO
Concordat as one of the fundamental factors, which as time went on,

enabled it to achieve such a predominant political and economic position
in the country. The rulers, on their part, were also capable of utilizing
the power of the Church to their own advantage. However, whatever
the relations between individual emperors and the ecclesiastical authorities
were, the use of the Christian religion as a medium to achieve unity
in the country is a constant phenomenon in Ethiopian history. None-
theless, there were some outstanding Ethiopian rulers who did not
regard Christianity as the only element in the unification of the country,
for, time and again, they conducted a policy of peaceful coexistence
with neighbouring Muslim sultanates, and did not hesitate to intermarry
into Muslim dynasties when circumstances made it necessary x) . This
is, of course, a separate problem.
The extremely strong and enduring position which the Church
undoubtedly still held in the 14th century 2) does not mean that the
x) Here is a reference to the sultanates bordering with the empire

in the south-east, which, according to what is known at present, had existed
in this territory from at least the nth century (see E. CERtn,U, II sultanato
dello Scioa nel secolo XIII secondo un nuovo documento storico, RSE I, 1941).
The rivalization between the empire and these sultanates is another chapter
in the history of this region of Africa. A brief discussion on this question
can be found, among others, in E. CERTOU, Islam w Etiopii, " Przegl^d
Orientalistyczny ", 1968, for the whole problem see above all, Islam in
Ethiopia by J. S. Trimingham, Oxford 1952. Cases of intermarriage
between the Christian rulers of the Ethiopian Empire and neighbouring
Muslim dynasties are many. Among the better known cases are that of
Zar'a Ya'qob to the daughter of the Muslim ruler of Hadiya, or the marriage
of Emperor Ba'da Mary am to Helen, later famous in the political history
of Ethiopia, who originated from the ruling Muslim dynasty of the Dawaro
region.
2) As one of the most important political events of the 14th century
resulting from the interference of the clergy in state affairs, is the abdication
of the Emperor David the First (1382-1411). Simultaneously, the economic
potentiality of the clergy in various districts is noticeable; this was closely
connected with the diversities within the Church and the intensification
of inter-regional rivalries among the clergy for influence. The source of
wealth for the clergy were the donations of the rulers and magnates and
the taking of the Gospel into new regions. On the basis of ecclesiastical records
so far published, concerning donations to the church and other documents,
it can be estimated that from the 14th to the 15th century there were, at
least four groups formed, who possessed such vast economic potentialities,
that they could have had a decisive part in the political affairs of the country.
The centres of these groups were: the monasteries, Debra Estefanos in
Hayq, Debra Azbo in Shoa, Debra Libanos in Shimazana, and the Debra
THE ROIyE AND SIGNIFICANCE OF THE REUGIOUS CONFLICTS ETC. 9
secular authorities, although always Christian, had submitted completely

to the clergy. On the contrary, there are many instances, which prove
that some emperors were able to exert their influence on the course
of events in the Church, by taking advantage of internal conflicts within
the Church itself, to reinforce their own position. In general, it can
be said, that the most brilliant Ethiopian rulers supported an all-Ethiopian
policy, as opposed to those Emperors who were unable to see further
than the interests of their native provinces demanded. The most brilliant
Ethiopian Emperors fought against the decentralization tendencies
within the Church, which were frequently identical with regional separatist
tendencies. One can venture a theory, that, as a rule, the most powerful
groupings in the Ethiopian Church were connected with the various
provinces of the Empire1). These provinces, either competed with
each other for political hegemony, or heads of provincial dynasties
wanted to gain more power, to undermine that of the central authorities.
It is, therefore, not surprising that any emperor who had to combat
the separatist tendencies existing in the country, had to be a supporter
of the centralization of the Church. The example of one of the most
outstanding Ethiopian emperors, Zar'a Ya'qob (1434-1468) 2), is a re-
markable one. At the beginning of his reign the Church, though not
homogeneous, was a vital economic power with a great influence in the
administration of the country; furthermore, because of the various
Bizen monastery of the Eustachian monks, situated on the Massawa-Debaroa

trade route.
l) This is most evident in the period immediately preceding the regional

partitioning in Ethiopia. On this subject see further, p. 38.
2) On the reign of Zar'a Ya'qob and his activities see above all: J.
PERRUCHON, Les chroniques de Zar'a Y6£q6b et de Ba'eda Mary dm, Paris
1893; A. Diu,mann, Ueber dieR egierung insbesondere die Kirchenordnung
des Konigs Zar'a- Jacob, Berlin 1884; K. WendT, Zar'a Jacob Constantinus
von Aethiopien, " I*e Mus6on ", 46, 1933; Das Mashafa Berhan und Mashafa
Milad, " Orientalia " 3, 1934; theologischen Auseinandersetzungen
in der athiopischen Kirche zur Zeit der Reformen des XV J ahrhunderts , " Atti
del Convegno Internazionale di Studi Etiopici Roma, i960; Id., Das
Mashafa Milad and Mashafa Sellase des Kaisers Zar'a Yctqob, Iyouvain
1962; C. ConTi Rossini, II libro di re Zar'a -YaKqob sulla custodia del Mistero,
RSE III, 1 (1943); E. Ceruixi, L'Etiopia del secolo XV, " Africa Italiana ",
V, 1933; H libro etiopico dei Miracoli di Maria, Roma 1943; as also
general elaborations: Takxa Sadhq Makuriya, op. cit., vol. II, pp. 135-216;
W. Budge, A History of Ethiopia, Iôndon 1928, pp. 136-279 and 304-312;
J. DORESSE, L'Empire du PrStre-Jean, vol. II, pp. 125-161, Paris 1956.
IO ANDRZEJ BARTNICKI - JOANNA MANTEI<-NIE£KO
groupings and sects which had greatly increased during the previous
century and which were incessantly striving among themselves for
exclusive power, it is highly probable, that these groupings, whose
economic and political position was a very firmly established one, were
attempting to gain ascendancy over the other " heretical " groupings
and to control the whole Church. It is possible that the Emperor Zar'a
Ya'qob's conception concerning the unification and centralization of
the country was not entirely his own invention; but whatever the case,
one thing is indisputable: in the 15th century the establishing of a
centralized and unified Ethiopia would have been of mutual advantage
to the interests of some of the clergy and the Emperor himself, for the
secular authorities had nothing to gain by supporting this governmental
policy. This political plan also foresaw the reinforcement of Ethiopian
power in the north and, with it, access to the sea. He was the first
Ethiopian ruler who, although originating from the Shoa Dynasty,
and so from the south, concentrated on achieving an Ethiopian state
with access to the sea, and not just on the interests of his own native
province, Shoa1). Zar'a Ya'qob was most probably the precursor of
the Ethiopian policy directed towards the north and the creation of a
homogeneous state. When he ascended the throne, however, there
existed within the Church, the greatest, if not the only supporter of
the Emperor's policy, deeply rooted regional antagonisms, which, if
he wanted to accomplish his aims, the Emperor would have to eradicate.
In the north and in the south, in Tigre and in Shoa, two different groupings
of the Church held sway. In Shoa, in the south, the Debra Azbo monastery
was the seat of the universally influential and extremely wealthy Tewahdo
x) This question is quite noteworthy. The fertile province of Shoa,

because of its economic situation was more interested in its neighbours,
predominantly Muslim, to the south-east than in the remote coastal areas to
the north. As an economically independent province, Shoa was in later
times a separate and prosperous principality, completely independent of
the northern territories.
The dynasty occupying the Ethiopian throne from the 13 th century,

had its residence in the district of Tagulat in Shoa. The Shoa rulers at
various times conducted a policy concerning the south, which means, the
strengthening of their own native province, or again, a northern policy which
aimed at extending Ethiopian influence as far as the coastal areas. The
partisans of the northern policy, with the historical tradition of the Aksum
period in mind, planned the realization of the unification of Ethiopia and
the abolishing of regional intolerances.
THE ROI<E AND SIGNIFICANCE OF THE RELIGIOUS CONFLICTS ETC. II
order x) whose piincipal held the high position of Etchege. The Eustachian
Monks ruled the north. This was largely due to the fact that their
monastery, Debra Bizen, controlled the trade route connecting the
centre of Ethiopia with the coast. Both these groups differentiated
in their point of view on religious questions, and each of them strove
to propagate and reinforce the convictions it held, so as to attain
hegemony for itself within the Church, which quite obviously meant
strengthening its role in the political life of the country. As an example
of the controversial differences which existed between these two groups,
it is sufficient to mention, that the Eustachian monks in the north
celebrated Saturdays as their holy day, and the Tewahdo Order, on
the contrary, Sundays.
The Emperor Zar'a Ya'qob, who to realize his intentions, required
the favours and support of a least two of these various groupings,
personally took a hand in this, as in other liturgical and dogmatic
questions, by introducing precisely defined directions concerning religious
matters which had to be observed by all the clergy under threat of
having all their properties confiscated by the State for non-compliance.
His extensive knowledge of the Old and New Testaments, the History
of the Fathers of the Church and the Canonical Iâws greatly facilitated
this undertaking. For, in fact, he had to reconcile the various trends
within the Church in such a manner, that the most important, from
his point of view, groupings could accept the rubrics laid down by him,
although he was a secular person. The gravity of this undertaking
can be indicated by the fact that Zar'a Ya'qob was, it is said, the author
of a work concerning the liturgical and dogmatical laws of the Ethiopian
Church, laws which were to come into force all over Ethiopia. So then,
*) Tewahdo (tawahdo), literally " union, unification defines the

main theological trend within the Ethiopian monophysite Church. The
anointment by the Holy Ghost means that his divine Grace is bestowed
on the natural body of Christ and that this anointing is followed by the
Co-inherence of the natural and super-natural Natures in Christ. In Ethiopian
literature, the name " sost Iddat " and " sag a teg " quite probably should
be taken to mean the Tewahdo (see: Mario da Abiy-Addi* (AiEiÊ
Taki,E-HaymanoT), La Dottrina della Chiesa Etiopica dissidente sull'unione
ipostatica, " Orientalia Christiana Analecta 147 (1956); Ya-ityofiya
byetd-kr9stiyan, Asmara 195 1 (1958/59), especially p. 152 ff. The seat of
the Tewahdo was the Dabra Libanos Monastery in Shoa whose abbot held,
and still holds, the position of " Etchege The struggle for hegemony in
the Church carried on through the centuries, between the Tewahdo and
the Kebat (Qabat) groupings played a significant role in Ethiopian History.
12 ANDRZEJ BARTNICKI - JOANNA MANTEI<-NIE£KO
this Emperor established the obligatory Church holidays for the people;
these were: Saturdays and Sundays, and each month the feasts of the
Virgin Mary and St. Michael were observed, as also the day of victory
over Sultan Bedlay - the Monster - , etc. He issued rules concerning
clerical holy days, the building of churches, the placing of altars in
them (one of which was always dedicated to the Virgin Mary), and
baptismal fonts, which had to be situated outside the church itself.
He also defined the obligatory prayers for both clergy and people; the
texts of the lessons which the clergy were to impart in public to the
people on feast days were clearly delineated. Above all, the principle
of One God in Three Persons (God, the Son and the Holy Ghost), the
Spiritual Birth of a Son from a Father without a mother and the
Physical Rebirth of a Son from a Mother without a Father. The cult
of the Virgin Mary of whom, it seems, he was a firm devotee, was consi-
derably reinforced in the Ethiopian Church.
In proclaiming these rubrics which embraced both dogmatical
problems as well as individual ones concerning religious formularies,
Zar'a Ya'qob's intention was the creation of an ideologically uniform
system for the Ethiopian Church. It seems evident, however, that
to accomplish this end, more was needed than the issuance of laws,
and the Emperor must have had other means, not always to the taste
of certain groups of the clergy, which facilitated the introduction of
these laws. These means, were presumably, economic and political
privileges which effectively compensated the clergy very advantageously
for the concessions they made regarding liturgical and dogmatical
problems. The Emperor solicitously maintained the balance thus
achieved, and in this manner created unity in the Church. During his
coronational progress to Aksum, for instance, at the beginning of his
reign, Zar'a Ya'qob considerably strengthened the clergy of the north
by not only granting lands and positions to the ecclesiastical authorities
of the Churches already established there, but also to the new monasteries
which he founded there. The granting of these favours to the clergy
in the north was almost immediately followed by the enrichment of
the Tewahdo Order in the south. On his way back from Aksum, the
Emperor founded two monasteries: in the district of Tsehaya, in Amhara,
the Makana Gol and the Debra Negwadgwad monasteries where he
settled many monks and granted them hereditary lands. He also com-
manded the coffin of his father the Emperor David, to be brought to
the Debra Negwadgwad monastery thereby enhancing the status of
this newly founded religious institution. After which he bequeathed
these richly endowed monasteries to Etchege Andrew, the principal
THE ROIÊ AND SIGNIFICANCE OF THE RELIGIOUS CONFLICTS ETC. 1 3
of the Tewahdo Order. In addition, he also increased the consequence

of this monastical order by changing the name of its head monastery
from Debra Azbo to Debra Libanos, thereby bestowing on it the name
of one of the most illustrious Ethiopian monks, Abba Iyibanos. In this
way the Emperor maintained the balance among hostile groups, by
drawing them on his side and skillfully taking advantage of the anta-
gonism amongst them for his own ends. For each new monastery erected,
entailed a grant of lands, which became the exclusive property of the
clergy and was entirely exempt from paying tribute into the coffers of
the Emperor. Furthermore, if not all, at least the lands belonging to
the most important monasteries were practically exterritorial lands
onto which the Emperor's armies could not encroach nor avail themselves
of provision x). The monasteries in which the mortal remains of former
rulers reposed also considerably benefitted from the coffers of the
living ones. Hence, the resistance shown, even under pain of ex-
communication, as was the case with the monks from the Island
of Daga, in which the Emperor David reposed, when the Emperor
wanted to remove the very "profitable" coffin of his father from their
custody. The economic and moral benefits enjoyed by the Tewahdo
Order who received, among others, the gift of the magnificently endowed
Debra Negwadgwad monastery from the Emperor, are quite evident.
And finally, it is obvious that for such rewards it was worth making
concessions on some religious points, even in favour of those opposing
groups which shortly before this had been accused of heresy.
The interests of the powerful clerical groupings were connected
with those of the emperor - not only from the economical point of
view. Zar'a Ya'qob planned not only to accomplish the uniformity
of the Ethiopian Church, but also the uprooting of local cults and beliefs,
and with this in mind, the Emperor ruthlessly eradicated each and
x) Some of the donative records of the Church, contain a formula

defining the self-dependence of a given monastery from the interference
of the secular authorities. Here is, an example of this type of formula
contained in the records concerning the donations made by the Emperor
Zar'a Ya'qob to Abba Iosyas; " ... all this I have granted in commemoration
of myself and Abba Iosyas. In the presence of my father, Iosyas, I have
concluded a treaty with this monastery and with the people of these lands
that neither prince {makwanndri) nor his plenipotentiary ( afa m.) or an
awfari or any horseman is to encroach upon their lands, and may he who
disobeys this injunction, be anathemized by the lips of Peter and Paul.
Amen ". See C. ConTi Rossini, Liber Axumae, I, CSCO, vol. 54, p. 26, § 19,
Paris 1962. This type of treaty pertained to various spheres.
14 ANDRZEJ BARTNICKI - JOANNA MANTEI<-NlE£KO
every cult and belief, other than that established by him. In the north
the Stephanites and Michaelites were massacred1). The former, had
their noses cut off and their tongues cut out, before being stoned to
death for refusing to acknowledge the cult of the Virgin Mary; the
Michaelites, for their belief in the dogma of the Unknowableness of
God. The Animists, worshippers of the gods Desk and Dino, under
the threat of a public flogging and the confiscation of all their property,
were forced to abandon the practice of their ancient cults. The emperor
issued an edict proclaiming that every person was to have inscribed
on his head " I am from the Father, the Son and the Holy Ghost " and
on his right arm the words: " I renounce the accursed Desk, I am the
servant of the Virgin Mary, Mother of the Creator of the world And,
woe to him who disobeyed the emperor's command; for not even the
Emperor's own children were exempt from this order.
It may be said that during Zax'a Ya'qob's reign, the Church was
the instrument which he used to strengthen the political and cultural
union of the peoples living within the borders of the contemporary
state.
However, the decentralization tendencies constantly reverberating

within the Church were too strong in Ethiopia to allow the reforms
achieved by Zar'a Ya'qob to be lasting. The more so, that the great
conflict with Islam (1529-1559) 2), had ruined the pre-existing govern-
mental system and caused severe internal repercussions. The decentra-
lization tendencies expanded. The political situation was further
complicated by the vast influx of the Galla peoples in the XVIth century.
The material situation of the people was considerably affected by the
devastations resulting from the war, and some districts suffered from
famine. All these events meant that the emperors reigning in the
1 6th century were confronted with formidable tasks. The most important,
was the restoration of the prestige of thecen tral authorities in all the
provinces subject to the empire before the islamic conflict. It is quite
clear that in these circumstances, the existence of an institution like
*) For information concerning the less known political role of these

two sects, see: E. CERUUJ, II libro etiopico dei Miracoli di Maria. . ., Rome
1934; ID-> Scritti teologici etiopici dei secoli XVI-XVII , Citta del Vati-
cano, 1958.
2) The term " war with Islam " is here used in the conventional sense.
Here, to be precise, is involved the conflict which went on between the
empire and the islamized peoples inhabiting the sultanates on the south-
eastern borders of the contemporary state.
THE ROI*E AND SIGNIFICANCE OF THE REUGIOUS CONFLICTS ETC. 15
the Ethiopian Church became, from the political angle, of extreme

importance. In view of the disorganization of the state administration,
the rebuilding of which would be a stupendous and long enduring task,
the possibility of utilizing the Church by the emperor's authorities to
achieve their purpose was of great consequence. Furthermore, and
in spite of the fact, that the economic foundation of the Church had
been considerably affected by the ferocity with which the invaders
had destroyed Church properties, religion was still one of the predomi-
nating factors symbolizing the unity of the empire. And thus, at the
turn of the 16th and 17th centuries, which already signifies the period
with which we are directly concerned, every conflict and every change
occurring within the Ethiopian Church, must have reverbated to a
greater extent than ever before onto the political life of Ethiopia.
With the coming of the 17th century, Ethiopia began one of the
most interesting and simultaneously one of the most difficult periods
in its history, a period inadequately investigated, in particular in non-
Ethiopian historiographies. This is due to many factors, the most
important of which was no doubt the europo-centrical point of view
on this historical Ethiopian period. For since the intensive Jesuitic
infiltration at the beginning of the 17th century and the expulsion of
the Papal envoys from Ethiopia in the middle of this century, the at-
tention of scholars has been concentrated on the results of Jesuitic
activities in this country, and the reasons for their final defeat. Among
these are the writings of Jesuit missionaries, embittered by the failure
of their mission - subjective in content because of the over-estimation
of their own role and because of their unfamiliarity with many of the
fundamental aspects of social life and traditions in Ethiopia, frequently
considered to be too uncritical sources and responsible for the formation
of the distorted image of the Ethiopia of that time. In addition, and
regardless of what were the intentions of writers of works (based above
all, on European sources) investigating the history of Ethiopia at the
turn of the 16th and 17th centuries, and even if we accept the fact that
in utilizing these sources, they most conscientiously adhered to scientific
requirements, their field of vision must have been very narrow and
related to strictly defined problems only. Without, in the least, dispara-
ging the worth of the so often valuable material sources left by the
Jesuits and other European travellers, it must be confessed that as
material sources they are rather restricted. In any case, if we regard
the question of how useful this type of source could be in investigations
into the internal history of Ethiopia as a debatable one, then we must
utterly reject the treatment of this subject as seen through the eyes
1 6 ANDRZEJ BARTNICKI - JOANNA MANTEI,-NlE£KO
of the Jesuit missions to whom, in some historical writings 1), as if the

activities of any European Mission could fulfil the internal life of any
country at all, so much space has been devoted. It is quite a different
matter when somebody is solely interested in for example, the activities
of Jesuit missions. Then this could even be the most important problem,
but to represent this lone problem as the leading one in the history
of the Ethiopia of those times, and sometimes exaggerating the course
of internal events, only proclaims the Europocentricism of a given
author; his ignorance of Ethiopian sources and the impression he gives
that the history of non-European countries is non-existent unless,
mentioned by European sources, is an obvious, though firmly established,
misconception.
The period in which it was possible for the Jesuits to work in
Ethiopia, as also the period when that possibility ceased to exist, depended
on which internal disposition of power was influencing the country
at the time. The direct results of the Jesuitic activities seem to have
been much less than has been considered, hitherto. The fact that the
role of the Jesuits at the royal court rapidly extended, is by no means a
counter-argument against this. Since this evolved from a given emperor's
decision to use the Jesuits as a factor in the struggle with groupings,
inconvenient, from his point of view, within the Ethiopian Church.
So this, then, emerged from a defined disposition of internal power in
the country as also its relationship with the Ethiopian Church.
But before we continue with a further analysis of the problems
we are directly concerned with, it would be as well, even briefly, to
give an outline of the internal situation in Ethiopia at the turn of the
1 6th and 17th centuries2).
The unification of the country with an emperor at its head, as
achieved by Sarsa Dengel, in the second half of the 16th century, was
x) A typical example of this, is the monography written by the French

missionary, J. M. Couxbeaux, Histoire politique et religieuse de I'Abyssinie. .
II voll., Paris 1929.
2) Here is concerned the period from the reign of Sarsa Dengel (1563-
1597) to the time of the Emperor Fasiladas in 1632. Apart from general
elaborations, other sources of references are: C. ConTi Rossini, Historia
Regis Sarsa Dengel, CSCO III, Leipzig 1907; J. PERRUCHON, Rhgne de Minas
ou A dmas-Sagad, Rhgne de Malak Sagad ou Sarsa Dengel, " Revue Semitique
IV (1896); Id., Rigne de Susenyos ou Seltdn-Sagad , " Revue Semitique
V (1897); E. PEREira, Chronica de Susenyos, Rey de Ethiopia, Lisboa 1892.
Information on the epidemics, famines, tributes etc. can also be found in
An Introduction to the Economic History of Ethiopia by R. PankhursT,
London 1961.
THE ROIyE AND SIGNIFICANCE OF THE RELIGIOUS CONFLICTS ETC. 1 7
accomplished, first and foremost, for economical reasons. The whole

programme of this ruler was planned to get control over a number of
districts and provinces, whose tributes formed a substantial contribution
to the ruler's treasury. Under the slogan of restoring the Empire to
the borders it held before the invasion of the Gran, Sarsa Dengel aimed
at the restoration of the, seriously disrupted by war, economic position
of the country. The Southern provinces, including Enarya, which the
ruler had vanquished several times, was for him the most important
source of gold, livestock, wild animal pelts, mules etc. The northern
provinces, governed by a Bahr Negash1), which in the 16th century,
x) Here it is worth remarking on the completely different and extremely

weak studies on the question of court and military titularies. Without a
knowledge of this, it is impossible to comprehend the structure of the
Ethiopian social-economic system throughout the ages. Therefore, also
in investigating the history of Ethiopia it was necessary to attempt an ana-
lysis of this very complicated problem. The starting point for this analysis
were the unfortunately, very few works on this subject written by Ethiopian
scholars: Mahhtama Shi,i,asyE Wai,da Masqat, Zdkrd nagar , Addis Ababa
1942/1949/50/, further: Zskra nagar ; Taki«a Sadhq Makuriya, op. cit.,
further: Takla §adaq ; Mario da Abiy Addi / AiEiÊ TEKi,E HaymanoT,
Le antiche ger archie dell* impero etiopico, " Sestante " I, 2/1965; and the
works of non-Ethiopian scholars, like: C. ConTi Rossini, Observations in:
Historia regis Sarsa Dengel , Leipzig 1907, further: Observations', I. Guidi,
Contributi alia storia letteraria di Abissinia , RRAIy XXXI, 3-4, 1923, fur-
ther: Contributi. Information regarding individual titles contained in the
dictionaries of the Amharic language have also been taken into account:
Tasamma HabTa Mikaei, GH§HW, Kasatye Bdrhan T asamma, Addis Ababa
1951 (1958/9), further: KBT; I. Guidi, Vocabolario amarico-italiano, Roma
1901, further: Guidi; I. Guidi, Supplemento al vocabolario amarico-italiano ,
Roma 1940, further: Supp.' J. Baeteman, Dictionnaire amarigna-frangais ,
Dire-Daoua 1920, further: Baet. Apart from these, sources based on material
collated in the course of research work on the history of Ethiopia. - Bahr
negash {bahdr nagal ), literally " reigning over the sea", was up to the XVIIIth
century one of the most important Ethiopian positions. This title was
conferred on the governors of North Ethiopia in the territories of contemporary
Eritrea and part of the Tigre province. The capital of a Bahr Negash was
Debaroa. In the 15th century, during the reign of Zar'a Ya'qob, Bahr
Negash' s scope of authority was extended to Shire, Serae and Hamasen
coming under his jurisdiction. During the reign of Ba'da Maryam this title
was also held by the governor of Angot and Qedda. A Bahr Negash controll-
ing the approaches to the sea and the main trade routes to the north of
Ethiopia very often equalled the Emperors in importance. In some periods
as factually self-governing rulers (for instance in the 15th and 16th centuries)
they attempted to break away completely from the Emperor's authority
and were at the head of rebellions against the emperor (for example Bahr
1 8 ANDRZEJ BARTNICKI - JOANNA MANTEI*-NIECK0
was the most significant centre of separatist tendencies in the country,

paid tribute in the form of magnificent horses, and imported goods,
such as silk, clothes or porcelain. Apart from these, a considerable
source of income was derived from the customs duties levied on imported
goods which were payable to the emperor's treasury and to the heads
of various districts. Gojjam and the other central provinces paid tribute
in the form of: gold, cotton, clothes, livestock, horses and honey used
to produce tedj, an alcohol which only magnates and persons of high
social standing were entitled to drink.
The system of collecting and paying tribute which prevailed in
Ethiopia, does not mean that all the income collected from various
districts went into the emperor's coffers. The local authorities were,
in fact, at liberty to establish the amount of the tribute to be paid by
their district, out of which a specified portion, regardless of what the
administrator's income was, went to the emperor. It is true that the
emperor had the right, which he availed himself of, in times of political
upheavals, to remove an administrator at any moment and to confiscate
his entire property. But again, there was an established tradition that
in principle, the emperor had no right to dismiss an authority
originating from a local dynasty, whose only connection with the
emperor was the exacted tribute. In the second half of the 16th
century and later, such inviolable positions which even the ruler had to
respect were, among others, held by, a Bahr Negash, a Kantiba1), a
Shum 2) of Tembien, a Shum of Shire, a Shum of Agamie, a Shum of
Negash Isaac in the 16th century). The importance of this position started
to ebb from the beginning of the 19th century and became an honorary
title bestowed on the administrators of the smaller provinces. See: Takla
Sadaq, vol. Ill, p. 71; Observations , p. 186; Contributi, p. 10, 23; KBT 521;
Guidi 309; Baet. 450.
1 ) Kantiba (kantiba) one of the oldest and most important administrative
titles in Ethiopia. In the 15th and 16th centuries this title was held by
the governor of Upper and Lower Hamasen. It was also conferred on the
authorities of the Dembya district. In the 17th century the post of Kantiba
authorised the holder to establish the amount of tribute due. Later
on, this title lost its meaning in Northern Ethiopia and was given to the
administrator of the capital town of Gonder. These days the title of Kantiba
is conferred on the mayor of Addis Ababa, Asmara and Gonder. This title
is also used at present, by the administrators of some districts, such as
Mensa and Dembya. Zvkra Nagar p. 666 and 667; Takla Sadaq, vol. Ill,
p- 73: Observations p. 189; Baet. 705.
2) Shum (Sum) or seyum (sdyjum) literally " appointed " defining a
leader, administrator or chief. The administrators of some districts are
THE ROIyE AND SIGNIFICANCE OF THE REUGIOUS CONFLICTS ETC. 1 9
Wag, or an Akatsen x) of Serae. In addition to the above mentioned, se-

veral monasteries were exempt from tributes or exempt from provisio-
ning the local or emperor's armies passing through their lands. Quite
naturally, in such circumstances, the burden fell most on the farmers
who were forced to pay tributes fixed at random by the frequently
changing officials, administrators and magnates of various grades. The
farmers were obliged to maintain the emperor's armies en-route
through a given area, or stationed in it.
At the beginning of the 17th century an attempt was made to
regulate this situation by introducing tributes based on the amount
of property possessed, but this ended in defeat, brought about by the
fierce resistance of the magnates, for first and foremost, this reform
was a threat to the liberty they enjoyed in exacting tributes.
Another strain on the country, of course, were the wars which
had during the whole of the 16th century, incessantly raged throughout
the country. The Galla invaders had greatly impoverished the districts
in the south and were an increasing menace to the central provinces.
The Galla menace was so serious that Sarsa Dengel, although incessantly
conducting hostilities on several fronts and in constant need of a well-
equipped army, exempted the Gojjam province from paying the tribute
of horses due from it to ensure its support in the war with the Galla.
Sarsa Dengel, with all his victories, could, in reality, have ensured the
requisite flow of tributes to fill the empty coffers of the treasury. However,
addressed in this form with the addition of the given district, for instance
Wag Shum, Shire Shum, Tembien Shum, Agame Shum, Gurage Shum.
These days the most deeply rooted one, among these in Ethiopian tradition,
is Wag Shum the administrator of Last a province whose most important
district is Wag (Agaw). The title of Wag Shum is equal to the title of Ras.
He can nominate three dejazmatches. The Emperor can choose a Wag
Shum only from persons originating from Wag.
Agamie Shum and Tembien Shum are two more important titles.
To the position of Agamie Shum the Emperor can appoint only a person
originating from Agamie, and the function of Tembien Shum to a person
from Tembien. These two titles correspond to the title of dejazmatch.
Zskra Nagar p. 668 and 669; Takla Sadaq, vol. Ill, p. 73; Observations p. 190;
KBT 187; Guidi 189.
x) Akatsen (aqasan). In the Middle Ages the position of administrator
of the Serae district (Northern Ethiopia), was held by a Bahr Negash. An
Akasen was nominated from among the magnates inhabiting Serae, and
usually originated from the Atkama malga' dynasty. During Ba'eda Mary am' s
reign this title was also held by the administrator of Geddem. Takla §adaq,
vol. Ill, p. 73; Observations p. 185; Guidi 449; Supp. 132.
20 ANDRZEJ BARTNICKI - JOANNA MANTEI,-NIE£KO
he was in no position to abolish the licentiousness of all the magnates

with separatist tendencies or to normalize the economic life of the country.
His most outstanding achievements were to remove the opposition
of the Bahr Negash and the Shoa pretenders to the throne and also to
deprive the Falasha of their ancient powers and position. The Ethiopia
united by force was, nevertheless, a country internally disunited. The
constant wars with the Galla, internal conflicts and lack of stabilization
caused the burden carried by the farmers to exceed its previous limit-
ations and become intolerably heavy. The extremely difficult situation
of the poorer classes was further complicated by famine and epidemics
of which in the XVIIth century Ethiopia had her share. In 1606, an
epidemic decimated the people of Tigre. In 161 1, there was a famine in
nearly the whole of Ethiopia, which was followed by an outbreak of
epidemics. Again in 1618/19, another outburst of epidemics and shortly
after this, in 1623, a famine. Hunger followed by epidemics practically
wiped out the people of Dembiya, Wegera and Semien in 1634/35. In
1650-1653 the country suffered two famines and in 1653 another epi-
demic broke out.
Rioting swept the country. The lack of a strong central authority
encouraged the struggles for authority which were going on between
the secular and clerical magnates in different regions of the country.
The first large scale people's rebellion in the history of Ethiopia known
to us, broke out. It was led by the members of the lower classes and
had no direct connection with the rebellions of the separatistically
inclined magnates, who often represented specific ethnic groups. These
rebellions frequently assumed a religious character. Their leaders declared
themselves to be elected by God to amend injustices. Quite often these
leaders implied that they were in some way related by blood to the
Emperor's family. This was supposed to add to their importance in
the eyes of the people. This confirms that the rebellions were not aimed
at the fundamental system and that the authority of the Church and
the Emperor was too strong in the awareness of the people of the poorer
classes, but they realized that the only hope of bettering their conditions
were improvements in the governmental and ecclesiastical spheres
and were not attempting to overthrow these two institutions. For
instance, in 1603/4, the Amhara Saynt district, there appeared a
fake Christ around whom there gathered adherents and the devout.
When caught by the Emperor's armies, the " prophet " was sentenced
to death and the rioting among the people of Amhara had to be quelled
by armed force. In about 1608, in Semien, in the northern district,
there appeared a man who passed himself off as the dead Emperor Jacob
THE ROI/E AND SIGNIFICANCE OF THE RELIGIOUS CONFLICTS ETC. 21
and this one, too, attracted many followers to his side. In the battle
of Shire, with the reigning ruler Susenyos' armies the self-styled emperor
perished. There were in the north, several self-styled emperors. In
1617, the people of Shire, who were heavily burdened with tributes,
revolted. As a result of the wasteful exploitation of this land by the
governor Ebeye Dengel, this land had become a barren desert. The
population escaped from this devastated province " en masse " to nearby
Serae, and only the monks and the clergy, remained behind. Thanks
to the intermediary of the local clergy, things were settled in a peaceful
way and in accordance with the verdict of the ruler's Tribunal, the tributes
were reduced. Ebeye Dengel retained his position, and the clergy were
granted an additional tribute for having settled this affair. In 1689,
the people of Wag revolted and refused to pay a tribute of a hundred
mules to the Emperor, Iyasu the First. The four sons of a peasant,
Abram, Sarsa Kessos, Enkuay, Sebhay, and Walda Hawaryat, were
at the head of this rebellion. The Emperor ordered a detachment of
Chewa settlers to be sent to the rebellious area. These were to occupy
two thirds of the land, leaving a mere third for the inhabitants. Abram,
the leader of the rebellion, organized armed resistance in an attempt
to repulse the Chewa detachment. This rebellion was ruthlessly quelled.
It seems that there was a similar rebellion in Lasta in 1696/7 x).
Among the people's rebellions in the 16th century, there was only
one - as it appears - on a very large scale which caused serious re-
repercussions in the country. This was the revolt headed by Isaac the
Inciter (Yashaq W&ryenna) of Gojjam, a metal-worker. This revolt,
which is of special interest, occurred during the reign of Iyasu the First
(1682-1706) in the years 1686/7 2). In this case we have to deal with
x) Concerning the fake Christ and the fake Jacob see T&kla Sadaq,
vol. Ill, p. 93 and 101; on the Shire rebellion, C. ConTi Rossini, Liber
Axumae, p. 74 ff; on the rebellion in Wag, I. Guidi, Annates Iohannis I,
Iyasu I , Bakaffa, CSCO, ser. II vol. V, Paris 1903, pp. 139-143.
2) On Isaac's revolt see I. Guidi, Annates Iohannis I . . ., p. 124-126
and 134-5; Takla Sadaq, vol. Ill, pp. 126-129. Isaac originated from a
socially despised class, as which in Ethiopia the metal workers were regarded.
An indication of his origin and trade are to be found in the words addressed
to the Tribunal by Isaac: fiffl ! ' V] ! i M ' '
Mh* s 1 AHMI+ : ©C* : fl>-fl4«C : X1H 1 XtWlC a* : men f :
" ©M ! 2<n Xfc (in? ! H£(MIL : WMt i H£h®-iL i AMjB s
i! mflfl s " -A? s TflCfl ! d»Ch* s '■ TPP : - " first of all,
I originate from the 2an Salami tribe. I grew up at the feet of the gold
and silver-smiths, and as well as I could, I worked as they did. And not
finding anybody there who could pay me enough to clothe and feed myself,
22 ANDRZEJ BARTNICKI - JOANNA MANTEl,-NlE£KO
a web of events which illustrate the social, economical, ethnical and

political problems of this period. This revolt, which is briefly described
by the clerical chronicler of Iyasu the First, first erupted in Shoa, where
it was possibly of a religious character x). The subsequent scene of Isaac's
activities was the area of Debra Libanos, where he assumed the royal
insignia and stood at the head of the poorer classes of the population 2) ,
this time, as the rightful heir to the throne. Here, there are indications
which point to the fact that several of the ethnic groups inhabiting
contemporary Ethiopia participated in Isaac's revolt. When fleeing
from the Emperor's officials, Isaac was granted asylum by the Galla,
who at this time were beginning to play a more predominant role in
the empire by participating in political and religious conflicts and were
gradually penetrating into the ruling classes. The Galla granted Isaac
refuge, and in spite of the diplomatic intervention of the emperor, refused
to hand him over. However, they eventually had to accede, when
threatened by war with the emperor's armies which had surrounded
their territory. Isaac was put on trial and sentenced to death for
unlawfully claiming to be the ruler emperor. The gravity with which
the contemporary dominating groups regarded this revolt inspired by
the metal-worker, is demonstrated by the fact that the highest Tribunal
in the land was elected to try him. The Emperor himself, who was
driven by poverty, I departed for Shoa. . . " See Guidi, op. cit., p. 134 /
lines 10-15 /■
x) / ... a>(**d 1 a*n+ : ?pp : : rtfl-flA : 7TV : :
i (Dt'a*LP : : mt : *7 G '■ t&V s ©rh :
n<pr+ : : aiXfftWH ; s ' Xfl^ ■ £fl, : rtA.1* :
i-ODfTtb i hytlVAM ! a>flktb i a*?! t : Y£tn?¥:V : CtOt - " the rebel
arrived in Shoa and incited the Shoa people to abandon their faith. On hearing
of this, the [monk] Awsagnyos summoned him, examined him and rejected
his convictions. He punished him severely but when the rebel declared that
he would renounce his heterodoxy and revert to the true faith he released
him ". ibid., p. 124/24-29/. The chronicler writes further that, after mee-
ting the monk, the rebel: " frsr°vMn' ' ©7"? : : . . . : . . . *
l ! ..." went out and escaped to the Dabra L,ibanos district",
ibid., p. 125/12-14 /.
2) / • . (D-TAahp 1 H-frcn* : rt-flX : hum : o^T/iaKfl ' Xrt : W :
: (DWh. : H-ft- : s mfll t XtH®"4 : fifth : diM : ®flhtn>fl : Y1C i
: -flH : ""fOrt • • • " and after him went all the foolish and wicked
who were escaping from poverty. All the people from the borders rebel-
led with him and so then in this way they were together with this swin-
dler for many days ibid., p. 125/19-21/.
THE ROI,E AND SIGNIFICANCE OF THE RELIGIOUS CONFLICTS ETC. 23
present at the councils of this tribunal which dealt with important

matters of state, participated in person at this trial1).
Up to the present, there has been no historiography on the problem
of the People's movements, so often of a religious character and aimed
at improving the material standards of the poorer classes of the populat-
ion. Here the question has merely been touched upon, for it undoubtedly
requires a separate and exhaustive investigation. Apart from these move-
ments, which reflect the gravity of the socio-economic situation in
Ethiopia, at the turn of the 16th century and later, there were the revolts
of individual magnates and a war, disastrous in its effects, with the
Galla invaders, as well as the incessant struggles for the throne of
Ethiopia.
The rivalry for power, immediately increased after the death
of Sarsa Dengel (1597). This rivalry was carried on among three groupings
supporting one of the following candidates to the throne: Za Dengel,
the grandson of the Emperor Minas; Susenyos, the son of Fasil, the
Shoa offspring of the Emperor Iêbna Dengel; and Jacob, the, so it
was said, illegitimate son of Emperor Sarsa Dengel. Jacob was support-
ed by the traditional magnates and dignitaries of the court. These
were represented by the dead emperor's widow, the Itege 2) Maryam
Sena, Ras 8) Atanaz of Begemder, Ras Kefla Wahd of Tigre and the
*) Members of the Tribunal at Isaac's trial. Ibid., p. 133 (31-35).

2) Itege (dtvegve) corresponding to the definition " Her Royal High-
ness this title was and is borne by the wife of Ethiopian Emperors, but
only after her coronation as Empress of Ethiopia.
Takla Sadaq, vol. Ill, p. 71; Observations p. 188; Contributi, p. 14;
KBT 848; Guidi 457; Supp. 134; Baet. 659.
3) Ras (ras), literally " head one of the highest titles at the emperor's
court. Probably originates from the 16th century, during the wars with
Gran, at that time carried by the administrators of only some districts,
for example Fatagar. More frequently used from the end of the 19th century.
The Emperor bestowed this title on the heads of the largest Ethiopian
provinces only. Some of the highest dignitaries of the Church have the
right to the title of Ras (for instance, Melake Tsehay).
In the hierarchy of feudal titles in Ethiopia, a person holding the
title of Ras, is also a prince. A Ras of the royal family precedes the Ras
with the Leul i.e. Leul Ras. From the times of Menelik the Second, the
emperor can only confer the title of Ras on persons originating from the
following districts: Harar, Selalie, Arussi, Bale, Begemder, Tigre, Ilubabor,
Kaffa, Wallega, Wallo, Yeju, Walda, Delanta, Dawent, Shedho, Waro,
Maket, Zobel, Lasta, Gojjam. Zikra Nagar p. 656, 661, 670; KBT 217;
Guidi 124; Baet. 181.
24 ANDRZEJ BARTNICKI - JOANNA MANTEly-NlE^KO
Dejazmatch1) Za-Sellasie. These dignitaries placed the child emperor

Jacob on the throne and took over the reins of government into their
own hands. Za-Dengel relied mainly on the Gojjam magnates. Susenyos,
on the other hand, established friendly relations with some of the Galla,
from the southern part of Ethiopia, in the hope of achieving their pro-
tection, from the above mentioned dignitaries who had succeeded in
placing the child emperor on the throne. This struggle for power among
the three pretenders to the throne occurred from 1597 to 1607. At the
beginning, from 1597 to 1603, the power was in the hands of Etege
Maryam Sena, the Dejazmatch Za-Sellasie and Ras Atanaz. Later
Za Dengel succeeded in gaining power for a year, 1603-1604. The young
Emperor Jacob regained the throne in 1605-1607, after the third claimant,
Susyenos became Emperor. During these ten years, there arose conflicts
which fundamentally affected the further political destiny of the country.
This was caused by the existence of two tendencies represented by
spheres who desired to take over control of the country. One of these
tendencies which was represented by the dignitaries, ruling in the name
of Jacob, proposed to continue the political relationship initiated by
the Emperor Minas (1559-1563), which entailed severing all connections
with Europe. The second tendency, represented by Za-Dengel, Susenyos
and presumably, the adolescent Jacob, on the contrary favoured the
opening of the Ethiopian frontiers to the Jesuit missions. This was
becoming a still more current issue the moreso, in that at the end of
the 16th century the Jesuits had decided to make another attempt
to draw Ethiopia within the orbit of the Roman Catholic Church. In
connection with this in 1603, there arrived in Ethiopia the successive
envoy of the Society of Jesus, a Spaniard, P. Paez. The Emperor Jacob,
x) Dejazmatch (degazmaS) " The leader of the army (at the entrance
to the tent of the Emperor) This title evolves from the period when
the Emperors of Ethiopia had no permanent place of residence but wandered
through the country with a mobile camp. At this time the emperor's armies
were divided into three wings, of which the most important, led by a dejaz-
match, guarded the entrance to the ruler's tent and from that time this
has been one of the most important traditional military titles in Ethiopia,
and is also one of the oldest in the land. Since the beginning of the 19th
century this title was often accepted by the most important liege lords.
In the hierarchy of the dejazmatches the first place was held by the governor
of the province Begemder. These days, the title dejazmatch is connected
also with holding the position of governor in the more important districts
of the country (such as Sidamo, Bale). Zdkra Nagar p. 657, 661, 670;
Observations p. 188: Contributi p. 15, 16, 19, 23, 27; KBT 1106; Guidi 610;
Baet. 826.
THE ROIyE AND SIGNIFICANCE OF THE RELIGIOUS CONFLICTS ETC. 25
who in the first part of his xeign (1597-1603) had attempted to take
over control and thereby weaken the power of the magnates governing
in his name, had, it seems, entered into an agreement with the Jesuits
and had granted them permission to open schools in which the Ethiopian
children could be taught and prepared to take up positions at the royal
court. However, the emperor's attempts to take over, were fruitless
because of the opposition of Ras Atanaz and his supporters, the magnates.
So then, the Emperor Jacob was banished to Enariya. The dispute
between the Emperor Jacob and the magnates, was taken advantage
of by Za-Dengel, who gained the support of the Gojjam province and
rapidly came into power. The missionaries immediately got into touch
with the new ruler regarding the agreement they had reached with
the ex-ruler Jacob, and the new ruler decided to take advantage of
this factor. He left the Jesuits in the hope that their request would be
favourably settled, but gave them to understand that this would depend
on the replies he received to the cordial letters he had addressed to
Pope Clemens the 8th and the ruler of Spain and Portugal, Phillip the
Third. He proposed the union of their dynasties by intermarriage and
that Phillip would join forces with him, in driving the Turks from ports
on the Red Sea; in exchange for which, Massaua was to belong to Spain
and Arkiko to Ethiopia. In his letter to the Pope, he had proposed
that in exchange for extending recognition to the Papal City the Pope
would send missionaries to Ethiopia. In addition he requested, as other
rulers before him, that military aid and teachers of crafts be sent to
Ethiopia. The steps Za-Dengel took in relation to Europe was only
one of many such political moves made by certain rulers of Ethiopia
during the centuries. But the results expected from the Ethiopian
emperors' proposals, never materialised.
Za-Dengel visualized Europe as an ally on which he could depend
in his struggle for power with the groupings of magnates hostile to
European contacts, and every endeavour at strengthening the central
authorities. The Emperor Za-Dengel, a progressive and energetic ruler,
was a grave threat to the position of the magnates. It was he, who
after quelling the rebellion caused by the fake Jesus in Amhara Saynt,
issued the edict proclaiming that the amount of tribute exacted was
to be levied on the actual yield of the land, and not according to the
administrator's estimate fixed at random. Za-Dengel, in issuing this
edict, aroused the resentment of all the Ethiopian magnates, regardless
of their regional aspirations. Furthermore, this ruler, cordially received
the foreign missionaries and even attended important ecclesiastical
assemblies where for weeks at a time, learned Ethiopian and Jesuit
26 ANDRZEJ BARTNICKI - JOANNA MANTEI,-NlE£KO
clerics debated on theological controversies. As a result of this policy

of the Emperor, not only the ecclesiastical dignitaries, but the secular
magnates also, began to fear that their positions were being seriously
threatened. The young ruler, who in fact, had no other allies except
200 European soldiers and the missionaries to support him, had
aroused the immediate enmity of the propertied and moneyed classes
of Ethiopia. In a short time, a rumour compromising the Emperor
in the eyes of the people began to circulate: this was that the head of
his army, Dejazmatch Laeke Mary am and the Emperor himself had
been converted to the Roman Catholic Faith. Abuna Peter excommu-
nicated the Emperor. Simultaneously the secular magnates, headed
by Dejazmatch Za-Sellasie incited the people against the Emperor by
preparing a revolt in Gojjam, where Za-Dengel, had many adherents.
An armed conflict between these two sides was inevitable and in 1604,
at Barcha in Dembiya these two armies faced each other. One army,
in which soldiers, monks and priests stood together in the ranks, was
led by the great secular and clerical dignitaries; the other, by the ex-
communicated ruler from whose ranks more and more soldiers were
deserting in terror of the excommunication of the Patriarch which
was hanging over the ruler's head. The European soldiers, having no
other alternative, remained loyal to him. The Emperor fighting to
the bitter end perished on the battle field. After his death, the finger
on which he wore a diamond ring was hacked off, his eyes were gouged
out and his body trampled by horses after which the mutilated corpse
was left hanging on a tree. Thus ended the reign of Za-Dengel, a progres-
sive and visionary whose plans, far too premature for the prevailing
political situation in Ethiopia, perished with him. The period of his
reign, and, in particular, he himself, has not been widely taken into
account by the literature concerning Ethiopia; and although none of
his political and social plans were achieved, he was, nevertheless, the
only ruler to realize that the restoration of the splendour of Ethiopia
depended on the regulating of the economic and social position of the
country devastated and shattered by the unrestricted licentiousness
of the magnates. Za-Dengel was a ruler who during his brief reign,
had at heart the interests of the whole of Ethiopia, and not just the
narrow interests of a single region or dynasty. It is, therefore, not
surprising that the clerical chronicles have either condemned him or
have attempted to cover him with a veil of silence.
After the death of Za-Dengel, Jacob who had become on good
terms with Abuna Peter, returned to the throne. At the same time,
Susenyos gathered an army together to fight Jacob for the throne.
THE ROI/B AND SIGNIFICANCE OF THE REUGIOUS CONFLICTS ETC. 27
The ensuing battle ended with the death of Jacob and Abuna Peter,
and in 1607, Susenyos ascended the throne. From the very beginning,
the clergy were hostile to him because of the death of Abuna Peter.
Susenyos attempted to counterbalance this hostility by seeking the
support of the secular magnates. With this in mind, he sought out
Maryam Sena and won her good will by giving a number of positions
to persons of her choice. Nevertheless, the most important positions
in the country were given to his own brothers: Sahle Krestos, Yemane
Krestos, Malka Krestos and Afa Krestos. By gaining the good will
of the secular magnates Susenyos had assured himself of allies, thanks
to whom he could remain in power in spite of the increasing aversion
of the clergy. It would seem that Susenyos planned to restrict the
significance of the Church and its influence in the country, by weakening
its economic power. He endeavoured to continue the work of rebuilding
the country, by establishing several towns, among which, Debra Tabor
and Denkez in Dembiya, which was the main centre and residence
because of its location in the middle of the country and its excellent
strategic position. At the same time, he attempted to win over a third
power, the Galla, who were beginning to settle permanently in Ethiopia,
by giving some of them a tribute of lands in several parts of the country,
as for example, in Damot, Gojjam and Agawmeder. He deprived some
of the monasteries of the greater part of their lands and gave these to
the Galla, which quite naturally greatly incensed the clergy. Unlike
his predecessor Za-Dengel, who had attempted to regulate the economic
situation of the country, Susenyos gave an absolutely free hand to the
heads of districts. The above mentioned revolts in Shire in 1617 (and,
no doubt, also such revolts occurred in other regions) caused by the burden
of heavy tributes, occurred during his reign. Other provinces and
districts, as for instance, the people of Agaw and Felasha in Semien,
led by Gedeon, rebelled several times and against these the Emperor
sent successful expeditions in 1616-1626/7. The revolts in the district
of Lasta, which went on four years from 1629-1632; the conflicts he
conducted with Galla who were not supported by him, and who were
constantly pouring into Ethiopia " en masse ". The most important
battles with these were conducted in various parts of the country in
1610-1615 and 1617. In 1619 and 1620, the head of the Begemder,
Jonael, the head of Shoa, and others rebelled against him. In Tigre
at the beginning of his reign, there had appeared a self-styled emperor,
who made himself out to be the Emperor Jacob; it was also here that
the rumour concerning the alleged death of Susenyos arose, and the
local administrators on hearing this, began to put forward their own
28 ANDRZEJ BARTNICKI - JOANNA MANTEL-NIK (^KO
candidates to the throne, as for example was the case with Prince
Arzo, who was proclaimed emperor by one of the dignitaries of Tigre,
Malchizedech.
From the beginning of his reign, Susenyos had to achieve the
conception of a political and economic cooperation with Europe, which
had been instigated by the Empress Helen at the beginning of the 16th
century and which his predecessor and childhood friend, Za Dengel,
who perished so tragically, had tried to revive. To encourage Paez
and the missionaries accompanying him, Susyenos gave him permission
to conduct missionary work and in particular, in the north-western
parts of the country on an extensive scale and was on very cordial terms
with them, much to the resentment of the local clergy who were far
from favourably inclined towards him. At this period, he was in cor-
respondence with the court of Spain and the Pope. In the successive
letters which he sent to Europe in 1607, 1610 and 1615, he emphasized
his friendly relations towards the Roman Catholic Church and requested
military aid.
During this same period the political and cultural spheres of Ethiopia
were shaken to the core by the tremendous conflict within the Church.
The dispute between two of the main groupings, the Gojjam-Tigre
and the Shoa, already dating from the 16th century, which had been gai-
ning momentum since the 17th century, was still going on in the 18th cen-
tury and actually ended in the second half of the 19th century during the
reign of Menelik the Second. From the historical-cultural point of view,
the cause of this dispute was undoubtedly the religious doctrine formulated
by the Catholicism with which the Ethiopian clergy had been in contact
since the arrival in 1520 of Alvarez with the Portuguese " embassy
This contact became closer during the second half of the 16th century
and the beginning of the 17th century. This was due to the activities
of the successive Papal emissaries in Ethiopia. The fierce striving among
the various groupings within the Church was associated with the growing
decentralization tendencies in particular provinces, which in the second
half of the 18th century resulted in regional separations. With the
reunification of the country in the 19th century, the groupings within the
Ethiopian Church had ceased to be an important political factor. From
this moment, they could only be of interest to scholars investigating
the history of the religious and political trends in Ethiopia, for they
no longer were of fundamental importance to the political history
of the country.
The rift within the Church was, on the whole, between the clergy
of Shoa, who were grouped around their main centre the Debra Libanos
THE ROI*E AND SIGNIFICANCE OF THE REUGIOUS CONFLICTS ETC. 29
Monastery with an Etchege as its head, and the clergy of Gojjam and
Tigre, generally led by an Abuna. The debates held by Paez during
Za Dengel's reign with the Ethiopian divinities in opposition to him,
greatly intensified the looming internal conflicts. In the internally
disrupted country, religious conflicts now raged. In 1621-1622, as a
result of the intensifying theological controversies, two Synods, which
most probably, were not attended by the Roman Catholics, were held.
The disputes that went on in the presence of the Emperor at both these
Synods were lengthy and resulted in no decisive solution, if one
bears in mind that the verdict against the Abuna was given by Susenyos
himself, whose position, in spite of his vast theological knowledge, was
already very insecure. The Emperor began to find himself in a very
awkward position, for the help expected from Europe was not forthcoming,
and it seems highly probable, that the Roman Catholic Church and
the Spanish court made the sending of help conditional on the Emperor's
conversion to the Roman Catholic faith. In all probability, the European
side reminded Susenyos of the promise made, to adopt the Roman
Catholic religion, by the Emperor Claudius, who after receiving military
aid from Portugal during the Gran invasion on Ethiopia, went back
on his word, because of an alleged promise concerning this question,
made to Bermudez by the Emperor Iyebna Dengel. The Europeans
now made the sending of military aid first and foremost, conditional
on the Emperor's submission to the Pope. And so, in these circumstances,
in 1621/22, the Emperor Susyenos and several dignitaries of the court,
such as the Emperor's brother Sahle Krestos, Azzaj x) Tino and others
were unofficially received into the Roman Catholic Church. The news
of this event spread like wildfire and the Emperor was excommunicated
by Abuna Simon. Religious riots, which soon turned into armed conflicts,
broke out all over the country. There was a great battle, in which, on the
x) Azzaj (azza£) literally " Commander This was a high rank already
in the 15th century. The title of azzaj could be held by important dignitaries
like: aqabe sa'at, qes'atsie, tsahafe te'ezaz. From the 16th century one of
the highest titles in the land. Four azzaj who held this rank were judges
at the Highest of the Emperor's Tribunal. Only a member of the royal
family could hold this title. Some of the Ethiopian rulers conferred this
title on the leader of the guards and also on the Treasurer. In the reign
of Theodor II (1855-1868) the right to hold this title was granted to members
of princely families. At present this title is also on very high administrative
one in the hierarchy of the state. In general, it is associated with J the
fulfilling of responsible functions in economical resorts (supplies, finances).
Zakra Nagar f p. 667, 670; Takla Sadaq, vol. Ill, p. 71; Observations , p. 185;
Contributi, p. 15 ff; KBT 794; Guidi 486; Supp. 141; Baet. 614.
30 ANDRZEJ BARTNICKI - JOANNA MANTEI^-NIECKO
one hand, were the clergy, headed by Abuna Simon and some of the secular
magnates (with among others, the Emperor's brother Yemane Krestos)
who, above all, were afraid of the threat to their positions, and on the
other, the Emperor Susenyos, with his army and the missionaries. The
unusually ferocious battle resulted in great losses on both sides. However,
Susenyos won the day and Abuna Simon, who led the monks fell on
the battle field. As a consequence, the hostility of the clergy towards
Susenyos was magnified a thousandfold. At this time, more and more
missionaries were arriving in Ethiopia. In 1622, the Jesuit, P. Paez,
indisputably an extremely talented diplomat, whose efficiency and
tact won him much popularity, suddenly died. In the same year,
other Jesuits arrived and among these, M. Almeida, the author of a
work on Ethiopia. These Jesuit missionaries began to propagate the
Roman Catholic form of religion, which was completely alien to the
religious traditions of Ethiopia, on a still more extensive scale. The
tradition introduced by Zar'a Ya'qob in the 15th century, to reconcile
hostile groupings, of celebrating Saturdays and Sundays as Church
holidays was abolished, and was replaced by Sundays alone. Fast days
were also changed. An order was given to eliminate the circumcision
which was obligatory in the rituals of the Ethiopian Church and the
rule forbidding a woman to enter a church during her menses was also
done away with. In 1624/25 there arrived from Rome the fanatical
Jesuit, Mendez, nominated as the Arch-Bishop of Ethiopia and with
him, J. Lobo, who was to become the author of works on Ethiopia, and
some others. The Jesuits became extremely zealous in their activities.
Mendez regarded the Ethiopian clerical and secular dignitaries as back-
ward, semi- wild pagans; he entirely ignored the age-old traditions
and customs and offended the dignity of the Ethiopian magnates. He
demanded to to be treated as a sovereign Prince of the Church and
even the highest dignitary of Ethiopia had to bend the knee to him.
Discontent increased among the magnates and the people, who had
been compelled to change their customs. Meanwhile, the Emperor
had still not officially adopted the Roman Catholic religion, and help
from Europe had still not arrived. The repressive measures adopted
against the rebellious proliferated together with the internal discords
and conflicts. Finally, on the 12th of February, 1628, Susenyos officially
adopted the Roman Catholic faith. The country was aflame; the whole
province of Lasta revolted and the whole country was at war. The
Emperor's son, Mark and his daughter, Princess Malakotawit were
both killed. Torture and execution went on among the clergy and the
monks. The monks were responsible for the spreading of anti-Susenyos
THE ROI/E AND SIGNIFICANCE OF THE RELIGIOUS CONFLICTS ETC. 3 1
propaganda, and the contemptous nickname of Susenyos, the already

accursed ruler, Alawi Negus, the Heretic King. Meanwhile, Susenyos,
still deprived of help from Europe, persistently fought on. The situation
became uncontrollable. In this conflict, the clergy availed themselves
of the help of Fasiladas, the anti- Jesuit son of Susenyos. He, it seems,
endeavoured to persuade his father to change his policy. Finally, in
1632, Susenyos, realizing the hopelessness of the situation, and the
complete collapse of his political conceptions, formally and publicly
admitted that he had committed a blunder in introducing the Roman
Catholic religion into Ethiopia and would abdicate in favour of his son,
Fasiladas. On the 4th of June, 1632, the new ruler ascended the Ethiopian
throne. And thus, the first serious attempt made by an emperor to
rule the country in contravention of the traditional hierarchy of the
Church, ended in failure. This fact clearly proves what the role and
the importance of the Ethiopian Church was in the political life of the
country.
In 1632, immediately after the proclamation of a return to the
traditional faith and the assumption of the throne by Fasiladas; in
accordance with the demand of the clergy, a great Synod was held in
Gondar and was designed to settle matters with the Jesuits. It was
a great assembly of priests and monks from all over the land. At this
Synod, Etchege Batra Giyorgis spoke on behalf of the Ethiopian clergy
and the Jesuits were represented by Mendez. Inexorable and bitter
disputes were conducted, the outcome of which, in view of the prevailing
political situation, was a foregone conclusion. The Etchege Batra
Giyorgis, on behalf of the Ethiopian clergy appealed to the Emperor
with the request that Mendez and his companions be handed over to
them. He considered that the monks were entitled to exact retribution
for the Ethiopian blood which had been spilt, through the Jesuits.
Fasiladas, however, refused to accede to the request of the hate-inflamed
monks and ordered that the Jesuits be disarmed and dispatched to the
already traditional place of exile for missionaries, Fremona, in Tigre,
which up to the present, is the Catholic centre of Ethiopia. The missiona-
ries succeeded in escaping to Bahr Negash John, who was planning to
become independent of the Emperor. Fasilidas ordered Bahr Negash
John, to immediately hand over the missionaries to him. John did
actually refuse to comply with the Emperor's demand and handed
over his inconvenient guests to the Turks.
After the expulsion of the Jesuits, the disputes within the Church
by no means abated, but flared up anew, and were the cause of upheavals
within the Church and the country during almost all of the following
32 ANDRZEJ BARTNICKI - JOANNA MANTEI*-NLE£KO
three centuries. Apart from the religious clashes and the direct effect
they had on the course of political events in Ethiopia, these conflicts
were echoed at the numerous Synods at which, together with members
of the clergy from all over the country, the rulers and secular digni-
taries, also participated. From the point of view of theologists the root
of dissension was the problem of Christology. However, without an
individual study of religious problems, it would be difficult to state,
how many and what kind of groups, we are dealing with, at specific
periods, the more, in that the same grouping in the course of time
precising its convictions, changed the name it had previously used,
or had been known under various names. However, without going
into details, it can be definitely said that there were fundamental dif-
ferences between the two main groupings of the Ethiopian clergy: the
Shoa, called the Tewahdo with Debra Iyibanos as their centre, and the
Tigre-Gojjam known as the Kebat x) having Debra Work as their
centre. Other names which can be encountered in works dealing with
this subject, should be accepted as being the different names of the
sects attached to these two great adversaries. And so, then in relation
to the great Tewahdo grouping from Debra Libanos, the following
definitions are also applied: Tsega Lidj or Sost I,edet; with the Kebat
grouping, on the other hand, the following terms are associated: Hulat
Ledet and Kara, of which the latter definition refers rather, to the Tigre
adherents of the Gojjam Kebat grouping.
A brief, albeit, concise idea of this history of this Church conflict
seems to be immeasurably important. The more so, as this is a page
in the history of Ethiopia of which these days very little is known
concerning the meaning it has for an understanding of the political systems
prevailing during the long, almost three hundred year, period of its
history. In introducing the following chronological arrangement of
the course of the conflict within the Church, and its association with
the most important political events, it should be stressed that this
presentation, is a general outline and not a comprehensive monograph 2).
x) Kebat [qdbat), "the aiioining " (?); the adherents of this group
interpreted the biblical text concerning the anointing of Christ in such a
way, that they identify the anointing as the unification of the physical
and spiritual in Christ.
2) The history concerning the Great Synods mentioned further were
first and foremost elaborated on the basis of: Mario da Abiy-Addi . . . ,
Ya-ityopya bveta-krastiyan . . . , mainly pp. 1 13-120 and 137-153; Taki,a
Sadhq, vol. Ill mostly pp. 110-112, 120-121, 154-155, 158-159, 163-166 etc.
I. Guidi, XJno squarcio di storia ecclesiastica di Abissinia cit.
THE ROIyE AND SIGNIFICANCE OF THE RELIGIOUS CONFLICTS ETC. 33
On the whole, it can be accepted that the beginning of the 17th

century was the period during which the dispute between the Kebat
and the Tewahdo x) concerning the Natures of Christ, began to assume
a more serious effect on the political life of the country. During Za
Dengel's reign (1603-1607) two Synods were held, in which Paez participat-
ed. At one of these Synods, the learned theologist, Se'ela Rrestos, had
a verbal duel with the Jesuit scholar. However, independent of the
disputes with the Jesuits, the Ethiopian ecclesiastical movement regarding
the question of canonical tenets became a very important one in the
reign of Susenyos (1607-1632). Two successive Synods were held in
1621/22 and 1622/23. The second one, attended by the Emperor and
court dignitaries, after acute disputes, ended with the victory of the
monks from the vicinities of Iâke Tana and the excommunication
of priests and monks opposing the verdict edited by Susenyos. After
the expulsion of the Jesuits, the Emperor Fasilidas bequeathed on the
Tewahdo from Debra Libanos the Azazo monastery in Dembiya. This
monastery soon became an important branch of the Tewahdo in the
region which was influenced by their adversary, the Kebat Order.
During the reign of Fasiladas (1632-1667) two great Synods were held.
The first one was called in 1654, Bartcha in Begemder and ended
with the victory of the Kebat grouping. Ten years later in 1664-65,
the clergy from all over the country, assembled at Aringo. Iyong
theological discussions and argumentations were held by Za-Iyasus
of Dembiya, the representative of the Kebat grouping, and Adam of
Emfraz, representing the Tewahdo. This time the arguments of the
learned Adam of Emfraz prevailed and the Synod ended by giving
a verdict in favour of the Tewahdo. On the death of Fasiladas,
his son John, (1667-1683), a supporter and adherent of the Tewahdo,
came to the throne. He conducted the policy of segregating the Ethiopian
people according to their religious convictions. He issued a decree to
the effect that any contact among the adherents of different religious
beliefs (for instance Muslims, Christians, Animists etc.) in given regions
*) The representation of the conflict within the Church as having

been a clash between the Kebat and the Tewahdo is from the point of view
of an expert in religious matters a simplification of the matter. Nevertheless,
apart from these two powerful adversaries, there existed many other groups
and sects within the Church, which participated in Synods (as for instance,
during the reign of Fasilidas, see Guidi, Squarcio..., p. 15). However,
if we take this dispute within the Church from its political effect on the
history of the country, then the crucial problem was, undoubtedly, the
quarrel between the Kebat and Tewahdo groups.
was most rigorously forbidden. The fifteen years of this reign passed to
the accompaniment of incessant dissensions among the Tewahdo, who
were then enjoying favour at the helm of the ruler, and the Kebat who
were out of power. As a result of this incessant conflict, another Synod
was called on the 20th of October 1681, at which the Tewahdo representa-
tive from Debra Libanos, Abba Nikolaos, and the Gojjam representative
of the Kebat, Abba Akale Krestos, began an unusually tenacious debate
which Abba Nikolaos won. The Synod excommunicated the Gojjam
group. Not long after this, the Emperor John died and was succeeded by
the Emperor Iyasu the First, (called the Great), one of the most brilliant
emperors in the history of Ethiopia. His first move in religious affairs
was to proclaim the verdict of the last Synod as still valid, and thereby,
gave his support to the Tewahdo monks from Debra Iyibanos. Iyasu
the First, with the idea of elevating the significance of the Tewahdo
monks from Debra Libanos and adding to the prestige of their principal,
the Etchege, granted him the right to wear unusually rich vestments
and a special crown. He also was responsible for ordering processions
to move in formation: at the head of which the Etchege wearing a
diadem and surrounded by the ecclesiastical dignitaries preceded
the Emperor on horseback bearing the insignia of majesty, followed by
the princes and secular dignitaries. The Gojjam, however, had not
relinquished their fight for the recognition of their doctrine as the
true and obligatory one, and under pressure from their side, a universal
Synod was called in 1687. At this Synod the verdict was, in principle,
in favour of the Tewahdo. Iyasu the Great, however, in order to avoid
further dissension, commanded the most eminent representatives of both
groups, to retire to the seclusion of the Debra Maryam monastery on one
of the islands in Lake Tana and there, in an atmosphere of tranquility
and harmony, with the help of the monastery library, discuss the very
long enduring and touchy question concerning the Natures of Christ
which had for so long been a bone of contention among the Ethiopian
clergy. On this quiet island the discussions between the learned Ethiopian
divinities went on for a whole year. This was followed in 1668,
by the ceremonious opening of a successive Synod in Yebaba, at which
the Tewahdo Abbas, Bete Krestos and Walda Krestos, and the Kebat
Abbas, Tebdan and Kosmos, were to publicly announce the results
of their lengthy meditations. But these conclusions were far from
compatible. The Synod excommunicated and banished the Kebat
monks. Ten years later, in 1697, under pressure from the excommu-
nicated Kebat monks, another Synod was held, at which the Kebat
delegates, Abba Tensa'e and Abba Temerta, were again anathematized.
THE ROIfE AND SIGNIFICANCE OF THE RELIGIOUS CONFLICTS ETC. 35
However, the Gojjam were sufficiently influential to bring about another

Synod within a short time. This was held in Yebaba in 1699, and again
ended in defeat for the Gojjam groupings.
The Kebat deprived of power and persecuted, hoped to regain
its position with the accession to the throne of the Emperor's son, Takla
Haymanot (1706-1708) x). In a web of complicated intrigues, he, supported
by the Kebat Takla Haymanot, finally acceeded to the throne in 1706.
Immediately upon taking power he destroyed the hopes of the Gojjam
grouping by joining the opposite camp. At the Synod held in 1707,
the Kebat, represented by Abba Walda Teba'e, Temerte and Taedal,
was again excommunicated. After the Synod the Kebat, still deprived
of power, decided to get rid of the ruler unfavourable to their
cause, by organizing riots in the land. These led to ferocious armed
encounters. Takla Haymanot did, in fact, succeed in controlling the
situation, but perished in mysterious circumstances, while on a buffalo
hunt in 1708. When his successor, the Emperor Theophilus, came to
the throne (1708-1711), he immediately extended official recognition
to the Kebat religious doctrine. This caused serious protests from the
Tewahdo who accused the ruler of unlawfully setting aside verdicts
on religious questions, without having first put the question to an assembly
of clerics. Theophilus, however, in spite of the protests of the clergy
from Debra Iyibanos, stood by the verdict he had made in favour of
the Kebat and did not call a Synod. Again the country seethed with
unrest, this time incited by the Shoa monks. These were successful
in winning the support of the closely connected with the Emperor, Bedje-
rond 2) J ustus on whom, as a mark of his favour, the ruler had once bestowed
x) The history concerning this emperor's coming to the throne and

his reign - which are of great significance for the problem introduced herein -
is part of the lesser known periods of Ethiopian history, for there are no exis-
ting annals concerning the reign of this ruler. The most important
source is the so-called " Abbreviated Chronicle " (see R. Basset, Etudes
sur Vhistoire d'lithiopie, Paris 1882, and F. BEGUINOT, La cronaca abbreviata
d'Abissinia, Roma 1901).
2) Bedjerond (bagarond) - one of the oldest titles at the emperor's
court, which, according to Ethiopian tradition, was introduced at the end
of the 1 6th century. At one time, it was the title of the emperor's treasurer
and steward; and so then, one of the most influential officials of the court, who
enjoyed the great confidence of the ruler. Nowadays at the court of the
Emperor the position of Wana Bedjerond " Chief B " is a highly responsible
position for it is connected with the Treasury of the State. This rank cor-
responds to the status of dejazmatch. Zakra N cigar, p. 664, 665; Contributi,
p. 21, 23, 27; Guidi 348; Baet. 439; KBT 506.
the title of Ras and the governorship of the provinces Tigre and Semien.
Theophilus was not long in power for he suddenly died, it was said,
poisoned by Ras Justus who succeeded him to the throne. Justus did
not interfere too much in the affairs of the Church, but rather put a
gay court life above the complications of theological matters and the
burdens of government. The political intrigues between both these
opposing clerical groupings were, nevertheless, still going on behind
his back. The Kebat were endeavouring to maintain the supremacy,
which they had lost after the Synod of 1681, during the Emperor John's
reign, and which they had now regained. The Tewahdo, on the other
hand, was doing everything within its power to win back the position
it had lost. The Gojjam grouping, however, succeeded in holding their
own and remaining in power. The Emperor David the Third (1716-
172 1) was placed on the throne in the midst of struggles for power.
He made a " Shum-Shir " x) (changes in appointments) advantageous
to the Kebat, for it led to the influential position of Bitwodded being
given to the Dejazmatch Giyorgis of Gojjam and a Kebat supporter.
The Kebat from Gojjam, who now considered its influence at court
to be sufficiently strong, was bent on calling a universal Synod which
clergy from all over the country were to attend, to officially proclaim
its religious belief as being predominant and to excommunicate the
Shoa Tewahdo. On April the 10th, 1720, the Synod, at which the
Emperor was represented by the Kebat adherent, Bitwodded 2) Giyorgis,
x) Shum-Shir ($um-$9r) literally " nominated " - " degraded ", an

Ethiopian definition for changes made in court, administrative, military
positions etc.
2) Bitwodded (bitwddddd) one of the oldest positions at the empe-
ror's court. The ruler conferred this title on the most trusted and most
intimate of his dignitaries, who having this title were extremely influential.
At one time, there were two bitwoddeds at court, one of whom ac-
companied the ruler on campaigns, and the other remained at court to
look after state affairs. During the councils of the Emperor's Tri-
bunal, a bitwodded, after the Emperor and the Aqabe sa'at, occupied
the third place. In the 15th century this function was held by the
Emperor Zar'a Ya'qob's daughters, which is the only time in the history
of Ethiopia when this position was held by women. In the 16th century
during the reign of Sartsa Dengel, there were no bitwoddeds. The successive
ruler nominated only one bitwodded, who was at the same time, the admini-
strator of Begemder. At the turn of the 19th and 20th centuries, the title
of Bitwodded was an intermediate title between Ras and Dejazmatch.
It seems that it was most frequently conferred by the Shoa Negus. During
the reign of Menelik the II, the title of Ras-bitwodded, which was a higher
rank than Ras, was also applied. From then the sequence of the highest
was held. The monks from Debra Iyibanos, because of the disadvan-
tageous to them, balance of power presumably declined to attend and
the Tewahdo Order was represented by the clergy from Azazo. It is
probable that the verdict of the proceedings was actually in favour
of the Tewahdo, however, the Gojjam side, supported by Bitwodded
Giyorgis, won the official pronouncement of a veidict in its favour.
The Tewahdo representatives appealed against this verdict, and with
the object of settling this dispute, went to Abuna Krestodulos, who
gave a non-commital reply to the effect that the only true belief was
that of their forebearers and the Fathers of the Church. This, of course,
was interpreted by both groupings to their own advantage. This matter
had to be decided conclusively, and once more, they approached Abuna
Krestodulos for his opinion, which this time, was given in favour of the
Tewahdo. This resulted in sanguinary conflicts between the monks
of the two groupings. The Emperor David and Bitwodded Giyorgis,
gave military aid to the Kebat and the Emperor organized detachments,
recruited from pagan and Muslim soldiers, who surrounded the Tewahdo
Monastery in Azazo and massacred the monks there. The Prior of the
Azazo monastery was stripped naked and flogged, and the remaining
monks slaughtered. Other monasteries suffered the same fate, and
many learned theologists like the Abbas Nikolaos and Awsenyos perished
at this time. Shortly after these events, the Emperor David the Third,
died. During the reigns of his successors, Bakaffa (1721-1730), and
Iyasu the Second (1730-1755), the great conflict within the Church
although it did not, in fact, die down completely, did however, become
less acute. It would appear that the Gojjam still retained their influence.
But this was the period in which the Tewahdo centre - the region
of Shoa - was becoming increasingly more self-dependent of the emperor,
whose residence was in Gondar.
At the same time, approximately the middle of the 18th century,
new groupings appeared, or came into power within the Ethiopian Church,
which because of the opinions they held, again caused more turmoil within
the Church. The emergence of these sects was no doubt, among others,
due to the renewing of contacts with the Christian East. This followed
titles at the royal court have been as follows: Ras Bitwodded, Ras,
Bitwodded, Dejazmatch. From the time of Menelik the Second a Ras
Bitwodded has fulfilled the function of the Emperor's closest advisor. Z9kra
Nagar, p. 664; Contributi , pp. 8, 10, 15, 16, 19, 22, 27; Guidi 338; Supp.
106; KBT 517; Baet. 447.
38 ANDRZEJ BARTNICKI - JOANNA MANTEl,-NlE£KO
the improved relations, political and commercial, of Ethiopia with

the surrounding Moslem lands. An example of the formation of such
a sect due to those contacts was the sect of Abba Eshete with its centre
in the monastery at Waldebba1). The activities of the followers of
this sect, were responsible for another tumultuation within the Ethiopian
Church. This was indicated by the calling of a vast assemblage of the
Ethiopian clergy, from all over the land, at a Synod held at Kayla Meda
on October the ist, 1793. This universal ecclesiastical gathering was
the last of this period. The direct reason for calling this Synod, it would
appear, was the problem of the Waldebba Sect, which was, as a result
of the proceedings, excommunicated. This Synod has, however, from
the political point of view, a much more significant, implication for
it was here that the pronouncement that the clergy: " from Azazo and
Gojjam were to be left to their own beliefs " 2) was made. The Kayla
Meda Synod of 1763, can then be interpreted as being closely connected
with the political divisioning of the country which occurred in the second
part of the 18th century, and simultaneously with it, the ending of
political unity in the country. The regional divisioning of Ethiopia did,
however, resolve the question of the struggle for hegemony between
the Tewahdo and the Kebat, since the territorial range of these groupings,
more or less, corresponded with the borders of districts which were
self-governing.
It was not before the second half of the 19th century with the
unification of the state and the centralization of the government, that
the question regarding the unity of the Ethiopian Church, again became
a current one. The Emperor, Theodore the Second (1855-1868), who
united Ethiopia, was confronted with, among others, the problem of
abolishing the groupings connected with various regions of the country
and opposed to unification, as were the secular authorities of particular
districts. At this time, there erupted a relentless struggle between the
secular and clerical authorities to gain hegemony in the uniting state.
One of the most dangerous adversaries of the Emperor Theodore, was
the region of Shoa, whose rulers had long aspired to the throne of a
united Ethiopia. The Negus 3) of Shoa, Sahla Sellasie, a few years before
l) On this subject, see: Gtjidi, Squarcio, pp. 20-22.

2) See Squarcio, p. 22.
3) Negus (nagus) , literally " King " one of the oldest Ethiopian
titles going back to the Aksum period. A Negus was subordinate to the
Emperor alone - and this only conventionally. A Negus was in actuality
an independent ruler. In Ba'da Mary am' s reign, this title was conferred
on the ruler of the Gen region. When the emperor's power was strong, the
Theodore, had commenced the process of unification, had issued a proclam-

ation concerning religious questions in his region. In 1840, he had of-
ficially declared that the Tewahdo belief had been in accordance with
the tradition of the country from the times of Yekuno Amlak and Abuna
Takla Haymanot, the founder of the monastery in Debra Iyibanos,
the centre of the Tewahdo Order. In the struggle with the Shoa region
who refused to submit to his rule, Theodore II attempted to deprive
the grouping concentrated around Debra Iyibanos of its significance.
He proclaimed the official religion to be that of the Tigre-Gojjam and
endeavoured to deprive the head of the Tewahdo Order of his rank of
Etchege. He even went so far as to nominate a cleric from Gojjam
as Etchege of Debra Iyibanos. Shoa was an important centre of opposition
to the emperor also during the reign of Theodore's successor, John the
Fourth (1872-1889). John the Fourth, who originated from a Tigre
dynasty, quite naturally supported the Tigre-Gojjam grouping; as
Theodore the Second had. The Negus of Shoa, Menelik, who was
striving for hegemony in the country, and had not been subject to the
emperor for a long time, proclaimed the official and traditional religion
to be that of Debra Iyibanos. Thereby, the Emperor John the Fourth
in 1878, called a great Synod in Boru Meda, at which the Tigre Gojjam
religion was confirmed as the official religion of the whole country. It
would seem that, as Zar'a Ya'qob had once done in the 15th century when
he was bent on the unification of Ethiopia, the Emperor John the Fourth,
brought the decision of the Synod into force in a ruthless and sanguinary
manner. However, as unification progressed as well as the reinforcement
of the central authorities, the problems concerning the groupings within
the Church began to lose their political significance. In 1889, when
Menelik the Second came to the Ethiopian throne, the situation was
already sufficiently under control, to permit him to adopt a liberal
attitude in Church affairs and to permit freedom of worship to individual
religious groupings by the side of the official and hegemonic religion
of the Tewahdo Order which had emerged from the rulership of the
dynasty from Shoa.
importance of a Negus decreased and on the contrary, increased, when

the central authorities weakened. Nowadays, this title can be conferred
only on princes of the blood and this only in Shoa, Gondar, Tigre and Gojjam.
Z9kra Nagar, p. 660; Baet. 519; Guidi 399; KBT 669.

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THE ROLE AND SIGNIFICANCE OF THE RELIGIOUS CONFLICTS AND PEOPLE'S MOVEMENTS

IN THE POLITICAL LIFE OF ETHIOPIA IN THE SEVENTEENTH AND EIGHTEENTH CENTURIES

AND EIGHTEENTH CENTURIES l)

The necessity of making a new survey of the factors defining the

Hyatt, The Church of Abyssinia, I^ondon, 1928; J. M. Coui,beaux,

However, and regardless of, what the individual clauses of this

concluded in the Year of the Concordat. These differences mainly concern

Concordat as one of the fundamental factors, which as time went on,

x) Here is a reference to the sultanates bordering with the empire

secular authorities, although always Christian, had submitted completely

Bizen monastery of the Eustachian monks, situated on the Massawa-Debaroa

l) This is most evident in the period immediately preceding the regional

x) This question is quite noteworthy. The fertile province of Shoa,

The dynasty occupying the Ethiopian throne from the 13 th century,

*) Tewahdo (tawahdo), literally " union, unification defines the

of the Tewahdo Order. In addition, he also increased the consequence

x) Some of the donative records of the Church, contain a formula

However, the decentralization tendencies constantly reverberating

*) For information concerning the less known political role of these

the Ethiopian Church became, from the political angle, of extreme

of the Jesuit missions to whom, in some historical writings 1), as if the

x) A typical example of this, is the monography written by the French

accomplished, first and foremost, for economical reasons. The whole

x) Here it is worth remarking on the completely different and extremely

was the most significant centre of separatist tendencies in the country,

Wag, or an Akatsen x) of Serae. In addition to the above mentioned, se-

he was in no position to abolish the licentiousness of all the magnates

a web of events which illustrate the social, economical, ethnical and

present at the councils of this tribunal which dealt with important

*) Members of the Tribunal at Isaac's trial. Ibid., p. 133 (31-35).

Dejazmatch1) Za-Sellasie. These dignitaries placed the child emperor

clerics debated on theological controversies. As a result of this policy

propaganda, and the contemptous nickname of Susenyos, the already

On the whole, it can be accepted that the beginning of the 17th

*) The representation of the conflict within the Church as having

However, the Gojjam were sufficiently influential to bring about another

x) The history concerning this emperor's coming to the throne and

x) Shum-Shir ($um-$9r) literally " nominated " - " degraded ", an

the improved relations, political and commercial, of Ethiopia with

l) On this subject, see: Gtjidi, Squarcio, pp. 20-22.

Theodore, had commenced the process of unification, had issued a proclam-

importance of a Negus decreased and on the contrary, increased, when

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