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THE TRANSFORMATION OF TOWNS AND THEIR TERRITORIES

THE ROMAN WORLD BETWEEN LATE ANTIQUITY AND
A SCIENTIFIC PROGRAMME OF THE EUROPEAN SCIENCE FOUNDATION
THE EARLY MIDDLE AGES
Coordinators
JAVIER ARCE • EVANGELOS CHRYSOS • IAN WOOD
EDITED BY

Team Leaders Steering Commi/tee

Miquel Barcel6 Gunilla Àkerstrom-Hougen
Mark Blackburn Volker Bierbrauer G.P. BROGIOLO
Gianpietro Brogiolo Niels Hannestad
Alain Dierkens Przemysbw Urbanczyk N. GAUTHIER
Richard Hodges Mario Mazza N. CHRISTIE
Marco Mostert H.H. van Regteren Altena
Patrick Périn Heid Gjostein Resi
Walter Pohl L. Cracco Ruggini
Frans Theuws
Leslie Webster

Series Editor
IANWOOD

VOLUME9
TOWNS ANO THEIR TERRITORIES BETWEEN LATE ANTIQUITY
ANO THE EARLY MIDDLE AGES

BRILL
-LEIDEN ·BOSTON· KÙLN
2000
 This book is printed on acid-free paper.

Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data CONTENTS

Towns and their territories between Late Antiquity and the Early Middle Ages /
edited by GB Brogtolo, N. Gauthier, N. Christie.
p. cm.— (Transformation of the Roman world, ISSN 1386-4165 vii
w 9) List of Abbreviations
Includes bibliographical references and index. List of Illustrations ix
ISBN 9004118691 (cloth: alk. paper) xv
1. Cities and towns, Medieval. 2. City planning—Europe---—History. 3
List of Contributors
Civilization, Medieval.
I. Brogiolo, Gian Pietro. II. Gauthier, Nancy. III. Christie, Neil. Introduction 1
HTII5.T675 2000
307. 76’094’0902—dc2 I 00—064 169 Gian Pietro Brogiolo
CIP
City and Territory in Hispania in Late Antiquity 3
Pablo C. DIa

La cite et son territoire: l’exemple du Sud-Est

de Ia Gaule 37
Die Deutsche Bibliothek - CIP-Einhejtsau.fnahme lhchel Fixot
Towns and their territories between Late Antiquity and the Early
Middle Ages / ed. by G. P. Brogiolo Leiden Boston Koln:
.... -
The Transformation and End of Roman Vi//ae in the West
Brill, 2000 (Fourth-Seventh Centuries: Problems and Perspectives) 63
(The transformation of the Roman world VOl. 9) Gisela Ripoil and Jarier Arce
ISBN 90-04-11869-1

Ceramic Production and Distribution in the Early

Medieval Mediterranean Basin (Seventh to Tenth
Centuries AD): Between Town and Countryside 115
I Ci)?’Z75
ISSN 1386—4165 Sauro Gelichi
ISBN 9004 11869
Towns, Tax and Transformation: State, Cities and their
© Copyright 2000 ky Koninkl/ike Brill JVJ Leiden. The Netherlands
Hinterlands in the East Roman World, c. 500—800 141
All rights resert’ed. part of/his publication may be reproduced, translated, stored in El cfr Brandes and John Ha/don
a re/octal systent, or transnotted m uniform or by any means, electronic.
mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise, without prior written
permission from the publisher. Le réseau de pouvoirs de l’evêque dans la Gaule du
haut Moycn-Age 173
.1uthoreation to photocopt itemsJitr internal orpeisonal .‘vinty Gauthier
use is granted by Boll prorided that
the appraprio/cjèes ace paid direct/v to The Copyright
Clearance Cente6 222 Rosewood Drive Suite 910 Christianisation et organisation ecclesiastique des campagnes:
Danvers)vL4 01923. USA. 1’Italie du Nord aux IVeVIIF siècles 209
are subject to change.
Gisella C’antino Vataghin
PRINTED IN ‘rHE NETHERL..NDS
Vi CONTENTS

Monasteries. Towns and the Countryside: Reciprocal

Relationships in the Archdiocese of Milan, 61 48 14 235
Ross Balzaretti LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS

Bringing Saints to Cities and Monasteries: Translationes in the

Making of a Sacred Geography (Ninth-Tenth Centuries) 259 14 SS 4cta Sanctorum (Antwerp. then Bruxelles, since 1643;
Martina Caroli third ed., Paris, 18631867).
ACO Acta Conciliorum Oecumenicorum, ed. E. Schwartz (Stras
bourg-Berlin, 1914—1974), 14 vol.
Towns. Lands and Power: German-Roman Survivals and
An. Boll. Anaiecta Bollandiana (Socibtb des Bollandistes. Bruxelles’.
Interactions in Fifth- and Sixth-Century Pannonia 275 BAR British Archaeological Reports (Oxford).
Veil christie BHG Bibliotheca hagiographica greca Suhsidia hagiographica
8a, Bruxelles, 1957), 3 vol.
Towns, Forts and the Countryside: Archaeological I\Iodels BHL Bibliotheca hagiographica latina antiquae et medzae aetatis
for Northern Italy in the Early Lombard Period (Subsidia hagiographica 6, Bruxelles, 1898—1901,
reprint 1949. 2 vol. Yocuin Supplementum, ed. H. Fros
(AD 568—650) 299 (Subsidia hagiographica 70. Bruxelles. 1986.
Gian Pietro Brogiolo CC Corpus Christianorum, series laiina (Turnhout).
CDL Codice Diblomatico Longobardo, ed. Caririchard Bruhi
Constantinople: A City and its Ideological Territory 325 (Rome, 1973).
B?yan TVard-Perkins CIL Coipus Inscriptionuin Latinarum (Berlin).
6lanc. Gall. Concilia Galliae. 1. A. 314—A. 506, ed. C. Munier;
2, A. 511—A. 695, ed. C. de Clercq cCC 148—148A,
Artistic Patronage and Cultural Strategies in Turnhout, 1963), 2 vol.
Lombard Italy 347 CPG GaAs Patrum Graecorum.
John A’Iitchell GSEL Corpus Scriptorum Ecclesiasticoium Laiznorum (Vindo
honae-Lipsiae.
Conclusions 37 1
((J Gdex Iustznzonus, ed. P. Krueger Coipus iuris civilis
2, Dublin-Zurich, 1970H; first ed. 1877).
J’fanc)) Gaulhier
6Th Codex Theodosianus, ed. Th. Mommsen (Dublin
Zurich, 1971; first ed. 1904).
Index 387 DACL Dictionnaire d’archéologie chrétienne ci de liturgie, eds.
F. Cabrol, H. Leclerq, H.-I. Marrou (Paris, 1907—
1951), 30 vol.
Greg. Tur., Hist. Hislona Francorum, ed. B. Krusch, W. Levison, MGH,
SRM 1,1 (Hanover, 19512).
Greg. Tur., Gior. (lanf In gloria confessorum, ed. B. Krusch, AIGH, SRi/I 1,2,
pp. 284—370 (Hanover, 1885, reprint with new
paging 1969).
Greg. Tur., Glor. Mart. In gloria nzarlvrum, ibid., pp. 34—ill.
Greg. Tur., Vii. Patr. Vitae patrum, ibid., pp. 211—294.
Jaffe Ph. Jaffe, ‘N. Wattenbach, Regesta pan4/learn romano
rum ab condita Ecclesia ad annum post Christum natum
MCXCVIII (Leipzig, 1885— 18882), 2 vol.
Leg. Lang. Leges Langobardonim. 643—866, ed. F. Beyerle Witzen
hausen, 19622).
11 LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS

Mansi J.D. Mansi, Sacrorum conciliorum nova et amplis

sima collectzo (Florence-Venice, 1759—i 798,
reprint 1901), 31 vol.
MGH Monumenta Germaniae historica. LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS
MGI-I, AA Auctores antiquissimi (Berlin, 1877—1919), 15 vol.
MGH, SRM Scritores rerum Merowingicarum (Hanover, 1884—
1920), 7 vol. Gisela Ripoll and Javier Arce
MGH, SRL Scr(-ptores rerum Langobardorum et Italicarum, saec. Fig. 1. Torre Llauder, plan of the villa after the fourth
VI—IX (Hanover, 1878), 1 vol.
MGH, Ep century (after Prevosti-Clariana, Torre Llauder.
Epistulae A/Ierowingici et Karolinz aevi (IViunich,
1892—1939), 6 vol. Mataró. Villa romana, 1988) 73
MGH, SS Scrptores in-folio (Stuttgart, 1826— 1980), 34 vol. Fig. 2. Torre Llauder, general view of the villa from the
MGH, DipI. Franc. Mer. Diplomata regum Francorum e stirpe Alerowingica south (photograph by G. Ripoll) 73
Diplomata Imperiz, I, ed. K. Pertz (Stuttgart, Fig. 3. Villa Fortunatus, villa and detail of the Early
1872). Christian building (by F. Tuset) 76
MGH, Dz),l. Karol. D(plomata Karolinorum (Hanover-Berlin-Zurich,
1906—1966), 2 vol. Fig. 4. Villa Fortunatus, the Early Christian building. View of
MGI-I, Dl. Reg. Germ. Karol. Diplomata regum Germaniae cx stirpe Karolinorum the apse (photograph by G. Ripoll) 78
(Berlin, 1932—1960), 4 vol. Fig. 5. Sao Cucufate, villa phases (after Alarçao-Etienne
MGH, Dzl. Reg. Germ. Thlomata regum et imperatorum Germaniae (Berlin, Mayet, Les villas romaines de Sao Cucufate) 79
1879—1984), 10 vol. Fig. 6. Séviac, bath complex and buildings for worship
Not. D(n. J’fotitia Dignitatum, ed. 0. Seeck (Berlin, 1876).
Paulus Diaconus, Hist. Lang. Historia Langobardorum, eds. L. Bethmann and during the different phases (after Lapart-Paillet,
G. Waitz, MGH, SRL, pp. 12—187. Les premiers monuments chrétiens de Ia France, 2, éd.
PG Patrologiae cursus completus, series graeca, ed.J.-P. N. Duval, 1996) 82
Migne (Paris, 1857—1866), 161 vol. Fig. 7. Satigny. 1. Plan of the villa; 2. Wooden church
FL Patrologzae cursus completus, series latina, ed. J. -P. and cemetery (V—VT c.); 3. Carolingian church;
Migne (Paris, 1844—1864), 221 vol. 4. Pre-Romanesque church (after Bonnet, “Les
RE Pauly, Wissowa, Kroll, Real-En fvclopddie der
Klassisclzen Altertumswissenschaft (Berlin, 1894— eglises rurales de la region de Genéve”, 1994) 84
1968). Fig. 8. Desenzano, plan of the villa (after D. Scagliarini
REA Revue des etudes anciennes (Talence, Bordeaux). et al., Villa romana di Desenano. Itinerari dci musei,
Sc Sources chrétiennes (Paris). gallerie, scan e monumenti d’[talia, 1992) 90
Settim. di Spoleto Settimane di studio del centro italiano di studi sul Fig. 9. Desenzano. Apsidal room and infant burial in the
l’alto Medioevo (Spoleto).
opus sectile floor (photograph by G. Ripoll) 92
Fig. 10. Barrow Hills, Romano-British cemetery, Late
Roman and early medieval rural settlement (after
Dodd-McAdam, “L’habitat rural en Angleterre
durant la période anglo-saxonne”, 1995) 98
Fig. 11. Mienne-Marboué, mosaic with inscription mentioning
Steleco (after Blanchard-Lemée, Recueil général des
mosali’ues de la Gaule, Province de yonnaise. 4. Partie
occidentale, Gallia suppi. 10, 2, 1991) 104
X LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS Xi

Sauro Gelic/zi: Bryan I Vard-Perkins:

Fig. 1. “Glazed White Ware I” from Sarachane in Istanbul
(not scale: after Hayes, Ecacations at Sarachanc in
Istanbul, fig. 4)
Fig. 2. Coarse wares of the Emiral period from the Cora of
Tudmir in Spain (after Gutiérrez, La Cora de
Tudmir. fig. 78)
Fig. 3. Coarse wares of the Emiral period from the Cora of
Tudmir in Spain (after Gutiérrez, La Coca de
Tudmir, fig. 79)
Fig. 4. Coarse wares of the tenth-eleventh centuries from
Provcnce (after CATHMA 1986, fig. 13)
Fig. 5. Coarse ware from Piadena (Cremona) in Italy (after
Brogiolo and Gelichi, La ceramica greza medievale
ne/la pianura padana occidentale, tav. V)
Fig. 6. Vessels of the later eighth century from the Gnpla
Balbi in Rome (aher Arthur and Patterson, “Ceramics
and early medieval Central and Southern Italy:
a potted history”. fig. 5)
Fig. 7. “Forum Ware” from Rome after \Vhitehouse, “The
medieval glazed pottery of Lazio”, fig. 2)
]‘/anct Gauthier:
Fig. 1. La Gaule au V siècle (cartographie X. Rodier,
U\IR “Archéologie et Territoires”, Tours)
Fig. 2. La famille de Sidoine Apollinaire (d’après L. Marois.
Strategies fain i/ia/es dons la Gaule du J siècle,
Mémoire de maitrise, Université de Tours, 1 996)
Fig. 3. La famille de Gregoire de Tours (L. Pietri, La ri/Ic
de Tours du lV an VIe siècle, 1983, Appendicc 2,
p. 792)
Fig. 4. La famille de Remi de Reims (d’après L. Marois,
op. cit.)
Fig. 5. La famille d’Arnulfus de Metz (N. Gauthier,
L’éuangélisation des pat’s de la A/lose/Ic, p. 264)
Fig. 1. The north-west face of the carved base (AD 390)
of the Theodosian obelisk in Constantinople, showing
119 Persians (on the left) and Germanic barbarians
offering tribute to the emperor 328
Fig. 2. The Lateran palace in the Middle Ages (from
122 Lauer, Le Pa/ais de Latran, 1911, p. 311, fig. 116.).
No. XV is Leo III’s first tricliniuin, and no. X his
second. (The location of Zacharias’ gate is
123 unknown) 332
Fig. 3. Plan of the palace-complex at Aachen (from L. Hugot,
126 “Die Pfalz Karls des Grofien in Aachen”, Karolingische
Kunst, fig. 2). A is the Hall; B the raised passage-way;
C the possible entrance-gate; and D the palace-chapel
128 (today the main core of the cathedral of Aachen) 336
Fig. 4. Various halls and tric/inia compared. From left to
right, in probable chronological order: A
Constantine’s basilica at Trier; B Leo III’s first
131 tric/imurn at the Lateran; C Charlemagne’s hail at
Aachen; D Leo III’s second triclinium at the
133 Lateran 337
Fig. 5. Samarra, general plan. Included (for comparison) is
the thumbnail outline of the entire walled area of the
city of Constantinople. (Plan of Samarra, courtesy
174 of the Samarra Archaeological Survey) 343
Fig. 6. The main block of the Balkuwara palace at Samarra
(the outer enclosure is not shown). (Plan
204 courtesy of the Samarra Archaeological Survey, after
E. Herzfeld) 344
205
206
207

./Vei/ (hristie:
Fig. 1. Map of Lombard Pannoriia AD 5 26—568 288
xii LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS X1l1

John Mitchell: P1. 12. Marbled dado in the ‘Vestibule’, San Vincenzo al Volturno,
P1. 1. Deer or sheep drinking from a chalice. Fragment of a marble early ninth century (author)
relief) from Corteolona, first half of 8th century. Pavia, Musei P1. 13. Canon table, with diagonally marbled columns, Lorsch
Civici del Castello Visconteo (after AM. Romanini, “Corn Gospels, Alba Julia, Roumania, (after W. Braunfels, The
rnittenza regia e pluralismo culturale nella ‘Langobardia Lorsch Gospels, p. 24, 1967;)
Major’”, Cornrnitteiiti e produione artistico-letteraria nell’aito Itiediono P1. 14. Canon table. Codex Beneventanus, London, British Library,
occidentale. Settim. di Spoleto 39 (1991). 1, pp. 37—89. tav. XXX. Add. Ms. 3463, fol. 4v, Benevento?, 739—760 (after D. Wright,
fig. 39;’ “The canon tables of the Codex Beneventanus and related
P1. 2. Transenna with sea-lions, from S. Maria della Pusterla. decoration”, Dutnbarton Oaks Papers 33 (1979), pp. 137l33,
Pavia, first half of eighth century. Pavia, Musei Cisici del fig. 7):
Castello Visconteo (after Magistra Barbaritas. ed. G.P. Carratelli P1. 13. St. Mark, Gospels from Soissons, Paris, Bibl. Nat. Ms. Lat.
[Milan. 1984], fig. 166) 8830, fol. 8 lv (after V. Kohler, Die karo/ingischen Miniaturen,
P1. 3. Fragments of transenna, with sunken settings for coloured 2. Die Hofschule Karls des Grossen 1938, pl. 83).
inlay, Pavia, first half of eighth century. Pavia, Musei Civici P1. 16. St. Augustine dictating, Egino Codex, Berlin, Deutsche
del Castello Visconteo (after A. Peroni, Pavia, Musei CiE’ici Staatsbibliothek, Ms. Phillips 1676, fol. 1 8’ (after J. Hubert,
del Castello Visconteo: Musei d’Italia—Jlerari)glie d’Italia, 1975, J. Porcher, W.F. Volbach, Europe of the hirasions 1969, fig.
fig. 88; 154;:.
P1. 4. Fragment of the arch of a cibornirn. from S. Maria d’Aurona.
Milan. first half of eighth century. Milan, Musei Civici al
Castello Sforzesco (after Paolo Diacono, Storia dei Longobardi,
eds. C. Leonardi and R. Cassanelli 1983, fig. 284)
P1. 5. Tempietto sul Clitunno, Pissignano, near Spoleto. Façade
(author)
P1. 6. Tempietto sul Clitunno, Pissignano, near Spoleto. Interior,
detail of apsidal niche (author)
P1. 7. S. Sophia, Benevento, plan (after M. Rotili, Benevento romana
e longobarda: l’immagine urbana 1 986, fig. 63)
P1. 8. 5. Pietro a Corte, Salerno (after P. Peduto and M. Romito,
“Chiesa di San Pietro a Corte”, Passeggiate salernitane 3 (1988),
pp. 20—27, fig. on p. 22)
P1. 9. S. Vincenzo Maggiore, S. Vincenzo al Volturno, painted
dado in ring-crypt, c. 820 (author)
P1. 10. S. Vincenzo Maggiore, S. Vincenzo al Volturno, painted
dado in ring-crypt, upper frieze of “tumbling blocks”, c. 820
(author)
P1. 11. S. Prassede, Rome, mask from cornice under eaves, c. 820
(after L. Pani Ermini, La diocesi di Roma, 1. La IV regione
ecciesiastica Corpus della scultura altomedies’ale 7/1, 1974, pl. XXIII)
 LIST OF CONTRIBUTORS

Javier Arce is Professor at the Consejo Superior de Investigaciones

CientIficas (Madrid). His research focuses on different aspects of his
tory and archaeology of the Roman period and Late Antiquity. He
has excavated, as former director of the Spanish School of history
and archaeology at Rome, at Tusculum (Italy) and some sites in
Spain, recently in Valdetorres del Jarama. He has published exten
sively, in particular books on the funus imperatorum, and on the last
century of Roman Spain. He has also studied the personality and
culture of Julian and the Roman Eastern frontier. He is preparing
an edition and translation of the chronicle of Hydatius. He was a
coordinator in the major scientific programme the Transformation
of the Roman World (European Science Foundation), and is prepar
ing a similar project for the Tberian Peninsula.

Ross Balzaretti lectures in history at the University of Nottingham.

He has published numerous articles on the social and cultural his
tory of early medieval Italy, particularly that of Milan. A book, “The
Lands of Saint Ambrose. Monks and Society in Early Medieval
Milan” is forthcoming with Brepols in 2001.

Wolfram Brandes holds a research post at the Max-Planck-Institut

for the study of the history of European Law in Frankfurt. He is
the author of a book on the cities of Asia Minor in the seventh and
eighth centuries, has published on the Byzantine apocalyptic tradi
tion, and is currently engaged in a study of Byzantine financial
administration between the fifth and the ninth centuries.

Gian Pietro Brogiolo teaches Medieval Archaeology at Padua Uni

versity, and has excavated extensively in Lombardy (at Brescia, Monte
Barro, and elsewhere). He is the author of a book on early medieval
Brescia, and joint author of a recent general study of the city in early
medieval Italy.
 F
xvi LIST OF CONTRIBUTORS
Martina Caroli received her Dottorato di Ricerca from the University
of Bologna. Her work deals with the political ideology and religious
culture of the Carolingian Age, and especially with the mental and
cultural implications of translating the relics of the saints.
Neil Christie is lecturer in Medieval Archaeology at Leicester University.
His principal publications include a book on the history and archae
ology of the Lombards and a joint edited volume on late antique
urbanism.
Pablo C. DIaz teaches Ancient History at the University of Salamanca.
He is the author of a book on social and economic implications in
Visigothic monasticism in the sixth and seventh centuries, and works.
in general. on social relations in late antique Hispania.
Michel Fixot teaches Medieval Histor of Art and Archaeology at
the University of Provence (Aix-en-Provence). A Member of the
Laboratoire d’Archéologie Médiévale Méditerranéenne (CNRS), he
has excavated extensively in Provence on sites of different types, set
tlements, mottes and early castles, then Christian monuments in the
countryside, such as abbeys and rural priories (Ganagobie, Ménerbes,
Silvacane, Le Thoronct). He has also contributed to work on late
antique and medieval settlements (episcopal palace in Aix, Frejus
cathedral. Saint-Victor de Marseille;:.
Nancy Gauthier teaches Ancient History at the Université François
Rahelais (Tours) A specialist in the History of Christianity and
Christian Epigraphv, she is the author of a hook on the evangeli
sation of the Moselle area in the third to eighth centuries and is a
joint editor of the series Topographic chrétienne des cites de Ia Gaule, in
which she authored the volumes on the ecclesiastical provinces of
Trier and Rouen.
Sauro Gelichi teaches Medieval Archaeology at the Ca’ Foscari
University of Venice. He has studied various archaeological aspects
of early medieval Italy, especially concerning ceramic production
and distribution. He is the author of an Introduction to Medieval
Archaeology in Italy and joint author of a recent general study of
the city in early medieval Italy.
LIST OF CONTRIBUTORS XV11
John Haldon teaches Byzantine History at Birmingham University.
He has published extensively on early medieval Byzantium, in par
ticular a major book on Byzantium in the seventh century, and a
study of three of the treatises of Constantine Porphyrogenitus.
John Mitchell teaches the History of Art at the University of East
Anglia, in Norwich. He has been involved for many years in the
excavation of the early medieval monastery of San Vincenzo al
Volturno, and has published on the uses of art and script in early
medieval Italy.
Gisela Ripoll teaches Archaeology at the University of Barcelona.
She is the author of numerous works on Late Antiquity in the Iberian
Peninsula and on funerary archaeology and personal adornments in
Visigothic times. She has published two general hooks on Visigothic
art, archaeology and culture and specific hooks and studies on trans
formation problems at the end of the Roman World (the cemetery
of El Carpio de Tajo, personal adornments in Baetica, the origins of
parrochiae, the cities of Barcelona and Toledo, etc.). She is the co
editor of the Sedes Regiae, 400—800 d.C., recently published.
Bryan Ward-Perkins teaches Late Antique and Medieval History at
Oxford University. He has excavated in Italy, is the author of a
book on Italian public building in Late Antiquity and the Early
Middle Ages, and is a joint editor of the forthcoming cambridge Ancient
Histoi’ XIV.
Gisella Cantino \Vataghin teaches Christian Archaeology at the Uni
versity of Eastern Piedmont at Vercelli. She has written numerous
studies on late antique cities, particularly those of northern Italy—
most recently in the publications of the conference of Spanish Christian
Archaeology (held in Lisbon) and of a colloquium on the end of the
ancient city (held at Nanterre).
 INTRODUCTION

Gian Pietro Brogiolo

This volume contains contributions from the “town” group of the

ESF project “The Transformation of the Roman World”. The theme
“Towns and their Territories” was developed in seminars in Istanbul,
Isernia and Manerba del Garda between 1997 and 1998. Six schol
ars (Brandes, Cantino Wataghin, Gauthier, Haldon, Ward Perkins
and the present author) participated in the project from the begin
ning and contributed to a first volume published in 1999 with the
title “The Idea and Ideal of the Town between Late Antiquity and
the Early Middle Ages” and their presence lent continuity to the
proceedings. Another ten (Arce, Balzarctti, Caroli, Christie, Diaz,
Dunn, Fixot, Gelichi, Mitchell and Ripoll) subsequently joined the
group introducing new topics and ideas. Scholars from other groups
also contributed substantially to the debates (Brenk, Liebeschuetz and
Frans Theuws’ entire group at the joint meeting in Isernia).

The geographic framework of the preceding volume has been retained

in this one (the Byzantine Empire and the barbarian West) in the
behef that the risk of dispersion into two markedly diverse contexts
would be counterbalanced by the advantages to be had from a con
frontation and comparison between the political and cultural poles
of a system which is thought to have been largely homogeneous until
the rupture of the Carolingian period. Specialists from three disci
plines participated in the discussion: historians, archaeologists and
art historians. Although their contributions reveal the varying inter
ests and positions of the particular authors, the majority show a clear
ambition to integrate the various disparate types of evidence. This
was facilitated by a concentration on five key themes:

1) the evolution of the Byzantine Empire, in which political con

tinuity combined with decisive transformations in the structure of
settlement and in relations between town and countryside, a devel
opment which had some significant resonances in the West (for
example in the militarisation of society);
2 nic PIETRO BROGI0L0
2) the impact of the Germanic elites in Spain, Gaul, Italy and Pan
nonia, which was examined both by way of regional syntheses
and through an exhaustive consideration of the villa, the key factor
in antique rural organisation;
3) the role of the Church in the definition of new links between
city/town and territory; this was covered both by regional stud
ies (for Gaul and northern Italy) and by the investigation of par
ticular themes: the effective contribution of the urban monasteries
and the role played by the strategies behind the translations of
relics in remapping the relations between suburbs and centres of
habitation:
4) culturally homogenous territories, examined in particular in terms
of architectural norms and initiatives. On the one hand, Con
stantinople which cast its influence powerfully onto the West:
from papal Rome to the palaces of Charlemagne. On the other
hand, the minor Lombard polities of the eighth century, each of
which, while engaging in a common broad language of cultural
expression with visual reference to Antiquity and to imperial
Byzantium, developed its own particular defining dialect;
5) the economically defined territory which, when considered along
side other investigations into settlement, suggests a marked pat
tern of regionalisation.
Discussion of so many various themes, each of which merits further
investigations, and over so vast a geographical area renders a svn
thesis extremely difficult: in fact the volume is characterised more
by its diversity than by its uniformity. But as Nancy Gauthier observes
in her limpid conclusion a synthesis may not he possible, consider
ing the fragmentation associated with every aspect of this age of
transition. The intention of our project was to address different ideas
and lines of enquiry, without the pretension of arriving at unequiv
ocal conclusions.
CITY AND TERRITORY IN HISPANIA
IN LATE ANTIQUITY
Pablo C. DIaz
Introduction: Town and Gounti3 in the Eariy Empire
The association between city and country is a recurring relationship
in any textbook of ancient or early mediaeval history. Indeed, in
any study on pre-industrial societies it seems necessary to clear up
the apparent contradiction between an eminently agricultural soci
ety—which bases most of its income on farm production and which,
above all, measures its prestige and its power according to the land
it possesses—and the existence of urban agglomerations, enormous
residential areas whose productive nature is not always evident.’ The
distinction between city and country, urban and rural environment,
had been surpassed in the law of the classic polis,2 the city and its
chora, territorium, ager or pertica, and formed an indissoluble unit that
Rome extended and perpetuated throughout most of the territories
of its Empire. The morphological or habitational difference did not
in principle imply a contradiction; both formed part of a pre-estab
lished scheme, and to the city fell the lot of being the centre of
political and religious activity and, if the case arose, a centre of social
exchange which could include commercial activity. It was also the
symbolic centre where prestigious buildings were situated and which
came to be the residential focus, either temporary or permanent, of
the economic elite which used its resources for monopolising power.
The rural area, in most cases perfectly structured and articulated,
although less sophisticated than the city, included peasant enclaves
and uillae, production units and temporary residences of the large
This is not the place. however, to discuss the differing opinions regarding the
levels of town-country interdependence, or the productive or parasitic nature of the
city, and its essential or non-essential role. These views were well evaluated by C.R.
\Vhittaker. “The consumer city revisited: the rwus and the city”, Journal of Roman
Arehaeologr 3 l990,. pp. 110—118.
2
Suggested by L. Gernet, “Droit et yule dans l’antiquité grecque”, Anthropologie
de In Grice antique Paris, 1968. pp. 371—381.
4 PABLO C. D1AZ
landowners. The cities, with their different legal statutes and taxa
tion levels fixed by the census, were at the same time fiscal units,
responsible to the central government for tax collection, the ultimate
responsibility falling to the city government, members of the Curia.
In the first and second centuries AD. when this model would have
been at its height, most authors agree that the Empire was in prac
tiCe an agglomeration of semi-autonomous cities, largely self-governed
and at the same time tributaries of the State.3
The alterations to this model are interpreted in most of the cur
rent literature as a crisis or decline, when in fact we should speak
of a long evolutive process intimately associated with the evolution
of the Empire as a whole. Indeed, the first symptoms of this evolu
tion are seen much earlier than the so-called “third-century crisis”—
abusively used as a polyvalent explanation for any change or alterations
in the conditions of the early imperial “Golden Age”. It was in the
Antonine era when the end of imperial expansion—whiCh meant the
loss of a substantial source of income fundamental for maintaining
the State and its replacement by an increase in home taxation—--—
Coincided with ever more centralist and authoritarian governmental
practices culminating in the appearance of the corrector and of the
curator rei publicae, imperial functionaries who in practice came to con
trol urban finances and to apply criteria which ignored local pecu
liarities and privileges.1
Not all the cities were equal; the circumstances of each one, its
location and, above all, its size and the wealth of its territory, cre
The bibliography is vast: F.F. Abbot and A.Ch. Johnson, .llunicipal Administration
in the Roman Empire (Princeton, 1926), p. 197; M. Rostovtzeff, Historia socialy económica
del Imperio Romano (Madrid. 1972-translation from English edition, Oxford 1957),
1, p. 387; R. Canghoffer, Livolution des institutions monicipales an Bas-Empire (Paris,
1963), p. 25; A.H.M. Jones. The Loiter Roman Empire, 384—602 (Oxford, 1964, 1986)
1, p. 712; Id., The Roman Economy. Studies in Ancient Economy and Administrative Histomy
(Oxford, 1974), especially pp. 1—34 (“The cities of the Roman Empire”) and pp.
35—60 (“The economic life of the towns of the Roman Empire”(. Much more recent
is Cqy and Count in the Ancient World, edo. J. Rich and A. Wallace-Hadrill (London
and New York, 1991), io particular the contributions by M. Millett, “Roman towns
and their territories: an archaeological perspective”, pp. 169—189; NI. Corhier, “City,
territory and taxation”, pp. 211—239; A. Wallace-Hadrill, “Elites and trade in the
Roman towns”, pp. 241—272. G. Depeyrot, Crises et inflation entre Antiquiti et Moyen
Age (Paris, 1991).
F. Grelle, L’Autonomia cittadinafia Tiaiano e Adriano. Teoria e praesi dell’organiz,zadone
aiomcipale (Naples, 1972). esp. pp. 80—if; Cl. Lepelley, Los cites de L-l/oque romaine an
Bas-Eoipire, 1. l.a permanence d’une citslisation nionicipale Paris, 1 979. pp. 168—193; and
of a general nature F. Jacques, I.e pricilige de liberth Politique inipioale et autonoore inuni
cipale dons los ntIs de l’Occideot rooiain (161—244 (Rome, l984.
CITY AND TERRITORY IN HI5PANIA IN LATE ANTIQUITY 5
ated and promoted differences right from their outset. A city with
a large territory allowed the creation and consolidation of a power
ful éhte; if there was an abundance of public land, this ended up in
the hands of this elite, which increased its influence.5 However, in
most cases. in medium-sized or small urban Centres the members of
the municipal curias would have already had limited resources in
the second century,6 whereas the maintenance of urban public struc
tures, of public spectacles and attention to an ever more sizeable
population was very expensive.7 When the economic balance was
altered, notably in the inflationary process experienced by the Empire
at the end of the second century and beginning of the third, munic
ipal responsibilities, obligatory and voluntary and in principle an ele
ment of prestige, became too much to bear and many tried to
abandon them.°
In traditional Roman ideology, the gentleman’s occupation was
farming, and although the image of urbanilas, good manners, was
developed in direct contrast to rusticilas and its rough ways, tradi
tional morals became rooted in peasant values as opposed to the
vices of the city.9 This ideological background was still in force at
the tin3e when the third-century economic and social changes dis
placed the city as the axis of Roman life. The large self-sufficient
properties became far more agreeable at a time when inflation was
ruining the commercial operations which the large landowners had
not always refused to participate in; the city had also become too
much of a burden and many of these powerful Citizens swiftly ignored
their obligations to the curia.io
Corbier, ‘City, territory aod taxation”, pp. 217ff.
P. Garusey. “Aspects of the decline of the urban aristocracy in the Empire”,
Aufstieg und .7’/iedesgaitg dec romischeo Welt, II, 1 (1974), p. 241.
R. MacMullen, Roman Socml Relations, 50 BC to AD 284 (London, New Haven,
1974), pp. 142—145 (“Roman city financing”).
o To avoid this, there was ao attempt to impede the neglect of these duties that
ended up marking their hereditary nature; however, such measures seemingly enjoyed
relative success: R. MacMullen, “Social mobihty and the Theodosian Code”, Journal
of Roman Studies 54 (1964), pp. 49--53.
o Wallace-Hadrill, “Elites and trade in the Roman towns”,
pp. 244—246.
‘°
Of great interest is M.T.W. Arnheim, The Senatoool Aostocracy in the Later Roman
Empire (Oxford. 1972(, pp. 143—154 (“Nobles as Laisdowners”). Fourth-century leg
islation is rich in constitutioiss reporting the flight of court clerks: CTh XII, 1,6: 11;
13: 22: 24: 25: 40: 43; 49; 63. etc. However, inferring from it that many cities had
disappeared or been reduced to villages, as considered by Abbot and Johnson.
A-Iunicgial Adounistrotion in die Roman Empire, p. 198. nsay he an exaggeration.
6 PABLO C. D1AZ
The Transfonnation of the Ciy Administration
This new situation did not mean the end of the city. Classical soci
ety had constructed all its juridicial/legal, political and cultural net
work around the city. Classical religion was essentially the religion
of the polis, and from the fourth-century the omni-present Christianity
would construct its institutional network and its cosmology around
the city. with the country remaining as a refuge which would he
idealised and realised in practice through monastic life.
What is traditionally presented as proof of the crisis of the city in
the Late Empire should perhaps be understood as the harsh strug
gle to redefine the city from an administrative point of view in rela
tion to the demands of the State. The city was a fundamental pillar
in the political re-establishment after Diocletian.1’ Socio-economic
reality was hecoming increasingly less urban hut the reorganisation
of the State neither knew how to do away with it, nor could it ignore
the city itself as a physical fact. In this sense the State. which had
to resort to new systems of taxation, still looked to the past with tra
ditionalist nostalgia; it demanded absolute loyalty from the cities,
especially in fiscal matters, for which it reserved the designation of
its principal magistrates, and in the mid-fifth century was still legis
lating, taking into account the curiales nervos esse rei pub licae ac viscera
civitaturn.’2 It is also true that in this same period the municipal curias,
or, more generically, the urban communities, were still endeavour
ing to mark their independence with respect to the central power,’5
in a phenomenon which may help us to understand their extensive
survival even after the Empire had effectively disappeared.
Thus, as opposed to the generally accepted idea of the “crisis of
the cities”, we have the alternative view of a new institutional sys
tem adapting to the changing situation, on both the political and
the socio-economic level: the city would replace its political elite.14
Jacques. Le prics/ège de hbecté. p 803.
2
Sb \Jaj Viii.
Still totally valid is S. Dill, Roman Society in the Last Gentior of the It7stern Empire
‘London, 1899). pp. 227—281 “The failure of the administration and the ruin of
the middle class, as revealed by Theodosian Code”. Also Ganghoffer, L’érolutisn des
institutions muninpates. pp. 50—112: F. de Martino. Ston3 detla constitu.ionc roniana, 5
cNaples, 1975), pp. 209—211.
‘ Ganghotfer, L’éoolutzon des institutions rnunoipotes,
pp. 25—27; PcI. Forlin Patrucco,
S. Roda, “Crisi di potere e autodifesa di clase: aspetti dcl trad,zionaliomo delle aris
tocracie”, Societh Romano e Impero tardoantico, 1. Istitozioni, ceti, economic, ed. A. Giardina
CITY AND TERRITORY IN HISPANIA IN LATE ANTIQUITY 7
If until the beginning of the fourth century possessor and decurio were
considered synonymous,15 by the end of that century and in the fifth
we find that the members of the curia belonged to a genuinely urban
middle class, especially small landowners and merchants or artisans
not connected with landowningi° In Cassiodorusi? the possessores
appear clearly opposed to the eurials; the former were then becoming
assimilated with the senatorial aristocracy, which since 396 had been
excluded from any municipal obligation,tm whilst the curials, theoretically
included among the honestiores, were relegated in the social scaleH9
This distancing of the landowners from urban life was not gen
eralised; probably the largest centres of political power, especially
those associated with the emperor, such as Milan, Ravenna, Rome,
Trier, Arles, or with the prefects, vicars or provincial governors, such
as Merida or Tarragona in Hispania,2° not only persisted but even
found new splendour; indeed, the great senatorial families continued
to be interested in the future of these cities. In contrast, however,
the medium-sized and small cities/towns—those outside privileged
commercial circuits or unstrategie in location—were to undergo a
gradual enclosure, whose ultimate consequence was the rupture of
the country/city system. This rupture would pave the way for the
mediaeval conception of the city, where the country, its elite and its
values were excluded.2!
Probably the factor which most contributed to maintaining in force
the idea of the city as a central nucleus of public life and the fiction
of the unity between the civitas and its territory was the ecclesiasti
cal administrative scheme. In the case of Hispania, continuity of the
old territorial extents of the cities and the diocesan territory seems
(Rome and Ban, 1986), pp. 245—272 and 671—683. For an eastern examplcJ.H.W.G.
Liebeschuetz, Antioch. Op ond Imperial Administrotion in the Later Romon Empire (Oxford,
1972).
° Dig. L,12—Caliotr.; CTh XII,1,4 and 6, on. 317 and 318.
‘ Paulinno Pell.. Euchar. 528 and 534. Ganghoffer, L’érotutzon des institutions monici
pales. pp. 114—116. R. Teja. “Las corporaciones municipales romanao en ci Bajo
Imperio”, Hispania Antiquo 3 1973,. pp. 153—177.
Ca. 11.77,17: 111,9,49; IV.8; V.9.iS—38.
G.m VI,3.2.
‘°
P. Garnsev. .Sisciot Status and Isgot Pnriiege in the Ronion Empire ‘Oxford. 1970,.
p. 280. Cl. Lepel1e. ‘Fine dell’ordine equestre: Ic tappe dell’unificazione della classe
dirigente romana tie1 IV secolo”, Societh romana, pp. 227—244.
For northern Italy see L. Cracco, Economia e societd nett’Italia annonaria. Rapporti
Jia agricottrlra e comrnercio dot IV at [‘I secoto d. C (Milan, 1961), pp. 84—86.
21
Wallace-Hadnll, “Elites and trade in the Ronsan towns”, p. 243.
8 PABLO C. DIAZ
to have been unanimously respected; indeed, even in 666 a council
held in Merida (c. 8) heeded the demands of Idanha, claiming some
territories of its diocese that Salamanca had received as compensa
tion after the annexation by the Sueves of a part of its territory
more than two hundred years before. The Church, an eminently
urban phenomenon and imitator of the monarchic forms of civil
power and their organisational schemes, as.similated the civitas into
the bishop’s see and its territorium to the diocese, to the point that,
over time, civitas would become a synonym of urbs episcopaiis.22
Having reached this point, the study of the institutions of mun
icipal government would interest us less than the search for the
relationship or interconnection between the urban nucleus and its
surroundings. It should be pointed out that the evolution of these
institutions was inseparable from the fate of the Empire as a whole.
If the curator was a first warning of imperial intervention, little by
little the ver meaning of urban terminology, which until then had
defined different juridical categories, was lost. Very different previ
ous realities were included under the term civitas, and municipiuin no
longer defined a juridical capacity but rather a morphological char
acteristic, by its size, intermediate between the vicus or the castellum
and the cwitates.23
The ioss of the juridical reference was another symptom of the
sensation of “defencelessness” which must have beset the inhabitants
of the cities of Late Antiquity, who, oppressed between the pressure
of the tyrannicus exactor and of the large landowners, resorted to figures
such as the defensor civitatis.24 The latter, first conceived as a defender
of the weak, soon became an imperial functionary, assuming the func
tions of the curator, or else put himself at the service of the aristocracy.25
This defensor again marked the scale of relationships then estab
lished. The large landowners, who could not conceive their social
22
Du Cange, Glossarium ,nethae et znfisnae latinitatis, 7, 61 CC J. Harries, “Chnstianity
and the city in Late Roman Gaul”, The Czy in Late Antiquqy, ed. J. Rich (London
and New York, 1992), PP. 77—79.
23
For example in CTh XVI,2, 16: In quahbet civitate, in quolibet oppido, rico, costello,
municipio; CTh XI,20,3: Per omnes autem imitates, municipia, vicos, castella ...; cf. Lepelley,
Les cites de I’Afrique, p. 131.
Hvdatius, Chron. 40. Still valid is E. Chenon, Etude histonque sur le Defensor Cyntatcs
(Paris. 1889); V. Mannino. Ricerche sul ‘Defensor Ciritatis’ (Milan. 1984;.. provides noth
ing new.
23
L. Harmand. Le patronat sur les collectwités pubSques des ongmes au Bas-Einpire Paris.
l957, p. 463.
CITY AND TERRITORY IN HISPANIA IN LATE ANTIOUITY 9
promotion and honours outside the Roman system, created with their
property and their actions the conditions for its disintegration. As
these replaced the State as the defender of the citizens and of the
peasant communities,°° the loyalty of the latter was re-routed towards
their immediate protectors, who, at the first signs of weakness in the
central power, usurped the jurisdictional functions and then the fiscal
functions. This replacement of the justice of the Empire by that of
the feudal lord,27 and of the “tax” linked to a strong, centralised
state by “feudal rent”, prefigure the mediaeval world.28
Change in Late Roman Hispania
The ancient city disappeared, then. only in the sense that those char
acteristics which made it peculiar, both in its morphology and in its
political meaning and in the relationship it established with its rural
territory, disappeared.2° Indeed, in a great part of the western area,
most of the urban centres have been continuously inhabited until
today. In the centre and north of Italy, three quarters of the ancient
Roman municzpia were cities in AD 1 OOO,° and in the case of Hispania,
despite the peculiarities that the Muslim invasion may have furnished,
the percentage is very similar.3’
°
The patrocenluen vicornm was probably of greater importance than the one brought
to bear on the cities. Cf. F. de Zulueta, “Dc patrocinils vicorum, a Commentary
on CT/i XI,24 and C] XI,54”. Oxford Studies in Social and Legal History, 1, ed.
P. Vinogradoff (Oxford, 1909), pp. 1—78.
27
On the antecedents of this process see J. Percival, “Seigneurial aspects of Late
Roman State management”, The English Historical Review 84 (1969), Pp. 449—473,
cop. 468—f.
C. \Vickham, “The other transition: from the ancient world to feudalism”, Past
and Present 102 (1984)., pp. 3—36.
29
\V. Liebeschuetz. ‘The end of the ancient city”. The City in Late Antiquity. pp.
1—5, provides a splendid synthesis of the basic processes of that transformation.
°
C. Wickharn, Early Medieval Italy. n/ral Power and Local Sociel,y, 400—1000
(London, 1981; 19892), p. 80. Cf. M. Cagiano de Azevedo, “Northern Italy”, European
Towns. Their Archaeology and Eary Histoiy, ed. M. Barley (London, 1977), pp. 475—485.
A general, if somewhat superficial, treatment is J.M. Lacarra, “Panorama de
la historia urbana en la Peninsula Ibérica desde ci siglo V al X”, La cOtS nell’alto
Medioevo. Settim. di Spoleto 6 (1958), Pp. 3 19—357. For Muslim Spain, it must be
pointed out that the Roman element was largely “gobbled up” by a new, genuine
Islamic. morphology, but in most cases superimposed on the old Roman towns:
T.F. Glick, Islamic and C’hristian .Spain in the Eary Middle Ages. Coniparative Perspectives
on Socwl and Cultural Formation (Princeton. 1979’;, pp. 113—if.., who follows in general
the works by L. Torres Balbas, Giudadesj’ennas hispanoinusulinanas (Madrid, 1957); Id.,
 10 PABLO C. DIAZ
Any study on the cities of Hispania in the Late Empire or in Late
Antiquity usually begins with cross-references to the correspondence
between Ausonius and Paulinus of Nola relating to the existence of
ruined cities, such as Bilbilis, Galagurris or Lérida, which are con
trasted with the prosperity of others such as Tarragona, Barcelona
or Saragossa.32 As Javier Arce has pointed out,33 the literary context
of the data and Ausonius’ scant knowledge of Hispania weaken the
value of the information and, in any case, the reference to some
more or less prosperous cities is of no use for the object of our study.
Furthermore, in the short term, any appreciation of the wealth or
ruin of a specific city can he mistaken. This can be illustrated by
an example from Italy: Jerome, in a reference from 374, presents
Vercelli as a ruined city perhaps because of the demands of the
troops advancing to the northern frontier, whereas in 396, Ambrose
gives us to understand that it is flourishing.34 In an overall context
of transformation, particular circumstances could affect individual
cases differently.
From an archaeological perspective, however, the panorama seems
similar: during the fourth century some cities saw their walled enclo
sure reduced (as probably at Valencia),u were partially abandoned
(e.g. Denia and Pamplona) or almost completely abandoned (Italica
“Estructura de las ciudades hispanornusulmanas: la medina. los arrahales y los bar
rios”. Al-Andalus 18, 9 (1953:. pp. 149—177; S. Gutierrez Lloret. “De Ia civiras a la
madina: destrucción y formación de Ia ciudad en ci sureste peninsular. El debate
arqueologico’. Sociedades en Transicun Actas IV Gongreso de Arqueologia llediez’al Espailola.
. we can put forward the case of Gijón. where the city seems to have
1. POIiIiCieIS Alicante. 1993 pp. 13—35, among others. For christian Spain L. Garcia
, controlled the commercial changes, not only for the t’i/iae within its
de Valdeavellano, Origenes de Ia burguesia en la Espaila inetheval (Madrid, 1969). For
the problem of the “transition” see F. Llobregat Conesa, “De Ia crndad visigótica
a Ia ciudad isiámica en el este peninsular”, La ciudad islárnira (Zaragoza, 1991), pp.
113—133; J. Arce, “La ciudad en Ia España tardorromana: contmuidad o discon
tinuidad?”, Gwdady comunidad cinica en Hispania: siglos Ily III d. C. (Madrid, 1993),
pp. 177—184;J.A. Rubio Sacnstán, “Las ciudades en la transición del mundo antiguo
al medioevo”, Homenje a Enuho Garcia Gómer (Madrid, 1993), pp. 257266; j. Giralt,
F. Tuset, “Modelos de transformación del mundo urbano en el nordeste peninsu
lar. Siglos V—XI”, Sociedades en Transición, 1, pp. 37—46.
32
Ausonius, Ep. 29 and Paulinus Nol., Ep. 10, who adds that in the south there
were many others egregias terris et moenibus urbes.
El oiltimo siglo de Ia Espaeia rolnana, 284—409 (Madrid, 1982), pp. 86—88.
“
Hieronymus, Ep. 1,3; Amhrosius Mediol., Ep. 63. Cf. L. Cracco Ruggini and
G. Cracco, “Changing fortunes of the Italian city: from Late Antiquity to the Early
Middle Ages”, Rirista di Filslogia e di Istiuione Glassica 105 (1977), p. 450.
J. Pascual Pacheco, R. Soriano Sanchez, “La evolución urbana de Valencia
desde época visigoda hasta época taifa (siglos V—XI)”, Sscudades en Tranoición. 2.
Goniunicaciones (Alicante. 1993 pp. 67—75.
. M. MilIeu, ‘Roman towns and their territories”, p. 170.
CITY AND TERRITORY IN HISPANIA IN LATE ANTIQUITY 11
and probably Clunia or luliobriga), or saw how some of their more
significant monuments fell to ruin without being restored the theatres
of Baelo and Tarragona, or the basilica of the forum of Tarragona).3°
On the other hand, some cities such as Braga gained importance as
administrative centres after the provincial reform of 298, and in
others, private urban residences were enlarged and embellished, as
in Mérida, Córdoba,38 Astigi and Compluturn, and there were still
cases of imperial officials involved in aedilitian activity in the second
half of the fourth century (Mérida, Conimbriga); it is even possible
that some then first acquire commercial importance which would
later become evident (Hispalis/Seville, Ainpurias or Barcelona).39
In contrast, also in the fourth century, the development of resi
dential areas in rural zones, on the properties of the large possessores,
was unprecedented.4° According to Keay,4’ the comparative analysis
of archaeological material from the cities and from these rural res
idences, especially in terms of the circulation of pottery, seems to
reveal a rupture of the economic interdependence between country
and city, each now with its own economic and commercial circuits.
However, it seems difficult to accept extremes such as the fact that
the cities of Baetica or of the Spanish Levant systematically imported
oil or grain from Africa. ignoring the surrounding peasant, taking
as a reference the distribution of African pottery or of late terra sigil
Iota hispanica. Such a radical rupture is difficult to accept and we
should not forget that social, economic and political events move
dynamically whereas archaeological material is static.42 In this sense
‘°
X. Duprb et al., L’ainjiteatre romd de Tarragona, Ia basihca uisgotica i l’esglisia rombnica.
A’Iemiries de ExcacaciO, 3 (‘Farragona, l990);J. Menchon,J.M. Macias and A. Muñoz,
“Aproximació al procés transformador de la ciutat de Tarraco. Del Baix Imperi a
l’Edat Mitjana”, Prrenae 25 (1994), pp. 225243.
J. Lopez Quiroga and M. Rodriguez Lovelle, “El mundo urbano en la Gallaecia
(Conventus Lucense — Conventus bracaraugustano) entre la Antiguedad tardia y la
alta Edad Media (siglos IVX)”, Sociedades en Transición, 2, pp. 47—57.
38
The magnificence of late Roman Córdoba has been highlighted in recent years,
following excavation of the suburban site of Cercadilla; see R. Hidalgo Prieto, Espacw
pdblico y espacio privado en el conjunlo palatino de Gercadilla (Córdoha). El aula central y las
terinas (Seville, 1996).
A concise survey is in Sj. Keay, Roman Spain (London, 1988), pp. 179—191.
40
S.J. Keav, Roman Spain, pp. 191—201.
Roman .Sjiam. pp. 1 90—191
12 PABLO C. DIAZ
territorium but even those from a wider area in the centre of Asturias.43
In any case the data definitely support the idea that the break of
the city/country unity is more important than the morphological
evolution of each of them. Although, undoubtedly, in the long run
a new morphology and new urban aesthetics meant an adaptation
to a new functionality and a different way of life, we should con
sider that the space was structured according to the needs of the
community; what ceased to be useful was abandoned or destroyed
or was not reconstructed once it had been ruined. Because of this,
at least in theory, an adequate knowledge of a city’s morphology
should give us information about its social and economic organisa
tion.44 In practice, of course, it is not so simple.
Transitions in Hispania in the Late Empire
In general, the evolution of the ancient city and of the city/coun
try relationship in Hispania seems to conform to the general model
of the western Empire in spite of the deficiencies in our documen
tation. The documentary information we possess, beginning with the
fifth century, seems to concur with that evolution, although regional
peculiarities and the new context brought about by the invasions
and the end of the \Vestern Empire make it difficult to present a
single scheme. For example, we rely heavily on Hvdatius, whose
knowledge only provides detailed information for the central years
of the fifth century and with special reference to Gallaecia and the
north of Lusitania; in contrast, archaeology, essential for overcom
ing the depletion of interpretations based on the written documen
tation, still cannot provide us with sequences, nor with regional studies
to allow for comparisons between diverse areas. We still know too
little of the structures of the countryside and likewise of urban topogra
phies; and although field research has multiplied in recent years,45
C. Fernández Ochoa. “Excavaciones arqueologicas en la ciudad de Gijón”,
Astures. Pueblos ,y culturas en Ia Frontera dcl Imperto Roinano ;Catálogo de la Exposición.
Gijón. 1995;. pp. 212—225; Id. La muralia roinana de Gzjón 4sturias,):Gijón, 1997.
cop. pp. 259—265.
Cf. D. Perring. “Spatial organization and social change in Roman towns”, Gity
and Gountp in the Ancient World. pp. 273—276.
On problems with archaeological research and our knowledge of late antique
Spain’s topography see J.M. Gurt, G. Ripoll and C. Godoy, “Topografia de la
antiguedad tardla hispbnica. Reflexiones para una propuesta de trabajo”, Anti quilt
Tardwe 2 (1994), pp. 161—180, with an extensive and recent bibliography.
CITY AND TERRITORY IN HISPANIA IN LATE ANTIOUITY 13
the question arises as to whether archaeological prospecting will be
able to provide us in the long term with anything more than topo
graphical information or knowledge of morphologies which can be
contrasted with the literary material.
Pliny40 counted five hundred and thirty-three civitates for Hispania,
an enormous figure, probably reduced by the end of the fourth cen
tury or the beginning of the fifth, when the ,J’/otitia Galliarum lists one
hundred and fourteen for the dioceses of Gaul and Seven Provinces,
with a similar territory. In this sense, it should he noted that the
number of episcopal sees of the Visigothic Church, excluding that
of the Narbonne see, was around seventy. Despite this, the admin
istrative fragmentation that Pliny’s data seem to indicate, insofar as
the Roman government had been very respectful of previous social
entities and local structures, would again become manifest with the
disappearance of Roman power. The majority of the cities listed by
Pliny would have become integrated as vici or castella within the ter
ritories of the larger cities and could later have become elements of
disintegration, especially since these entities would probably have
gone on acting as independent administrative units.47 In the case of
modern Spanish Galicia alone a minimum of 2000/2500 castra have
been identified,48 many of which feature clear continuity of occupa
tion into the Late Empire and during the time of the Suevic dom
ination; however, they are not immutable realities, and their evolution
can he perceived even in the settlement models we consider to be
traditional.4° But we must not forget that both Galicia and Asturias
are somehow peculiar. From the very beginning, cities such as Lucus
Augusti, Asturica or Bracara were created with the aim of serving
46
.At. Hist. 111.6—33.
N. Mackie, Local Administration in Roman Spain, AD 14—212 (Oxford, 1983), pp.
23—24.
48
A. Bouhier, La Galice. Essat géographique d’ana9’se et d’inlerpretation d’un cieux com
plexe agraire La Roche-sur-Yon. 1979,. 2, p. 1269; A. Tranoy. “Aglomerations
indigénes et villes augustéennes dans le Nord-Ouest Iberic1ue’, Cities et Gampagnes
dans lEnipire Romain ,Aix-en-Provence. 1982(. pp. 125—137.
°°
See F. Arias Vilas. “Apuntes sobre a ocupación do territorio na Galicia baixo
rromana: castros e vilas”, Galicia. da romanidade a xcmiani.acu5n (Samiago de Compostela,
1993), pp. 201—208: F. Perez Losada. Hacia una definición de los asentarnientos
rurales en Ia Gallaecia: poblados (vici) y casas de campo (vzllae(”. Los Finisterres Atldnticos
en Ia .lntigáedad. Epoca Prerronana y Romana, ed. C. Fernández Ochoa 3Madrid, 1996;,
pp. 189—197; T. Soeiro, “0 esplendor do sur dc Gallaecia”, Galicia fat dous intl anos.
Ofeito d/irencial Galego, 1. Historza, 1, ed. G. Pereira Menaut (Santiago de Compostela,
1997), pp. 213—236.
14 PABLO C. D1AZ
as administrative centres.5° The castra would have been integrated
into these cities from the start. One must also take into account that
the process through which some cities become incorporated within
others is of an early nature, as proved by the colonial foundations
of Emerita and Caesaraugusta.
The Germanic invasions beginning in 409 were a fundamental
chapter in the subsequent evolution of city/country relationships in
Hispania. It is curious that the chronicler Hydatius, a representative
of urban and Christian ideology, defender of the established order
and the interests of the lower imperial dominating class, when sum
marising the situation of Hispania in 410, cumulatively equated the
savagery of the barbarians with the oppression of the State, by means
of the exactor and soldiers, as causes of the ruin of the peninsula and
the depletion of its cities. Even in the etremitate oceani tnaris occidua
from where Hydatius was writing, as a representative of the urban
aristocracy of a small city (Aquae Flaviae’i, he could not help but man
ifest with bitterness something which, as seen, was more than a mere
literary topos.51
This observation does not mean an acceptance of the new arrivals.
For AD 411 Hydatius bemoans that the barbarians enslaved the sur
viving inhabitants of civitates et castella.52 However, later, with refer
ence to the year 430, he records that when the Sueve Hermericus
was pillaging the interior regions of Gal/aecia he ran into the oppo
sition of plebem quae castella tutiora retinebat. This is the first in a series
of references that imply the defensive and self-organising capacity of
these smaller entities.53
See C. Fernández Ochoa, “La ciudad hispanorromana en los territorios septen
Irionales de Ia Peninsula Ibérica”, La cmdad hispanorromana, ed. M. Bendala Galán (Bar
celona. 1993. pp. 224—245: A. RodrIguez Colmenero. •Cidades e urbanismo na
Galicia Romana”. Arqueoloxza e Arte na Galicia Prehistorica p Ro,nana.A, eds. F. Perez
and L. Castro Coruña, 1995’. pp. 87—103: XI. Martins and M. Delgado. ‘Bracara
Augusta: una cidade na periferia do Imperio”, Los Finzsterres At/anticos. pp. 121—127.
a Hydatius, C}iron. 48. A.H.M. Jones, “Over-taxation and the decline of the
Roman Empire”, The Roman Econsmt’, pp. 82—89.
52 Hydatius, C/iron. 49. But does this cover all settlement types? Noticeably,
Hydatius never uses the term incus, and only at the end of his chronicle does he
mention inunicipium Lois (C/iron. 247)-—though at this moment the term municzpwm
probably refered to a little village without any prestige: cf. Cl. Lepelley, “De Ia cite
classique a Ia cite tarchve: continuilés et ruptures”. La fin tie Ia ciii antique et Ic debut
de Ia cite inithévale. Be Ia fin i/u III si/c/c a I’a’ine,nent de Charlemagne. ed. Cl. Lepellev
:Bari, 1996), p. 8.
C/iron. 91. a. 430: 171, a. 456, in relation to the repelling, by the crowd, of 400
Heruli who reached the coast of lugo in seven ships: C/iron. 175, a. 456, and 187.
CITY AND TERRITORY IN HISPANIA IN LATE ANTIQUITY 15
The nsore or less spontaneous or institutionalised nature that these
defences may have had is difficult to pinpoint. In the Roman scheme,
these castella and castra had very probably depended on larger civic
structures and would have counted on some type of local council
that are acquainted with for other areas of the Empire,54 and
which are identified in the conventus publicus vicinorum of the Visigothic
era.55 However, in the case of Gal/aecia, Hydatius likewise alludes to
the survival of indigenous communities seemingly acting with absolute
independence: once. he ailtides to the Auregenses living in the areas
near the coast of Lugo; and on three occasions to the Aunoneses, who
established contacts directly with the Gothic King and maintained
a successful confrontation with the Sueves for three years.56
These “indigenous” structures, absolutely outside the administra
tive scheme of Roman tradition, recur in the sources from the sixth
and seventh centuries. Here we are not so much interested in them
as political entities—we shall not evaluate the scarce impact that the
inspiantation of Roman administrative structures could have had in
north and north-west Hispania5t—but they undoubtedly show an
immediate reaction to the loss of Roman power across an impor
tant part of Spanish territory and with part of the countryside soon
organising itself outside the urban structures. In these economically
marginal areas, difficult of access, the Roman cizitates had probably
never managed to integrate their temtoisa, which moreover had a
a. 459. in relation to the using of Portuincale casirum as a stronghold, f3rst by the Sucve
Maidras and later by the Warn Agiulfus; C/iron. 186, a. 457, concerning the inca
pacity of the Goths to assault the Cociacense rostrum, 30 miles from Asturica Augusta.
°
Cl. Lcpellcv, Les cit/s de lAfrir1ue. p 132, ii. 55his, quotes a reference from the
Council of Carthage of a. 403, c. 93 in cotgulis cuihucquc ciritatibus vel iocis per
inagiitratus tel seniores locorum conventani.
About the nature and scope ut this local government institution, still valid for
consultation is J. Pfrez Pujol. In,/iiocjones 50cm/eu i/c /a Es/saula ,goda. 2 Valencia. 1892,
pp. 311—313. This kind of local council appears to act with regard to the prob
lems of property demarcation Leg. liutg. X.3,2 with regard to runaway slaves Leg.
.
liii l\ lo oncl lxrlllls with ir,itd to tia5 01 lot aninnl Lo Jusi \ 111313
15; 16: 4,14; 16; 23; 5.4; 6).
C/iron. 202, 233, 239 and 249.
A. Barhero and Xl. Vigil, Sobre los origenes sociales de Ia Reconquisla (Madrid,
1974), pp. 11—103 (“Sohre los orIgenes sociales de la Reconc1uista: cántahros y vas—
cones desde fines del Irnpcrio Romano hasta Ia invasion musulmana” and pp.
141—195 ‘“La organizaciOn social dc los cSntabros v sus lranslhrmacioncs en relaciOn
con los origenes de Ia Reconquista . More generall . Ahhot and Johnson. .lltuiticipa/
Administration in the Roman Empire. p. 227, who state that the barbarian invasion
caused in many areas the appearance of a tribal form of government, in which the
village communities held a fundamental place.
16 PABLO C. DIAZ
further reduced level of income; with the disappearance of coercive
Roman power thc civitates simply split into their constituent parts,
which was further exacerbated hy the fact that the Sueves, at least
in the fifth century, proved to he incapable of organising local admin
istrations; and when in the sixth century there was an ecclesiastical
reorganisation of the territories of the realm, these peculiar realities
once again became integrated and respected, as suggested by the
Parrocjniale S’netom.SS
Town and County in the Saez,ic Kingdom
The situation just described is probably the least significant, in that
it refers to areas where the Roman urban model, and the organi
sation of the territory as a function of that model, had arrived late
and deficiently, and where the rural world would have continued its
life independent of the city.59
However, Hvdatius. even from his provincial and local perspec
tive, manages to give us a wider panorama on the reality of Hispania
in the fifth century. He tells us of an urban network which appar
ently continued to function with certain vigour; in Hydatius’ eyes,
power and strength were still associated with the city: episcopal power
)essential from his own perspective as a bishop), the capacity to nego
tiate, self-organise and defend itself, and—less tangihle—the persist
ence as a centre of reference for its rural surroundings.
As Hydatius identified Lemica, Cauca, Braga, Fallontia
civitates
(Palencia?), Lisbon, Sealabis and Toledo; as tubes he recalled LCrida
and Astorga; as Lais; and he gave no specific title to
municipium
Tyriasso, Aquae Celenis, nor to his own episcopal see of Aquae
Flaviae, nor to cities as important as Lugo, Conimbriga, Seville, Sara
gossa or Mérida. The various titles perhaps no longer had any juridi
cal significance by Hydatius’ time, although they may have recalled
P. David, “L’organisalion ecclésiatique du royanme suêve au temps de saint
Martin de Braga”, Eludes lnstoriques sue to (2atiee ci Ic Portugal du VP au xi siècle
Licbon and Paris I 947 pp 1—82 P C Drnz El panuehiate cueium orramzacion
eclesiSsuca, poder politico v pohlarniento en Ia Gallaecza tardoanngna”, Hsmeiia;e a
José .‘ilaria Bldcquez. 6. ed. J. Alvar Madrid. 1998’. pp. 35—47.
A general survey is otfered in A. Fuentes Domingnez, “La romanidad tardia
en los territorios septenlrionales de Ia peninsula ihérica”, Los Faosterres r-ItlOOttCO5. pp.
‘213—221.
CITY AND TERRITORY IN HI5PANIA IN LATE ANTIQUITY 17
some past reference or ancient honours, or, at best, differences in size.
He tells us little of these towns: some reference alone to their
churches and to the authority of their bishops—sueh as Antoninus
of \Iérida who arrested a Roman Maniehean named Pascentius in
the city and expelled him from the province of Lusitania—but in
no case does civil authority seem to he deduced.55 Indirectly, we can
glean that their defences remained more or less powerful: when, on
returning from Theoderie’s court, the Sueve Reehiarius sacked the
Caesaraogustana the implication is that he could not enter the
regio,
city itself; more concretely, for Astorga and Follontia, Lisbon, Conim
briga and Lérida the Sueves entered by deception, under pretext of
peace or by surprise, \vhereas in the ease of Lugo they took advan
tage of the celebration of Easter.6’ Defences, their maintenance and
supervision further imply authorities within the walls.
Leaving aside Braga, where the Sueves seem to have installed their
capital from an early date, or those cities that they occasionally occu
pied, in general the cities had their own power elite, who gradually
accepted collaboration with the Sueves. The most interesting refer
ence. and one of the most ambiguous, is that relating to Lttgo, noted
above. Here, a sudden invasion of Sueves on Easter Sunday in 460
saw the death of various citizens and of the rector. This term occurs
in late imperial legal literature in reference to the provincial gover
nor,°2 and it still has this meanmg in late sixth-century Merovingian
Gaul;5” however, the possibility of a Roman provincial structure con
tinuing to function in Golloecio at that time, as E.A. Thompson
claimed,54 is not guaranteed by any other reference from Hydatius,
nor does it fit the development of events. J\iore likely the term
rector was being used here in the same sense that it would have in
its subsequent development: “someone in charge of something”,63 in
this ease, the first magistrate of the city of Lugo. In 468 the city of
Lisbon was handed over to the Sueves by a certain Lusidius, due
C/nan. 138.
hi
Sec individual references in Hydatius, (Sinai. 142, 186, 188, 229, 142, 199
respeclivelv.
85
CTh 1,16.5; C] 1,40. Cf. A. Berger. Encyclopedic Dictionaee of Roman Lao’ Philadelphia.
1953 p. 669.
,
Greg. ‘Fur.. Just. VlIt.43.
65
Thc End of Roman Spain”. .‘\‘ottingliaai Jlediee’aI Studies 21 1977,, p. 12, for
whom Roman law was also being applied and taxes collected.
Du Cange. Gtossariuin, 7, 6t.
18 PABLO C. DIAZ
suo, qui il/ic praeerat, tradente. Therc seems to be no doubt that in this
case, Lusidius is the person in charge of the city, probably because
he is its highest authority and not a delegate of an outside power.66
Hydatius never uses the word curia nor any equivalent and any mod
ern statement as to the way in which the urban councils of these
cities were organised is mere hypothesis. Describing Lusidius as this
does not allow us to draw any conclusions as to his socio-economic
links; the reference could be contrasted with that of plebs with which
Hydatius defined those who defended themselves in rural surround
ings; nor does he have automatic senatorial status—as Stroheker
claims°7simply because the Suevic king subsequently put him in
charge of an embassy to the Emperor Anthemius.
We could consider who assumed political responsibility in that cit
izen’s government. In the year 464 the Sueves entered Conimbriga
by deception and took prisoner the family of the noble cantaber, the
mother and children. The chronicler tells us nothing about the rea
sons for choosing the members of this family and the only logical
explanation is that Gantaber in some way headed the defence of the
city against the Sueves.°8 In contrast with the almost generalised
archaeological poverty to which we have already referred, Conimbriga
offers a well-studied sequence. Significantly, from the excavated pot
tery, three potter’s marks on Spanish sigillata, probably late, bear the
name Gantaber.65 Is this the same family? If so, what status was it?
Using the model given at the start of this chapter. perhaps Gantaber
belonged to a family of artisans, with social importance and sufficient
economic prosperity to reach a situation of pre-eminence in the city.
Workshops in this era normally were small-scale and limited in pro
duction,° hut potters’ marks with the same reference have appeared
in Italica and Mérida and trade from Conimbriga should not be
ruled out.7 Gantaber may, then, have been a member of the urban
Hydatins. C/iron. 246. F. Dahn. Die Kdnige der Gerinanen, 6 (Munich, 1885), p. 555;
L. Schmidt. G-vc/nclite der deutschen Stdrnrne: die II istgersnanen (Munich, 1915;
19702).
p. 212. argued that he was head of the city in the name of the Gothic king.
67
C/non. 245; K.F. Stroheker. Spanischc Senatoren’. Gerinanentum and ,5iinantike
Zurich. 1965’. p. 76.
68
C/iron. 229.
Fouiile.i tie Connnbriga. 2. Epp’ap/zie ci sculpture. eds. L. Alarçao and R. Etienne
Paris. 1976. p. 131. n’ 238a-c: Ibid. 4. lie sigillies’Paris. 1975. p. 205. n’ 378-380.
2
Cl) A. C:arandini, “Sviluppo e crisi clelle manufaw.ire rurali e urbane, Societh
romana e produ.tzone schiavistica. 2.Sierci, meicati e scambi net Medite,raneo, eds. A. Giardina
and A. Schiavone (Rome and Ban. 1986). pp. 249—260.
MA. Mczquiniz, Terra sigiltata hispanica (Valencia, 1961), 1, pp. 21, 46, 62, 149,
CITY AND TERRITORY IN HISPANIA IN LATE ANTIOUITY 19
aristocracy with artisanal or commercial links, perhaps with wealth
in property and in land—as could be derived from the term famil
jam nobilem used by the chronicler.72
Furthermore, we have the hypothesis of David,73 who considers
that the church of can/abriano, mentioned in the Parroc/jiale Suez’um,
among those of the diocese of Lamecum. would have been built on
a large property belonging to this family. \Vhatever the source of
their wealth, the family’s pre-eminence at Conimbriga did not end
with the Sueve takeover, nor with the destruction of the city in 467
at the hands of these same Sueves,72 since a bishop named Gantaber
attended the council of Mérida in 666 as representative of the city.
Between Sueves and Visigot/is
Thus the fifth-century invasions set in motion mechanisms of organ
isation and defence of a local type which would accelerate to an
almost irreversible process of segmentation of power, a process of
division from any centralisecl power, which henefitted local manifes
tations associated with powers not emanating from distant and strange
theorisation, but from near and immediate economical and coercive
powers. This process was not new’: the only active defence against the
invaders had been headed by large landowners, relations of the Theo
closian family who had resorted to their own troops and who prob
ably had their property in the north of Lusitania or in the west of
the Tarraconensis.5 Lieheschuetz6 considered that a fundamental
change in the country/city relationship was the gradual militarization
164165, 434 , 437; 2, pp. 8—9, 300 and 306; A. Bald, “Mateniales para un indice
ne marcas de cerarnista en terra sigillata hispSnica”, Archivo EspaOoi tie Arqueotogia 38
(1965), pp. 139—170, discussing also stamps in the Tarraconensis, where the name
is common.
72
H. Strashurguer. “Nohiles”, RE 17, 1, pp. 785—791; Strohekcr, “Spanischc
Senatoren”, p. 76.
76
“L’orgaisisation ecclésiastique”. p 80.
°
C/iron. 211.
See Orosins, Hist. ado. paganos. \‘II.40.5; Zosimus, \‘I.4.3. In this area. coinci
dental with the upen territories of’ the northern plateau, we can identify some sit
/ac of great wealth whose peak ]a between the mid—lhurth and the mid-fifth censure.
Cf. P. de Palol, La cit/a roinana de La Obneda. Pedro.ia de Ia J7ga (Pa/enciaj. E,scaeacionei
di 1969—70 NIadric1. 1974), pp. 203—205; J.L. Argente Oliver, La cilia tardorroniana
di BaSos de Vaideatados Buigoy) (Madrid, 1979), pp. 125—126.
°‘
“The end of Roman Spain”, pp. 24—25.
20 PABLO C. DIAZ
of the country, and with it. the transfer of effective power to these
large landowners with their own armies. \Ve know that Teudi, a
Goth whom the Ostrogothie king Theoderie had sent to Hispania
at the heginning of the sixth century, took a native woman as his wife
and recruited 2000 men from among the workers on his properties.
givmg us an idea of the warfaring potential of these landowners.
In Hydatius’ Chronicle this situation has not yet completely unfurled.
Indeed, only a mention of the killing a/iquautis honestus nate by the
Sueves and a more precise one of Falogorius air nobilis Gaiiaeciae could
refer to that land-owning senatorial nobility.78 Palogorius seems to
have headed an embassy to king Theoderie, but the text is too
ambiguous to discern if he did so of his own accord, was sent by
the Suevie king, or was commissioned by one of the autonomous
powers that Hydatius generically calls Ga//eec79
Despite the marginal nature of Gailoecia, Roman-type agricultural
eolonisation undoubtedly reached areas of the province, especially
the river valleys,00 and the same surroundings. less romanised, would
not have remained unaltered, generating social differentiation and
indigenous aristocracies. Tn 468. Hvdatius’ Chronicle is interrupted,
hut when, a eenturx- later, our narrative resumes, these large, self-
sufficient properties emerge in the surrounding areas with great force.
The sixth canon of the Second Council of Braga. held in 572,
denounced the churches built by private parties on their lands with
the clear intention of benefiting from the offerings of the faithful;
these churches, built according to the bishops sub trthutaria conc/itione,
are an example of the process of independence that these large prop
erties experienced in practice in the religious sphere, to the scandal
of the hierarchy.
Of even greater interest is the reference made by John of Bielar°’
to an Aspidiuin iou seniorem whom Leovigild had to confront on one
of his Campaigns for the annexation of the north-west. This Aspidius
controlled the region of the Aregenses modes, probably on the borders
of León-Orense, independent of the Suevie monarch, and the result
“
Procopius, Be/I. Got/i. 1,1 2,50—f.
70
C/nan. 196 and 219.
C/iron. 220.
°
P. de Palol. “Prohiernas ciudad-campo en ci Bajo Impeno en relaeión a Ia
ciudad de Lugo”. Arias del Biaulenarlo de Logo Lugo. 1977 pp. 157—167; F. Arias
and M. Cavada. “Galicia Bajorrornana”. Gallaecia 3/4 (1977—1978 pp. 91—106.
.
C/iron. 9,2 (a. 575(, ed. T. Mommsen, uGH, nA ii, p. 2t4.
CITY AND TERRITORY IN HISPANIA IN LATE ANTIQUITY 21
of the victory is described in terms of any other military campaign:
Leovigiidus rex Aregenses monIes ingreditor, Aspidium iou seniorem cure uxore
et frills captirus dec11 opesque eats et /0cc in seam redigit potestatema cam
paign important enough to demand the king’s presence. The lack of
definition as to the Latin, indigenous or Germanic nature of this
Aspidius does not alter the likely conclusion: that the Germanic elite
immediately assumed the interests of the Hispano-Ronsan large
landowners and that members of the old indigenous aristocracy were
likewise transformed into owners of extensive territories, mainly at
the expense of absorbing the old lands of the community.°7
The information of the fifth century centres chiefly on the west
of the peninsula; however, John of Bielar’s Chronicle, which pro
vides infonriation about Liuva’s ascent to power until the Third Coun
cil of Toledo (AD 568—569), shows how the process of multiplication
of local powers, whether urban, agrarian indigenous or large land-
owning, was a general process throughout the Hispania. The pseudo
Isidorian chronicle reminds us that the power of Leovigild on his
ascension extended to little more than Galia and Toledo.8’3 In his
campaigns, as well as subjecting the Suevie kingdom, or the Aspidius
mentioned above, he attacked the Cantabrians and Vaseones and
the Sappi who controlled the province of Saharia.°4 The city of
Asidona. situated close to the Byzantine area, was taken in 57l;
this indicates a struggle against imperial forces, although such a
circumstance was not recorded by the chronicler. The capture of
Cordoba was followed by that of many urbes et caste/ia, which was
possible after killing rusticorum mtdtztudo; and the same Circumstances
surrounded the subjection of the unknown province of Orospeda.°°
The nature of the power that opposed the Visigoths in each of
these eases is problematic. The resistance of Cordoba may have been
headed by the local aristocracy, though the text seems to assume
that its fall and the death of the enemies (hostes) was followed by the
subjection of many urbes et caste/ia and by the death of large num
bers of rustici. This latter term may allude to the rural militia of the
02
Barhero and Vigil, “La organizaciOn social”, pp. 189—190.
09
C/iron. ps. -Is/rI. 1 4: Lrotha azortno Leorigi//os regnarzt caper Gasrones et )“saniani. ca/mt
regni ems To/etoin. ci debe/lacit caste/la (qnae curt tnn?j extra doinzninat sonin. et n/rh/i am/s/ins
Got/u obtinehant n/si Ga//las ci Toletnmn.
°
C/iron. 8.2 ‘a. 57t; 11,3 a,581”; 7.5 (a. 573
(Juno. 5.3.
m C/iron. 6,2 (a.572,; 11,2 a. 577.
22 PABLO C. D1AZ
large landowners, who perhaps defended the provincial capital and
had also formed a broad front against the Goths. But the articulation
of this power remains elusive. Something similar occurred in the case
of Asidona. although John of Biclar’s text suggests a more spatially
limited phenomenon. In both eases, we should note that the Visigothie
advance south was slow, that it was far from their main areas of
settlement, that it had to compete with the influence of the Byzantines
from the coast and that, therefore, conditions existed for the cre
ation of independent structures, which in some cases may have been
of a merely local nature and which, in others, as perhaps in Cflrdoba,
may have replaced the old Roman provincial organisation.
In the ease of Cantabria and Sabaria the author uses the term
proriucia; here it seems to have acquired the meaning of a territory
of an ethnic unit or tribal area.87 If the chronicler was using the
terms with accuracy, this could refer to Orospeda, whose own name
apparently involves the recovery of a primitive term unknown to us
in the classical sources just as Saharia is unknown to us.M
From both Hydatius and John of Bielar we can deduce the impor
tant role that the cities were acquiring as defensive centres. Often
their very survival depended on this capability, hut their conversion
into fortifications only guaranteed physical survival and had nothing
to do with the dynamic concept of the city as organiser of the eco
nomic and political life of the surrounding area. However, this same
element of self-defence seems present in those texts in relation to
the rostra and the 70/be, and was the necessary response within a
context of insecurity and violence. Cities conceived exclusively as
fortifications seem to he a phenomenon foreign to Visigothie society,
with the exception of some frontier areas or the foundation of Victoria-
cern by Leovigild”° in the context of the struggles against the Vaseones.
J.F. Niermeyer, .iJol,oe lalinilalis lexicon sntnnsI.eiden. I 97t5”. p. 867.
Some of these new names may have had a different name in classical texts
hot had recovered at this moment old tribal denominations, as ni the ease of
Carpetania and Celtiheria in the northern area of the Carthagimensis. or the as
vet nnloeated Saharia ann Orospeda: E. James. The Origini of Fiance. From f.lsris Is
the Gapetions. 3(10— 1000 l.ondon. 1982 p. 47.
.
1
lohannes Bielar.. (.hr’si. 11.3 ‘a.58 1
CITY AND TERRITORY IN HI5PANIA IN LATE ANTIQUITY 23
Town and fi’ountp under the Vistgoths
Once the almost complete unity of the peninsula had been achieved
under Leovigild. the cities maintained a decisive role in Visigothie
social life of the seventh century. On the one hand, Visigothie admin
istration and political organisation were of a conservative nature and
assumed the political and cultural function that cities had had in the
Roman past. However, it is probable that the Visigothic urban admin
istration was more artificial than real and that some cities, especially
those with the capacity to maintain themselves economically and
which had in some way preserved their own defensive and organi
sational capacity (e.g. Mhrida and Córdoba), were in practice virtu
ally autonomous;°° this situation could have prevailed throughout the
duration of the kingdom.
For some time, however, this political and cultural functionality
had been undergoing transformation by Christianity. Most of the
information we have on cities for the Catholie-Visigothie period is
associated with information about its bishops; in the majority of cases
the only reference to them is alongside the signatures of the bish
ops at the end of the councils.
Most cities, as seen, were classical in origin; their territoria depended
on them and from them the comes cu:itatis was charged with tax col
lection and the administration ofjustiee,51 aided by a series of minor
functionaries.52 This simplified scheme would have then definitively
replaced the old Roman municipal scheme, which did not prevent
the existence in particular cases of some type of autonomous citi
zeus’ body.°2 The episcopal palace lay within the city and formed
the centre of the diocesan territory; from here the jurisdiction of the
bishop covered territories which generally coincided with those of
the civil administration.54 This did not imply an absolute dependence
ss R. Collins, “Mhrida and Toledo, 550—585”, Viogsthic Spain: .7/eec Approaches. ed.
E. James Oxford, 1980), pp. 198—199.
In the Visigothie laws, the territsrism was still, “by dehniticsn”, the jndge’s sphere
of jnnisdintton I.e., Vtxtg 11118 27 45 11161 1V41 V137 44 XIII 1
1X,l,6; 1.21; 2,1; XiI,1,2; 3,7; 3,2527).
L.A. Garcia Morencs. Estiecho.t sobre to segeoti.saeion administralira del reins i’isigsds
de Toledo Madrid, I 977/. pp. 10 12.
Of a general natnre. C. SSnehez—Alhornoz. ‘Rnina v extineiOn del mnnieipio
romano en EspaOa e institneiones qne In reempiazan’, Esloo’iss eLegsdss Rome,
1971, pp. 9—117.
The rise of terntsrioai as a synonym esf episcopal diocese is also preseist in the
24 PABLO C. D1AZ
of these territories on the bishop’s dictates; both rural churches, and
especially the monasteries, had effectively achieved patrimonial inde
pendence.95 But the disciplinary unity around episcopal authority kept
alive the old administrative fiction of the city with its territory. In
general these would he small cities which seemed to have withdrawn
to limited areas, leaving others practically abandoned, as in the ease
of Tarraeo.5° The new Christian constructions seemingly reordered
the vital pulse of these cities, including that of the sacred hours5’ as
a function of daily celebrations or of the annual calendar, elements
that are more important than mere topographical renovation,9t which.
as noted above, interests us more as a symptom than as a phe
nomenon in itself There were both intramural and extramural
Christian spaces; in some eases new suburban districts arose, often
around monasteries. On a morphological level, these suburban sur
roundings supply the most evident impression of rupture in the evo
lution of the late antique city. and perhaps here the religious stamp
is more important than the morphological one—although some of
these extra-urban complexes were walled, as seems to be deduced
from Idisore’s rule (eh. l, which in the visual and defensive concept
would make them similar to the city itself, now disintegrated into
Visigothsc legislation LLeU I isig II 1 30 III i 4 \ 1 s 13 IX 2 9 XII 2 3 3 12 3 20)
as much as in the councils’ minutcs.
Such independence had bccn qnilc clear for the Hispanic Church at thc coun
cil of Ilcrda, in 546, c. 3, which purposely galhcrcd previous norms from thc coun
cils of Agdc, a. .506, and Oricans I, a. 511. This indepeudcncc was thc object of
legislation throughout the scvcnth ccnlnry. and a law hy \Vamha (Leg. Vsssg. V,l,5)
would prccisely mark that separation; this law docs not appear in the edition hy
Zeumer, but does appear in that by the Royal Academy of Histor, Faero ,Jaggo o
libro de losjueces (Madrid, 1815), p. 79. CE C. Martinez Diez, El patsmsnio eclesiás
tics en Ia Espasia visgsda. Estadio histories jaridics Comillas-Santander. 1959), pp. 49 50.
S. Keay, “Tarraco in Late Antiquity”. Tswns in Transitisn. Urban Erslntisn in
Late Aritiqaiy and the Earfi Middle Ages, eds. N. Christie and S. Loseby (Aldershot,
1996), pp. 18—44.
Cf. Le tensps chritien de lafn de l5lnticjniti an Msjen-Age (II1’—xIw siiclesj, ed. Ch.
Pietri (Paris, 1984); R.A. Markus, The End of Ancient ChristianiØi (Cambridge, 1990),
Espasia
pp. 97—98. For the Visigothic case J. Fernández Alonso, La cara pastoral en Ia
rsinanorisgoda (Rome, 1955), pp. 344-- 391,
In general, L.A. Garcia Moreno, “La eristianizaeión de la topografla de las
ciodades de Ia Peninsula Ibbrica durante Ia Aniigtsedad tardia”, Arehsro Espaiiol de
Arcjuenlsgia 5051 (1977—1978), pp. 311—321; N. Barral i Altet, “La cristiauizaeión
de las ciudades romanas de Hispania”, Extoinadioa ArcjaeolOgira 3 (Badajoz, 1992),
pp. 51—55; J.M. Gurt, “lopogralia eristiana de Ia Lusitania. Testimonios arque
ológieos”. Los Oltinsos Roinanos de Lnsstansa, eds. A. \‘elazquez. F. Cerrillo and P. Mateos
(Cuadernos Emeritenseo 10, Mfrida, 1995’. pp. 73 95.
CITY AND TERRITORY IN HISPANIA IN LATE ANTIQUITY 25
ever more isolated units.99 The importance of these suburbs mttst
have been proportional to the size of the cities; in the ease of the
royal capital, monasteries essential to the political and cultural life
of the city and the kingdom would be situated there. We do not
know to what extent the separation between the intramural space
and the suburbs, or between city and country. may have generated
diverse juridical or legal conditions.’°°
We have little clear information on these Visigothie cities. Most are
mere names; in some, prelates of renown carried out their activity
and we can imagine them as important cultural centres, as is the ease
of Seville, Saragossa or Palencia; for Toledo, we have some knowledge
of its court activities. Only in the ease of Mérida can we construct
a working model to assess the interdependence between city and
country. But the example of Mérida may be exceptional; it had been
the most outstanding city in Hispania during the Late Empire and
probably continued to he one of the most cosmopolitan and influential
cities after Rome and during the period of Visigothie dominion.’05
From the Vitae sanctorunt Patient Erneritenstutn (TPE”. cAD 600, and
the Acts of the Council of Mérida in 666 we glean the image of a
renowned city and a busy religious, political, cultural and economic
role.fi Here there lived, perhaps temporarily, noble Goths. owners
of large fortunes, who even exercised political offices in other snr
rounding cities; some Lusitanian landowners also resided in the city,
or at least 1\lérida was still an important reference point for them,
as suggested by the chapter on the rich senator who applied to
Paulus in search of medical aid for his wife.°4 The remains of the
martyr Eulalia were venerated there; the city received the constant
SF
For the parallel ease of Gaul, K. Bohner, “Urban and ruial settlement in the
Frankish Kingdom”, Ensopean Towns, pp. 193—195.
o
Cf. CC. Mor, “Topogratia gioridica. Stato giundico delle diverse zone urbane”,
Topqgrafa urbana e rita cittadina nell’alto Medsoero in Occidente. Settins. di ypoleto 21 (1973),
pp. 333—350.
‘
E. Ewig, “Residence et eapitale pendant le haut Moyen-Age”. Spatantikes and
frmankisches Gallien. Gesainsoelte Schr(Jien (1952—1973,) (Munich, 1976), pp. 368 -373.
R. Etienne, “Ausoue et l’Espagne”, Milanges d’archiologie et d’hi.stoire offerts C
7. (Socopino (Paris, 1966), pp. 3 19—332; R. Collins, “Mérida and Toledo, 550—585”,
t’is4godoc Spain: New Approaches, ed. E. James (Oxford, 1980), pp. 189—2 19, cop. pp.
202—205.
Generally, see L. Garcia Igleoiao, Aspectos econOnoco-sociales de Ia .llioda risigOtica
(Badajoz, 197-h.
OF
[FE V.10,1; I\,2,l.
26 PABLO C. DiAZ
visits of pilgrims whom the episcopal church attended to, as well
as the poor, whom it provided with food rations, and monetary
loans when requested; of some interest is the fact that (Viasona’s dis
tributions of wine, oil and honey reached dr/bus urbis act rustic/s de
\fbrida still as the main centre for charitable
redistribution in the area. The relationship between bishop and mar
txT protectors entailed a new urban solidarity and a new relation
ship with its inhabitants and with its rural surroundings; in the
perception of P. Brown10° this was a replacement mechanism which
favoured communication between the city and its surroundings by
converting the urban nucleus into a holy referent.
Moreover, the acts of the council of 666 provide an insight into
the economic organisation of the properties of the diocese. The
Church of J\lérida was one of the richest in Hispania; its properties
the most important in the whole of Lusitania; eleven out of the
twenty-three canons of the council are in fact a collection of norms
for the preservation and correct administration of that patrimony.
The texts show us a large landowner resident ii the eitv—the bishop—
concerned with the profitability of his properties. There is no place
in the text for details on the production or ordering of activities, hut
there is, for example, a clear concern that the familia ecclesiae, that
is, the bishop’s dependants, the producers on his properties, should
not be reduced (canon 20), as well as a concern to prevent the pat
rimonv being lost or dispersed (canons 20 and 21). While recognis
ing that the eases are not precisely the same, the impression is that
the local churches were conceived as estates or productive units,
where the priest at the head was, for his direct dependants. doinnius
ci presbiter (c. 18), and if a pnest received the donation of an estate
or of an ecclesiastic property as a recompense for his work, it is
clear that besides personal benefit, he should contribute to the increase
of ecclesiastic patrimony (c. 13). The image of the churches as cen
tres of economic exploitation is equally evident when the bishops are
shown as only taking charge of their repair if mundtales res ne/las habet
(c. 16), which seems to have been exceptional and usually only
occurred in churches built by the faithful and insufficiently endowed
(c. 19. The bishops, like the large landowners of Late Antiquity in
VFF \7,3,4—9•
105
The (nit of the Saints. ILs Rise and Function in Latin (hristianqy (Chicago, 198 I).
106
pp. 42—45.
CITY AND TERRITORY IN 1-IISPANIA IN LATE ANTIQUITY 27
general, were more concerned about the rent than the exploitation,
and about the final result of the production than the productive
process;’°7 the council decisions also point in this direction.
These properties steadily increased and produced rent, in the form
of both products and money. From the acts of the Tenth Council
of Toledo, in 656, we know that the abbey-bishopric of Dumio
obtained from its properties in/ationes tributortun et pretia jhtgoruin. This
income meant wealth and power for the Church, which in turn
implied social projection, a greater presence in public life through
alms, social assistance and buildings. However, the products of these
properties could also participate in the urban market mechanisms,
the same as those coming from other large properties.
In effect, the Church, like the lay large landowners, could be con
sidered self-sufficient, and could cope with failure on any estate within
its dispersed properties.OS But these large landowners, due to their
level of rent, were immune to the fluctuations of the market, and
could establish the rules of exchange and the prices themselves.’09
This speculative nature of the possessores dedicated to accumulating
enormous amounts of farm products, especially cereals, in order to
cause artificial shortages and thus control the market prices, had
been denounced by Christian literature and especially by Ambrose,
since the second half of the fourth century.’ ° Furthermore, the large
dominions had their own law, Icr saltus, since the Late Empire, their
own norms of internal functioning and very probably their own mar
ket, thus becoming centres of attraction for the peasant population
of the area, further distancing them from the city.’’
The Council of \Iérida’s concern for the patrimony is repeated
in the whole of the Spanish eoneiliar legislation, being in some eases
(Seville I, Toledo IX and Toledo X, for example) the very reason
for its assemblage. Evidently, not all the dioceses were as rich, nor
did all the cities follow the example of Mérida, but the city, the
°‘
D. Vera, “Soutlurc agraric c strutture patrimoniali nella tarda AnticlsitsI: l’aris—
rocrazia rornana ha agricoltura c commercio’. 0/sos 2 1983 p.509.
•° Vera. Strutturc agraric c strutture patrirnoniali’, pp. 493495.
.
05
1). Vera. Strunurc agraric c strutturc patrinsoniali”. pp. 516—518.
1.0
CE I.. Cracco Ruggini. “Arnbrogio di fronte alla compaginc sociale dcl suo
tempo. £4nsbmosius episcopus. Atti del (.onpnso Internasonnie di Studi .3?nbrosiani. 5 Milan.
1976:, pp. 230265.
CE Ganghoffcr. L’inoiution des institutions snuniopahs, p. 203; Xi. Lopez Campuzaoo.
“Autarquia del fundus rural romano y producciOn dc ccrhmica. Algunas conside
racioncs legaics a propOsito dcl Digesto”, t7erdoiay 4 (1992), pp. 133—137.
28 PABLO C. DIAZ
political and cultural centre, could he considered to have become
an economic appendix of the country. However, it is possible that
some of the episcopal cities harboured within their walls the same
peasant population that went out to work the surrounding land, and,
of course, some areas, especially the north-west of the plateau. should
be studied almost as exclusively rural districts.
Tue C/irzstzan Landscape
The countryside had also undergone transformations, though these
cannot easily he immediately perceived. The Germanic invasion, as
far as we know, did not mean a re-evaluation of country property;
the invaders assumed without alterations the property concepts drawn
up in Roman law,°2 and the division into thirds (tercias) to which the
sources refer, whether they were real or only affected usufruct.’’t did
not alter the morphological essence of property. Likewise, the growth
of the larger rural estates probably did not mean a change in the
forms of exploitation, nor necessarily in the labour force; rents were
being deflected to the new landowner, who in most cases probably
used intermediaries ‘ over an accumulation of dispersed estates and
peasant communities whose level of dependence is difficult to pin
down.15 These peasant settlements would probably not have undergone
great changes. Isidore alludes to their nature as open agglomerations.
‘°E. Levy. II ‘est Roman Vulgar Lao’. The Lao’ of Propert (Philadelphia. 195! (. p. 87.
Cf. XV. Goffart. Barbarians and Romas. The Techniques hi Accommodation Princeton,
1980), pp. 72-73 and n. 31, PP. 206—207, 221.
IS
Some lands were probably worked by mancipia at the command of a rnlhcus
or someone similar, either freeman, freedman or even slave, or else ovorked in an
autonomous way by a dependent population with slaves in their sers ice. Cf. L.A.
Garcia Moreno, Elfin del reino risigodo de Toledo (Madrid, 1975), p. 119; for a diflèrent
context but with comparable realities V. Recchia, Gregorio .Iano e Ia societa agricola
Rome, 1978. p. 49. ri. 153.
Cf. J.A. Garcia dc Corthzar. La soc’edad rural en Ia Espaila mci/oral Madrid.
1988), pp. l5—fl who considers it very difficult to identify models of agrarian organ
isation prevailing in the Visigothic age.
Hiss autem diet us oh ijssis tantum liabitationibus tel quod tias bobcat tantu,n sine nluris
.) Pai stint opto aedficiis loca inter agros habitantibus. Haec et concilthbula dicta, a con
ventu et societate multorurn in union (Etjin. XV,2, 12 and I 4)—where castrurn or caste/turn
only added the condition of having been constructed on high ground Ettin. XV,2,13).
These scattered peasant settlements in the countryside are recorded as dwelling units
at least in Leg. l’isig. 111,4,1 7 and IX.! ,2 1. where an interesting gradation seems to
he registered: cwitai, caste//urn, iicos out il/o, alluding to castro in XII.3,2.
CITY AND TERRITORY IN HISPANIA IN LATE ANTIQUITY 29
The organisation of these large properties is not easy to recon
struct. No accountancy information, nor even a description, real or
ideal, of these is available. However, we do have some information
on how a part of these large properties was accumulated; this is the
case of the large ecclesiastical and especially monasterial properties.’’7
In this sense the Rule of Isidore (c. AD 620) is of special relevance.
This presents a model responding to that of a large property in
which the monastery would be equivalent to the central part of the
exploitation, similar to the property owner’s residence, exploited
directly by a slave population; in the immediate surroundings would
be a series of productive possessions .An accumulation of estates,
gradually more distant from the monastery and whose level of dis
persion we do not know, would have been employed to gather rents.
The running of the monastery would have followed schemes of self-
sufficiency proper to the age yet in practice universal and proper to
any peasant economy; but in this particular case, despite the text’s
proclamation on the desirability of being far from the city, the
monastery seems to have had a building in the city (c. 19) whose
economic and commercial significance seems unquestionable °‘—as
with the implied use of a monetary-based economy.
A comparative study of the different monastic sources shows us
how the Peninsular reality was unequal and complex: those from the
north-west show a peasant subsistence economy, where surplus was
probably scarce, properties more dispersed and poor, and a sur
rounding area where very primitive forms of property and probably
of familiar structures can be detected and in which the city was an
unknown phenomenon. In these surroundings, we even find refer
ences to small peasant properties.
This comparative scheme need not have been ver different from
the classical era except with regard to the concentration of property.
Other novelties may he more indicative of city/country movement,
of the change regarding the relational scheme that we are aiming
to set up. In this sense, it is interesting to note the mechanisms for
the Christianising of the countryside.
Cf. P.C. Diaz Martinez, Forinas econOmicas
sociales en ci monacato visigodo
(Salamanca, 1987), pp. 11—73 (“La formación del patrimonio monbstico visigodo”).
hO
The council of Agile in AD 506. c. 38. advised the monasteries to have a
house soithin towns, as a shelter in ease of war. However, the context into which
we are mo\ ing now has nothing to rio with that interpretation.
 CITY AND TERRITORY IN HISPANIA IN LATE ANTIQUITY 31
30 PABLO C. DIAZ

of the faithful and therefore entered into competition with the dioce
This was a relatively late phenomenon, only gradually encroach
san churches, as shown when the Council of Braga in 572 reproved
ing upon rural areas in the fifth century.°° In reality, this can be
the churches that these large landowners built with lucrative, tribu
interpreted as part of the loss of the entity of the city. The Visigothic
tary ends (c. 5). A concrete example of this kind of church is given
councils show the bishops’ insistence on marking the supremacy of
by Valerio of Bierzo in his Ordo Qiemnoniae (cAD 690), although
the diocesan Church, that which exerts control from the city. as well
the absolutely subjective biographical nature of the source means
as the jurisdictional unity of the diocese; however, what can be
that his narration centres specifically on the personal conflict between
deduced from the different testimonies is in fact a constant struggle .23
Valerio and the landowner and his heirs.
between the diocesan Church and the increasing autonomy of the
The monasteries that proliferated in rural areas likewise became
rural churches, whether parochial, founded at the initiative of the
transformed into places of worship for the dependants of the monastery
ecclesiastical structure itself, or private, such as founded by the large
and for the population of the area;:22 in the previous cases, this led
landowners on their domains. The former may he indicative of a
to a ruralisation of religious practices.
decentralisation of places of worship and a sign of the Christian con
This phenomenon of the Christianisation of the countryside should
quest; the latter might imply a privatisation of these activities. This
he understood foremost as part of the process of evangelisation and
means that virtual religious independence was added to economic
universal dissemination of Christianity. But while this was ongoing
self sufficiency; the large property became the very centre of wor
it adjusted to the new reality resulting from the change in the rela
ship. The Council of Elvira, at the beginning of the fourth century,
tionships between city and country: the rural churches maintained
had already assigned to the Christian possessores the responsibility for
the unity of discipline and jurisdiction with respect to the diocesan
the beliefs of their dependants (canons 40, 41 and 49), and the
Church located in the city, vet in practice they lived outside the city
Theodosian Code had considered that they were responsible for the
and probably struggled to free themselves from its control.
orthodoxy of the religious practices of their dependants.’2° Imperial
Simultaneously, the very construction of monasteries or the adap
legislation had already distinguished in 388 between ecclesiae publicae
tation of old ri//ac as such created a new religious geography in the
ref privatae and ten years later the construction of churches on the
countryside, of which the rural churches formed a part. Testimony
land of large property owners and in vici was considered fairly corn
mon.12t In the year 400 a council held in Toledo distinguished the of the proliferation of these rural centres of worship are not as sig
nificant as in neighbouring Gaul hut probably, just as there, their
intro cicilatem churches from those in loco in quo est ecelesia ant caste/li
numbers increased unreasonably, with all that this implied in terms
ant cicus ant ri//ac cc. 5). In X’isigothic Spain the religious legislation
of difficulties in maintenance and correct application of the lit
included the rights of property owners who founded churches, essen
urgv. ‘- It is not by chance that the most relevant Visigothic remains
tially in the patrimonial sphere, and although episcopal authorisa
tion was necessary for their consecration the property owners or their
families were likewise charged with the designation of the priests a. 646, c. 4: Cone. To/el. IX, a. 655, cc. 1—2. The rights of the owner are equally
responsible for the liturgy.’22 These churches received the donations protected in Leg. [‘isig. 4,5,6. StiH useful is \l. Torres Lopez, “El origen del sistema
de iglesias propias”.Anuario de Historia del Deretho EcpaCo/ 3 (1 928}, pp. 83—217;
R. Bidagor, La “ilesia propia” en EspaOa. Ectudio histórico-canlnico (Roma, 1933).
23
Text in CM. Ahcrne. l7ulerio of Biero. An Ascetic of I/ic Late Vzsigothk Period
Cf. \1. Sotomavor, “PenetraciOn de là Iglesia en los medios rurales de la
(let/a cam Washington, 1949, pp. 60 109.
Espafla tarclorromana y visigoda”, C.ristianiaione ed otgani.zzawne ecclesiastia Cf P.C. Diaz, “El monacato y là crisuan,zaciOn del X.O. Hispano. Un pro
Garcia,
pagna nel/’alto lledioero. Set/tin. di Sjio/etu 28 1980), 2, p. 639-670; SAl. Loring
-

fines ceso de aculturación”, Gristianisino,y aculturación en tieinpos del Imperio Romano (Antiguedad
“La difusiOn del cristiamsmo en los mechos rurales de Ia Peninsula Ihérica a
His/oria. Ho/ona .lntfgua 4—5 (1986—1988 ), PP. 193-204. S cristianismo 7. Murcia. 1990), pp. 531—539.
dcl Imperio Romano lutha .23
In Carolingian Gaul rural churches proliferated in such a was that as the
12
Cl/i XVI.5,21; 36; 40; 54; 36; 57. As well as CTh XVI,2,33 and 3,14, which
beginning of the eighth censors demolition of some of them was decreed. Cf A.A.
gather the rights of the owner over these churches built on their estates.
Settia, “Pievi e capelle nella dinamica dcl popolamiento rurale”, Gristzanizaione ed
121
CTh XVI,5,14: 2,33.
oiganiz,.zazione ecelesia, tica, pp. 445—446.
122
Conc. To/el. Ifl. a. 389. c. 19: Conc. To/el. IV. a. 633. c. 33; C7nc, To/ct. Vu,

I
32 PABLO C. D1AZ
persisting today are these rural churches, whose association with
religious buildings set up on the large properties or on monastery
grounds are still the object of discussion.’26
Lax, Law and Order
Three other aspects were to mark the virtual independence of the
country with respect to the city during the Visigothic period: taxa
tion, the army and justice. All were mediated by the changing essence
of the State during the same period. In the first place, we should
point out the ever-decreasing role of taxation as opposed to private
rents, to the extent that the majority of taxable subjects could live
under the protection of a large landowner, the latter becoming respon
sible to the administration for the payment of that taxation, if not
the actual administrator of the taxation;’27 evidently this led to the
loss of the universality of taxes and of course the centralised refer
ence of the same which traditionally had the city as the gatherer of
taxes. In this aspect as well, a schism occurred in the classical con
ception of the city and its territorium.’28 As we have already affirmed,
the city and its territoriumn were still conceived of as a unity, at least
for the exercising ofjudieial powers and as a synonym of the bishop’s
diocese. However, on some occasions this term seems to be more as
similated to a geographical reality, a physical space,’29 thus acquiring
a more neutral character, generally understood as appellative with
out legal allusions, without implying an indissoluble unity with the
city of reference; this would be the ease, for example, for the references
terra Terrantonensi, terra Barbotano, terra Hilardensi... in Vincent’s dona
120
j.N. Hillgarth, “Popular religion in \7isigothic Spain”, Visfiothic Spain, p. 45,
considers the ahundance of \/isigothic churches in the Northern Plateau, generally
in non-urban surroundings, as linked to this phenomenon of “private churches”. A
systematic study of these churches in C. Godoy, Arqseslsgia y tituigia. ]gtesias hispdni
ras (ugiss IV at VIII) (Barcelona, 1995), pp. 149—337.
A. Barbero, SI. Vigil, “Algunos aspectos”, p. 130. More recendy, J. Dudiat, “Lcs
nohles et l’impôt du IVC au VI siècle”, l.a nsbtesse rsnsaine ci les c147 barhares du JJJ’
an J7f siicles, eds. F. Vallet and M. Kazanski (Conde-sur-Noireau, 1995), pp. 15—22.
us Cf. C. Sanchez Alhornoz, “Ruiua y extincióu”, pp. 62-11, with reference to
Cassiodorus, Va,. V,39 and to the Epiststa de Fisca Barcinsnensi. In general, see
J. Durliat, Las Jinances pnbtiqes de Diaclétien aux Carslingiens (284—889) (Sigmaringen,
1992), esp. pp. 95—187 (“Les royaumes romauo-germaniques”).
29
Leg. Visig. IX,2,8; XII,3,2; 3,21.
CITY AND TERRITORY IN HI5PANIA IN LATE ANTIQUITY 33
tion document to the monastery of Asán (Huesea) dated in 55 l.130
In the Late Empire the largest part of the State budget, demand
ing a ruthless fiscal infrastructure, was the army. The gradual pri
vatisation of military functions, the substitution of a regular army
with a whole array of private armies, did away with one of the basic
reasons for the existence of that centralised power, which, as we
have noted, was articulated around urban structures. The defence
of Visigothie Spain depended on the loyalty of the large landown
ers, as manifested in Visigothie laws, especially the military laws of
Wamba and Ervigio.’3’ From their rural strongholds, the Visigothie
landowners became their own fiscal officers (it is not insignificant
that the Lex Visigotliorum has not even one law referring to tax col
lection)’32 and had their own armies; they could therefore ignore the
rest of the world.
These large landowners were also to acquire—although the Lex
Visigothorwn is sometimes remiss at recognising it—juridical power
over the inhabitants of their possessions, mostly a dependent popu
lation. The phenomenon is not always documented directly and
accurately, but the function of the villicas carrying out judicial actions
on properties of the Crown could have found its counterpart in
the sphere of the large private properties.’33 Thus, although in Lex
Visigothoram the exclusive nature of royal law and its application by
the king’s agents were established with precision,’34 in practice it
seems that a punitive seigneurial law was applied to the masses inhab
iting their dominions. The individual rights of these masses were
limited by their dependence, which ignored possible original legal
rights and particularised differences.’33 Reference to an exemption
from punishment for a lord who had caused the death of a serf
when applying a just punishment, or the difficulties of dependants
in denouncing abuses by their lords may be proof enough of the
‘s” “La donacióu de Vicente al monasterio de AsSu y su posterior testameuto
comu ohispo de Huesca en ci siglo VI. Precisiones para la fljación del texto”,
Cnadernos ole Historia ]erónimo urita 47-48 (1983), pp. 59—64.
‘3’
Leg. Visfi. IX,2,8 and 9.
122
Garcia Moreno, Estudias sobre ta oiganftación ad,ninistratioa, p. 55; P.D. King,
Law and Socie5, in the Vis(gothic Kingdom (Cambridge, 1972), pp. 89—91.
King, op. cit., p. 102 and u. 170.
Leg. Visig. 11,1,5 and 11. Cf. C. Petit, “Consuetudo y sass en la Lax Visigotharnm”,
Annaria de Histaria del Derecho Espasiot 54 (1984), pp. 242—244.
v Petit, “fionsuetnda y r,os”,
pp. 250-251.
34 PABLO C. DIAZ
seignioralisation of justice. Moreover, if the only norm applied in
a territory is that of the dominus and his adores, it is likely that the
legal norms would soon become private and divorced from the royal
code.’3 The same situation was to occur in the ecclesiastical sphere,
where the councils were obliged to set limits on the overstepping of
authority by the bishops, as was the ease of the one held in Mérida
in 666, whose canon 15 recognised the capacity of the bishop to
carry out justice on the members of the fomilia ecclesiae hut warning
that they should set limits on their anger and avoid the extreme of
amputating limbs. These same limitations were repeated in the
Eleventh Council of Toledo in 675 whose canons 6 and 7 again
prohibit all mutilation and prohibit the bishops from dictating sen
tence in any crime punishable by death. In any case, the role of
bishop as judge in the sphere of his subjects and dependants is
implicit in the Visigothie eoneiliar legislation and the same council
of Mérida mentioned above established an entire grading of penal
ties that could he applied to his subjects as a function of their legal
or social category (c. 17). This privatised jurisdiction also seems evi
dent in the sphere of the monasteries, where, apart from the exis
tence of an individual rule dictating behaviour, in itself it implied
an alternative criminal code. Official justice, set forth in Lex frsigothorum
and applied from the city by the king’s agents, comes or index, would
therefore soon fail to cover large rural spaces, which in this aspect
had also become independent of the City, and even, from the per
spective of episcopal justice, the cities themselves.
Gonclasloll
The great transformation was essentially concluded. The essential
change in the country/city relationships in the transition from Antiquity
to the mediaeval world was not so much the great technical trans
formation of the former, which never occurred, nor the formal dis
appearance of the latter, but rather an alteration of the scheme of
relationships and reciprocal influences that defined the former with
respect to the latter. In practice, city/country unity broke down, the
territoria became independent from the control of the city, and the
For example, Leg. t7dig., IX,2,9 (whipping); VI,5,8; V,7.l I and 17.
°
Petit. “Ginsueiwls y toss”, p. 252.
CITY AND TERRITORY IN HISPANIA IN LATE ANTIQUITY 35
State functionaries acted from the city on a rural area which, despite
administrative schemes, was regulated by its own mechanisms. The
eountr acquired its own morphology and in the end the cit remained
as a consuming appendix unable to exist without the country, but
which the country could well afford to ignore. The countryside main
tained its own mechanisms of defence; it shaped itself into produc
tion units whose self sufficiency led them to do without the city
market place over which they imposed, where necessary, their own
market criteria. Christianised, it could do without the city as a ref
erence regarding the orientation and channelling of its religious activ
ities and, although bishops did everything possible to eapitalise on
the devotion to saints and relies, even here they may have faced
competition from the rural churches, especially from the monasteries.
Even in the application of the law or the collection of taxes, which
signified the exercise of royal sovereignty, the weakness of the een
tralising powers permitted a practical autonolny that was definitive.
The cities did not collapse all of a sudden. On the contrary, they
endured in Visigothic Spain, since the kingdom’s administration was
still built upon the cities’ theoretical strength, as centres for tax col
lection and sees of law courts—and strengthened of course, as cen
tres of episcopal power. 131 But soeio-economic logic prevailed: economic
power, even military force, had now moved to the countryside; the
territoria could, definitively, ignore the fact that they had a city.
138
Also for Gaul, see papers in the essays collected in isa fib de to edt aotique, ed.
Cl. Lepelley, especially: B. Bcaujard, ‘L’tvSquc dans Ia cot en Gaulc aux V’ cI
vje sitcles” (pp. 127—l45):J. Durliat, “Evtquc et administration municipale au
siècle” (pp. 273—286); S. Lchccq, “Le devenir tconomiqne de la cite dans la Gaulc
des \7C_IXC sitcles” (pp. 287—307); E. Magnou-Nortier, “Du royaumc des ciritotes
au royaumc des /isoores. Episcopsius, comitatus, abbatia dans le royaume franc” (pp.
311—344). In this volume, N. Gaothier. “Le réseau de pou’.oirs de l’evêque dans
Ia Gaule du haul Moven-Age”.
 LA CITE ET SON TERRITOIRE: L’EXEMPLE DL
SUD-EST DE LA GAULE

Michel Fixot

Decrire cc qu’était la relation qui s’établissait entre la cite et son

territoire revient a évoquer une question abordée ailleurs dans cc
volume, ainsi que dans de nombreuses publications récentes qui ont
couvert le sujet de telle maniére qu’il n’est pas toujours facile de
s’insérer entre elles ;l cela montre la vitalité d’un domaine scientifique
autrefois défricbé par P.-A. Février dans la region qui servira d’e
xemple dans cet exposé, essentiellement le Sud-Est de la France les
aspects politiqucs, religieux et économiques sont évidemment indis
sociables. mais simultanément déterminent au cours du temps des
territoires qul ne se superposent pas forcement. Pris entre cc qui
serait l’énonciation d’idécs génerales et la nécessité d’un appui plus
concret. le propos sera donc conçu en se fondant de maniére prCféren
tielle sur un cspacc gCographiquc réduit, Ic Midi méditerranéen
français, a propos duqucl Ia documentation écritc est relativement
abondante et certaines recherchcs archéologiques novatrices, en par
ticulicr pour cc qui touche a la restitution des réscaux de peuplemcnt.
vIais, pour cc sujet, cependant, il faut faire unc place importantc
aux sources écrites. Le territoire de la cite semhle en cifet corres
pondre a unc échelle géographique moyenne encore delicate a
apprehender par I’archéologie : ccttc echelle se situe cntrc celle des
relations a rclativernent longue distance, au moms “intcrrégionalcs”.
quc la céramiquc, par excmplc. donne la possibilite d’evalucr,2 et.
d’autre part, cclle des etudes “microregionalcs” ou de “pays” qui
decrivent des evolutions de finagcs dans lesquellcs Ia cite. finalcmcnt.

Voir notamment les actes du Colloque dc Nanterre : La fin de Ia cite antique et

Ic debut de Ia cite mèdièvale. Dc Ia fin dii liP siècle a l’avinement de Charlemagne, bd. CI.
Lepelley (Ban, [966).
2
Consulter par exemple I’article collectif: CATHMA (Ceramiques de 1’Antiquité
Tardive et du haut Moyen-Age), “Importation des céramiques communes méditer
ranéennes dans Ic Midi de 1a Gaule (Vc_VIF ED”, A cerflmica medieval us Meditercdnes
ocidental. Actes dii CsugrCs de l’Assaciatiun Jnteomtionale paur l’Etude de In Ciramique Aiidzèvale
.PIèditercanienne, Lishonae 16—22 nsa. 1987 Mertola, 1991), pp. 27—47.
38 MICHEL FIXOT
apparait encore assez lointaine.5 Les documents hahituellement uti
uses pour servir a une definition de l’cmprise de Ia yule sur la cam
pagne sont d’ailleurs d’usage délicat. Pour I’Antiquité plus haute, les
cadastres ont permus dans certains cas, et malgré la difficulté, de
determiner un terrztorturii dépendant de la cite,4 mais pour le haut
Moyen Age, leurs traces conserves ou encore générateurs de lignes
parcellaires isoclines sont devenus des éléments fossiles pour le pro
bléme qui nous concerne:’ La documentation d’ordre épigraphique,
qui situe par exemple les lieux d’inhumation des elites urbaines, n’est
plus utilisable non plus pour Ia periode “basse” considérée ici ; et
finalement, le sont les limites des dioceses médiévaux qui, en dépit
des variations qu’ils ont connues, apparaissent aux historiens de
l’Antiquité comme des valeurs repéres a défaut d’etre des valeurs sOres.°
En retrait par rapport a ces données qui font appcl a une élabo
ration complcxe, il conviendra pour nous de repartir de l’image,
idéale et simple,7 de la cite et de son territoire qui a cours dans les
sources littéraires de l’Antiquité tardive. Ces textes traduisent une
impression sensibic et peu mesurable par nature : mais cette don
née n’est pas a prendre moms en compte que celles issues de metho
des plus scientifiques réputées objectives on est au moms sflr que
cette notion avait une résonnance chez certains parmi les contcm
Dc l’aveu nsbme des chereheurs, ci Let agglomeration iecsndaires la Gait/c Be(giqtic
les Germanies et l’Occident roinain., Ic/es do cs//s que de B/ie!shrttck—Reinheisi/Bitdie oct. 1992
Paris. 1994 \‘oir notamment !‘iotroduction. par NI Niangin et J.—P. Petit. p. 11.
. .
A. Piganiol. isv documents cadastranr de Ia cslsimie romaine dOrangr Suppi. a Gallia
16, Paris, 1962 NI. Clavel—Lbvbque. BCziers et sos tern/sire damn /1lntiqzoti Paris,
197G. pp. 20T-210 C. Chooqocr. “Repertoire topo-hihhographique des cernu
nations de Narhonnaise, cadastres ci occupation do so!”. Renie .rlrc/iés/sgiqac de ,\arbsn
imaise 26 (1993) pp. 87—98 J.-L. Fiches, “CritCres de datation et chronologie des
limitations romaines en Narhonnaisc ibid., pp 99—104.
,
F. F’avorv. J.-M. Nlalvis. C. Nlercmer. C. Ravnaod. K. Roger, “Limitations
antiques et morpisologie parcellaire dans Ic Lonellois HCrauh donnCes de fouilles
rCcentes. cadastres et occupation do vol. Recur _lcchCs/ogiquc de \‘arbsnaaise 26 1993,.
.
pp. 139—178.
Voir par exemple les rCflexion de J. Gascou et NI. Janon sur Ic territoire de
F’rCjos. J. Gascoo et NI. Janon. Iiocoptiomm L.a/mrs de ,‘arhsnnaise JLV. 1 Soppi. 5
Gallia 44. Frbjos. 1985 N’. Codon. L’Emj/isc. Irs hsizoom’s et /e teo’sir damns Ic disc/se de
15-éjos these de doctorat, LnivcrsiiC de Provence Aix-en-Provence. 1997 NiSmes . Camos. V. Souilhac. “Lc pavsag’e urlsain de l’Antiquiie tandive (IN” --VI’ siCcles
indications poor Antihes et Riez par A. Chasiagnol. JL’v’ 2 Paris. 1992. Pour .Aix.
leo variations enlrc les Itmites de Ia cub et celles dnu diocese mbdibval sont plus
importantes. ci j Gaseou, IL \ 3 Paris, 1 q95’j
° En recentrant cc qu’en a bent P. Richb, “La representation de la ville dans les
textes littCraires do Vc au IX’ siècle”, La fin de Ia cite antique, pp. 183—190.
I
LA CITE FT SON TERRITOIRE 39
porains, du moms chez les lettrés, pour lesquels dIe relevait visible
ment de “l’espace vécu”.
Puis, en s’interrogeant sur l’état de Ia réfiexion actuelle, on cherchera
a trouver des traces de cc qui semble porter atteinte a une image
dont, il est vrai, les auteurs eux-mémes ressentent le caractére menace.
Enfin, il faudra chercher si de nouvelles formes de lien ou des—
liens plus complexes ne s’etablissent pas entre Ia cite et son territoire,
—
ou plutôt ses territoires ; ces hens d’ailleurs ne nous apparaissent
peut-étre plus complcxes que dans la mesure oil, chronologiquement,
ils émergcnt dc maniere simultanee avec une documentation écrite
dont l’absence, pour des periodes plus ancicnnes, conduit vraiscm
blablement a des simplifications.
La rifle et son terroir, tate image ideale
L’evocation de Ia ville, chez les autcurs de l’Antiquite tardive, cst
hahituellement indissociable de la representation on de Ia dcscription
d’tin territoire. Lcs éloges de cites donnent l’image la plus simple et
la plus harmonieuse qui soit des rapports cntrc la villc et sa campagne,
ainsi que des relations cntrctenues avec le reste du monde, l’Orbis,
le territoirc de l’Urbs par excellence, dont les cites ne sont quc des
relais ou des representations : on se souvicnt dc la formule d’Ausone
dihgo Ban’4galatn. Romam cob :“jc cheris Bordeaux ; Rome, je Ia venerc”(
souvent citee.° \Iais dans quelle mesure ces e’ocatmons refietcnt-clles
unc realite alors que le schema est vehucule par unc tradition lit—
teraire ancienne,° hellénistiquc ct romaine. que Sidoine Apollinaire
utiise aussi hien pour Constantinople, dans Ic panegvrique d’Anthémius
(Gamut. 2 quc pour certaines des cites de la Gaulc meridionale,s
La chancellerie impériale depend évidcmmcnt de cc genre litterairc
quand elle redige pour Honorius l’élogc famcux d’Arles, le 17 avril
La redaction de ceo pages Ctait aclsevCe lonnnju’cnt paroc l’Ciode de J. Covon
ci de scs ctsllalsonatniccs stir Icy villes do Sonl—Oucsi. Sans qu’i! v toil cu concenta—
lion. Ia dCnsarche cot semhlalslc. conhnnsant si! en Ctait Isesotus leo ]ignes de cute
introduction n]uaust 5 l’intérét porte actoellemeni au sojet : ,J. Cuss on. B. Boissavu—
d’apnCs les lexies et l’archeologic”. .-Iquitania 14 1996 pp. 9—18.
.
,J. Boofldrngoe. “La tradition de I’e!oge de Ia cite dans le monde grec”. La fin
de Ia cite antique. pp. 43—58.
Leo ceuvres tie Sinloine solon citecs d’aprCs i’Cdition dc A. Linen i Paris, 1960
ct l970.
40 MICHEL FJXOT
418, pour convoquer dans cette yule la reunion des délégués des
Sept Provinces, juges, gouverneurs. honorati et possessores du diocese
meridional.’ Le territoire apparait encore confondu avec celui de
l’univers romain tout entier, et, soit par le Rhône, soit par la mer
Tyrrhénienne, “tout ce que la terre a d’excellent est destine a cette
cite”, ce que confirme Ia provenance des céramiques des différentes
fouilles, a la fois nombreuses et récentes, effeetuées dans la yule dans
les niveaux de la période correspondante.S Le rédacteur peut encore
se permettre de dissimuler, a cette date relativernent haute, Ia menace
que font déjà peser les Visigoths installes dans le Royaume de Toulouse.
Un repertoire d’images ideales est donné dans le fameux poéme
d’Ausone en hommage aux villes célébres, un peu plus ancien, rédigé
vraisemblablement en 388—389 ‘‘ sur le theme oblige de la beauté
des murs et des monuments, de la presence de l’eau sous toutes ses
formes, fontaines et fleu\’es, de Ia mer aussi et de tout ce qu’elle
apporte par le commerce lointain. apparait également la fecondite
de la terre. Le earactére idéalisé ou oblige des descriptions est nuance
par quelques indications plus préeises concernant l’une des fonctions,
ou une particularité topographique, notamment pour Arles la dou
ble (X, 1) ou Toulouse la multiple (XVIII, 7). L’importance des rela
dons lointaines de la ville avee l’exténeur est aussi un theme recurrent,
mais qui appartient tout autant au registre des recite dans le cas des
villes de l’époque d’Ausone. et eela pour un certain temps encore.
Mieux attachées au terroir proehe, apparaissent certaines descrip
tions un peu plus tardives, qui témoignent peut-étre seulement d’une
sensihilite personnelle de l’auteur. L’adresse de Sidoine Apollinaire
a la méme Narbonne,’4 déjà ehantée par Ausone, est interpretable
en ce sens. “Belle a voir dans ta ville et dans ta campagne a la
fois : l’entirneration qui suit eoneerne rnurailles. eitovens, eneeinte.
feE. Heijmans, Duplex Arelas. Topographic historiqite de Ia yule d’Arles et de sesfaubourgs
de Ia fin do HP siècle jusqu’au LU siicle, These de doetorat, UniversitC de Provence
Aix-en-Prosvnce. 1991. pp. 325—328.
2
G. CongCs. NI. Leguilloux, “Un dépotoir de I’Antiquité rnrdive dans le quarcier
de l’Esplanade C Aries”. Recur rlrrhèslogsque de Yarhonnasse 24 1991). pp. 201—234.
Voir égaiernent. en attendant des publications attendues de J. Piton. ies comptes
rendus de I’AssocLation CATHMA (années 1997 et 1998) avee Ia presentation des
sites de Ia rue Truehet, de I’IRPA (quartier do eirque), des eryptoportiques, et le
materiel des fouilles aneiennes de la Place de la RCpublique.
Ausonius, XI, Ords L7rh,uns .JVsbzl,um, éd. HG. Evelyn White, 2 (Harvard
University Press, 196R, pp. 268—285.
Coon. 23.
LA CITE ET SON TERRITOIRE 41
boutiques, portes, portiques, forum, theatre, sanctuaires, eapitole,
bourses, thermes, arcs, greniers, marches, mais aussi prairies, fontaines,
iles, salines. étangs. fleuve. montrant une ville proehe de sa cam
pagne avee une evocation appropriée de la eôte languedoeienne. En
clernier lieu seulement, dans ee tableau relativernent detaille, sont
nommées les marchandises, le pont, Ia haute mer. La ville n’a pas
encore reintegre dans la description son ancienne valeur religieuse
des modeles grecs: les sanctuaires n’y apparaissent que de maniére
anonvme oti somptuaire. Cette evocation de Narhonne est aussi. de
façon originale. l’image tragique de la vile aux murailles blessees.
marques d’bonneur de la cite eomhattante, reference a la realite du
moment, sans doute, mais reprise aussi de modeles archaIques.
Cette evocation de la ville tragique, aux murailles noircies par le
feu, prend parfois des accents plus forts, par exemple a l’occasion
du réeit de la fondation de Ia fete des Rogations par Mamert de
Vienne Ep. VII, 1). Cette fois, Sidoine propose une image des rap-
ports fausses ou inx’ersés de la ville et de son terroir. Les animaux
sauvages sont entrés dans la cite, tandis que les grands et le peuple
en sont partis. Une telle inversion est pareillement ressentie par l’au
teur dans sa eelebre description de Rayenne, cette fois entre la terre
et l’eau dont l’auteur tire un effet litteraire indeniable en élargissant
le propos a l’image de l’ensernble de Ia societe. L’ordre du monde
s’inverse, une realite plus tragiqtie transparait derriere des formules
recherehees ou poetiques qui expriment I’imminenee d’un désordre.
Toujours dans cette litterature, et de maniére inverse pour ainsi
dire, on reciproque, la representation de la campagne entraine de
maniére ohligee celle de la cite, signe du lien indissoluble qui unit
l’nne a l’autre : quand le meme Sidoine tente de convaincre son
ami Aper de mieux apprécier Ic pa\’s maternel, eelui des An’ernes.
Ia description du nsonde rural appelle irresustiblement l’evoeation de
la cite. L’auteur, respeetneux des images, sent d’ailleurs le besoin
de mentionner la mer, qui fait habituellement partie des territoires
urhains : des eette epoque, elle apparait sons la forme, sans danger,
de l’oeéan des bles (Ep. IV, 21), theme qui devait connaitre une for
tune poétique.
Ce qui semble devenir par la suite une assise plus precise dans la
réalite dn temps et dans l’environnensent rural le plus proehe est
aussi suggere par les auteurs postérieurs, qu’il s’agisse de Gregoire
de Tours dans la celebre evocation de Dijon, mais aussi de Venanee
Fortunat dans sa description de Treves oil sont evoques le fleuve,
42 MICHEL FIXOT
les remparts, le palais déserté, les collines escarpées et rocheuscs
cependant couvertes de vigne (Carm. X, 9), mais dont les accents
sont bicn différents dc ce que décrivait Ausone clans son éloge des
villes célèbres, cc qui montre que ces textes sont hien, malgré tout.
le reflet d’une part de réalité us clonnent l’impression de villes
“régionalisées”, pour lesquelles dcs relations avec un terroir étendu
ne sont plus mentionnées. Significatif de cettc conception de la yule
est la famcuse description de Metz, dans le poéme adressé a son
évéque, \nillicus (Czim. III, 13) : cette fois, en raison évidernment de
la qualité du destinataire, la yule a rcpris la fonction religieuse qui
faisait partie du genre des modéles les plus anciens. et, cela sons une
forme enfin chrétienne 1’uvre commence par Ia description de la
campagne, oil les eaux de la Moselle et de la Seille jouent le pre
mier role, avant que la muraille n’apparaissc mentionnée puis le
poéte en vient a cc qui fait la veritable force de Ia cite, cet évéque
dont les armes célestes sont rapidement évoquées en rcnvoi a l’al
lusion qui vient d’étre faite au role militaire dc la ville, tandis que
la fonction épiscopale est surtout décrite dans un sens bucolique,
celie du pasteur, en echo a la longue description de la campagne
par laquelle le texte a commence ; la description du terroir enrichit
donc celle dc Ia yule dans laquelle l’évéquc devient berger, a Metz,
ou encore semeur, comme Agericus a Verdun (Pvm. III, 23;. Levéque,
par la christianisation, participe dorénavant a cette uvre de coloni
sation d’une nature sur laquelle, afin qu’elle soit honne, doit s’im
poser la marque humaine, depuis la cite, lieu humanisé par excellence.’5
C’est l’cxpression d’une sensibilité sur laquelle on ne dispose pas de
documents méridionaux aussi illustratifs, d’oO l’appel a d’autres exem
pies. Enfin, rappelons comment Sidoine Apollinaire deceit comme
en negatif le territoire dune cite, que la voie d’eau prolonge, a l’oc
casion de ses remercieinents d’évéquc a son colléguc Patiens de Lyon
qui a approvisionné Clermont affaméc commc il l’avait fiit pour les
cites de Ia basse vallée du RhOne la ville des Arvcrnes que
. .
vous avez pcnsé a secourir sans y Ctre détcrminé ni par la commu
nauté de province. ni par lc voisinage des cites. ni par la commo
dité d’un fleuve. ni par une offre d’argent” (Ep. VI, 12. trad. Latouche;.
C’est que Ia vile nc pent se dissocier de son terroir et dc sa
5
On relira dans ce domaine les pages de F. Cardot, L’espace et le pouisnr (Paris.
1987 .pp. 8897 et passim.
LA CITE ET SON TERRITOIRE 43
campagne”, comme le soulignait, il y a déjà longtcmps, P.-A. Février.16
Et l’aristocratie de l’Antiquité tardive, encore profondément imprégnéc
du modélc otzuin/negolium, utilise le mCme repertoire pour décrire sa
ville et ses residences. qu’il s’agisse de Sidoine Apollinaire encore,
a propos du buiyus de Pontius Leontius (Garm. 22,’ ou de la z;i/la
d’Avitacus çEp. II, 2; Carm. 18, 19), ou de Venance Fortunat pour
les ui//ac de Besson, Vérégine ou Preignac (Garm. I, 18, 19, 20), ou
le caste//urn de Nicetius sur la ]\‘Ioselle (Garrn. III, 11); l’architecture
somptueuse ou somptuaire ne peut étre, dans Ic cas de Ia yule comme
dans celle de la residence, dissociée de la richesse du terroir. ni de
la presence de l’eau. Ce cadre est curieusement le mérne dans la
description de la cathédrale de Lyon par Sidoine Apollinaire, prochc
a la fois de l’eau de la Saône et de la route terrestre, complémen
taires pour la circulation (Ep. II, 10), cc qui correspond d’ailleurs a
sa situation réelle. La yule. comme Ia residence, on comme Ic “had”
en general, est done profondement intCgrée dans un paysage rural
qui porte Ia rnarque de l’homme. Le reproche de Sidoine a son ami
retire dans les caste//a montana est a Ia fois adressé 5. celui qui s’ah
sente trop longuement de la cite, qui ne respecte plus l’équilibre
entre cite et monde rural, mais aussi celui qui habite méme un
lieu sauvage, pour ainsi dire hors du territoire.’7
Cette image intégree et cette complémentaritC harmonicuse pro
longee par la littérature chrCticnne •‘épiscopale” sont ressenties par
ccrtains contemporains en termes d’opposition ; mais c’est justement
de la part de ceux qui, de maniére significative, rejettent de façon
ostentatoire une sociétC normalement organisée ; cc sont les moines,
dont la marque de rupture est dc sortir de Ia ville. On connaIt l’apo
strophc de Jerome Ep. 14 a Heliodore “quc fais-tu dans Ia foule,
toi qui es seul ?“ reprise plus tard dans la lettre a Paulin de Noic
sons la forme < dans Ia ville a )Ep. 58). Lun des lieux privilégiés est
justement cet espace intermédiaire cntrc Ia ville et son territoire, et
qui, n’étant ni l’une ni l’autre, est éventuellement aussi cclui des
lb
P—A. Fbvrier. “Permanence as heritages de FAntic1uitb daiis Ia topographic
des vilies cie iOccident durant Ic haut Moven-Asse”. Topoi,’ra/ia urbana e rita cittadina
ne//alEs tledisezô in Occidenle. Seltin. di .Sjiolelo 21 1973), I, pp 41—I 38 : voir p 61.
“
L’attitude renvoie a relic que dbcrit Cl. Lepeiley, “Un binge nostaigique de Ia
cite ciassicjue dans irs Variae de Cassiodore”, dans Haul tioyen-Age. Culture, education,
sociiti, etudes offertes a Pierre Richi (Paris. 1990), pp. 34--47 Id., “La survie de i’idée
républicaine en Italic au debut clu VI’ sibcle, dans un edit d’Athaiaric rédigb par
Cassiodore (Variae. IX. 2 “. La fin de Ia cite antique. pp. 71--83.
44 MICHEL FIXOT
cimetiêres. Ii suffit donc, pour marquer l’anachorèse, dc s’établir S
l’cxtérieur des remparts, et souvent dans tine lie du fleuve ou de
i’autre côtè de la rivière par rapport a la cite : on connait bien des
exempies de cette separation svmbolique qu’ii est inutile de develop-
per, a Tours (‘s1armoutier), Aries (Inside suburbona), Auxerre Saints
Come-et-Damien), Lyon (L’Ile-Barbe), Vienne (Grigny(, et Nice
peut-Ctre. L’élement liquide apparalt alors comme une coupure et
non pius comme un hen. La iitterature monastique détruit volon
tiers I’harmonie que chantait Ia littérature traditionnelic et épisco
pale; cue en désorganise volontairement l’image.
Ces iieux symboiiques de retraitc font aiors partie d’un territoire
présenté cornme répulsif scion les deux raisons qui fournissent un
motif httéraire, tout en correspondant une réalité vécue ; c’est ia
désoiation des paysages a cause d’une nature sauvage ou pretendue
telie, comme on ic voit pour La description de Marmoutier, ou
méme de Lérins au moment de l’arrivée d’Honorat, ou celle encore
que provoque une ruinc ou une construction désaffectée, un ms/rum
abandonné, qui exprime Ic désordre du minérai ou de Ia végétation
scion un theme recurrent de ia httérature de i’Antiquité tardive ; ia
retraite d’Hospice prés de Nice pourrait foumir un exempic rnendionai.
Dans i’uvre d’un “provençai” tei que Césaire d’Aries, ia mar
que du retrait monasticjue est exprirnée par i’ahsence, dans lcs muvres
écrites pour ies moines, de toute référence a la ciritas, sinon en terme
d’exclusion de ses représentants hors de la cloture monastique, ou
de reserve vis-â-vis d’eux, méme vis-a-vis de l’evêque.’9 On sait que
le monastére de moniaies fut, pour des raisons pratiques, réinstallé
a ia périphCric de ia viiiie, a i’intCrieur des remparts cependant, mais
dans un monument justement désaffecté. l’ancienne cathCdrale. Cette
impression de marginalité origineile par rapport S une hierarchic et
a la construction sociale dont ia cite est ie principe prend d’autrcs
traits, progressivement pius complexes avec le temps et qui affectent
le territoire ; on y reviendra pius has.
L ‘ne harmonic misc a l’épreure
L’image ideale et l’harmonie apparente des rapports entre la cite et
son territoire humanisé renvoient curieusement a un dCbat historio
Sulpice Sévére. Tie de lIar/in. 10, 4. éd. J. Fontaine. SC 133.
IC
Césaire d’Arles, (Eucoo inQnaStIqIIeS, SC 345 ci 398.
LA CITE FT SON TERRITOIRE 45
graphique deja un peu lointain que i’on pourrait reporter a la pC
node qui nous occupe ;20 la cite de la fin de l’Antiquité aurait-elle un
rOle harrnonieux, organisateur de l’espace qui l’entoure, ou hien ne
serait-elle, comme on ‘a decrit parfois, que parasitaire. au scm d’une
campagne dont ics aggiomérations secoudaires naissantes se struc
tureraient, a I’écart d’elle ou mCme contre cue P On peut deja rap
peler que la yule des éloges littéraires semble quand méme ressentie,
par certains contemporains, comme source de richesse : ainsi 1’Aries
d’Ausone. qui reçoit Ic commerce du monde romain, Ic redistribue.
enrichissant S son tour les atitres peupies et les vilics de Ia Gauic.
Des travaux récents s’attachent a unc réfiexion sur i’organisation
de l’espace autour des cites méridionales. Ceux de Ph. Leveau, autour
d’Aix-en-Provence, montreraient que l’appanition du réseau des ni/
lee et celle des agglomerations secondaires irait dc pair avec la misc
en place dc ia structure uFhainc “dans ia campagne. ics ri/lee sont
des structures dexp1oitation mises en piace par ia ville a son profit”
et i’auteur. des i’époquc ancienne de ia romanisation, reconnait “aux
aristocraties urbaines une capacité de gestion et d’organisation qui
ne se réduit pas a ia misc en place de structures de collecte d’une
richesse ruraie qui n’cxiste pas en dehors d’elles”. La consommation
somptuaire de ia richesse dans ia cite nc signifierait pas pour autant
que lcs vilies seraient parasitaires. mais en revanche organisatrices”.2’
Dans cc réseau, il faudrait refuter tout rôie autonome aux aggloméra
tions secondaires dont “Ia sociCtC de cornmerçants et dartisans nest
pas contrôlée par une bourgeoisie locale mais par l’élite rurale”, c’est
a-dire celle de la cite.
En Languedoc, sons i’impulsion de chercheurs comme C. Raynaud,
ccrtaines propositions issues des mCthodes de l’archéologie, notam
ment ia prospection systématique des campagTles, montrent pour icur
part des transformations qui affectent les territoires des cites,22 a par
tir d’un moment traditionneilcment défini comme le temps de la
29
H. Bruhns, W. Nippel. Max \Veher. “Ml. Finley et le concept de cue antique”,
La cit/C an/ira? La riM antique . Opus 6—8 (1987—1989:., pp. 27—43.
21
Ph. Leveau. La yule antique ci son espace rural. Contrihution de l’arehéolo
gie C Ia réflexion sur la cite antique”, La cit/C an/ira? l.a citi antique?. pp. 72—87.
Voir également : P. Leveau, “La recherche sur les agglomerations secondaires en
Narbonnaise”, Ley aggloiniraliuns serundaires, pp. 18 1—196.
22
C. Raynaud, “Ecu campagnes rhodanicnncs : queue crise ?“, i.e III’ siècle en
Can/c .Varbui,naise. Du,,,,/es rigiunales sur Ia ceise de l’Eoipire. éd. .J.-L. Fiche Sophia
Annpolis, 1996,, pp. 189—212.
46 MICHEL FIXOT
“crise du hf siècle”. Ces circonstanees auraient modiflé définitivement
la forme de l’occupation du so!, dans le sens de certaines concen
trations et d’une hiérarchisation, annonçant notamment des groupe
ments ruraux dont certains, d’ailleurs, étaient destinés it marquer
longuement le paysage. Mais ii semble encore difficile a partir de
ees reeherches rurales minutleuses de mesurer l’impact sur Ia cite de
ces transformations éeonomiques de son territoire et rechereher com
ment celles-ci s’y seraient manifestées. Le diagnostic n’en est pas
arrivé, semhle-t-il, encore it ee point, mais, de maniere générale, on
pourrait penser qne les temoignages d’une renaissance urbaine an
siècle favoriseraient peut-Ctre qnand mCme le premier terme
méme si la cite apparait encore fort lointaine dans ces recherches.
A la fin de l’Antiquité, il est vrai, un réajnstement s’opére en
favenr d’agglomerations seeondaires qtn aeeCdent S nn rang superienr.
Les actes eoneiliaires montrent que des reeompositions s’effectuent
qui vont peut-étre dans le sens dune coherence et d’un rapproche
ment entre des territoires et des agglomerations qni, jusqu’it l’époque
eonsidérée, n’avaient pas rang de cite. Et tandis qne l’arehéologie
tente de remonter la pvramide. en decelant la formation des agglomera
dons seeondaires it partir de Ia eampagne, l’Cerit ponr sa part donne
l’oeeasion de saisir un proeessus inverse et complémentaire, dn hant
vers le has, de la ville aneienne vers la eampagne. qui permet d’oh
server la naissanee de nonvelles cites, cites Cpiseopales, plus petites
et mienx en rapport ax-ce un territoire propre, qui est sonvent dCcoupC
aux marges de eelui des plus aneiennes.
Ainsi, pour la region qni nous intCresse ici de maniCre prineipale,
la creation eontinuCe de nonveaux sieges, an siècle et encore
C 541 Dans Ia Lignrie proehc. Ia creation dti diocese de \‘intimille.
siècle.23 ponrrait entCriner l’existenee de ees
dans le eourant du \TJC
relations pen it pen apparnes et qne reeonnait oflieiellement l’or
ganisation religiense, non pas taut pour la Viennoise d’ailleurs que
pour les deux Narbonnaises et les Alpes I\Iaritimes : entre Ia disso
ciation des grandes cites et l’importanee prise par eertaines de ces
agglomerations secondaires naitrait une nouvelle situation territo
ria!e on un decoupage plns pragmatique et plus it la mesure de la
23
On sC reportera aux volumes de a Tsprtisiphic chréiienne des thés de Ia Gnu/c. éd.
N. Gautbier et J.-CIs. Picard, rcspcctivement 2. Y. Duval, P-A. Février, J. Guyon.
Proc/ace ecclésiasiicjue dMix ci d’Einlsrun (iVarhonensis secunda ci Alpes Mar/i/mad (Paris,
1986) ; 3. J. Biarne ci al., Fiat/aces ecclésiasiiques de V/ernie ci d’Arles (Vicnnen.sis ci A/pci
Guitar ci Fseaamacj Paris. 1986 ; 7. P—A. t’évrier. N. Barral i Altec Fismc/nce ecclisi
asizque de ,Vathanne 6Varbsnensis pr/rna (Paris. 1989).
LA CITE ET SON TERRITOIRE 47
zone d’inflnenee réelle des organismes nrbains. De fait, les exemples
sont nombreux Ic Languedoc. il faut eompter les sieges d’Tjzes
pour
‘mentionné eomn2e eQs/mm en 442 an eoneile de ?tlagtlelonne
\Taison(,
(apparn an ML siècle entre 506 Ct 589), qui se eréent anx dépens
de l’ancienne cite de Nimes.24 On sait que Magnelonne, en conrs
de reetude it l’occasion de Ia déconverte trés récente d’nne grande
hasilique funéraire.23 ne doit sans donte pas seulement Facqnisition
de cette dignitC épiscopale it un site d’agglomCration secondaire
identifle sur l’Ile mCme, mais hérite anssi vraisemhlablement de la
tradition territoriale plus longtle de l’agglomération ancienne de
Lattes ; il fandrait encore mentionner la creation temporaire du
diocese d’Arisitum, an ML siecle, entre 507 et 576. Sans doute sur
le territoire voisin qni est celni de Béziers, le siege d’Agde se révCle
it l’occasion du concile de 506. Qnant it Elne, ancien oppidum, et an
caste//nm de Carcassonne, ils accCdent it Ia dignite Cpiscopale dans le
courant clu VI’ siécle, sans dotire en raison des récents déconpages
politiques entre Visigots et Francs aprés Vouille.25 Cette creation con
tinnCe se retronve dans le diocese d’Arles, dont le territoire s’in
scrivait par un étroit couloir entre les cites de \1arseille et d’Aix :
la creation d’nn Cvéehe sitné en 441 an locus de Toulon repond sans
donte it une facilité de pastorale mais consacre tout aussi hien la
reconnaissance d’une zone d’inflnence urhaine née d’nn port actif.5°
Puis, an commencement du \‘h1 siéclc, les anciennes cites de Far
riere-pavs sont mennonnees comrne siege episcopal. qu’il s’agisse de
Digne attestée comme Senez en 506, Gap et Sisteron (connus pour
la premiere fois an concile d’Epaone en 5 17), enfin Glandéves en
.
attesté seulement at VII siécle,2° aux dépens de celui d’Alhenga,
raméne an métne phenomene, celni d’un ajtlstemCnt progressif des
24
P-A. Février. “L’organisation de Ia Province”. Frsc/acc ccclesiasitquc dc ,\ ml sane.
Tojs8mstpitu c/os/i/cane des c/Ms (IC la (lao/c 7, p. 13.
44
Fouille en tours de G. Barrool, A. Garnotel, C. Raynauel.
°‘
E. \Iagnou—Nortier, La soc//u lailpic ci /‘Epl/sc demos Ia Fair/ace ccclis/asu/quc de
Varbounc. de lafia do I ill’ ci la//a clii AT u/c/c Publications de I’Universit& de Toulouse—
I
I.e \lirail 20. loulouse, 974, PP 64 63.
27
P-A. lévrier. Toulon. Pa uncc ecc/Is/asi/quc d A/i ci d’Embotn. pp. 6 1—63.
RévOlé par 3d. Pasc1ualini, Tels .llari/us Fsrius, notice/let meclieccltes aicltis/sg/ques 3
Ton/sn (Mémoire de \laItnse, Univ. de Provenee, 1987).
C. Cautino—\Vataghin, C. Lamlsert, “La eattedrale in hahn. L’Italia settentrio—
nale”. Aces du A?’ Gsaça$s lniccoai/sna/ dAiclu’s/sgie Gin/i/cane Citt3 del \‘atieano. Eeole
française de Rome. Rome. 1989!, pp. 173-174.
48 MICHEL FIXOT
territoires èpiscopaux a celui des cites.30 Mais, dans cet ajustement,
et cette recherche de coherence, une autre conception se fait peut
ètre jour, qui serait celle d’un territoire de cite episcopale suffisamment
ètendu et représentatif, ce qui se traduirait aussi, au VT Siècle, par
certaines simplifications: c’est ainsi que disparaissent, au profit de
celui de Senez, les sieges des cites de Castellane et Thorame, men
tionnès au milieu du V siècle, et que se rèumssent ceux de Cimiez
et de Nice.3’
Dans la mesure oil ii est difficile de determiner des critères archéo
logiques associant objectivement la ville a un territoire et a sa cam
pagne, il semble difficile aussi d’identifier des marques de dissolution
de ces liens, qni pourraient ètre interprètèes comme atteintes aux
grands organismes urbains ; l’une d’entre elles serait peut-ètre la
mise hors d’usage ou l’abandon de quelques grands èquipements col
lectifs unissant jusque là la ville et la campagne pour l’approvision
nement de la premiere.
L’un de ces èquipements concerne l’alimentation en eau et la
recherche récente s’est a bon droit intèressèe aux acqueducs et a
l’interruption de leur usage qui parait significatif d’un double point
de vue cette interruption reprèsente d’abord très concrètement une
atteinte a l’approvisionncment urbain lni-mème; mais c’est aussi un
coup porte a l’image traditionnelle, tant l’eau est fondamentale, selon
les principes mème de l’eloge des villes.55 Ainsi, des rèfections sont
encore attestèes sur les aqueducs qui alimentent Arles et Nimes au
IV siècle et jusqu’au commencement du V siècle pour ce dernier;
mais son usage s’arrète au VP siècle alors quc ses pierres com
mencent a ètre utilisèes comme recmplois. Toujours en ce qui con
cerne ThEmes, la conduite avait ètè d’abord peut-ètre volontairement
conpèe en direction de la cite alors que la region ètait un enjeu
entre Francs et Visigoths.°3
Encore en rapport avec la fonction urbaine et avec l’une des èvo
cations fortes de cc qu’ètait son territoire dans les eloges, l”hinter
see’, la degradation des installations portuaires ou leur manque
°°
Voir par exemple pour la Ligurie l’artiele de Ch. Pietri, “Note our la chris
tiauisation de la Ligurie”, Qnadernz Lunensi 10—12 (1985—1987), pp. 351—380.
31
P-A. Fbvrier, La diveloppement urbain en Prooence de l’ipoque romaine a la fin do IV’
siècle (Paris, 1964), pp. 79-81.
j Boufl’artigue, “La tradition de l’éloge de la cite”, La fin de Ia rite antique, p.
32 50.
L’aquedur de .iVisoes et Ic Pont do Card, Arrhiologic, Ciosjstinoc, Histoire, Cd. C. Fabre.
J.-L. Fiehes, J.-L. Paillet (Paris, 1991).
LA CITE ET SON TERRITOIRE 49
d’cntrcticn serait egalement un bon signe de la degradation pro
gressive des rapports entre la cite et son environnemcnt : les fouilles
archèologiqucs dc la Bonrsc, a Marseille, ont pcrmis de suivre les
ètapcs de cet cnvascment qui, au VP et au Viit siècles, nècessite la
construction d’amenagemcnts très sommaires en avant des quais
anciens, construits naguère en grand appareil et dcvcnus inutilisables.
Nèanmoins, Marseille reste pendant le haut Moycn-Agc, au moms
jusqu’au Vu0 siecle, le grand port de Gaule sur la Mèditerranèc,5”
cc qu’attestent aussi les sources ècrites, mème encore a unc date plus
tardive. Ii en va de mème a Narbonne on la decadence du port est
a mcttre en relation avec le triomphe des conditions naturelles snr
les efforts des hommes. J. Rouge a rcmarqnè quc ccttc cite n’ap
paraissait jamais en tant quc port dans les textcs dc Grègoirc de
Tours,°5 non plus qu’Arlcs, cc qui constituc une prèsomption de
dèclin par rapport aux textes cites plus haut, qu’il s’agissc de cclui
èmanant de la chancellerie d’Honorius, des poèmes d’Ausonc, on
des lettrcs de Sidoine Apollinairc. Le mCmc ètat d’abandon des infra
structures a ètè constatC dans ics ports italicns.5° Mais, comme dans
le cas de l’vlarseillc, degradation ne signific pas immèdiatcmcnt inter
ruption de tonte activitè, et ii est difficilc de mesurer l’intensite des
flux a partir des seuls critèrcs archeologiqucs.
Les travaux rèccnts sur la cèramique donnent des indications quant
anx importations, surtout celles de produits africains, parfois ligures,
on, dans nne moindre mcsnre, orientaux sur les sites littoraux an
V0 et an VP’ sièclcs. Le Vile siècle connait nne prolongation de cc
courant, sans quc la date de l’intcrrnption soit bien fixec, si taut est
que celic-ci soit uctte : il est arrètè an VITT0 siècle et n’cxistc pratiqnc
ment pas an IX” siècle. Mais il u’a jamais conccrnè non plus, semble
t-il, des importations massives, si cc u’est an IV’ ct an V0 siècles on
elles atteigucut 1 O°/o des cèramiqncs de fonille ; le flux s’affaiblit
bcanconp cusnite, en Provcncc commc en Laugnedoc. Dc l’etroitcssc
reelle des marches pour les productions ganloiscs tèmoignc, des le
V0 ct le V10 sieclcs, la diffnsiou csscuticllcmcnt locale de certaines
formes dc cèramiqnc bicu idcntifiablcs, ct dc production mèridionalc,
‘
Fooilles a t[aeseille, Les mobiliers (I”--VIF s. apris f-C), Cd. M. Bonifay, M.-Br.
Carre, Y. Rigoir (Etudes massaliCtes 5), voir en partieulier pp. 353—377.
°°
J. Rouge, “Ports et eseales dans 1’Empire tardif”, La naogaozsne mediterranea
neII’alto ;‘rledioero. Settim. di Spsleto 25 (1977), 1, pp. 67—124.
36
C. Sehmiedt, “I porti italiani nell’alto Medioevo”, ibid. 1, pp. 129—254.
50 MICHEL FIXOT
dite “DSP”, dont la diffusion parait trés prioritairement locale, avec,
pour la Provence, des lieux dc productions vraisemblables respee
tivement situés prés de Marseille, dans la vallée du Rhône et dans
l’actuel département du Var.37 Les villes dependent alors uniquement
dc petits centres de production ruraux trés divers semhle-t-il, difficiles
d’ailleurs a identifier (Chaine de l’Etoile pour Marseille, vallée du
C:ala’on pour Apt, Cabasse, basse vallée de l’Argens pour Fréjus;;.
De la méme façon. on note, dans les niveaux earolingens, l’apparition
de quelques exemplaires de céramiques glaçurées importés qui ne re
présentent, pour une region eomrne la Provenee, que quelques unites.
Les etudes sur la navigahilité des fleuves, et sur les movens de
diffission des produits, ou plus certainement des prélévements qui
s’opérent sur la campagne, ne sont pas abondantes, surtout en rai
son de la pénurie des sources et méme si l’on connait, par les textes,
l’existence de fiottes abbatiales au VJJ’ siécle. sur les fleuves. De
récents travaux sur Fun des fleuves les plus réguliers de France, trés
extérieur a notre domaine, la Charente. montre qu’il faut attendre
le XL siéele pour constater des travaux de régularisation. sous
l’influence de l’abbaye de Saint-Jean d’Angélv et sans doute a l’in
tention de la hatellerie de cette institution.35 Ce mauvais état des
installations va de pair avee la reduction des tonnages des bateaux,
tant sur mer que stir terre, rliminution pour laquelle des raisons
éeonomiques, et pas seulement techniques, ont aussi été invoquées.
Mais on sait aussi, en revanehe, que la navigation a courte distance
connait une situation £avorisée le long des eôtes a lagunes qui per
mettent une circulation trés diffuse.39 L’exemple languedocien mon
tre, comme on l’a vu plus haut, qu’un tel milieu a privilégié trés tot
l’éclosion d’agglomérations interealaires par rapport au réseau des
grandes cites antiques. Cette navigation lagunaire, a courte ou moyenne
distance, se suffit justement d’équipements extrémement modestes
comme celles que l’arehéologie a identifies a Dassargues,4° a l’em
M. Bonifay, Y. Rigoir, “Les Dérivées des sigillées gauloises”, Fsuilles 3 Marseille,
125 enobiliers (Etudes Massaliètes 5), p. 366.
J. Chapelos, E. Rieth, ,Vacigalion et milieu flucial au XI’ siècle: l’épace d’Orlac
(iiiacenle-.llarilimc,) (Documents d’Arehèologie Française 48, Paris, 199.5).
G. Fasoli, “Navigazione fluviale. Porti e navi sul Po”, La uacigaisue mediteccauea
nell’alts Medisecs, 1, pp. 565—608 ; On pent renvover aussi 3 cc qu’en disait un
Gaulois eomme Sidoine Apollinaire a propos de l’eml300chure du Pô (Ep. t, 5, 5).
B. Gamier, A. Gamnotel, C. Mercier, C. Ravnaud, “Dc la ferme an village
Dassargues do V’ au XIF siècle (Lund. Hèranltf’, .iouiéslsgie du Midi Médiécal 13
(1995), pp. 1—78.
LA CITE ET SON TERRITOIRE 51
houchure du Vidourle, ou autour de l’Etang de l’Or,4’ et qui donnent
une boone illustration de la capillarité potentielle, sans intervention
visible des cites peut-étre a leur profit, mais comment Ic mesurer?
Cette richesse de la zone des étangs est également marquee en
Provenee sur Ia rive gauche du RhOne, dans Ia region de Berre,
mais surtout de Fos, avec tin port, l’aneien avant-port d’Arles, que
Procope confondait d’ailleurs avee la cite en situant celle-ci an bord
de la mer. Fos conserve une activité qn’illustre partiellement l’archéolo
gie,42 mais aetivité autonome par rapport a Arles, sous Ic contrOle
du fise royal, comme en témoigoe a la fois le Formulaire de Mareulf
et la confirmation par Childéric II. en 716. de la rente en nature,
eonstituée de produits issus de l’ensemble du hassio méditeraoéeo
que vient pereevoir l’ahhave de Corhie depuis l’époque de Clotaire
III ;H au VL et au \JF siécles, toute cette zone, déjà ou bientôt
dominee par le castrurn de Fos, contraste, par la vigueur de son habi
tat, qu’il soit disperse ou regroupe en petites agglomerations secou
daires et parfois sur les hauteurs. avec tin arriére-pays pour lequel
les témoignages d’oecupation soot beaucoup moms nombreux. Dans
eette zone cOtiére. s’additionnent d’ailleurs progressivement presque
tous les ingredients de la concurrence faite a l’aneienne cite, en l’oc
eurrenee celle d’Arles, et aux réseaux traditionnels de Ia vie urhaine
on trouve reunis tine agglomeration secondaire d’origine portnaire,
tin fise royal hientOt aux mains du eomte, avee un chateau precoce
stir le site de hauteur, et dans la suite tin lignage independant usurpa
tenr, enfin tine fondation monastique, Saint-Gervais de Fos, qui
henéficie des faveurs de cette famille dont les donations “refisealisent”
an profit des moines les terres et les revenus. Au-delS, vers l’est, le
littoral provençal devient en grande partie aceidenté et, semble-t-il,
41
F. Favory,j.-J. Girardot, C. Raynaud, K. Roger, “L’hahisat gallo-romain aotonr
de l’Etang de l’Or”, Mélanges F. Iicêcjue (Annales littéraires de l’Université de Besançon,
Paris, 1994(, pp. 123215.
42
M.-P. Jézégou, “he mobilier de l’épave Saint-Gervais 2 3 Fos-sum-Mer”, Fondles
3 ,llacsaile, pp. 343—351.
F.-L. Ganshof “Ifs bnreanx des tonlieox de Fos et de Marseille”. Eludes offides
3 Abel Dither (Paris, 1960), pp. 125 Id., “Notes sor les ports de Pmovenec do VIII’
ao N’ siècle”, Revue histssique 1938, pp. 28 M. Ronche, L’Aquitame des IlIcigsths aux
Aiabes (418—781) (Service de reproduction des theses, Université de l.ille ItI, Eille,
1977), p. 318.
°
F. Trément, Hislsire de l’occupaliou du sul ci evolution du /soyscge clans Ic secleur de
l’étaug de Bare, These de doctomat, Université de Provence Aix-en-Piovcisce, 19941,
3 vol.
52 MICHEL FIXOT
beaucoup plus répulsif, a l’exccption de quciques points oil se retrou
vent des conditions d’abri on des situations lagunaires qui donnent
aux cites nn territoire maritime et permettent aussi bien le développe
ment de Toulon et Vintimille que Ia permanence des cites antiqnes
de Frèjus, Antihes et Nice, Olbia disparaissant, semble-t-il, peu a pen
au cours de l’Antiquitè tarclive proprement dite, avant le glisse
ment vers Hyères oti la famille tie Fos retrouvait des conditions
proches de celles des zones lagunaires qui avaient fait sa fortune.
Pour illustrer maintenant l’emprise sur la terre. sur 1’”hinterland”.
et a dèfaut de pouvoir ètahlir le rapport entre la cite et la produc
tion vivrière du territoire. on pourrait essayer de compter avec la
connaissance de certaines infrastructures ayant rapport avec l’ex
ploitation agricole là encore, l’cxemple d’Arles pourrait ètre uti
use. Au VP siècle, l’emprise de Ia yule sur Ia campagne se mesure
par exemple. de manière particuliCre sans doute, grace a un texte
comme le testament de Césaire d’Arles qui donne a son Eglise des
hiens, et done des revenus, proches de la ville ou plus lointains, dans
des territoires complémentaires. jardins proches de la cite, etendues
favorahles a l’èlevage pascua) en Camargue, ou mieux appropriès a
la cérèaliculture.45
Pour des temps antérieurs, on ne peut guère, dans le cas qui nous
intèresse, se fonder comme on le eroyait naguère sur les moulins de
Barbegal dont les travaux de Ph. Leveau ont montrè que Ia construction
ètait liée a une exploitation plus intensive des parties humides du
terroir d’Arles et a uue entreprise de drainage simultanCe.45 Mais mal
heureusement, l’abandon de ees terrains eonquis et l’arrèt de l’usage
des moulins u’a pas ètè date; il intervient sans doute bien avant le
IV siècle, peut-ètre des la fin du JJC siècle. En revanehe, des travaux,
ègalement rècents, ont cherchè a montrer la presence, a partir du
Jer siècle, dans la Crau, de grandes hergeries qui seraient lièes a
l’èlevage de moutons lainiers, èlevage que les archèologues mettent
“Testament de Césaire”, Césaire d’Arles, éEurres inonastiques, éd. j. Conrreau.
A. de Vague, 1, SC 345, p. 380.
46
Ph. Leveau, “he territoire agricole cl’Aries dans l’Antiquité, relecture de lOis
toire éeonomique d’une cite antique a Ia lumSre d’une histoire du milieu”. Archeslgsa
del paesaggss (IV Cielo di lezioni snila Rieerea applieata in Arehaeologia, Firenze,
1992), pp. 597—636 Id., “Milieu uaturel et hisroire éeunomiqne : Aries antique et
son espaee agrienie”, Arehéslogie et eneirsnnernent: de Ia Sainte- Victsire aux Alpilles, éd.
P. Levean, M. Provansal (Travaux du Centre Camille JuHian 14, Aix, 1993),
pp. 485—513.
LA CITE ET SON TERRITOIRE 53
en rapport avee la presence a Arles d’ateliers de tissage irnpèriaux.
Ces bergeries ne se trouveraient abandonnèes que dans Ic courant
du V6 siècle ou ne seraient plus utilisèes on sous-utilisèes que —
pour un èlevage courant. Les races des animaux seraient d’ailleurs
diffèrentes dans les deux eas aux moutons lainiers correspondant a
des espèces plus fragiles suecèderaient des animaux plus rustiques.47
Tin semhlable rètrèeissement de l’espaee èconomique a ètè con-
state ailleurs, clans le domaine de la metallurgic. Les etudes faites
en Bourgogne sur les agglomerations secondaires out montrè com
ment le travail du metal. distrihuè autour de la cite d’Autun en de
multiples centres ruraux, se rèfugiait hieutot dans Ia seule cite on
sont mentionnès des ateliers impèriaux. Cette concentration serait
done aussi appauvrissement du rèseau èeonomique irriguant Ic tern
tome d’une ville qui reste a la tète d’un territoire utile qui ne con
ynirait plus que son voisinage immèdiat.45
La disparition des ateliers monètaires impèriaux ferait partie de cc
tableau de l’èmiettement des rèseaux anciens. C. Brenot l’a montrè,
pour le monnavage de bronze, dans le eas du dernier atelier sub
sistant en Gaule an V siècle. eelui d’Arles; des emissions locales de
petits bronzes a’ee surmoulage de types parfois très anciens se sub
stituent ici aux frappes offleielles d’ailleurs progressivement rarèfiees
dans Ie courant de ce dernier temps d’existenee.49 NCanmoins, ces
frappes out ètè effeetuees an niveau de cites, comme a Marseille des
l’èpoque tin royanme ostrogot,5° et le nom de la cite se trouve pour
ainsi dire proelame sur les premieres emissions de bronze et d’ar
gent aprés l’annexion de la Provenee an royaume des Francs; puis
apparaissent d’autres ateliers, de nouveau a Arles, UzCs, Viviers,
Vienne, Lyon, Venasque (on Gap), ateliers issus de l’initiative épis
copale, mais dont les prodnits portaient la titulature impériale byzan
tine. L’emiettement a done renforce l’image des petites cites de
creation plus réeente, dn moms celle de certaines de ees anciennes
agglomerations secondaires devenues cites èpiscopales. Mais seule
0. Badan, J.-P. Brun, C. Cungés, “Les hergeries romaines de Ia Crau d’Arles,
les origines de la transhumanee en Provenee”, Gallsa 52 (1995), pp. 263—3 10.
15
M. Mangin, “Les agglumérarions seeundaires antiques dans les regions de
Franehe-Comré et de Bonrgogne”, Les agglsnsiratwns seesndasres, pp. 4579.
‘
C. Brenor, “Du munnayage imperial au mnnnayage méruvingien: l’exemple
dArles et de Marseille”, La fin de Ia rite antique, pp. 148—160.
C. Brenor, “Mouuaies en euivre du VP siéele frappees a Marseil1e’, Mélanges
Jean Lafaune ‘Paris, 1980), pp. 181—188.
 -r
54 MICHEL FIXOT
Marseille. qui apparait entre 570 et 751 cornme le principal atelier
monétaire de la Gaule, conserve un territoirc large et des relations
en direction des regions septentrionales par la vallée du Rhône et
celle de la Meuse, vers la Frise et la Bretagne. La carte de réparti
don des monnaies de Marseille confirme l’importance de cc tern
wire et Ic réseau économique de la cite telle que les sources écrites
pouvaient déjà le suggérer.5’ Mais hormis cette exception, le Midi
tnéditerranécn se distinguerait peu de l’Aquitaine dans laquelle la
circulation semble prendre un caractérc seulement regional autour
des villes émettrices, délimitant des territoires écouomiqucs étroits.52
Ceci aménc a considérer ccrtaincs des grandes cites d’origine antique,
particulierement Marseille, daus uue tension qui se situe entre le
mitage de leur ancien territoire et tin territoire plus large. du moms
encore pour quciquc tcmps.
Cites, territonis et pouvoirs
On sait que le territoire de la cite, ou pour micux dire la cite, cor
respond enfin a deux réalités institutionnelles, le diocese et le comté.
Le lien de l’évéque avec sa cite parait hien défini territonialement,
notamment par la misc en place d’un réseau paroissial et le con
trolc de celui-ci a l’occasion des visites pastorales.53 Ce cadre épis
copal renforce done et prolonge l’image institutionnelle de Ia eieitos.m
On a pu écrire, comme formule.55 que si la nile était encore atta
chée a son terhtoriuin au INC siécle. cétait grace a son évCque. qui ras
semblc son peuple en un seul troupcau.55 C’est en cfiet, avec la
christianisation, un nouveau lien qui se crée entre yule et cam—
Le inonnayage merovingien de Provenee”, Bulletin de Ia Socilii
J. Laftsurie,
friançazse de :\usnzssnain/ue 1981, pp. 68—73.
\1. Ronehe. L’ilquiiaine dat Its sgstlis asas -Imahes, p.308.
Rhgionalernent l’meuvre de Chsaire d’Arles clssnne on helairage partienlier stir
I’aetion pastorale de l’evêque et les liens qu’iI entretient avee le territoire mIni ins
est eonhe voir P—A. FCvrier. “Chsaire et Ia Ganle mbriclionale an VI s.”, Aetes des
“7ssoaées (Jésaire”, 3-5 nsa. 1988, 22 nan! 1989 çParis. 1994). pp. 43—73 J. Gnvon,
CCsaire d’Arles et Ia ehristsanisation de Ia Provenee”, ibid., pp. 73 108.
St
F. Cardot. L’espaee ci It ,tssssss’sir, p 97.
H. Bunner. Studien sum frtihmiiselalserlsehen Stadtexesen in Frankreieh. von—
nehmlieh im Loire— nod RhhneGehiet”. Sindien cu dcii _isjhdgen des ennopaiselien ieidieetesesss
\‘onträge nod Fonehungen 4. 1970. pp. 131-- 190 sum en partienlier p. 163.
13. Beanjard. “1.Cvbeiue dans Ia cite en Ganle’, La fits de Ia ciii antique,
pp. 127143.
LA CITE ET sON TERRITOIRE :33
pagne, correspondant a la nouvelle image de la cite qui, dans les
éloges, retrouve, eomme on l’a vu, une valeur religieuse et sacrée.
Régionalement, l’aetivité pastorale de Cesaire d’Arles illustre par
fàitement cc rOle nouveau. Ii faut signaler que cette nécessité de
resserrement des liens entre la ville et son ternitoire s’est expnimée
aussi, dans le domaine religieux, par la construction de monuments
a connotation épiscopale, celle de baptistéres ruraux, realité main-
tenant assez bien reconnue dans le Midi, a Notne-Dame-du-Bruse,
Dnaguignan (Saint-Hermentaire), Saint-Maximin, ou encore Loupian,
dans le Languedoc voisin: l’afflrmation des droits épiscopaux réa
lisée de cette maniere, parfois en limite de diocese, se trouve parti
culierement bien illustré dans le cas du site de Riva Ligure. a la
limite des junidictions de celui d’Albenga et de celui de Vintimille,
récemment créé : la cuve haptismale, identique par sa forme a celle
d’Albenga, paraIt proclamer le nattaehement a sa cathedrale.55 Mais
le contexte areheologmque de ces baptistéres ruraux est souvent assez
mal eonnu et il est difficile de dire s’ils appartiennent a des agglome
rations secondaires, cc qui pourrait Ctre le cas pour eelui de Saint
Maximin,58 sur la suggestion des travaux de surveillance archéologique
dans le village, ou encore pour Loupian; les cas d’eglises baptismales
découverts récemment correspondent-ils bien a une organisation de
Ia christianisation conçue selon une logique hiérarchique de réseau,
reproduisant par exemple celle des agglomerations secondaires, ou
l’initiative et la devotion pnivées ne jouent-elles pas leur rOle dans
un cadre domanial, cc qui est vraisemblahlement le cas également,
comme on le sait par les textes conciliaires ou par l’exemple de
Sulpice Severe?
C’est done un territoire qui se vent pen a peu hien délimité que
celul dn diocese, pour mettre fin a un certain fiou, notamment dans
les manges, et a des contestations, bien illustrées regionalement par
les difficultes nées de la promotion, par Proculus de Marseille, au
rang d’évéché de Gargarius et Githarista, pourtant dans le territoire
arlésien. On retrouve ici, de maniere sans doute exacerbee, le proces
sus d’émergence d’agglomerations secondaires au rang episcopal et
H
Ph. Pergola ci a!.. “Nnove nieerehe sol eomplesso ensnano taneloanneo ed
altomedievale di Capo Don a Rsva Ligure”. Bnlleosns dNnte 55 1989. pp. 45—56.
F. CanrazC. \t. Fixot. J. Gnvon. “t.es premiers monuments ehrénens a Saint
?slaximin Vai3”. Bnlletin de Ia Saeiiti des Asnis dn l’ieus’ Tsnlsa ci de sa nigisn 117 1 995.
pp. 31—43.
56 MICHEL FIXOT
cet episode fait prendre conscience de l’importance qu’il pouvait y
avoir pour un eveque a occuper les marges et a y imposer sa mar
que, non pas tant toujours dans l’idée d’étahlir un front pionnier
d’évangélisation que pour mettre en place une sorte de bornage par
l’intermédiaire de fondatious monastiques on, comme on l’a vu, de
constructions significatives. Mais cette affaire place aussi an ccenr de
la tension déjà rencontrée dans un autre domaine, tension entre les
risques de mitage de territoire et d’autre part la prétention de cer
tames cites a se placer a la téte d’un antre territoire, trés large,
dépassant largement leur cadre: ainsi de Patrocle d’Arles qni profita
de l’affaire pour obtenir inversement auprés du pape Zosime des
prerogatives partieuliéres en Gaule pour son siege, puis plus tard
d’Hilaire, avec des interventions jugulees par Leon le Grand, et
effectuées, on le sait, dans un cadre bien plus large que celui de la
métropole dont il occupait Ia ebairc.55 Seul, le rang métropolitain
devait justifier un droit de regard sur d’autres cites selon un découpage
en provinces issu de l’organisation profane : une telle pratique se
substituait a celle qui visait a faire reconnaitre des zones d’infiuence
que le concile de Turin, aux canons ambigus, reconnaissait encore
a titre personnel.55
La période qni nous intéresse eonnait justement, a l’approche du
IXC siécle, dans une Provence mal docurnentee pour l’epoque immC
diatement antérieure, le succés d’un monachisme rural et de marges
géographiques, dont les premieres fondations ont aussi parfois Cté
mises en rapport avec des nécessités de contrôle episcopal et de chris
tianisation de la carnpagne.° aux limites des dioceses. Le monachisme
apparait jouer un role organisateur, sur des marges dont il avait pu
d’abord faire son refuge. Le recours au monachisme. dans cette per
spective, déjà hien attesté des l’époque de Martin de Tours,62 parait
s’étre prolongé également beaucoup plus tard, comme en témoignent
par exemple eertaines fondations de collégiales médiévales.53
Honorat de \larseille, La Vie elThlnire d’.4rles. éd. P-A. Jacob C. 404 :VOF
ègalement Firnrocluction. p. 46 et sow.
Gonolesganlois du IV siècle. Cd.J. Gaudemet. SC 241. PP. 136—145. Gautlsier.
“I:cpiscopato clelle Gallie alla vigilia del concilio di Torino”. Jlassieiis di Tonns. nih
del Con egos inferno isnole di siudi 7s,ois I 999 Ai rhi in teoloriro to? inese 4 2 Turns
1999, pp. 167—181.
P-A. Ffvrier, “Notes sur leo monasthres provençaux S l’hpoque carolingienne”,
Provence /ostsoqne 23 (1973, pp. 280—295.
62
Sulpice Shvèrc, Vie de .‘ilaiiin, V. 14, 9.
° Y. Codon, L’Eg’lise, lee liornoies ci Ic terroir dons Ic diocese de Fréjus, 3, pp. 368 -372.
LA CITE ET SON TERRITOIRE 57
C’est que Ic monachisme apparalt pen a peu, semhle-t-il, comme
un element dynamique dans la vie des territoires de cites, constitu
ant progressivement son propre réseau dans un espace au scm duquel
Ia circulation de la richesse se trouve organisee en faisceaux on
réseaux distinets, favorisant un caractCre direct des prelevements.
L’aspect contestataire originel a permis d’abord une autonomie recon
nue on favorisee par l’évéque,°4 a l’intérieur du diocese, et une vie
économique autonome. Maiheureusement, la documentation écrite,
en dehors du cas de la fondation de Césaire a ArIes, ne fait emerger
vraiment l’existence de ces monastéres urbains on suburbains qu’a
partir de l’époque carolingienne, notamment pour celui qui devient
l’un des plus importants du Midi, Saint-Victor de Marseille, dont le
réseau de possessions, et done de prelevements, parait parfaitement
constmtue an commencement du IXC siéele. Ces fondations dominent
de plus en plus un territoire large qui n’est pas en rapport avee celni
des cites, comme il en était d’ailleurs naguére des patrimoines pro
fanes de l’Antiquite tardive qui tranchaient largement par rapport a
cc cadre, le rendant de ce fait meme sans doute plus relatif que ce
que nous sommes amenés a reconstituer. L’attention a deja etc attirée
dans d’autres regions on a l’oeeasion d’autres etudes sur ees fonda-
lions souvent dotees sur le sallus, jnridiquement rattachC S la pro
priCté de l’Etat selon le Code Théodosien et le Bréviaire d’Alarie,
et enriehies de domaines tombCs en dCsherenee. ou mCrne de cer
tains domaines des cites.’35 A l’époque earolingienne, en Languedoc,
des parties du fisc du rovaume wisigothique passent ainsi aux monas
téres et les octrois d’immunités s’ajoutent a ces faveurs fonciCres amsi
quc des droits de circuler sans taxes, pCages on autres redevances.°6
Comme l’a remarquC lvi. Rouche dans Ic cas de l’Aquitaine,6 les
domaines monastiques, comme naguére ceux de l’aristocratie dont
us sout issus, sont seuls capables d’Ctahlir des relations de grande
ampleur qui dehordent largement le territoire des citésf’°
‘°
“Leitre d’Hornsisdas S CCsaire d’Arles”. Chsaire d’ArIes. fEssie c in’onostiquci. éd.
J. CMtlfl(ll et A. de Vogue. 2, SC 398, pp. .341—359.
F. Vittinghof. “Zur Verlhssung der spatanuken Siadt” ..Siudien zu den _iq/iingcn des
eurspoisrhen .S’iodteossens. p. 30 \-L. Rouche, L’Aquitauie dec llCsigstlis our .4robes. p. 265.
L. Seh neider. Jlsnasiires. cilloges ci peiipleoient en Languedoc central les exeoiples
dAnieine ci de Gcllsne JJII—XIP siicle). these dc doetorat. LniversjtC de Provenee
(Aix-en-Provence. 1996, pp. 82—98.
M. Rouclse. Lirjuitouie des Ilismgsilis alt.’ nliOl2es, p. 339.
°°
P;J. Gear>, .4ristseraej in Psovenee, the Rhóne Basin at the Doa’n oft/ic Caroling/on Age
Stuttgart, 1985), voir en particulier Ic chapitre IV : The aristocracy kinship and
power’, pp. 101—148.
58 MICHEL FIXOT
A proximité de celles-ci, parfois dans le cas d’une origine basili
cale comme Saint-Victor ou plus souvent a distance de celles-ci, commc
Psalmodi, Aniane ou Saint-Guilbeni, ces monastéres sont souvent
devenus des instrumcnts d’une politiqnc dn pouvoir, non seulement
maisons spirituciles mais rclais dc la domination des Francs et large
ment dotes par l’aristocratie ceci est particuliCrement clair, régionale
ment. pour la fondation de l’abbaye nc Ia Novalese dont ics possessions
s’etendent des Alpes du Nord a la Provence, comme pour celles de
Saint-Victor de )\Iarseille, dont les origines monastiques sont plus
obscurcs. et dont les implications politiqnes deviennent nettes plus
tard a l’époqne des vicorntes dc Marscille les possessions, alors
gérées par l’evêque de Marseille, et énumérées dans le Polyptique
de Vnadalde.° sont réparties dans les Alpes du Sud et en Provence.
Etendue et géographie du domainc monastique face au domaine
episcopal et canonial a l’intérieur do territoire de la cite, ou a l’cx
téricur de celui-ci. une comparaison diocese par diocese serait sans
donte éclairante pour montrer la rcstriction dc la zone d’influence
proprement urhaine au terme de Fevolotion, vers l’An Mil : c’est cc
qui apparait hien lorsque la documentation existe cii Provence, notarn
ment par une source telle que le Cartulaire de l’Eglise d’Apt* Dans
le \iidi, a l’exception encore de Marseille avec Saint-Victor, l’ah
scnce de puissants monastéres suburbains prive les cites méridionales
d’nn élément iuiportant, constitutif cssentiel des réseaux de leurs
homologues plus septentrionales.
Ainsi Saint-Victor de Marseille apparait dépositaire a l’époque caro
lingienne, grace a un document de 822 et nn autre de 841, d’une
part du fisc,72 dans le seus d’unc continuité on d’unc rcstauration de
l’activité traditionnelle qui faisait de J\/larseille avec Fos le veritable
port mediterraneen de la Gaule, et dont profitaient aussi certaines
abbayes do Nord qu’il s’agisse de Corhic ou de Saint-Denis. On
pent considércr quc cc qui profitait a cette époqne a Saint-Victor
°°
\/oir l’ouvrage de PJ. Geary qui vient d’être cite.
70
E. Sauze, “Le polyptique de Wadalde, prohlCrnes de toponyrnie et de topogra
phic provençale”, Frsoence Hrotorique 34 (1984), pp. 3—34 M. Zerner, “Enfants et
jeunes an tX siOcle, la demographic du polyptique de Marseillc”, Prooence Historoqoe
31 (1981), pp. 355—384.
C’artolaire de l’Eglise dSlpt 835—lJ3fy, Cd. .J. Barruol, N. Didier, H. Duhled
(Paris, 1967).
72
(Jartolaire de l’abbaye de Saint- Victor de Alaiseille, Cd. B. GuCrard (Paris, 1857), 1,
chartes 11, 13, 26.
LA CITE ET SON TERRITOIRE 59
dans le cas dc ces “rcflscalisations” par donation profltait aussi a Ia
cite, cc qni n’etait pas le cas lorsque lc proccssns heneficiait aox
grands monastéres roraux.
Dans lc doniainc du pouvoir profane, maintenant, ii a été sonligne
récemment comment, dans les regions méridionales,’3 les territoires
de cites de l’Antiqnite tardivc constituaient encore les rcpéres spa
tiaux stables de l’epoque carolingicnnc. an-dela donc dc cette époqne
sans texte comprise entre les derniers conciles mérovingiens ct celle
des premieres chartcs conservécs dans les cartulaircs : les rêdac
teurs. en Languedoc notamment. localisent parfaitenient lcs lieux,
objets des transactions, par une approche énumérative. refletant one
hierarchic qui commence par le territoire de la cite donne en pre
mier, designe comme pages, cc qni est le terme dominant au moms
jusqu’a l’an mil, a côté des autres termes peo a peu usités, ten?to
nate. mais anssi comitatus et episcojiatus. circonscription idcntiqoes cor
respondant a l’exercice des poovoirs rivaux do comtc et de l’evêque.
Ccci dure jnsqn’a cc que le cadre castral, constituant alors on tisso
contino et coherent. ne s’impose commc nouveau rcpere dans Ic
courant do XE siécle et ne reportc dans on arriere-plan plus loin-
tam l’image et sans doute l’inflncnce de la cite.
Les recherches de L. Schneider. aprés celles dc M. GramainJ5 ont
cn effet montre comment, des le iX° siéclc, Ic territoire de la cite
commence a être decoupe par la presence des castra, ou “chateaux”,
qui cux-mêmc demcmbrent des circonscriptions dout les centres
avaient ete constitnés des lc VP siéclc, souvent sur des sites de hau
teur, et qoi constitoaicnt on rcssort administre par lc comtc on l’un
de ses represcntants. Ce ressort, qui dcvint ensoitc celui de la rica-
na, est d’abord designe, en Langucdoc, par le terme .cuburbiurn qui
prend ainsi une acccption autrc que celle qui désigne le rapport
topographique habituel designant un établisscmcnt shoe hors des
murs. Ces nouveanx suburbia, installes sor des sites a la fois visibles
et défendus, s’inscrivaicnt dans un rapport hierarchiquc avec la cite
et dans un role d’organisation de son territoire, pas cncore dc divi
sion comme dans le cas de la dcoxiemc génération castrale.
72
f,, Schneider, Msaastires, villages et peupleinent en Languedoc central. pp. 113—119.
PhCnomCne déjà dCcrit par F. Cardot, L’espace et Ic p5005ic p. 124.
M. Gramain, “Castrum, structures fCodales et penpiement en Biterrois au XI’
siCcle”, Steucturesféodales etfiodalisme dans l’Occident ,niditerranien, X’—XIIJ’ sue/es (Rome,
1 980(. voir p. 124 L. Schneider, Monastires, villages et peuplenient en Languedoc central,
pp. 120—125.
60 MICHEL FIXOT
L’institution comtale apparalt donc susceptible de “repolitiser” la
cite et son territoire, a l’image de l’institution épiscopale qui l’avait
réinvestie de sa valeur religieuse, et de mérne que l’institution épis
copale est apparuc a certains auteurs comme élément de survie de
l’institution urbainc, de méme le comte, selori M. Rouche “sauve le
phénornéne urhain” en Aquitaine,tm garant qu’il aurait été, de plus,
de la survie de certaines formes d’une vie publique ou de certaincs
formes de magistrature, qu’il s’agisse du defrnsor ou du curator et de
quelques curiales, et de la tenue d’actes municipaux. Mais, comme
pour Ic domaine episcopal. que représente le domaine comtal dans
les regions lointaines de la cite ?
Dc plus, la rivalité entre l’institution comtale et 1’Eglise donne lieu
parfois aussi a un phénomène de désorganisation, tranchant au milieu
méme du tissu urbain, determinant des parts distinctes respective
ment pour le comte et l’evêque c’est cc proccssus qui a été décrit
par E. Magnou-Nortier a propos de IVlarseille,78 divisCc entre le
patrice Dinamius, representant de Gontran, et l’evêque Theodore.
représentant de Childebert. On connalt aussi des cas on une tran
scription topographique traduit ce phénomêne dont on ignore les
péripéties, fautc de sources aussi privilégiées : c’est sans doute le cas
d’Aix par exemple avec la distinction entre Ic Bourg Corntal et le
Bourg Saint-Sauveur,7° disposition double qui rappelle quc l’image
de la cite du haut Moyen-Age est multiple, polynucléaire on voit
employer le terme exotique de “peau de leopard” —°° a l’irnage dc
cc qu’Ctait certaincmcnt son territoire, on ses territoires, dont Ia resti
tution s’avère him problématique pour la période envisagCe dans
l’incapacité on l’on est de restituer des flux précis ainsi que les divers
statuts de la terre. On est loin du temps oii Ausone pouvait glorifier
Arles la Double et Toulouse la Multiple en donnant C ces qualificatifs
une valeur positive.
M. Rouche, L’Aquitaine des Jvicn’oths aux Arabes, p. 266.
Comme l’a évoqué C. Bois pour Ic MEconnais, La mutation de IAn .I,I (Paris,
1989). ix 15.
FL. Magnou-Nortirr. “flu rovaume des ciritales au royaume des hono,es”. La fin
de in cite antique. pp. 311—344.
J. Guvon. “Aix—en—Provence”. Pro,incej ecclisiastiques dAir et d’Embrun. pp. 17—28.
voir Ic plan p. 19.
°‘
J. Guvon. B. Boissavit-Carnus. V. Souilhac. “Fe pavsage urhain de l’Antiquitb
tardive l’sC\j
siecle daprCs Ics textes et I’archéologie, Aquitania 24 (1996
pp. 9—18.
LA CITE ET SON TERRITOIRE 61
On a suivi iei tine démarche classique, ou mCme académique en
traitant, selon l’historiographie traditionnelle, et selon la commande,
des rapports entre la cite et son territoire, essentiellement percus
depuis la cite. En revanehe, on se rend compte, chemin faisant, de
la difficulté qu’il y aurait a décrire ces relations en partant du ter
ritoire, a mesurer par exemple l’impact sur la cite des modifications
du système d’occupation du sol. C’est pourquoi Ia cite apparait si
lointaine pour l’historien du monde rural.8’ C. Raynaud. qui a décrit,
avec ses collaborateurs, et de maniére exemplaire, l’environnement
de l’agglomCration secondaire de Lunel-Vieil.82 exprime la difficultC
en ces termes : “nous avons préferé, dans un premier temps, tra
vailler stir des notions de réseau, plutôt que de territoire qui reposent
sur des hypotheses plus complexes d’appropriation de l’espace, cc
qui, d’une part, ne correspond pas forcément a la rCalité de l’epoque,
et d’autre part impliquerait une precision de connaissances dont les
historiens ne disposent pas encore”.83 Pessimiste de nature, jc me
demande si une telle precision pourra un jour être retrouvCe et
percue pour her, autrernent que de manière insatisfaisante, la cite et
son territoire ii faudrait maintenant depasser l’échelle de 1’agglo-
mCration secondaire qui est un niveau de hiérarchisation révélé et
bien étudiC au cours de ces dernières années, et qui est peut-être
aussi le seul qui puisse être concrétement rattaché an monde rural
par la méthode archéologique.
C’est aussi l’imprcssion qui ressort de Ia lecture du recueil cl’articles : Les cain
pagnes de in Fiance miditeri-anienne dons i’Antiquiti et Ic Iiaut Aioyen-Age. Etudes micro-régioiiaies.
éd. F. Favorv. .J.-L. Fiches Documents d’Archéologie Française 42. Paris. 1994
on lira par exemple une incapacité qui se tracluit par cc qui cot dit des rapports
entre ‘saison et son territoire. p. 125. Fréjus et sa campagne. pp. 292—293.
82
F. Favorv. .\. Parod,. P. Poupet, C. Ravnaud. “Funel-Vieil et son territoire”,
Les campcigne.s de in France iniditerranie,,ne dani lAntiquiti et Ic haut _lloxcn-Age. pp. 163—243.
85
F. Favorv. .J.-L. Fiches. C. Ravnaud, La dvnamic1ue dc Ihahitat dans Ia hasse
vallée du Rhône”, Des oppida aux rnétropoles. éd. D. Purnain (Paris, 1997), p. 208.
 THE TRANSFORMATION AND END OF ROMAN VILLAE
IN THE WEST (FOURTHSEVENTH CENTURIES):
PROBLEMS AND PERSPECTIVES

Gisela Ripoll and Javier Arce

Introduction and Definition’

Recent research on the end of villae2 and other rural settlements3 in

the Roman world enables ns to state that large rural architectural com
plexes, aristocratic and noble rillae, can be shown to have survived
longer than has traditionally been considered to have been the case,
being used and reused until such relatively late dates as the sixth
and seventh centuries. It would clearly be impossible to undertake
a detailed study of the transformations that rillae underwent in the
Roman West in the Late Roman period within the restraints of a
work such as the present one. Thus, only certain general aspects can
be discussed here, together with a series of examples that provide
type cases of the phenomena that occurred, although obviously they
may not be applicable in all the many cases that might he noted.
Moreover, the study of this problem is an excellent opportunity
to compare and contrast the literary and the archaeological evidence,
and thus to consider the differing interpretations given by historians

The original text was translated from Spanish hs’ Ph. Banks. We should like
to thankG.P. Brogiolo. G. Cantino \Vataghin, A. Chaxarria and especially C. Balmelle
for their suggestions and the hihliograph that they have provided. Some of C. Bal
melle’s information is derived from her work entitled: Les deineuov ao.ctai’ratiqaes dans
Ic tied-Ones! de Ia Can/c. de la Telrarc/oe an debut de /‘ipsqiiefosrique. \lbmoire de SynthCse
en vue de l’Hahilitation S diriger des reeherches, Universitb de Paris IV-Sorhonne
Paris. 1995. Supplement .-Iquitanta. forthcoming
2
On the definition, the limits of the term and the wide variety of ri/ta tpes. ef.
Ph. Leveau. “La ville amique et l’organisation de lespacc rural: villa. ville. village’’.
.lnnates 38 (1983.. 2, pp. 920—941, and A. Carandioi. ‘La villa romana e Ia plan
tagione schiavistica”. .S’tsna di Rssna. 4. Garatteri e nissjblsgie ‘Turin, 1989,, pp. 101 200.
By rural settlement. we understand a wide range of structures that cannot be
included within a single architectural type or category. This variety is what leads
one to great caution when discussmg the suhject of rural settlements. CE Paul van
Ossel. Etahltuernents ruraux de I’Aritiqtoti lard/re ditto’ le etsrd de Ia Gall/c ‘Suppl. Gallia
51, Paris, 1992).
 64 GISELA RIPOLL AND JAVIER ARCE
and archaeologists to the same phenomenon. There are many dis
crepancies. and these are likely to increase in number if it is taken
into account that it is in the field of archaeolog that much remains
to be done. Even at the risk of offering only a provisional analysis
of the question, the subject is here approached without making any
claim to provide either exhaustive coverage or definitive conclusions.
As in the case of the cities, the study of the evolution, transformation
and end of the cii/ae reveals different tendencies depending on place,
context and regional features and similarly presents a series of col
lateral problems, of an economic and social nature, which cannot
be dealt with in this paper.
The question of terminology and the evolution of the meaning of
the term cilla/ae are of fundamental importance for any study deal
ing with this subject. In this context, we can note only a few aspects.
On the one hand, descriptions of cillae in Late Roman literature
tend to be of a stereotyped antiquarian nature while comments as
regards their transformation, destruction or disappearance are few
in number. In Late Antiquity, the term cilia did not refer to what
is normally understood by this type of construction, that is to say a
residential area, the pai-s urbana. together with an agricultural com
plex, the pars rustica As from the mid-sixth century. the word cilia
not only defined the residential building, but also a complex of other
properties that were dependent on it. The term may even have come
to designate a settlement nucleus, a dornus, a inansu or a casale.5
For a writer such as Palladius, writing at the end of the fourth
century AD. the rural building that served as a residence for a
landowner was called a praetorium. a term which. significantly. con
trasts with that used in the first half of the first century AD by
Columella, who calls it a cilia (Pall. Op. Agr. l,7 Colum. Re rust. 5,2).
Praetoriuin is an expression borrowed from the military world and, to
a certain extent, implies a fortification or a building of externally
fortified appearance.5
A valid indicator of the insecurity of those times, the use of prae
D. Claude, “Haus und Hot im Merowingerreich nach den erzählenden und
urkundlichen Quellen”, Benefit i/bei zaei Idilloquien der Kommission /iir die Aitertumskunde
lIittel- and J6ordeuropas von 24. bis 26. Mid 1990 und 20. bis 22.:yoe,nber 1991 (‘34
and 35 Asbeitstagung, (Gottingen, 1997), pp. 32 1—334, clarifies this whole question on
the basis of a detailed analysis of the contemporary source material.
Comments on the subject are to he found in R. MacMullen. .Sidelier and (drilian
in 1/ic Ijiter Roman Empire Harvard. 1967 pp. 12--li
.
THE TRANSFORMATION AND END OF ROMAN I7LLIE 65
torium as the same as or synonymous with the term cilia, is duly
reflected in the iconography of the cl//ac which appear in mosaic
pavements5 and is also borne out by archaeological excavation, in
the case of Hispaizia, by the ciiiae of Carranque (near Toietum) and
Pedrosa de la Vega, in the present-day province of Palencia, on the
Castilian plateau.
In the early fifth century, to he precise in 417, the priest Consentius
described the changes in fortune of Priscillian’s followers in the
province of Tarraconensis in a letter to his correspondent Augustine;
he refers to the property of a certain Sevcrus, which was located in
the vicinity of Hilerda (modern Lleida/Lérida), as a casteilum.7 There
can be no doubt that castellum is here used as a synonym for cilia.
We must therefore imagine the rural landscape of Late Antiquity as
being dotted with such architectural complexes, in the form of fortified
enclaves, urbes in rare, residences for owners of landed estates, agri
cultural exploitations that provided both subsistence and security to
the population of coloni, ciiici or farm workers, who in turn inhab
ited small settlements or rural structures that should not be inter
preted as cl//ac.
Nevertheless, by the time of Isidorc, the term cilia was identified
as land, as ownership of a measure of land: cilia a caiio, ia’ esi agere
terrae, nuncupata. quod pro hmite constitui so/el.8 which indicates that, as
from the sixth century, the word cilia not only referred to the resi
dential buildings, hut also the whole complex of properties that were
dependent on it, and might even come to he used for a settlement,
a domus or a casaie.
The studies undertaken on the works of Gregory of Tours also
enable us to note once again that the expression cilia might refer to
different states of affairs.° The most frequent meaning in his works
is that of an administrative district related to a human group with
a common fisc held by several owners. However, cilia might also
On this subject. see, among others, T. Sarnowski, Les representations de villas sur
les mosaiques africaines tardives (Warsaw, 1978) with M. Nowicka, Les inaisons a tours
dans Ic monde grec (1975(.
Aug., Ep. 11,1-4, CSEL 88 (1981).
o Ettn. 15,13.
M. Heinzelmann’s study, “I5lla d’aprfls les uvres de Gregoire de Tours”, Aux
sources de Ia gestion publu7ue. 1. EnquCte lexicograp/oicue stir hindus. villa, dornus, man.sus.
ed. E. Magnou-Nortier Collection UL3. Lille. 1993:. Pp. 45—70. has a bearing on
these questions and generally identifies villa with ru/age. The main conclusions of
this svork are incorporated in this paper.
 66 GISELA RIPOLL AND JAVIER ARCE
refer to a domus, to a series of lands of rcs-type, or to a house and
the lands surrounding it. The same problem arises with the use of
the term inansus in the seventh century, since it means the same as
villa in Gregory of Tours’ works.
Archaeologists have endeavoured to provide more precise definitions
than those that can be derived from documentary sources. Thus.
J.G. Gorges considers a villa to he a high-class site with an average
surface area of between 0.5 and 3.5 hectares, plus at least two
significant architectural features and other, clearly differentiated agri
cultural buildings.’° From all this, it may be deduced, as was indi
cated above, that not all of the many sites that have been so identified
really warrant being described or defined as villae. Although they will
not he referred to here, their evolution, transformation and disap
pearance should also he taken into account, since they are rural
structures that tended to form part of the villa’s sphere of influence
as units of agricultural production.
Taking into account these definitions and uses, we should now
move on to the study proper, which will largely concentrate on the
problems arising in the western part of the Empire since the gaps
in research in the eastern part are still greater.’’ While numerous
studies have been published on viliac in Late Antiquity, on aspects
ranging from their architecture to their decoration, and other rural
settlements have received a similar degree of attention, the final stages
of the two categories of buildings have attracted the attention of very
few One exception is a much-cited article by Simon
P. Ellis,’3 based on the “subdivisions” or compartmentalisation of
space that occurred between the fourth and sixth centuries, largely
drawing upon public buildings in urban contexts for the majority of
its examples. This phenomenon leads this scholar to note a gener
alised urban decline resulting in the presence of “squatters”, if the
J.G. Gorges, Lu villas hispans-rsmaines. Inventaire et problematicjue archéologiques (Paris,
1979), p. 16.
H
On this subject, see the interesting ohservations of JJ. Rossiter, “Roman vil
las of the Greek East and the villa in Gregory of Nissa Ep. 20”. Journal of Roman
Archneologt 2 )slichigan. 1997. pp. 101—110.
1)
On a general level see the most recent analysis of the topic. J.Arcc. “Otn,os
et iegstain: the great estates, fourth-seventh century”. The T*ansforo,atio,, of tAte Rsozan
Ilbrld.AD 400—900. edo. L. Webster and M. Brown British Museum. London.
.
1997?. pp. 19—32.
°
S.P. Ellis, “The End of the Roman Honse”, American Journal sfArchaeofip 92
(1988), pp. 565—579.
THE TRANSFORMATION AND END OF ROMAN IJLL4E 67
term may be permitted, at the same time as private architecture
developed, especially as regards the construction of villae or rural
buildings.’° While these contributions to our knowledge can now be
qualified and need to he discussed at length, it is certain, and archae
ological evidence is increasingly bearing out this point, that com
partmentalisation of space in urban contexts occurred not only in
public buildings. but also in private ones. For example, the houses
at Ephesus underwent many adaptations and re-adaptations until
well into the seventh century, which is indicative of the need to
house an increasing number of residents. In the case of Rome, there
were very diverse reactions, and they should he compared with the
descriptions provided by Olvmpiodorus and other writers on the
spectacular wealth of some Roman donuts, since some of them are
known to have declined and to have been totally abandoned in the
course of the sixth century, while others, as will he seen below, are
known to have been donated to the Church, often largely thanks to
the evidence provided by the Liber Fontj/lcalis. The houses at Ostia
also gave rise to similar situations, to which must be added prob
lems of an environmental nature, such as those arsing from the pres
ence of marshland, and those directly related to trade and the annona,
the main causes of the end of the city’s raison d’être. Other examples
that should also he analysed are to he found, for instance, in the
houses at Apan3ea and those of the Athenian Agora.
In recent years there has been a growing interest in the transfor
mation of oil/ac, which has led to works such as that by Paul van
Ossel entitled Etablissemenls ruraux de l’Anliqaiti tardive dans Ic ]ford de
Ia Gao/c (Paris, 1992). The only recent publications which discuss the
end of the oil/ac in addition to providing new data are those edited
by Gian Pietro Brogiolo entitled Edilizia residenziale Ira 1° VIII seeolo’T’
and La fine dc/Ic ti/ic romane. .0 the result of the meetings of two research
4
On the implantation of architecture and reception areas see by the same
scholar: S.P. Ellis, “Power, Architecture and Decor: How the late Roman Aristocrat
Appeared to His Guests”, Roman Art in the Private Sphere. Via’ Perspectives on tle Architecture
and Decor of (he Dooms. Villa and I,,sula. ccl. E.R. Gazda (The University of Michigan.
l99l, pp. 117—133.
Edili.ia residentiale tra V e 1711 secols. 4’ Sen,inario ssl Tacdsa,,tics e l’alto .iledioeco
in Itcilia centcoseaentrionale. ,\Ionte Barrs-Galbiate (Lecco) 2— 4 settembre 1995. ed. G.P.
Brogiolo. Documenti Archeologia 4. \tanma. 1994.
1.afine delle ville romane: trasfonnazson, nelle campagne Ira tarda Anticl,itO e alto Med,ocvo,
1’ Lonvegno Arclteologieo del Garda, Gardone Riviera (Bresets,) 14 ottobre 1995, ed. G.P.
Brogiolo (Documenti Archeologia 11, Manlua, 1996).
 68 GISELA RIPOLL AND JAVIER ARGE
groups. Other works which, without trying to provide a solution to
the question. do, however, exemplify many of the questions to he
dealt with in this paper should also he mentioned; among these we
can include the volume L’eauironnernent des ég/ises ci la topographic re/zgieuse
des catnpagaes inédiera/es, resulting from a conference held in 1989;°
L’habitat rural du haul Majen-Age (France. Fajs-Bay Danemark et Grande
Bretagne,), edited by C. Lorren and P. Penn and published in Rouen
in 1995;° as well as a study by Jean-Pierre Sodini.’°
It must he supposed that fourth-century Roman ri//ac were occu
pied by Roman landowners who enjoyed a greater or lesser degree
of wealth, and who were the possessores of these estates, which were
worked by their ca/oni and only occasionally visited by the landlord,
although there can be no doubt that they formed the main source
of their wealth and possessions. However, what happened on the
arrival of the new “barbarian” tenants, to whom lands were ceded
by means of agreements or pacts or who simply forcibly occupied
these estates? It is vital to know whether this new distribution and
presence meant or was the reason for the disappearance or trans
formation of the ri//ac, as regards both their physical appearance and
the methods of production and exploitation that were applied. In
short, it is a matter of determining whether the change in owner
ship implied a change in the use to which the ri//a was put, or
whether it meant the previous owners departure; a matter, too, of
establishing whether there was any change in the way in which the
estate was exploited. Moreover, it is important to clarify whether
these new inhabitants only settled in the ri//ac already in existence,
or whether they also settled in the cities, whilst also controlling
or receiving part of the output of these same rural properties. Was
this situation the reason why the previous owners, who may have
prrfcrred to lose their property and move to safer points so as not
to he subject to the controls and taxes imposed by the newcomers,
left their possessions? In archaeological terms, it is very difficult to
detect such events or to answer these questions with any degree of
IT
L’eszironnooent des s)glises ci to topographic retzgieose des raoi/sognes intdiloates. _4strs do
Jib congrts osterootioool danhiologie soédiivale, Air-en-Prorence, 28—30 sejsietnbre 1989, edo.
M. Fixot and E. Zadora-Rio (Documents d’Archéologic F’rançaise 46, Paris, 1994).
IS
To this volume should be added the article by C. Lorren and P. Penn, “Images
de Ia Gaule rurale au VP siCcle”, Go)gsire de Tioers ci l’espoce goolois. Actes do fiongris
Joteroatuoial, Tows 1994, edo. N. Gautbier and H. GaliniC (Tours. 1997). pp. 93 109.
J.-P. Sodini. “Habitat de l’AntirjuitC Tardive”. To/sos 5/1 1995 pp. 151—218. .
THE TRANSFORMATION AND END OF ROMAN IJLL4E 69
certainty. Archaeology, in-depth archaeological analysis, can, how
ever, elucidate other problems and, in the long term, throw light on
aspects such as the ones mentioned below in the form of four ques
tions or general topics, although it must always be borne in mind
that developments in rural areas varied considerably depending on
the specific characteristics of each zone, region or province of the
Empire. Neither should it he forgotten that the ri//a was one of the
fundamental elements, together with centuriation and the vici, that
structured the landscape during the Roman period, at the same time
as it reflected not only an entire economic and cultural system, hut
also a system of agricultural exploitation.50
The first question considers the problem of how, at a certain
moment, many rural settlements and ri//ac came to obliterate part
of their buildings and modifS’ the uses to which they had hitherto
been put, and why others were definitively abandoned. Secondly,
the date when this process of change in or modification to struc
tural features took place must be considered. Furthermore, we must
ask ourselves why these transformations took place; in other words
what were the factors that caused such changes and whether they
were related to the economy, to ownership rights or to changes in
the way the estate was worked. Some of the statcmrnts so often
repeated in the literature as regards the decline and gradual aban
donment of the towns should also he discussed. Finally, it must be
considered whether the ui//a and the various estates of the same domi
nus, that is if he had more than one estate, were all abandoned or
totally transformed. This raises the question of what happened to
the owner and his family, and will lead us to reflect on the thorny
issue of the shift in location or the disappearance of local elite groups,
which, to all extents and purposes, were made up by the same indi
viduals as the urban elites.
Only after analysing all these questions will we be able to discuss
whether a model for the system of occupation can be deduced from
20
The system of exploitation and the implantation of the structures designed to
produce such results basically rlepend on the possibilities offered by the territory
itself M. Le Clay, “La Caule romanisCe”. Histoire de to France rurole, 1. Lojboootioo
des com/sognes frooçoises, ed. G. Duhy and A. Wallon (Paris, 1975), pp. 203-316, cf.
p. 233, outlines a possible model of interpretation drawn up on the basis of a micro-
regional analysis carried out in Burgundy, although we argue that it cannot be
applied as a model of occupation on a more general level. However, the relation
ship that is determined between sdtoe and sirs warrants further development.
 p
70 GISELA RIPOLL AND JAVIER ARCE
our study and whether this same model is valid as a working hvpoth
esis for a more detailed analysis of the various provinces of the
Empire. It is ohvious that the enormous regional differences, the var
ious products of the land and the diversity in the types of landed
wealth make it impossible, in the first instance, to define an overall
model,2’ although at the same time a series of repeated phenomena
make it clear that a common background was in existence.
The archaeological analysis contained in this paper only takes into
account those rillae or rural settlements whose evolution was marked
by a series of transformations. It does not analyse those structures
that were merely abandoned, as the majority were, in the course of
the sixth and seventh centuries, without appearing to undergo
modifications that altered their original design.
Results of the Process of From lion and Transformation
The observation and analysis of certain villae enable us to determine
that the residential parts underwent a process of development, at times
very clear, which is surprising because of the degree of variation in
volved. Thanks to archaeology these changes can be studied in greater
detail,22 since coinage and its circulation, pottery and the changes to
structural elements such as walls all provide vital dating evidence.23
The architectural design of residential structures often evolved
towards a spatial reorganisation, which implied changes in the func
21
Nevertheless, this statement is also a consequence of the limited attention that
has hitherto been dedicated to the questions considered in this paper. as has already
been pointed out.
One of the first attempts at synthesising the transformations possible can be
found in J. Percival. The Roman Villa. An Historical Introduction (London, 1976), pp.
183—199 (the chapter entitled “Villas, Churches and Monasteries”). There is a hricf
account of these same changes in Arce, “Ot,uoi et negstiunt”, pp. 3 1—32.
22
The micro-regional analysis carried out by Ch. Pellecuer in .t’/arhsnensis shows
this to be true: Ch. Pellccucr, “Villa et domaine”, Le HP silele en Cattle ,Varhnnnaise.
Donnics rigionales snr Ia crise de l’Empire, cd. J.-L. Fiches, (APDCA, Sophia Antipolis,
199(7, pp. 277—29 1. The same state of affairs is to be found in Hopnmn as can be
shown in north-eastern Tnrracnnensis; see the article, part of an undertaking of much
wider scope. by Alexandra Chavarria. “Transformac,ones arquitcctSnicas de los
cstahlecimientos rurales dc Ia antigricdad tardia en el nordeste dc Ia Tnoscsnensis”.
Ba/lIeu de In Reinl Acar/in,ia Chtalana de Belles Arts de Sant Jardi 10 (1996:, pp. 165—202,
and End., Els cstahlimenis rurals dcl llcvant de la Tarraconcsa durant l’antiguitat
tardana: transformacions arquitcctôniques i 6,ncionals”. Annals de l’Jnstitut d’Estsd,s
Ciranins 39 1998’. pp. 9—30.
THE TRANSFORMATION AND END or ROMAN tJLL-IE 71
tion to which elements were put; in other words, the original con
cept of the layout lost validity when it was broken up. In the first
instance—and always hearing in mind that no detailed analysis has
heen undertaken, but instead a sample has been taken in order to
put forward a working hypothesis—the different responses that can
be detected can be classified into several categories, discussed below.
Rest dential and Reception Rooms Transformed into Production Areas
This category includes those spaces used for residential and recep
tion purposes by the owner and his family, which, at a particular
jtineture, were reorganised and subdivided with the aim of convert
ing them into factory-like areas devoted to processing the estate’s
products and to using them for manufacturing purposes. as well as
to storing them. That is to say, the residential structures of the cilIa
proper were transformed into a rural building or farm, thereby clearly
modifying the original functions of the buildings.
In some eases, the residential quarters were neither abandoned nor
completely modified, hut rather certain rooms seems to have retained
their original functions, whereas other spaces came to have a fune
tiolt clearly associated with industrial oe processing purposes. One
might therefore describe such an architectural complex as satisfying
both residential and fhrming needs.
Such developments are frequently recorded in the western part of
the Empire. although thorotigh archaeological analysis is required to
demonstrate that this was the ease, for in many eases it is hard to
define the architectural modifications, while at the same time the
archaeological materials themselves are often undervalued because
they date from such a late period, which makes an overall interpretation
of the evolution and end of these residential buildings transformed
into rural settlements even more difficult, although on some occasions
it is possible to do The few detailed studies that consider the
evolution of the cilIa in Late Antiquity enable us to note that this
type of conversion and change in function was a relatively frequent
phenomenon.25 In each region these transformations were displayed
Largely owing to the unspectacular nature of this kind of evidence, which, in
general. has been poorly published.
Nor all the ktiown examples can be listed hcrc, only a number of examples
that demonstrate this change.
 72 GISELA RIPOLL AND JAVIER ARCE THE TRANSFORMATION AND END OF ROMAN P7LLAE 73

in different ways, depending on two factors: on the one hand, the

ways in which the land had hitherto been occupied and exploited,
and, on the other, the way the villa itself reflected the owner’s status.26
An example in northern Italy is that of Calderara di Reno
(Bologna).27 Here, a villa was converted into a factory at a late date,
by means of subdividing and breaking up the spaces of what had
previously been the residential quarters. The new use of the site con
verted it into a rural establishment in direct contact with the agri
cultural setting. However, the workshops for producing glass and
smelting metal that have been excavated widened the range of func
4
tions carried out there.28
In Hispania one of the clearest and best-documented examples is
the case of the villa of Torre Llauder in the suburbium of the city of
Iluro (present-day Mataró) in eastern TarraconensLt (figs. 1 and 2)29 This
was a villa with a building of residential nature organised around a
peristyle. At a moment after the fourth century a series of reforms
took place: the baths complex fell out of use, at least in part, as is
demonstrated by several walls which cut off rooms and by the fact Figure 1. Torre Llauder, plan of the villa after the fourth century
that water pipes were blocked. One of the rooms (7) was converted (after Prevosti-Clariana, Tori-c Llauder. MatarO. Villa romana, 1988).
into a storeroom, with 18 dolia being set into the mosaic floor, two
tanks lined with opus signinum were built in the next room (5) and a
further tank was constructed in the peristylc (9), partially cutting
through the earlier mosaic pavement.

a These two factors were pointed out by

J. Ortalli, “La fine delle yule romane
esperienze beau e problemi generali”, La fine delle nIle romane, pp. 9—20, cf. p. 17,
and must be taken into account for their importance when trying to understand
what sort of structure is involved and how it might have evolved.
“
Ortalli, “La fine delle yule romane esperienze beau e problemi generali”, La
fine delle nil/c romane, pp. 11—13.
28
Other examples also in northern Italy and with a similar chain of events to
that described can be found at Pontevico and Nuvolcnto, both situated in the plain
of Brescia. F. Rossi, “1 casi de Pontevico, Nuvolento e Breno”, La fine delle yule
romane, pp. 35—41.
29
M. Ribas, La villa rounana de Ia Tonic Llander de 1vfataró. il/Ionumento Histórico-ArtIstico
(Excavaciones Arqueológicas en España 47, Madrid, 1963). M. Prevosti and F. Cla
riana, Torre Llauder. Mataró. Villa romana (Guies de Jaciments Arqueol4gics, Departament
de Cultura de Ia Generalitat de Catalunya, Barcelona, 1988). El análisis de las
transformaciones: J.F. Clariana and M. Prevosti, “Un exemple de ruralització a
l’antiguitat tardana : La villa de Torre Llauder”, 111 Reunzb d’Arqueologua Crustuana
Huspànuca, Mao 1988 (Barcelona, 1994), pp. 117—126; Chavarrla, “Transformaciones
arquitectónicas de los establecimientos rurales de la antiguedad tardia en el nordeste
de la Tarraconensus”, pp. 175—178; Ead., “Els establiments rurals del Ilevant de Ia
Tarraconesa durant l’antiguitat tardana: transformacions arquitectôniques i fun Figure 2. Torre Llauder, general view of the villa from the south
cionals”, pp. 16—17. (photograph by G. Ripoll).
 74 GISELA RIPOLL AND JAVIER ARCE
The villa of Saint-Clement-La Bichère (Vert-Saint-Denis, Seine-ct
Marne,: is a clear example of continuity and the transformation of
a residential building into a complex dedicated to industrial pur
poses, which survived down to the Carolingian period.30 The area
occupied by this site iicluded a pars urbana datable to the first cen
tury onwards and a pars rustica, where activity began in the second
century. although it may have existed beforehand. In the third cen
tury, the area occupied was restricted to the eastern end of the pars
rustica alongside the tracks. The early imperial residential area fell
out of use in the fourth century although, from the second half of
the fourth century, a totally different kind of occupation was recorded
in the central part of the villa. Small hearths, post-holes and a large
circular area of burning are evidence for metallurgical activity, a
date for which is provided by the discovery of a coin hoard data
ble to the 360s. In the fifth and early sixth centuries, the site con
tinued to be occupied, hut excavation has been unable to define the
nature of the occupation. Be that as it may, it was associated with
dwellings (sunken houses and domestic hearths) and farming activ
ity (grain drying or toasting?), located both in this same area and
to the north; occupation was to continue at both points down to the
first half of the tenth century.
The Construction of a Church on Part of the Villa Site
The transformation of a part of a villa or of an urban elolnus into a
private chapel or a church is a frequently detected phenomenon.31
In some canons of the fourth-century councils of Hispania reference
is made to the existence of churches in villar, or at least to the exist
ence of places of worship, where various religious acts took place
(Council of Toledo I, year 397—400, canons 5 and 9). The ecclesi
astical authorities did their utmost to avoid such excesses, since
30
The information that follows is derived from A. Koehler. “La villa romaine de
Saint-Clément----La Bichêre S Vert-Saint-Denis (Seine-et-Marne( au Bas-Empire”,
L’époque romaine tare/ire en lie-dc-France. Document de Travail n 2. Los campagnes de l’Ile
dc-France de Gonstantin S Ciovis. PreSctes du colloque, Paris, 14—15 clicembre 1995, eds.
P. Ouzoulias and P. Van Ossel Paris, 1995), pp. 95—115.
31
A detailed reconsideration of the reuse of Roman buildings as religious struc
tures can be found in G. Cantino Vataghin, “. at haec aedes Cluisto Domino in eccie
. .
slam o1inecioiur’ Ii riuso crotiano cli edfici antic/u tra tare/a intic/ota e alto .tIeclioeo.,Settzm.
di .Spoleis 46 1998. 2. pp. 673-749 especially pp. 719—721 for the reuse of rural
structures
THE TRANSFORMATION AND END OF ROMAN IJLLAE 75
churches could only he consecrated with the authorisation of the
bishop and under his direct supervision. That the problem contin
ued to exist in Italy. in the region of Apulia, at the end of the fifth
century is shown in Gelasius’ second letter, in which he endeavours
to ask for the Pope’s permission to construct a chapel within a pri
vate property.32
Below, several examples that, with no pretension to being a com
plete list, enable us to see how such a transformation took place
from an archaeological point of view, are studied. It should be men
tioned that a considerable degree of caution must be used when con
sidering this phenomenon since, as P.-A. Février pointed out, continuity
between a villa and a church may be apparent rather than real, at
least in the case of Provence, and requires detailed analysis.33
A very clear case can be found in Hispania in what is known as
the villa Fortunatus near Fraga (Huesca, in the province of Tarraconensis).34
The villa (fig. 3) was originally built in the third century AD. The
residential sector was structured around a 350-square-metre peristyle,
around which a series of reception rooms and the domestic quar
ters were laid out. The numerous mosaics Fhund can be dated to
two specific moments on the grounds of stylistic criteria.33 Those on
the eastern part of the site, with representations of Eros and Psyche,
as xs-ell as of Venus and Eros, are earlier in date, perhaps belong
ing to the end of the third century or the early fourth century, than
G-. Volpe. Contadini, pastori e onercanti neil(-lpulia tarcloaniica :Bori, 1996.
P-A. Février. ‘La marque de l’Antiquité tardive dans Ic pavsage religieux
médiSval de la Pros ence rurale”, L’environnement des igli.o’s ci la topographic religieuse des
campagnes lnldillale3, eds. Fixot and Zadora-Rio, pp. 27-35, cf. pp. 32--33. This
scholar, despite his caution, is tempted to accept the hypothesis that a large pro
portion of tenth- to twelfth-century priories and churches are located on sites that
date back to Antiquity, whether vzllae or other rural settlement sites.
°
J. de Serra RSfo]s, “La Villa Fortunatus, de Fraga”, Ampurias 5 (1943), pp. 5- 31;
R. Puertas, “Irahajos de planimetria y excavación en Ia Villa Fortunatus, Fraga
(Huesca)”, ,Sioticiario ArqueolSgico Hispcinico (1972), pp. 7 1—81. The plans drawn during
the work carried Out by F. Tuset (1981-1986) were published by P. de Palol, “La
arqueologia cristiana en Ia Hispania romana y visigoda. Descubrimientos recientes
y nuevos puntoo de vista”, Actes du XI’ Gongris International d’Archéologie Ghrétienne, I,,von,
Vienne Grenoble Genive ci -bite, 1986 (Rome, 1989), pp. 1975—2022 (cf( pp. 2000—2004).
Id., “Arte y Arqucologia”, Historia de Espada Meninde Piclal. ed. j.M’ Jover Zamora,
3, 2, Espafa visigoda (Madrid, 1991), pp. 271-428, cf. pp. 297299. See also H. Schlunk
and i’h. Hauschilcl. Die Denkmdles der fruhchrivthchen and westgotischen eit (Hispania
Antiqua. Mainz. 1978:. pp. 137—138 and 162—163.
7s1. Guardia. Le,.i ,no.caicos de la -1ntigiiedad tarclla en Hicpania. Es/adios c/c iconograjia
Barcelona. 1992 pp. 83--I 00.
.
76 GISELA RIPOLL AND JAVIER ARCE THE TRANSFORMATION AND END OF ROMAN TJLLIE 77

=tz==E=EcEz:E4 those to the west, where use is made of geometric, animal and plant
motifs, as well as of characteristically Christian motifs of late fourth
century date in the corridors and rooms. The tabliminz mosaic has
the name of Fortunatus inscribed within it, together with a Chi-Rho
with inverted alpha and omega, dated to the mid-fourth century. The
appearance of the owner’s name, or his portrait together with that
of the domina, was a frequent occurrence in Late Antiquity and a
means used by landowners to project their power. The church sit
uated in the south-western corner reused several rooms in this part
of the villa; three structural phases have been identified within it.
The first of these corresponds to the fourth-century Roman struc
tures, that is to say it is a sector subdivided into rooms, some of
which were decorated with mosaic floors. The second phase of con
struction can he dated to the early fifth century36 and is charac
tensed by the installation of a Christian building of rectangular plan
with three naves and a tripartite chancel. In the central part of the
sanctuary there was a small crypt, which may be identifiable as a
marynum,37 which enables us to consider this phase a private oratorium.

The third phase, datable to a moment after the mid-fifth century,

brought about substantial modifications in the design of the building.
The most noteworthy was the addition of a separate apse, rectangular
in shape on the outside and internally semicircular, in the centre of
which the support for an altar table with a iocuius for depositing
relics was set up (fig. 4)M The construction of a baptistery with a
ciboriuin in the central part of the opposite end of the church is a
further noteworthy feature of this phase. From the sixth century
onwards the buildings of this cilia were partially abandoned and were
taken over, as was the church, by a series of inhumation burials.
The cilia of Sao Cucufate (fig. 5), located in what was the territo
rium of Pax Julia (Beja, Portugal),39 is another example of the same

The date is supplied by the archaeological material found in the excavations

Figure 3. UI/a Foilunatus. plan of the villa and detail of the Early Christian
building by F. Tuset.
directed by Puertas, “Trabajos de planimetrIa y excavación en Ia Villa Fortunatus”,
pp. 71—81.
17
• Godoy Fernández, Arqueologia ,y liturgia. Iglesias hispanicas (siglos IV— VIII,),
Universidad de Barcelona (Barcelona, 1995), pp. 227—237.
°
N. Duval and J. Fontaine, “Un fructueux echange entre archéologues, litur
gistes et patnsnciens : Ic colloque de \Iontserrat 2—5 novembre 78”, Recite des Etudes
Augustiniennes 25 199’. pp. 265—290.
The following information is derived from the important publication by J. de
Alarcao, R. Etienne arid F’. 7’dayet, Li’s villas romazne de .cao (Juctifate (Portugal), 2 vols.
.Paris. 1990.
78 GISELA RIPOLL AND JAVIER ARCE THE TRANSFORMATION AND END OF ROMAN FJLL-IE 79

JJTh

H DH

bC

Figure 5. Sao Cucufate, cilia phases after Alarçao-Eiienne-Mavet. Let i’iiias

roinaines di Sao Cucujale
80 GISELA RIP0LL AND JAVIER ARCE
category of transformation An initial level of Roman occupation is
recorded of mid-first century AD date and, although the character
istics of this structure arc not clearly defined, this has been named
villa I. These structures were rebuilt in the second third of the sec
ond century, giving rise to a second phase (villa II). From that moment
onwards a plan typical of this type of building can be traced, includ
ing a substantial residential zone endowed with baths and a pars rus
tica whose constituent buildings were to increase in number as time
went by. The occupation of the villa II phase lasted until the late
third or early fourth century. although it was not totally abandoned.
as material of a somewhat late date has been recorded in the west
ern part of the pars rustica. In the post-Constantinian period the whole
complex underwent a far-reaching reorganisation which affected both
the residential and the agricultural parts of the site (villa III). The
rooms of the former were enlarged and embellished, and the foun
dations of a substantial baths complex were also laid; although this
was never completed, the plan made it necessary to reorganise com
pletely the pars rustica. This phase, villa III, continued in use until
the mid-fifth ccHturv. This seems to have been the moment when
tablznwn 4 (of the former villa II) was transformed into a church and
when tombs started to be constructed in the ambulatory of the pagan
temple, a building which may well have been used for Christian
worship, opposite the western facade.40 A working hypothesis, which
it has not yet been possible to confirm, suggests that the burials were
attracted by a memoria function of the temple ce/la. The real ques
tion is whether this was the celia memoria of St Cucufate himself. The
existence of this building dedicated to Christian worship and the sur
vival of standing buildings belonging to the villa III phase favoured
the foundation of a monastery in the Middle Ages, more precisely
between the eighth and the thirteenth centuries,4’ which continued
to be used as such to the mid-sixteenth century while the church
itself continued to serve as a rural chapel until the eighteenth century.
These are by no means isolated examples of this type of trans
formation in a rural context. There are well-known examples, the
The precise date of these burials continues to remain in doubt, for they could
date from either the early medieval period or Late Anuquitv. as they have been
robbed. Alarcao. Etienne and \Iavet. Les ti/las r010aines de Sao Cuatfate (Portugal). pp
259 265.
°
A Iiterar tradition states that a Benedictine monastery already existed in the
Visigothic period.
THE TRANSFORMATION AND END OF ROMAN VILL-IE 81
result of micro-regional analyses, in which the transformation of part
of a villa into a church is a frequent phenomenon, as in the case of
Normandy.42 To give one example, the rural settlement of Mondeville
(Caen, Calvados), which was built in the course of the second and
third centuries and abandoned in Late Antiquity, as there is no
archaeological material of between third- and seventh-century date,
can he mentioned. This abandonment was not definitive since in
about the second half of the seventh century the first burials took
place and part of the building was modified. This was the origin of
the church of Saint-\Iartin. which served as the parish church of
Mondeville until the tweith century. Further examples in Normandy
would be the eleventh-century church of Saint-Valéry-d’Etrctat and
that of Saint-Denis de Lillebonnc of similar date (both in the dparte
ment of Seine-Maritime), the origins of both of which can be traced
to villae, although it is quite possible that the ecclesiastical structures
date hack to the seventh century. These are thus examples that illus
trate the survival of the architectural transformation of a settlement
site into a religious one, with a continuity of the latter function into
the High Middle Ages.
In southern Gal/ia reference should be made to the example of
the villa of Séviac (Montréal-du-Gers, Gers). At a moment subse
quent to the mid-fifth century, a series of reforms were carried out
in the south-eastern part of the residential quarters (fig. 6). These
involved the construction of two buildings dedicated to worship, one
of which partially reused a sector of the villa where, in addition, a
baptistery endowed with a circular baptismal tank set in a mosaic
floor was to be located. The second ecclesiastical building was con
structed over a former Jimuin, although shifted slightly further east
wards. Evervthing seems to indicate that the church that was built
reusing part of the villa structure fell out of use sooner than the
church built over the ,fanum, which was abandoned subsequent to
the late seventh century or in the eighth century, according to the
evidence of coin finds from the layer of ashes that covered the
remains and the finds buried with several of the inhumations asso
ciated with that part of the site.43
42
For the examples that follow cf. J. Le Nlaho. ‘La réutilisation funéraire des
edifices anticlues en Normanclie au cours du haut Moven-.\ge”, L’enrzronnement des
ég/ises et Ia topographic religieuse des campagnes ,nidiécales. eds. Fixut and Zadora-Rio. pp.
10—21.
J. Lapart and J.-L. Paillet, “Montréal-du-Gers. Lieu-dit Shviac. Ensemble
82 GI5ELA RIPOLL AND JAVIER ARCE THE TRAN5FORMATJON AND EN]) or ROMAN IYLL4E 83

In the upper Rhone valley, near the present-day city of Geneva,

it has also proved possible to detect this tendency. One of the best-
studied examples is that of Satigny (fig. 7).44 This is a late Roman
villa site that had been established alongside an earlier settlement.
The villa comprised two parts, well-differentiated on the basis of their
function: one part was used for everyday life while the other was
used for worship. It has been suggested that the villa was temporarily
abandoned because of the owner’s death;45 this possibility must be
considered in conjunction with the appearance of the first burial in
one of the rooms heated by hot air. From this moment onwards a
series of burials and a wooden church, which by the sixth century
had come to occupy the entire built-up area, started to appear. A
rectangular mausoleum housing several burials was to be built behind
the apse of the church. Other tombs were laid out around the apse.
In the southern part of the site, a second building of uncertain use
was built. In the Carolingian period a stone-built church was erected,
with modifications being made in both plan and elevation, while at
the same time the cemetery area was reorganised. The construction
of a monastery at Satigny may correspond to this same period. It
is by no means an isolated case in the Geneva region, as at, for
example, \7andoeuvres there is a further example of the location of
a church on a former villa site.46
The Moselle and Saar valleys, known for their abundance of
wealthy villae, also offer several examples of this phenomenon.57 Of
particular interest is the much-discussed villa of Konz (Kr. Saarburg),
at the confluence of the two rivers, which may be the Contioaactan
of Antiquity. Some scholars have identified this villa with the Emperor
Valentinian I’s summer residence, on the basis of a reference in
Ausonius (Alosella,X,369): fessa sub augustis Ic volverel oslia muris.45

palOochrétien de la villa de Sfviac”, J.es premiers msnuments thritieris de Ia France, 2, ed.

Figure 6. Séviae, bath complex and buildings for worship during the different
phases (after Lapart-Paillet, Les premiers msnuments chritiens de Ia France, 2, éd.
N. Duval, 1996).
N. Duval (Paris, 1996), pp. 160—167.
°
Ch. Bonnet, “Les hglises rurales de Ia region de GenCve origines, développe
ment architectural et environnement”, L’envirsnne,oent des 4glises et la tnpsgraphie religiense
des campagnes médiévales, eds. Fixot and Zadora-Rio, pp. 22—26, ef p. 24, hgs. 1 4.
¾
A suggestion made by Bonnet, “Les Cglises rurales de la region de GenCve”.
p. 24.
Bonnet, “Les Cglises rurales de la region de GenCve”, pp. 24—26, figs. 6 8.
¾
In spite of the abundance of vzllae in these valleys and especially in the Trier
region, information as regards their end is almost totally lacking.
a N. Duval, “Les maisons d’Apamée et l’architeeture ‘palatiale’ de l’Antiqoité
tardive”, III Gsllncjue d’Apamée de Sj’oe, 1980 (Brussels. 1984), pp. 447—470, cf. p. 466,
,

considers the identification as an imperial residence to he unfounded.

84 GISELA RIPOLL AND JAVIER AROE THE TRANSFORMATION AND END OF ROMAN VILL4E 85

Construction of this villa was started in the first half of the fourth
century and it was structured according to longitudinal plan with a
double façade and a portico in addition to rooms at the angles. This
impressive structure was used throughout the fourth century, but its
subsequent evolution is poorly known.°9 The length of time that
elapsed between the abandonment of the villa (if indeed it was really
2
abandoned) and the creation of the medieval settlement of Konz is
flH
I.,
unknown. It is only known that the villa buildings must have been
in relatively good condition when the parish church of the urban
1 settlement of Konz was erected on the site.
The villa of Lullingstone (Kent) in Brilaania is also a clear example
j/L of how the conversion to Christianity of great landowners, in this
I I ease of a high-ranking civil servant in the provincial administration,
*/
-

1 / 4-- led to the construction of domestic chapels in the fourth century.

This chapel was to be the origin of a multi-phased ecclesiastical com
-

plex that underwent numerous modifications.°° The villa was founded

in the ninth decade of the first century AD, but towards the end of
the third century its layout was completely reorganised at the same
time as a granary of substantial dimensions was built. It was at this

r point in time, or perhaps in the opening years of the fourth century,

that a mausoleum, in which two lead sarcophagi were found, was
1)1 constructed to the north of the residential complex, together with a
temple dedicated to a cult with a square celIa. This fact demon
water

H strates not only that substantial new buildings were being erected,
but also that there was a degree of continuity in certain habits, such
H as the conjunction of the place of residence and a temple and a
mausoleum.°’ Be that as it may, the construction of a chapel with
wall paintings depicting the family at the end of the fourth century

3 4
Figure 7. Satigny. 1. Plan of the villa; 2. Wooden church and cemetery
(V—VI c.); 3. C’arolingian church; 4. Prc-Romanesquc church (after Bonnet,
“Lcs égliscs ruraics de la region dc GcnCvc”, 1994).
°°
K. Gocthcrt-Polaschek, “La villa impérialc dc Konz”, La rinilisation romaine de
Ia Moselle C Ia Sarre. Vest/ges romains en Lorraine, an Luxembouig, dans Ia region de 7}lres
et en Sarre, Exhibition catalogue (Mainz, 1983), n° 289, pp. 327-331.
50
K.S. Painter, “Villas and Christianity in Roman Britain”, cd. G. dc C. Sieveking,
Prehistoric and Roman Studies (The British Museum, London. 1971), pp. 156—175, cf.
p. 163. A detailed study of this villa is to he found in G.W. Meates, The Roman
Villa at Lullingstone, Kent, 1, The Site (Monograph Series of the Kent Archaeological
Society 1, Canterbury, 1979).
On this type of association, see the different points of view. Against: N. Duval,
“Existe-t-il one structure palatiale propre C l’Antiquité tardivc I”, I.e sjstime palatial
en Orient, en Once et a Rome, ed. E. Levy (Strashourg, 1987), pp. 463—490. In favour:
B. Brenk, “Innovation im Rcsidenzhao der Spatantikc”, Innovation in den Spatantike,
ed. B. Brenk (Wiesbaden, 1997), pp. 67—114, cf. pp. 77—79.
86 GI5ELA RIPOLL AND JAVIER ARCE
facilitated not only the later foundation of a church over the struc
ture of the temple, hut also its transfer into the hands of the Chtirch.52
This change in ownership must have taken place between the early
fifth century, a period for which substantial destruction layers have
been traced, and the moment when the church was built.
Monastic Structures Reusing Parts of a Villa
When considering the transformation of villae or rural settlements
into churches, several examples in which the continuity took the
form of a monastery were mentioned. Other monastic churches are
therefore quite likely to have been present among the examples under
consideration.
The first site to he studied will be an interesting example situated
in Acjuitania: the villa of Plassae (Perigueux), which is mentioned in
the will of Bishop Bertrand of Le Mans. His will explicitly refers to
a villa where a church was built, as has been noted in other eases.
However, it has not been possible to document to what extent there
was a clear continuity in occupation from an archaeological point
of view. although it is quite possible that the residemial part of the
site was abandoned or left unoccupied as from the sixth century.
The villa of Plassae is probably the same as that of Primuliacum, to
which Sulpicius Severtls is known to have attracted a series of fol
lowers, after retiring there to lead a life of asceticism. This retire
ment must he dated to approximately 390, when he was about thirty
years of age.5t There he founded a church, a baptistery and a mon
astery, as is made clear through the letters of his friend Paulinus of
Nola (4. 31,1 and 32,7).
Elsewhere in Gallia, in Normandy, as the above-mentioned micro-
regional study has revealed, thanks to documentary evidence of
medieval date, that a number of monasteries were established on
P. Saiway, Roman Billow Oxford, 1981), p. 601.
J. Percival, “Villas and Monasteries in Late Roman Gaul”. Jsnoiat sf Ecclesiastical
Histaij 48, 1 (1997), pp. 1—21.
K.F’. Stroheker, Dci senatsioc/ie Add im s/satantiken Gal/ten çlubingen, 1947,
Darmstadt, 1970), n 355, p. 216. Solpieius Severus must have seen horn in e. 360
and although the date of his death remains unknown, it is likely to have taken
place in the first quarter of the fifth century. He was a member of one of the g-reat
Ibmihes of Aqiotazoa. and sins described hs Gennadius De i ir. ilL 19 as a en geaere
et title-os nsbi/is: he married Bassula. a member of a si cabby consular family.
THE TRANSFORMATION AND END OF ROMAN V[LL4E 87
villa sites.55 All the evidence seems to indicate that the monastery of
Deux-Jumeaux (Isignv-sur-Mer, Calvados) was built towards the end
of the sixth eentm’ or in the early seventh century on the rural
estates of a local aristocratic family who gave their lands to Saint
Martin de Vertou. The same occurred in the ease of the abbey of
Cerisy. which was founded in the Merovingian period by Vigor (the
eighth Bishop of Bayeux and a contemporary of Childebert I, 51 l
558). The lands, covering some 16,000 heetares, were given by a
certain Vohtsiauus, a wealthy landowner.
In the territortuin of Trier, which has already been mentioned, a
villa that underwent substantial modifications leading to its conver
sion for use as a monastery has been identified. This was the villa
of Eehternaeh, the development of which can be traced through both
documentary sources and archaeological evidence.36 The first phase
of construction dates back to the first century AD although a num
ber of changes were carried out in the second century. In the fourth
century a substantial reorganisation was put into practice, which may
be indicative of a change in the owning family. The archaeological
material found, which can be dated between the mid-fourth and the
mid-fifth centuries, suggests that the site was occupied as a military
fortress. In the mid-seventh century, the owner of the complex, a
Frankish noblewoman by the name of Irmina, founded several churches
and a monastery in Trier, of which she became the abbess. At the
very end of the seventh century the documentary sources shows how
Irmina donated part of the villa Epternacas, together with other prop
erties belonging to her, to Bishop \Villihrord. who, thanks to other
donations on the part of various landowners, was able to extend the
monasterys estates and gradually restore it.
In Italy, one of the most paradigmatic examples of a villa which
continued to be used in the Middle Ages, with substantial modifications
leading to the formation of a major monastic complex, is to be found
Le Maho, “La rCotilisation funéraire des edifices antiques en Normandie ao
coors do haut Moven-Age”, L’eaeirsnnement des 48/ises et Ia tapsgrap/oe re/tile-use des cam
pggnes midi/ca/es, eds. Fixot and Zadora-Rio, pp. 10 21, cE p. 14, where all the nec
essary hihliographv and the docomentary sources which mention the examples to
which reference is made can be found.
For Eehternaeh the brief but informative studs by J. Metzler, J. Zimmer and
L. Bakker, “Die roonsehe villa von Echternach (Loxenshorg und die Anfange der
nsittelalterliehen Grondherrschaft”. Vitta—Gurtis-Grangia. LandieotschaJi zzeLvchen Loire and
R/ieia isa der Ro)aerot .iua Hac/iaotte/altcr. eds. \V. Janssen and D. Lohrmann (Beihefle
der Francia 11. Munich-Zurich. 1983 pp. 29—45. should he consulted.
.
 1’
88 GISELA RIPOLL AND JAVIER ARCE
at San \/incenzo a! Volturno (Mohse).°’ The earliest recorded occu
pation of the site was in the fourth century BC when a small sanc
tuary and other buildings of Samnite type were erected. These were
abandoned in the course of the third century BC. Nearby, a villa
whose maximum moment of splendour occurred in the first century
AD, although it continued to be used down to the fourth century,
was built. However, the abandonment of this villa did not mark the
end of late Roman settlement in the zone on the contrary, a new
villa,55 known as the Late Roman villa, and characterised by the con
struction of a tower, was constructed on a terrace, called the Colle
della Torre, above the old Samnite sanctuary.59 The location and
plan of this new villa, which occupied some 1.5 hectares, were to
condition permanently the architectural concept of the ecclesiastical
and monastic complex which was estabhshed to the east, the churches
of which were in use at the same time as the villa. The archaeo
logical material has provided a date for its abandonment, which must
he placed in the early sixth century, although a number of graves
in the cemetery indicate a continued presence throughout the sixth
and seventh centuries. From this it can be deduced that the density
of population was very low, or even totally non-existent, when the
abbey was found in 703. During the first half of the eighth century,
the monastery was formed by a small community housed in mod
est structures, which had little in common with the grandiose com
plexitv of the monastic buildings of the second half of the eighth
and the ninth centuries.
The Occupation of the Villa Site by a Cerrteten’
The partial or total transformation of a villa into a cemetery site is
also one of the phenomena which can be detected with a certain
degree of frequency in this type of settlement in the course of the
‘
The hihhography on this site is extensive since Richard Hodges’ research pro
ject aims not only to excavate and identify the complete site, but also to publish
the results in detailed form. A practical summary that presents a general overview
of the archaeological sequence can he found in: R. Hodges and F’. Marazzi. San
t7nrenrs at tb/tunis. Sioteo di sAris e archcs/sa San Vincenzo. 1995;. cf. especially
pp. 17—18.
There is. however, some doubt concerning tlse possibility that it might he a
nucleated site with a greater degree of density.
R. Hodges. “The 1.ate Roman villa”, San tnrenzs at tb/turns I’ Excaraeisns and
Siorets 1980—1986 London. 1990.
THE TRAN5FORMATtON AND EM) OF ROMAN t’ILLIE 89
sixth and seventh centuries and even in later periods.55 Not all the
known examples can be considered, so a number of eases in which
the location of the cemetery within the most richly decorated sec
tors of the residential buildings is particularly clear have been selected
for examination.
In addition, there exist certain regions where detailed analysis has
been carried out in order to study this phenomenon. A particularly
clear example is that of Normandy, where a study on the reuse of
buildings dating from Antiquity for funerary purposes has been made)”
On the basis of the evidence of a score of villae, it has proved pos
sible to detect two models of cemetery occupation. In the first, the
graves are limited to a part of the residential buildings or to the
baths buildings, while in the second, the burials are to be found in
subsidiary buildings forming part of the pars rustica. Generally speak
ing, these cemeteries are of Merovingian date and do not continue
in use beyond the Carolingian period. They are always adapted to
the pvc—existing structures: that is to say, the burials follow the lines
of the walls even though the state in which the building was to he
found at that moment must remain unknown. It w’ould therefore
seem that there was a clear pattern of distribution in the organisa
tion of the cemetery, especially since, in addition, the number of
graves could be considerable, reaching as many as a hundred or so.
For example, in the ease of the baths building of Gisay-la-Coudre
‘Beaumesnil. Lttre approximately eighty tombs, all of which were
dated to the late sixth or seventh centuries, were excavated overly
ing’ a third—century destruction layer. The possible relationship between
this cemetery and a part of the site that could have been used as a
church has not yet been demonstrated with any degree of security.
In northern Italy, a certain amount of attention has been given
to this phenomenon although only a couple of examples with differing
characteristics will be referred to. The first of these is the villa of
Desenzano (Lago di Garda, Brescia), where the work carried out in
the l920s in sectors A and B of the residential building revealed a
large number of burials (fig. The inhumation burials recorded
One tenth-century example of the usc of a rn//a site with late Roman phases
of oeeupatioit as a medieval cemetery site can be found at Banos de \‘aldcarados
Soria cf Aree. Othon et negstiurn’’. p ‘3 1
.
Lc Nlaho, “La reutilisauon f’unfrairc des fdilices antiques en Normandic act
conrs dti haut Ntoyen Age”. pp. 10 21,
NI. Bolla, “Le necropoli delle villc rornane cli Deseozano e Sirmione”, La fine
dc//c ri//c isonane, pp. 5 1—70, especially pp. 31 54,
 1

90 GI5ELA RIPOLL AND JAVIER ARCE THE TRANSFORMATION AND EN]) OF ROMAN VILLZIE 91

in sector A, within the rooms adjoining the peristyle and the lriclwra
hail, were placed over the mosaic floors or overlying the walls, and
were characterised by their N-S orientation and by the fact that they
did not contain grave goods. These facts, together with the typo-
logical features of one of the tombs (of anthropoid shape), led the
excavators to propose a date within the early Middle Ages. In sec
tor B, within the exedra of a large hall covered with an opus seclile
floor, a carefully constructed infant burial in the shape of an elon
gated pentagon was recorded. The location of the tomb (slightly off-
centre with regards to the apse of this part of the building) and the
care with which he had been constructed, led the excavators to con
sider it to be a “privileged” burial and to suggest that this space
had been used for worship (as a private oratory), a function which
could be dated between the late fourth and the fifth centuries, as
the opus seclile floor was laid in the hall at the latter date (fig. 9)53
The other case, also in the Garda zone, which reflects a whole
series of diverse factors, is that of the major monumental complex
of the villa known as the “Grotte di Catullo” in Sirmione. While the
excavations that have been carried out since the nineteenth century
have revealed the significance of this imposing residence of Augustan
date, they have also largely eliminated the possibility of defining the
stratigraphy of the final stages of occupation of the site.65 Nevertheless,
recent reconsiderations of the Site have supplied information con
cerning the presence of a certain number of burials, approximately
fifty, dating from between the mid-fourth and the early fifth cen
turies, with occasional later graves down to the seventh century,65
which reflect later phases of occupation, subsequent to the destruction
of the upper floor of the villa since they overlie substantial layers of

Figure 8. Desenzano, plan of the villa (after D. Scagliarini et al(, Villa rnmana di
Desenvaaa. Itinerari dci sssusei, gallerie, scavi e nsnnnraenti d’Italia [Roma, 1992]).
63
Even though the arguments put forward hy the excavators in order to iden
tify this part of the site as a private oratory are inherently weak, it should be borne
in mind that several lamps decorated with Christian motifs were found on the site,
together with a fragment of glass engraved with the figure of Christ and the cock,
and that there was also a mosaic with a scene in which a young man was sur
rounded hy various animals, identified as the image of the Good Shepherd; these
elements obviously do confirm that the dsnsinus of the residence had been converted
to Christianity. M. Sannazaro, La cristianizazisne del/c aree rnrali della Lansbardia (IV— TI
sec.). Testinssnianze scriOe e asateriali (Milan, 1990), pp. 32—33.
64
E. Rolfia, “Considerazioni sulle fasi pifl tarde delle ‘Grotte di Catullo’ a
Sinnione”, La fine delle sidle rssaane, pp. 43—49.
63
M. Bolla, “Le uecropoli delle ville romane di Desenzano e Sirmione”, La fine
dc/Ic yule rnnsane, pp. 51—68. The dates proposed are relatively trustworthy as many
of the inhumation burials contained grave goods.
92 GISELA RIPOLL AND JAVIER ARCE THE TRANSFORMATION AND END OF ROMAN VJLL4E 93

building material.66 The moment when this monumental complex

was destroyed and abandoned seems to have been of post-third cen
tury date, a date corroborated by the discovery of another villa of
lesser extent in Sirmione itself (via Antiche Mura). In its late fourth
century phases, the latter reused architectural material and decora
tive details that had been taken from the “Grotte di Catullo” site.67
While the sequence of events at this substantial complex is some
what paradoxical, it does in fact fall within a logical pattern when
considered in the context of development in the Sirmione peninsula
as a whole. In fact, from the fourth or fifth century, the entire penin
sula was included within a large walled enclosure that had a clearly
defensive role. It may thus be deduced that the distribution of set
tlement in this entire zone was completely reorganised, with some
of the hitherto open and destroyed spaces of the “Grotte di Catullo”
being designated, on the one hand, as burial areas, because of the
abundance of graves, and, on the other, as a place of temporary,
makeshift occupation, in view of the appearance of small hearths,
throughout Late Antiquity and the early Middle Ages, and even the
later Middle Ages. From this moment onwards, the reorganisation
of settlement might be considered as a new concept of Sirmione,
which was planned as a castrtan-civitas.55
The presence of a cemetery or a series of burials limited to one
or more parts of a villa obliges us to consider a number of ques
tions. It may be supposed that the original architectural layout of
those parts that had been modified continued to be used in one way
or another, in spite of the presence of a funerary area close to one
of human occupation. Some scholars have considered that the pres
ence of burials on a villa site is due to a shift in the location of set
tlement, that is to say it is indicative of the abandonment of the villa
buildings proper and the transfer of the population to a new site.55

The walls of the upper floor were clearly demolished. The lower floor levels,
excavated directly into the rock and used for domestic service purposes, remained
intact according to the original ground plan.
il
Roffia, “Considerazioui sullc fasi pin tardc delle ‘Grottc di Catullo’ a Sirmionc”,
pp. 44--45, warns that this hypothesis is inhcrcndy weak because of the nature of
the early excavations, but it would seem that a substantial fire destroyed much of
the ui/la.
CE C.P. Brogiolo, “Ii popolamento e l’organizzazionc dcl territorio tra eta
romana c alto Mcdioevo”, Atlante del Garb. Usnonz, mccabe, $esz, Catalogo della
mostra organizzata nd vcntcnnalc di fondazionc dcll’ASAR (Brescia, 1991), pp.
152—155.
Percival, The Rsmaa Villa, pp. 184—HIS.
 F-
94 GISELA RIPOLL AND JAVIER ARCE
While this may be true, thanks to the information provided by some
of the examples that have been noted, it is also true there was a
slow penetration of inhumation burials in inhabited sectors; in other
words, the world of the dead and the world of the living came closer
and closer together. Such a state of affairs seems to have been the
case from the moment when, probably in the early seventh century,
the large isolated or open-plan cemeteries began to be abandoned
in favour of burial groups of smaller size related to a church, which
usually had parochial functions. The proliferation of such a model—
church plus cemetery—typical of the medieval period in rural areas
has nothing to do with the situation in previous periods, although
it is true that there are many examples in which this type of model
can be found.7° Prior to this, it has been seen that the construction
of a church and a cemetery could be contemporary, as was the case
of Sao Cucufate, or the church could be of earlier date than the
burials, as was the case of the villa Fartanatus, or the graves could
even precede the church. ‘Whatever the case, and as will be seen
below, a degree of caution must be applied to any conclusion that
might be drawn from the situation.
The Abandonment of a Villa Site and its Use Jbr Temporary Settlement Puiposes
Another type of reuse is the case of those villae that appear to have
been abandoned, thus encouraging the establishment of temporary
settlement of makeshift nature.
There are many examples that fall into this category and only
one will be considered here because of the contrast between the
splendour of the villa and its final stages of occupation: the villa of
i\Iontmaurin (Haute-Garonne;:. the origins of which went back to
the second half of the first century AD.7’ At the beginning of the
second century, the residential quarters were embellished and towards
the close of the same century a flood destroyed the pars rustica and
the right hand side of the pars urbana. After this moment, the archae
ological evidence points to a lengthy abandonment or absence of
Percival. Tlte Rsotan I itta. pp. 191--i 92. considers that. gencraflv speaking. the
appearance of a church was due to the existence of an earlier temple and to the
fact that the ui/la structures were much deteriorated. We heheve that with the archae
ological evidence now available, such a simplification is untenable.
G. Fouet, La cttta gatts-rasnaine de .lJsa/oiaarin (Suppl. Galha 20, Paris, 1969, 19842).
THE TRAN5FORMATtON AND END OF ROMAN tJLL1E 95
activity, which was to last until well into the second half of the third
century, when the central building was brought hack into service by
means of a series of functional reforms. The villa experienced a lux
urious transformation in the first third of the fourth century, hut
shortly afterwards there was a fire, which destroyed the temple located
in the reception courtyard and made it necessary to carry out reforms
in much of the villa, although from this moment onwards it seems
to have been increasingly poverty stricken and semi-abandoned. At
the end of the fourth century there was another great fire which
seems to have been what brought about the end of villa life. The
last stratified layers have made it possible to determine that the
remains of the villa must have been used for settlement purposes,
perhaps on a temporary basis. Structural elements have been found
out of place and reused in the atrium and in the impluvium, apart
from remains of hearths in the entrance vestibule.72 The transformation
of the great monumental villa of Montmaurin into a place that was
only occupied temporarily shows that the way makeshift camps or
settlements were chosen did not depend on whether they possessed
one type of structure or another, hut rather, in all probability, on
whether they had or had not been abandoned by their owners.
Shfs in Settlement te,thm the Area of Estates
Two models for changes in the location of settlement that are difficult
to demonstrate in archaeological terms have a hearing on both nI
be and small nucleated settlements.
In the first ease, the viiiae situated in the region of Var (in the
province of .Varbonensis) underwent a series of changes in the third
century. Some settlements, like those of the villae of la Croix-du-Sud
and of Pardigon 1/3, shifted in site to Cavalaire (in this ease uncer
tain) and Pardigon 2, respectively. A similar phenomenon occurred
72
The final stages of ahandonment of this cit/a give rise to certain dating prob
lems, since the mosaics had generally been dated until recently to the late fourth
century; cC C). Balnselle. Reeaeit gialrat des snssaiqties de ta (Jaute. 4. Prsctnce itqtotaine.
• Panic ostridisitate Pt/sns,,t prrtateo) Suppl. Gallia 10, Paris. I 980 p. 83: although
-
-,
in fact the may well he somewhat later in date and helong to the hfth or sixth
centuries. P-A. Février. Villes et eampagnes des Gaules sous I’Empire’, Kteata 6
1981-. pp. 359—372, ef. pp. 368—37 1. suggests the same date for the mosaics of
Loupian. taron. Valentine and La Hilbére (whteh he considers to have heen a cilia
site rather than a temple), on tlse basis of the designs they include and of a detailed
reading of Sidonius Apollinaris’ works çEp. 2,9; Gaost. 24.
 96 GISELA RIPOLL AND JAVIER ARCE
at Saint-Pierre (Eyguieres, Bouches-du-Rhone), where the villa occu
pied between the first and third centuries AD (Saint-Pierre II) was
abandoned in favour of a newly built construction. The latter, Saint-
Pierre I, can be dated to the late third century and it continued to
be occupied until the tenth century. This tendency may have arisen
from a need to group farms and the means of production together.73
The second model that seems to make its appearance is the one
that indicates the shift in the focal point of small urban nuclei to
other relatively nearby zones. However, it is difficult to find reasons
that might explain such changes in location for the possibility that
there was a change in the system of exploitation would not seem to
be a sufficiently valid line of argument. The reasons, if the shifts
really took place, must have been the consequence of more than just
one factor. The case of Lunel (Herault) might belong to this cate
gory since between the fourth and the sixth centuries variations in
the location of settlement can be detected, with certain zones being
favoured over others.4
The Villa Site as the Or(gin of a Medieval Nucleus
The detailed excavations that have taken place in much of the upper
Rhone valley have produced evidence of great interest: the major
ity of medieval nuclei are located on sites where a villa had once
existed.73 This continuity between Roman site and medieval nucleus
was not interrupted, not even by the arrival of new “Germanic”
peoples although it can be appreciated that, as from the second half
of the thitd century, there was a process of transformation that
affected the pars urbana. Its organisation was simplified, even though
the dominus continued to be present,76 and settlement was dispersed
around the nucleus of the villa, where there also appeared large
cemeteries, the graves of which can generally be dated to between
the fifth and the ninth centuries.
°
Pellecuer, “Villa et domaine”, pp. 282 and 288--289, fig. 5.
°
Ph. Levean, P. Sillieres and j.-P. Vallat, Campagnes de Ia Miditerranée romaine.
Occident (Paris, 1993), p. 262.
One of the first researchers to document this phenomenon, thanks to the nse
of aerial photography, was R. Agache, “La campagne S l’Spoqoe romaine dans les
grandes plaines dn nord de la France”, Aufstieg nnd iViedergang der Ramisehen Welt, 2,4
(Bedin-New York, 1975), pp. 658—7 13. For the Rhone valley see Bonnet, “Leo hglises
rurales de la region de GenCve”, pp. 22-35.
76
This view is pnt forward by Bonnet, “Leo Cglises rurales de la region de
Geneve”, p. 22.
THE TRANSFORMATION ANT) END OF ROMAN T7LLAE 97
Both in Italy and in Gallia there existed a particular type of villa,
the fortified type or the category with watehtowers, which might give
rise to a medieval castrum or burg. The ease of the “Grotte di
Catullo”, which, during the Early Middle Ages, was incorporated
into what was the castrum de Sirmione has already been mentioned.
In Gallia this category of building, fortified villae, has been recorded
on a more or less generalised scale, including in southern Gallia.75 A
clear example of this type of protection, that is to say the construction
of watehtowers or defensive towers, can be found in the villa of
Odrang in the Rhineland. Similarly at Sisteron (Alpes-Maritimes),
thanks to the evidence of an inscription, Claudius Fostuinus Dardanus,
Praetorian Prefect of Gallia, is known to have defended his property
known as Theopolis by means of the construction of a walled enclo
sure, thereby creating a fortress.7°
This category of fortified villa was to last down to the Middle Ages
since the fortification of rural private estates began to be common
practice, at least in Gallia, from the second half of the ninth cen
tury onwards. There is a tendency to establish a relationship between
this type of fortification and the measures applied to defend cities,
as both are indicative of a symbolic power over a territory.79
The Villa &mneleu that was Subsequenly Reoccupied
While it has already been seen that the types of transformation that
viilae underwent and their closing phases of occupation could be
highly diverse, and that in some eases the reasons hehind such changes
can be observed, it must also be pointed out that in some eases,
although very few, it was the villa cemetery that was subsequently
reoceupied. The excavations carried out at Barrow Hills and Barton
Court Farm (Oxfordshire) revealed the existence of two rural settle
ments with Anglo-Saxon occupation that started in the first half of
the fifth century (fig. 1 O).°° The two settlement sites are separated
°
Le Clay, “La Ganle romanisCe”, p. 282.
70
Salway, Roman Britain, PP. 452—453, where, in addition, the problems arising
from lhrtified nillae and other properties are discussed.
70
M. Fixot, “Une image idCale. one rCalitC difficile : leo villes do VIP an IX’
siècle”, l.a ride antique, des nogines an IX siicle, Histsire de In France urbaine, ed. C. Duby
(Pat-is, 1980), pp. 497 563, cE p. 509.
The information has been derived from the general article by A. Dodd and
P McAdam, “L’lsabitat rural en Angleterre dorant Ia pCriode anglo-saxonne”,
.
L’hahitat rural du haut ;lIoj’en-Age (Fiance, Pcps-Bas Danemnark et Crande-Bretagnej, edo.
C. I.orrcn and P. Penn (Rouen, 1995), Pp. 223- 234, cE pp. 228—229.
 J
98 GISELA RIPOLL AND JAVIER ARCE THE TRANSFORMATION ANT) END OF ROMAN VILL-IE 99

by a watercourse and lie some 500 metres apart, although they were
interdependent and functioned together. Barton Court Farm was the
site of a cilia that was abandoned in the first quarter of the fifth
century, but which was reoccupied by seven huts, eight post-built
structures, a well and four burials, a standard pattern of activity inso
far as the transformation and continuity of villa sites is known at
present. Less frequent is the sequence of events that is recorded at
Barrow Hills, where Anglo-Saxon occupation seems to have started
around 450, lasting down to well into the seventh century. At first,
Barrow 1 the site was used, after sporadic occupation in the Neolithic period
OvI Barrow
and the Bronze Age, as a cemetery dependent on the villa site.
0
0 “
C)
However, the Anglo-Saxon occupation always respected this funer
ary area, and at no moment did the new structures—approximately
0. C) O
twenty-two buildings having been recorded—or the new cemetery
invade the old area of burial.
In spite of the simplified pattern that we have endeavoured to
cemetery establish by means of the various categories, the transformation
0
C
0 process of all these residential buildings cannot have been as simple
as it may seem at first sight. Whatever the case, it must be empha
sised that both the categories that have been defined and the exam
ples that have been mentioned are the result of preliminary research.
--

Many factors, basically of a religious, economic and cultural nature,

which we will attempt to throw light on in the following section,
were to intervene in the structural and functional transformation of
the Roman villa as it is generally known.
‘S.

0 50w
- Chronological Problems and Factors that Intervened in the
Figure 10. Barrow Hills, Romano-British cemetery, Late Roman and early
Medieval rural settlement (after Dodd-McAdam, “L’hahitat rural en Angleterre
durant la période anglo-saxonne”, 1995).
Transformation Process
Determining when these modifications were brought about and above
all else when occupation of one type or another came to an end in
both the residential buildings and the agricultural dependencies, and
indirectly in urban areas, can only be achieved by means of the
painstaking analysis of the archaeological finds from each site. While
this is not the primary aim of this paper, a number of patterns that
make it possible to put forward a working hypothesis can be identified.
Changes in the use of the residential structures most commonly
occurred in the fifth or sixth centuries. However, in certain cases in
Hispania and Gallia, as has been seen, the main changes seem to
100 GISELA RIPOLL AND JAVIER ARCE
have takeH place in the third or fourth century8’ Some scholars con
sider that this initial phase (third and fourth centuries) of modifications
taking place in residential buildings was a consequence of an agri
cultural crisis of a generalised nature that should be directly related
to changes in the production and processing of certain products, and
hence to the breakdown of the main trade circuits, while at the same
time local networks with many centres of production and commer
cialisation came into being.’32 Nevertheless, there are certain para
digmatic cases such as that of the rube of Gainpania. the majority of
which had belonged to emperors and great landowners of senator
ial rank. In general, these were places of residence that were occu
pied from the first century BC until the third century AD. Only
nine rube continued to he occupied into the fourth century and on
only four of these sites has sixth-century pottery been recorded.83 In
the ease of Posto Capua. Campania). for instance, the tub was occu
pied by squatters from the end of the fourth century until the sixth
century.04 This fact is particularly significant, and for this reason a
detailed study of the closing phases of this type of tibiae should he
carried out, especially as the donation of properties or lands by
emperors to the Church is known to have been common practice
from the fourth centurv.”3
A similar pattern, although for very different reasons, can he doc
umented in the rube of the Garda zone. From the very outset, none
of the rib/ac located on the shores of the lake or on the Sirmione
promontory included buildings with a productive role; however, those
situated in the hinterland, which in the case of this region refers to
the first line of hills, included a sector devoted to agricultural pur
poses in addition to residential quarters. The modifications that can
he traced in these great residential rube thus did not affect the basic
s Leveau, Sillières and Vallat, Caoipagncs de Ia Aiethterraoee romaine. Occident,
pp.
215—224, even consider that many rube were ahandoned in the second and third
centuries, p. 269.
Ortalli, “La fine delle yule romane : esperienze beau e problemi generali”, p. 13.
°
Sodini, “Hahitat de 1’Antiqnité tardive”, p. 173, on tise hasis of the informa
tion supplied by P. Arthur, Rsoiaas ia ,jysrt/,eni (:anipania (London, 1991).
04
Although it should be taken into account tlsat between the years 160 and 370,
walls were reformed and the northern part and the cisterns were ahandoned; ef.
Leveau, Sillidrcs and Vallat, 6’aeapagnes de Ia .lliditeoanie romaine. Occident, pp. 137
and 139.
03
R. MacMullen, “Two notes on imperial properties”, Athenaeum 54 (1976), pp.
19 36.
THE TRANSFORMATION AND END OF ROMAN VJLL4E 101
function of the monumental complex, but rather they experienced
a phase of abandonment only to be sporadically reused as places of
hural at a later date, as was the ease of the “Grotte di Catullo” men
tioned above.5°
The idea of self-supply, based on an economy of self-sufficiency,
is the explanation that has usually been put forward in order to
understand, on the one hand, the transformations taking place in
the rube of Late Antiquity and, on the other, the appearance of new
types of settlement.° While this is an interpretation that has often
been invoked and which is not without coherence, at present the
study of archaeological material and, above all, the continuity in pot-
ten’ imports both in the West and in the East,88 at least until the
end of the seventh century, means that the problems raised by the
idea of self-sufficiency are undergoing a process of reconsideration.
Some researchers have linked the transformations to be found on
ui/ba sites to the first wave of barbarian invasions; the presence of
these peoples has always been considered to have hem catastrophic.
an ‘endemic evil’, both by writers of the time and by those of today.°°
Such categorical statements tend to he based on archaeological evi
dence that is both limited in amount and difficult to interpret. In
other words levels of burning or layers with charcoal and ashes have
always been identified with destruction; however, such an interpre
tation cannot be applied in a generalised fashion and, even less, sys
tematically related to the presence of incoming peoples. In the case
of Britannic, since the end of the 1960s, it has been shown that in
130 way could the presence of barbarian peoples and their devasta
tion be demonstrated from an archaeological viewpoint. Neither can
such events be used to date the end of either ri/Ice life or that of
other rural settlements, especially since in some eases there is, in
°
Brogiolo, “tl popolamento e l’organizzazione del territorio Ira eta romana e
alto Medioevo”, pp. 143—165.
C. Webster, “The Future of Villa Studies”, The Roman Villa in Bntamn, ed. A.L.F.
Rivet (London, 1969), pp. 217—249, ef. p. 231.
°
C. Panella, “Merci e scambi nd Mediterraneo tardoantico”, ,Ssna cli Rama, 3.
Lila tardoantica, 2. 1 lusghi e Ic culture (Torino, 1993), pp. 6 13—697. Cf a notable
African ease in: D. Manacorda, “Nador (Tipasa, Algeria). Ii contesto della villa di
M. Cincius Hilarinus”, Societh romana e Impero lardoanties, ed. A. Ciardiioa, 3. Li? mccci.
Cli insediamenti (Roma-Bari, 1986), pp. 203—208 and 818—819.
This point of view was widespread in secondary works at least until tlse end
of tlse l980s (cf Le Clay, “La Gaule romanisée”, pp. 279—285, as an overall recon
sideration of tEns question in Gailia), although nowadays new interpretations are
tending to be put forward.
 102 GISELA RIPOLL AND JAVIER ARCE
addition, clear evidence for unbroken continuity.90 However, this con
tinuity that is becoming evident in the rural environment has not
yet been demonstrated in urban contexts.9’ Moreover, interpretations
based on the presence of barbarian peoples have also almost always
been put forward to explain changes in the townscape. such as the
construction or restoration of defensive enclosures and the aban
donment of certain urban sectors, etc. Nevertheless, at present other
possible interpretations of a historical, cultural and social nature,
which are more in line with a new image of the city and a new
system of urban organisation than with an explanation based on a
destruction supposedly brought about by barbarian Germanic peoples,
tend to be put forward.92
The literary evidence helps to resolve some of these questions and
doubts although its rhetorical and scholastic nature means that cau
tion and care must be used in its interpretation. Prosper Tiro’s
Chronica tells us that in the year 419 the patrician Constantius ceded
Aquitania Secunda to the Visigoths so that they could settle there, cities,
or at least some cities, being included as places of settlement: data
ei (TVailza) ad in/iabitanduin secunda Aqultanica et quibusdam cicitatibus
coig’lnium procincianmi.93 From this text it can he clearly deduced that
the Visigoths did not only settle on uninhabited lands or in ciiiae
that were former Roman settlements or properties (ri/inc scattered
throughout the province. hut that they were also allowed to occupy
cities (not all or any of them, hut certain cities within the limits of
the province). It would seem possible to draw a similar conclusion
from Hydatius’ text (C/iron. 41,49) in which he states that the inhab
itants of Hispania resident in ciritates et casteiia (that is in cities and in
°°
Webster, “The Future of Villa Studies”, pp. 217—249.
KS. Painter, ‘Villas and Christianity in Roman Britain”, Prehistoric and Roirian
Studies, p. 158.
92
It has been through the work of P-A. Février that this new image of the City
has started to he taken into account, as in the form of an overall synthesis P.-A.
Février, Si. Fixot, C’. Goudineau and W. Kruta, La ri//c antique, des orgines au IX”
si/c/c, pp. 399—493. Of more recent appearance is G. Cantino Wataghin, “Urhi e
ciuitas nella tarda AntiehitS : linee di ricerca”, La ‘codas christia,,a’. Urbanistica del/c
rOth italiane Ira tarda .-lnlichith e alto .tledioer’s, eds. P. Demcglio and C. Lambert (Turin,
I 992(. pp. 7- 42. A hrmlv expressed revisionist view of the so—called “barharianisation”
of the landscape can he Ibund in G. Traina, “Paesaggi tardoantichi : alcuni prob
lemi’. La stooa del/alto .Iledioeco ,‘taliano (J’I—X sees/n) a/la lure delUarcheologia. eds.
R. Francovich and G. Nové Biblioteca di Archeologia Medics-ale 11, Florence,
1994. pp. 85—98.
°
Chron. 419, eel. Tb. Nlommsen. X[GH. iA, Ghron.1Iin.. p. 469.
THE TRANSFORMATION AND END OF ROMAN IJLL4E 103
ti//ac) submitted to the Suevi, the Vandals and the Alans after the
year 410. Control of the cities and a barbarian presence in them
are implicit in this text.
There are archaeological examples of the continuity of t’tllae, in
spite of the presence of such newcomers, and they even came to set
tle within viiiae buildings. Beforehand, tncntion was made of a Frankish
lady by the name of Irmina, who founded a monastery in Echternach;
a paradigmatic example is that of the cilia of Mienne-Marboué
(Châteaudun, Eure-et-Loire) in the western part of the old province
of Lugdunensis. At the end of the fifth century, the cilia with the typ
ical structures of this type of settlement95 was occupied by a Frank
(?) by the name of Steleco, as is stated on the mosaic located oppo
site the main entrance to the reception areas where the inscription:
EX OFFJCLV4 FERROJ’II FELIX VTI STELECO can be read (fig.
11). The Merovingian capitals that have been found on the site are
evidence for a second phase of rebuilding in the cilia in the seventh
century. Occupation of the ti/ia can thus be shown to have contin
ued in the residential part front the late fifth century until into the
seventh century. In the pars rustica. the early excavations revealed a
Merovingian cemetery with graves of Frankish chiefs of a similar
date range (fifth to seventh centuries). The construction of a Christian
place of worship gave rise to the later church built in the twelfth
century and the medieval settlement, which rested on the walls of
the pars ins/ira. The example of Mienne-\Iarhoué exhibits not only
continuity and a series of structural and functional modifications, but
is also an important example of occupation by a noble Frankish fam
ily of a typical Roman cilia that had belonged to another owner,
However, and as far as can be seen at present, life in ciiiae and rural
settlements seems to have come to an end in the closing years of
the seventh century in view of the fact that pottery imports of this
date continued to arrive, although some researchers would consider
the fifth and sixth centuries to have been the terminal phase.’°
The basic infbrmation has been assembled by 7I. Blanchard—Lcmhe, “NiosaIques
tardives ci survie des villas en Gaule novenne h l’hpoc1ue merovrngienne”. .\losalqur.
Reeueil d’hoininages a Henri Ster,, Paris. 1983 pp. 75—80. cC pp. 76 78. Some com
.
plementarv notes in: NI. Blanchard—Lernhc. Recue,/ ginéral de.s ,nosai/ues de la Gas/c.
Pew/nec de Lyonnaicc. 4. Partie occidentale Suppl. Gallia 10. Paris, 1991 2. pp. 25—32.
,
‘
Ortalli. “La line delle yule rornane: esperienze beau e problerni generali”,
p. 15.
 T

104 GI5ELA RIPOLL AN]) JAVIER ARCE THE TRANSFORMATION AND END OF ROMAN IILLIE 105

In Africa, direct archaeological evidence for the rural world is very

limited96 so that our knowledge of agricultural estates can only he
derived indirectly. Epigraphy, prosopography, texts and mosaic rep
a resentations are the tools for reconstructing the development and
end of the urban and rural elites. Procopius is one of the main
a
sources, especially whcn he refers to the Vandal settlement in Africa.
In fact, Procopius offers three very significant examples of what atti
tude or attitudes the newly settled barbarians adopted when con
fronted with the eiiiae of North Africa. In a passage in which he
a talks of King Gaiseric, he explains that “among the Libyans, all who
C happened to be men of note and conspicuous for their wealth, he
handed over as slaves together with their estates and all their money”.
cci And he goes on:
c-a
And he robbed the rest of the Libyans of their estates, which were both
very numerous and excellent, and he distributed them among the
LID i
biD nation of the Vandals, and as a result of this these lands have been
C
CT
railed “Vandals’ estate” up to the present time. And it fell to the lot
of those who had formerly possessed these lands to be in extreme
C
poverty... But as much of the land did not seem to him good, he
S.
allowed to remain in the hands of the former owners, but assessed so
large a sum to be paid on this land for taxes to the government that
nothing whatever remained to those who retained their fam]s. (BVI,5,l 1).
.2
In another passage by the same historian we find, however, the king
78 of the Vandals living in a magnificent cilia a few kilometres from
the capital, Carthage. enjoying the cultivation of gardens and orchards
(BU 1,17,8). And, finally. Procopius also describes’ 11.6,9) how
the Vandals made use of Roman baths, which implies the repair or
maintenance of the aqueduct. habitually holding splendid banquets
in their triclinia or reception rooms, dressed in rich gold-embroidered
.1
2 robes “in true Medic style”, enjoying themselves in theatres and hip
podromes and, above all else, devoting themselves to the arts of
hunting. Procopius closes: “And the most of them dwelt in parks,
which were well supplied with water and trees; and they held great
numbers of banquets, and all manner of sexual pleasures were in
biD

Among the few studies deating with the analysis of the territory, rural settle
ments and yillas in Africa. we should mention the by—now classic work by P. Levean.
Cbesarea de .llaurétwoe. ace t:zlle rsznatne et in eam/xtgnei Rome. 1984 and the study
,

by R. Bruce Hitehner, “The Organization of Rural Settlement in the Cilliom

Thelepete Region (Kasserine, Central Tunisia”. LA/bce Rsntain. Ate dcl t’J csncegos
di s/cells, Sassao 1981, ed. A. Mastino çSassari, 1989), pp. 387—402.
 1
106 GISELA RIPOLL AND JAVIER ARCE
great vogue among them”. These are three diffcrent ways of pre
senting the occupation of the land on the part of the barbarian peo
ples. While there may have been vested interests in his account,
which is more than possible, the basic features can be considered to
have been a largely accurate, although strictly partial, view of the
way in which the area was occupied, for there can be no doubt that
there were many other ways of reacting.
To sum up, Procopius refers to three types of occupation: 1) con
fiscation of agricultural estates, which were both numerous and of
excellent quality, and their subsequent distribution among the Vandals,
with the consequent change in names of these properties; instead of
“Constantinian” or “of the Philosopher” etc., they came to be called
“the Vandals’ estates”; 2) the impoverishment of the Roman own
ers; 3) the lands that did not appear to be particularly profitable
remained in the hands of their owners, who were, however, obliged
to pay such large amounts of taxation that their former proprietors
had almost nothing left. The second formula was: occupation of the
rube by the king and the Vandal arstoeraey, taking advantage of
their possibilities. This second approach was really little more than
a replacement of the former landowner. The third approach was
almost identical to the previous one: the Vandals eventually came
to live in the Roman style, making use of baths, circuses, theatres
and iricbuzio.
Was this, or were these, the ways in which rib/ce were put to use
in all those areas where barbarians settled? It is true that the case
of the Vandals in Africa was the result of conquest rather than a
pact with the Romans. However, even so. it is reasonable to assume
that these were also methods of occupation, together with other
approaches, throughout the Empire.
Nevertheless, this occupation is hardly detectable in the archaeo
logical record and it remains unknown whether it implied continu
ity as far as the economic exploitation of the fear/us was concerned
(there are indications in Proeopius’ account that this was not the
ease:, The \7andals would therefore appear to have limited them
selves to making use of the spaces available while they lived on the
income supplied by those they had subjeeted.5
See J[ Rossiter. “Villas vanclales: le suburbnon de Carthage au debut dti V
siècle de notre Crc”, ii’ cs//s que Internatemal d’Histoire ci .lrehiologie de l)Afriqne do VioL
Gartliage ci son for/to/re dens I’Antiquiti. Strashoiog 1988 (Paris, 1990), pp. 221 227. For
THE TRAN5FORMATION AND END OF ROMAN JLLAF 107
Another stimulating subject that requires more detailed analysis is
our knowledge of how the Muslims reacted to this type of estate or
to the rib/ce throughout, for instance, Syria, Egypt, North Africa and
Hispanic. Did they identify with or did they completely reject this
type of residence? When the great architectural complex of Cereadllla
(Cordoba), which has been interpreted as a late-fourth century impe
rial palace and which was reused until the end of the seventh cen
tury and even later,98 has been totally studied, it is likely to provide
an answer to this question.
Analysis of the various different motives that played a part in the
transformation of ri/bce and rural settlements is thus complex and
affects many different aspects.
Several significant factors should be emphasised in order to ap
preciate the reasons behind the transformations that ri//ce under
went and even their total disappearance as a system for exploiting
the land. Among these, the conversion of the great landowners to
Christianity stands out99 alongside the increasing strength of the
Church. The possessores gradually donated their lands to the Church,
in a clear act of benefaction.’5° This trend led to obvious changes
in patterns of settlement and a gradual, but very considerable, expan
sion of the ecclesiastical patrimony. In practice, as has already been
seen, the transfer of property from the hands of one owner to another,
in this ease to the Church, led to the conversion of some ribbae into
the period immediately afterwards and taxation questions J. Durliat. “Les grands
prripriCtaires afrieains et l’Etat hvzanun 533—709”, Its Galzteo Se Tnnioe 29. 117—118
1981 pp. 517—531, is of interest.
.
R. Hidalgo Prieto. Espaclo pCblieoj opec/s pr/redo en ci cog/unto pa/at/no Se (.ercod/lla
If,Crdobo1: El au/c centrol y las teonos Sevilla. 1996 Against the identification of this
.
rd/a as a palace. ef.J.Aree, “Emperadores, palaeios y ct/lee’, .fnttqutti tardoe 5 (1997).
pp. 293—302.
On this issue. ef. P. Brown. “Aspects of the Christianization of the Roman
aristocracy”, journal of Rooian ,Siudtev 51 1961), pp. 1—lI. For the Iherian Peninsula,
S. FernLndez-Ardanaz. “Cristianizzazione e eamhiamenti sociali nelle culture mon
tane del Nord dell’Hispania”. Gr/st/aoes/ino e specjficttC ceg/onal/ nd .llrdttrrrones lot/ito
(see. JJE_JJ), XSII Incontro deli).lottehttC eostiano, 1?ooto 1993 Studia Ephemeridis
Augustinianum 46, Rome. 1994, pp. 483—5 12. is of interest.
On henefaciors and their donations in Late Antiquity the hillowing articles
presented in the preliminary acts of the K Gongris Jnternat/snal d’Epg’ropltte grecque et
lot/ne. ‘bOnes 1992. are of importance: Cl. Lepe1le. “EvergCtisme et Cpigraphie dans
l’AntiquitC tardne: les provinces de langue latinc”. pp. 99—11)8: Ch. RonechC.
“Benefactors in Late Antiquity: the Eastern Roman Empire’, pp. 109-116: V. Duval
and L. Pietri, “EvergCtisme et Cpigraphie dans 1’Occident chrCtien tV—Vt sf’.
pp. 117—140.
 108 GISELA RIPOLL AND JAVIER ARCE
churches or monasteries. This transfer of property was also encour
aged by the fact that many oil/ac already housed private chapels,
which meant that many religious buildings were already in existence
scattered thronghout rural
There are an enormous number of cases that might be mentioned,
and for this reason reference will he made to only a small sample
of those that are of particular interest for the various issues that are
considered in this paper.’°2 In Rome alone, the information avail
able on the practice of Christian benefaction confirms its great impor
tance for our understanding of the development of public and private
property in the transition from Late Antiquity to the Middle Ages.
Reference has already been made to the fact that, from the fourth
century, the Church acquired great wealth thanks to imperial dona
tions, above all those of Constantine himself The information to be
found in the Liber Fontj,tlcalis shows several examples of such dona
tions, mainly in an urban context, but occasionally in a rural one.
The Roman aristocracy took over this same practice from the end
of the fourth century until the second half of the fifth century. The
great power that the Church gradually acquired as its patrimony
increased in size and, as the Papacy came to enjoy absolute control
over donations made, the aristocracy saw this institution as a direct
rival.15i For this reason, there emerged a new form of benefaction
that consisted of the gradual foundation on the part of the aristoc
racy of churches and monasteries on large rural estates with the aim
of retaining a degree of control and as a demonstration of asceti
cism. Several examples of this type of donation are recorded in the
sources. For instance, it is stated that Silenius, rir lionorabilis, founded
a church in re Viriana inns suis, as Pope Gelasius (492—496) noted
(4. 34;’. Similarly, the Lther Fontiftialis (I, p. 263’) records the foun
dation of a basilica in fana’nrn Fatinianuin. by Albinus (pragiictus prado
nitiin) and Glaphyra. Basilius I ‘enantius (Decins,.) (Gregory, Dial. 1 .1).
consul for the year 508. also founded a monastic centre on his estate
101
AX. Settia. Pieve e eappelle nella dinamica del popolarnento rurale’,
Gristianfyza,isi,e ert’/esiasiiea del/c canipagne ne/i a//s ,nedisers e.spansisne e resistenre. Se/tint.
di 5)ssiets 28 1980k. 1, pp. 445-493, ci p. 469.
\Vhile there is no single useful synthesis on this question. it is possihle to refer
to the specific hihliographv for each ease.
03
On henefaetors and their donations in Rome one should consult the ample
information to he fotind in Ch. Pietr, “Evergetisme et riehesses eeelésiastiques dans
l’Italie du IV’ S Ia Fm du V’ siècle: l’exemple romain”, Rietna 3 1978;, pp. 317—337,
ef. pp. 32 1—326.
THE TRANSFORMATION AND END OF ROMAN I’JLLIE 109
at Fondi )Campania), where the co/onus Honoratus became abbot. ‘°
Another significant ease was that of one of the great aristocratic
Roman families. Melania the Younger belonged to a family which
owned a large number of estates dispersed throughout the Empire,
in Hispania, CNampania, Sicily, Africa, Mauritania, Bnitannia, etc.: per onbem
Romanum unirersutn paene patnimonia sparsa possea’it.’55 When she decided
to retire to the ascetic life, she gave her patrimony to the Church.’°°
The ease of Melania is but one of many well-known examples that
are recorded in subsequent years. Among the mid-fifth- and sixth-
century Ravenna aristocracy a noble lady by the name of Ranilo,
who belonged to an Arian family of Gothic origin, is particularly
noteworthy. \‘Vith the aim of confirming her conversion, she donated,
in addition to a large sum of money, half of two rnassae, one near
Urbino and the other in Lueea.’°7
As in other parts of the Empire, in the course of the fourth cen
tury important families who owned large areas of agricultural land
in Africa also confirmed their power when they reached the rank of
magistrate or acquired a military post. A well-known ease is that of
the family of F/arms J’fubel,’°5 who owned extensive cultivatable lands
throughout Kabilia, and who erected, at their expense, a church to
house a relic of the Holy Cross at Rusguniae, although it is not pos
sible to identify this church, known from an inscription, as the one
that was excavated in the opening years of the twentieth century. ‘°
‘°‘
These examples come from Ch. Pietri. “Aristocratic et soeiété elérieale dans
fltalie chrStienne au temps d’Odoacre et de Théodorie”. .lI//anges de /‘Ees/e Françarse
de Rome. Antiqisits( 93 :l98P. pp. 417—467, ci pp. 426430.
:03
Vita S. JIe/atuae Iumsris iLl. i. 15 Vie grecque. 19—20. ed. D. Gorce. SC 90.
p 163-171. See also M.T.\V. .Arnheim. The Seaatsrza/ .rlrislsrtacr in the Later Rsaian
Empire Oxford. 1972’. pp. 144—145.
Arce. “0/hon ci negotium”, p. 22.
77
Cli. Pietri. “Les aristoeraties de Ravenne”, S/udz Rsmagns/i 34 (I 983j, pp.
643—673. ef. p. 671. On the hasis of papyrus numher 13 a protocol dated 553:
studied hx- JO. Tjader, Die airht/iterarisehen /ateinisrhen Papyri Rsmani Regni I/a/tens aus
der .‘nl 144—760. 1 Aces Inst. Romani Regni Sueae 19, 1. 1.tuod. 1955 and 2 Acta
19. 2, Stockholm. 1982.
C. Camps, “Dc Masuna a Koceila. Les desnnhes de la Maurétanie aux VI’
et Vl1’ sihcles”. Bulletin A-rrh/o/sgique dii 6’satitt des Traraut His/sriqses ci Srienofiques 19,
1983 1985). pp. 35 1—353, ef. p. 309.
N. Dtival. ‘Les Byzantins S Rusguniae. Etudes d’arehhologie chrétienne nord
ah’ieaine—X”, Bit//c/in Archén/ogique du Chmité des Traeatrr Hrs/sriquec el Srten/ques 19.
1983 -1985’-, pp. 341—359. ef. pp. 357—358. A. Chastagnol. in the dehate recorded
ois p. 360. suggests that the F/amos tube! inscription should be elated hetsseen approx
imately 400 and 429. See also V. Duval, Loin ianrtsnim .4jiieae (Rome, 1982). pp.
351—353, n’ 167.
110 GISELA RIPOLL AND JAVIER ARCE
This is but one example, although there are many others, that demon
strate the increasing amount of landed wealth held by the Church
in Africa from the sixth century thanks to donations or private foun
dations, the bishop being the person with the maximum responsibility
for supervising and controlling the taxes and profits obtained in this
way.
The same phenomenon is also documented in the F/las sanctorum
Fatrain Emeretensiwn.
The existence of a series of wills once again confirms that it was
common practice for some landowners, belonging to either families
of senatorial rank or aristocratic ones, or even others of lesser social
status, to donate their possessions and land to the Church. These
were not only Christian lay folk or individuals that led an ascetic
life, hut also members of ecclesiastical families that gave their family
inheritance to the Church. 2
Above, when dealing with the transformation of ril/ae into churches
and monasteries, the case of the ri//a of Priinu/iacwn. which had
belonged to Sulpicius Severus. was mentioned. This case, in addi
tion to being a clear example of benefaction on the part of a great
landowner, also leads us to consider the relationship between a church
that in the first instance was for private use and the parish, because
of the appearance of a baptistery. This gives rise to the whole issue
that appeared at a subsequent date as regards the relationship between
the ri//a, euc/esia and pa/TOG//ia. as all these structures were responsible
for the organisation of religious life in rural areas, while at the same
time they conditioned the landscape of the Middle Ages, as has been
pointed out above.
The possibility that a ri//a might he transformed into oratoriain that
would find continuity as an erc/esia, which in turn might—in many
cases—be converted into a parish church from the sixth century is
a highly attractive supposition, but it is no more than a hypothesis,
IS
j• Durliat, “Les finances mnnieipales africaines de Constantin anx Aghiahides”,
Bulletin Archéologique du Gonoiti des Thoeaors Hotoriqaes et Scientifiques 19, 1983 (1985), pp.
377—386, ef. p. 381. Dnval, Loea sane/scum A/neae, pp. 36, 54—69, 162—164, 572—574.
J. Aree, “The City of Merida (Emerital in the t7itas Pa/rum Emeritensium (Vtth
Centory AD.)”, East and West: Modes of Communication, edo. F. Chrysos and
t. Wood (Leiden, 1999), pp. 1— 14.
112
An interesting example can he fonnd in P.C. Diaz, “El testamento de Vieente:
proprietarios y dependientes en la Hispania del s. VI”, Roonaniraeifn ji Reeonquista en
la Peninsula Ibirica (Stndia Historiea—-Historia Antigna, Salamanea, 1998), pp. 257—270.
THE TRANSFORMATION ANT) END OF ROMAN VJLL4E 111
since the terminology that is used leads to a degree of confusion. IS
While it is clear that the division of the countryside into parishes is
one of the basic pillars supporting the ecclesiastical organisation of
rural life,’ it is no less true that, depending on the time and place,
this structure attained a greater or lesser degree of efficacy. Nevertheless,
a direct relationship can be established between the existence of the
first parishes and those great landowners, who, by means of the con
struction of private churches or chapels, facilitated the estahlishment
of this system of ecclesiastical organisation based on parroc/iiae in the
countryside.’’5 From the fourth century, the use of the term parrot//ta,
which originally meant the community of the faithful, must be inter
preted as an episcopal demarcation or as a dioecesis; it is not until
the sixth century (and despite a whole series of semantic problems),
that the parrot//ia can he identified with “parish”. The evolution of
the word ri//a in the course of the early Middle Ages means that in
many documents of the medieval period, at least in the period around
the year 1000, the two terms. ti//a and parrot//ia, can effectively be
considered to have been almost identical in meaning. 5
Another fundamental element for an understanding of the trans
formations studied in this paper is the possibility of there having
been, or otherwise, a degree of wealth redistribution.’ A number
A rletailerl analysis of the qnesdon of the appearance and development of par
rueloae can he ftsnnd in C. Ripoll and t. VelSzqnee, “Origen y desarrollo ne las
parroeloae en Ia Hiopania de Ia Antiguedad tardia”, .1 lIe sosgmo della paooceloa rurale hF
1711 see.,). Aao della ,qiornata teonatiea dci Sen,iuari di Aoeloeslsgia Crisliano. Ersle Eranfaise de
Rome 19 macso 1998. ed. P. Pergola (Rome, 1999), pp. 101—165. The ennre vol
nme is of interesi for this snlsjeet.
M. Colardelle, “Leo paroisses rnirales”, iVaosanee des Arts Cl,rioens. ccl. N. Dnval
(Paris. 1991 pp. 122—133. See also F. Monfrmn, “La ehristianisatnm de l’espaee et
,
dn temps. Etalslissemens materiel de I’Eglise anx V’ et \I sifeles”. Hostmre du
Gloristiauion,e des orgiues C nos jours, 3. I_es 4glises d’Orient et d’Oeeideot, cr1. L. Pietri (Paris,
1998’, pp. 959—1014.
Is
ARM. Jones, “Chnreh 1’inanee in the Fifth and Sixth Centories”, 7ournal oj
‘Tbeslrgieal Studies (Oxford, 1960), pp. 84—94. See also G. Cantino Vataghin, in this
volnme.
tot. Bonrin and A. Dorand, “Eglise paroissiale, eimetiCre et eastrum en Bas
Langnedoe”, L’enoionunement des igli.oeo et Ia topogoa/sloe relofeuse des eaoipagnes midiiralec
edo. Eixot and Zadora-Rio, pp. 98 -106, ef pp. 98—98. See also in die same vol
nme tot. Rio and P. ValdepeOas, “El espaeio eelesiCstieo y Ia formaeiOn de las par
roqnias en Catalnna de los siglos tX al XII”, pp.S7—67, ef. pp.58, 60 and 61.
135’his phenomenon has heen analysed in nnmerons articles hy D. Vera. One
of Ins moot recent eontrihotions is “Dalla villa perfeeta’ alla villa di Palladio: onlle
trashsrmazioni del sistema agrariro in Italia fra Prineipato e Dominato Itloenaeum
83 (1995). 1, pp. 189—212 and 2, pp. 331—356.
 1
112 GISELA RIPOLL AND JAVIER ARCE
of studies have enabled scholars to show that in Africa and Antioch,
from the fourth century, and in mid-fifth century Ga//ia there was a
concentration of wealth and power in the bands of a small number
of aristocratspotealissim&and a change in forms of personal patron
age. The constantly increasing power of the pruirijalss. honorali or
il/astres was due to their control over local senates, to their appoint
ment of local magistrates and to their supervision of tax-collection. 118
To this situation must be added the fact that many individuals belong
ing to the aristocracy, who might occupy a post in the public admin
istration at the same time as they were great landowners, came to
hold leading religious posts, such as bishoprics, after their con
version. Perhaps one of the clearest examples is that of Sidonius
Apollinaris, who, after having been prefect of Rome, became bishop
of Clermont in 471. In archaeological terms, this panorama can be
documented by the abandonment of certain urban sectors, the expan
sion and reorganisation of some large domes and the greater atten
tion that was given to particular rural buildings, while others were
being abandoned.
In this analysis of the reasons for such transformations the ques
tion of what the readministration or reorganisation of property really
represented must he taken into account. This is necessary because
there is a general tendency among historians to consider that from
the Later Empire onwards property ownership tended to he con
centrated in fewer hands, thus explaining the reduction in the num
ber of estates being worked.’9 It has proved possible to demonstrate
this phenomenon in Ga//ia J’farbonensis on the basis of numerous well-
known examples.°° Nevertheless, one must adopt a degree of cau
tion when stating that there was a reduction in the number of ri//ar
and an increase in the number of nucleated settlement sites dedi
cated to farming, since each region must have responded to different
patterns depending on the extent of the /atjfundia and the precise
location of the points of settlement, basically situated in the pars
urbana and the tars rustica.
The problem that has been raised is very closely related to the
question of property ownership and how it changed hands. It is quite
rn Ellis. ‘1’he End of the Roman House”.
p. 573.
Is
Leveau. Silitfres and Vallat. Campagnes de Ia ,liithterranie romajne. Occident. p. 269.
us Pelleeuer, “fl/la et domaine”. which the archaeological data of 71
p. 280, in
ct//ac located in the same prsrincia are studied from a stanstical standpoint.
THE TRAN5FORMATION AND END or ROMAN VILLIE 113
possible, as can be appreciated by reading Orosius, that, as a con
sequence of the absence of either the old or the new owners, very
few ri//ar defended their ownership rights, leading to a situation that
benefited the redistribution of the possessions among the co/md, even
though they were working for a new doioinus.
The studies and examples that have been pointed to above enable
us to put forward a hypothesis on the change that took place in the
system of exploitation, noticeably so in the West, at the end of Late
Antiquity and at the beginning of the early Middle Ages. This change
had already started in the imperial period, when the gradual shift
from the autonomous management of each estate towards a far more
complex and articulated system of distribution started to come about.’2 I
It is likely that, from Late Antiquity, the system of exploiting estates
was absorbed, in a more or less definitive fashion, by far more
dynamic rural communities, as it has proved possible to demonstrate
in some regions of Ga//ia,!22 in Hispania125 and in Italy.’24 This might
explain the ambiguous nature of the texts mentioned at the begin
ning of this paper, which detract from the original meaning of the
word ri//a and allow it to he identified with a settlement of secondary
importance. 25 Generally speaking, the appearance of the term ri//a
accompanied by a personal name in the documentary sources reflects
a specific settlement nucleus, in many eases the origin of a medieval
village, and not a ri//a in the sense of a rural domes.’2°
SI
Ortalli, “La hne delle ville romane: esperienze beau e problemi getierali”,
p. 17.
L,eveau, Silliéres and Vallat. CinnJsagnes de In Miditerranie romaine. Occident, p. 269.
21
For ‘Tarrocsnens,s, ef Chavarria, “Translisrmaciones arquiteetónieas de los estah
lecimientos rurales de la antigtiedad tardia en ci nordeste de Ia Tarraronensu” and
Ead., “Els establiments rurabs del Ilevant de la Tarraconesa durant l’antiguitat
tardana: transformacions arquitectôniques i fbncionals”. C’arthagznensts is analysed in
Sonia Cutiérrez, La Onto de Tnt/mit. Dc la Anh)gitedad toed/a al otnnds isldmies. Fshlmnients
y cu/tarn matennl (Collection de Ia Casa de VeiSzr1uez 57, Madrid-Alieante, 1996).
125
See Rossi, “I easi di Pontevico, Nuvolento e Breno”, p. 40, which takes as
its starting point several examples in the Breseia region and follows up the sug
gestions put forward by G.P. Brogiolo, “La eampagna tra ‘t’ardoant,eo e alto
Medioevo”, .1nJIo!loia in Lombardia (Milan, i 982. p. 214.
129
‘l’he proposal put forward by C. Mereter and C. Raynaud, “L’habitat rural
en Caule méditerranéenne aux VI’ \‘II siéeles. Appnsehe régionale et étude de
eas”. i.c.r cnm/saç’nes de In France !!!éd!teoonfenne dons /51)1/u/nile ci Ic /70)1/ Marco-Age
Documents d’Archéologie Française 42. Parts. 1991,. pp. 19R—204. ef. p. 198. is
particularly tempting as regards this point and is perhaps one of the approaches
that should he followed when trying to resolve the issues considered in this work.
ISs
This is demonstrated by Heinzelmann’s studs. Villa d’aprés leo muvres de
‘
Grégoire de Tours”, p. 61.
114 GI5ELA RIPOLL AND JAVJER ARCE
Examples of this type of medieval documentation can be found
in almost all Gallia. Here, reference need only be made to that of
Dassargues (Lunel, Hérault),27 a place known as the villa Adacianicus
in a charter of 788 concerning a donation, which included a descrip
tion of the entire settlement. The survey work and excavations that
have been carried out have revealed dispersed settlement under the
Early Empire, with substantial development in Late Antiquity towards
nucleated settlement, the development of which was to imply an
uninterrupted continuity leading to the emergence of the medieval
village. From the eleventh century the site started to decline and in
the twelth century it was finally abandoned. It is therefore clear that
there is no reason for relating the place-name of villa Adacianicus to
the existence of a typical villa dating from the Early Roman period
or from Late Antiquity.
At the start of this paper. an allusion was made to the deficiencies
of the texts when it came to defining the meaning of the word villa
in Late Antiquity. The same situation arises when medieval texts are
considered. This term—villa-—must be handled with great care since,
from a semantic point of view, it can refer to another type of nucle
ated settlement. more closely related to small urhan centres than to
rural settlements, whether of a residential or farming nature.
Be that as it may, it must be emphasised that, in spite of the far-
reaching changes and transformations that viiiae underwent, and their
general reorganisation, the very concept of villa life and their exploita
tion on behalf of the aristocracy must have continued to be preva
lent for a long time, even well into the Middle Ages. Such a statement
is suggested by a clear example from the Iherian Peninsula: among
the king’s properties, the will of Alfonso III (AD 905) mentions the
villa Liflo, alongside his palaces, baths and the church of San Miguel.’28
s and Raynaud, “L’hahitat rural en Ganle méditerranéenne”, pp.
198—204, with a detaded study of the development of the site.
Arce, “Otium et negutizoss”, P. 32.
CERAMIC PRODUCTION AND DISTRIBUTION IN
THE EARLY MEDIEVAL MEDITERRANEAN BASIN
(SEVENTH TO TENTH CENTURIES AD): BETWEEN
TOWN AND COUNTRYSIDE
Sauro Gelichi
Intraductioa
Archaeologists have always used pottery, not just as a chronological
indicator, hut also as a guide to understanding trading patterns, socio
economic relations and technology. Pottery does not always ft,nction
well as an indicator across all of these fields. However, there is no
doubt that African Red Slip Ware (ARS), for example, and other
red slip wares and amphorae have taught us much about trade rela
tions between provinces in the Empire in Late Antiquity. The ques
tion is, however, whether, after their disappearance, other kinds of
containers were able to perform the same functions. But whilst Italian
late medieval glazed potteries provide good indicators of chronology
to within half a century, is the same valid of pottery produced in
the north of the peninsula between the eighth and tenth centuries?
It has always been the case that, for every period of its production,
we should consider pottery as a “fossil guide”, to be used differently
according to the historic period and the geographical area that we
want to analyse.
The aim of this contribution is to examine the potential of pot
tery as an indicator after Antiquity in the Mediterranean hasin, not
only of chronology or trading patterns, but also of cultural, techno
logical and socio-economic levels. Some researchers fully trust its
validity—for example, Sonia Gutierrez in her recent book on the
Cora of Tudir in Spain’ (see below)—but in general most historians
and in reality many archaeologists treat this source of information
with diffidence.2
S. Gutiérrez, La (Jsro de Tudmir. Dc Ia antiguedad tardia oI mantIs islau,ics. Psb/amients
j cu//wa ow/trial (Madrid, 1996).
For an exception, see C. \Vickham, “Italy and Early M,ddle Ages”. 77,’ But!,
116 5AURO GELICHI
The task of analysis is not easy, particularly due to the disparity
and diversity of the documentation available. We will try to over
come the problems by looking at the subject from two different
angles: firstly, by attempting to uncover general patterns of behav
iour in the Mediterranean area between the seventh and tenth cen
turies and to seek recognisable common constants in these patterns
of behaviour; and secondly, to verify whether, by examining indi
vidual geographical areas, we can recognise theoretical models of
production and distribution, thereby determining how pottery pro
duction was organised and how the goods were circulated. If we are
able to find answers to these questions, we will have gained a bet
ter awareness of the contribution of ceramics to our knowledge of
the early medieval Mediterranean.
Fotteu in the Ea4y Medieval Mediterranean Basin
Indisputable is the total disappearance from Mediterranean circula
tion of a substantial variety of tablewares and containers for carry
ing goods after the end of the seventh century. While ARS and other
slip wares were no longer produced for the local market,3 transport
containers only disappeared from western archaeological records—
by contrast, in the Byzantine and Islamic areas, their production
continued.4 For example, in Saraçhane in Istanbul 85°/a of ceramic
finds in the eighth century were still amphorae.3 In the first ease we
of Europe. Archaeological and Social Development in the Eirst Millennium AD, ed. K. Rands
borg (Rome 1989), p. 146. Referring to a productive system of early medieval Italy
he says that pottery “is of eonrse the clearest archaeological guide”.
In particular about African ceramics (and ARS): S. Tortorella, “La ceramica
africana. Un hilancio dcll’ultimo decennio”, Productions et exportations ofricaines. Actualités
arehénlogiques en Afrique du .Nord antique et inédjirale, ed. P. Trousset (Aix-cn-Provence,
1995), pp. 79-102.
On early medieval Byzantine amphorac see Ch. Bakirtzis, Bjantzne tsokalolagena.
A Contribution to the Study of the .fvthnes, Shapes and Uses of Eireproof Gooking PsLc, Transport
Vessels and Storage Containos (Athens, 1989), pp. 133—135; Id., “Byzantine amphorac”,
Reeherches sur Ia eiramique byrantine, eds. V. Dbroche and J.-\L Spicscr (Paris, 1989),
pp. 73—77, plus various other papers. We lack a complete study on the production
of amphorac in the Muslim world, but these vessels are very common in many
archaeological contexts of those areas (for Spain and Syria see infra; thr the medieval
layers in North Africa with transport containers see A.A. Amamra, “La céramiquc
islamiquc”, Eoudles de Sitif 1977—1984, eds. A. Mohamedi, A. Benman-sour, A.A.
Amamra and E. Fentress [Chéraga, 1991], pp. 218—219).
J.W. Hayes, Excavations at Saraçhane in Istanbul. 2 (Princeton, 1992), p. 3.
CERAMIC PRODUCTION AND DISTRIBUTION 117
see the disappearance of a type of pottery which had had an enor
mous success for a number of centuries; in the second we instead
observe reduced production of a container type prompted by a
diminution in or the disappearance of an international market.
The explanation of the first phenomenon is complex,6 and not
linked simply to an economic change in trading patterns.7 The fine
tablewares had lost the position that they had held for centuries as
a relatively high status product and as a substitute for items made
of more precious materials. In effect, this was also a cultural and
technological change. But did this mean an increase in regional pro
duction and distribution which would eharacterise the Mediterranean
area until after the tenth century? Is it a generalised phenomenon
or do different patterns/changes occur in different regions? And does
it reflect the fragmentation of Mediterranean unity, on a political or
cultural base, in the emergence of diversified local productions?
To tackle these questions, a series of suitably varied examples of
recent debate will be scrutinised, examining (i) the Byzantine area
(discussing the Capital, the Saraçhane excavation and parallels with
regional productions); (ii) the Muslim area (using the regional ease
study of the Cora of Tudmir in Spain, before and after the con
quest); (iii) the Western Kingdoms, notably France (focussing on the
southern regions) and Italy. This evidence will then be compared
with other examples in the east Mediterranean areas, chiefly Syria
and Egypt, the centre of the Ummayad caliphate.
Saraçhane in Istanbul
In 1992 Hayes published findings from the excavations at Saraçhane,
Istanbul.5 These were extremely significant in contributing to our under
standing of pottery consumption in the greatest metropolis of the
Byzantine world between the fifth and tenth centuries—and beyond.
j.W. Hayes, Late Roman Pottep. A Catalogue of Roman Eine Wares (London, 1972),
pp. 425—427.
On the problems of the relations between the disappearance of ARS (and other
wares including amphorae) and the decline of trade in Late Antiquity, see the excel
lent recent review in C. Panella, “Merci c scambi nd Mcditerraneo tardoantico”,
Storia di Roma. 3. L’eth tardoantira. II. I luoghi e le culture, eds A. Carandini, L. Cracco
Ruggini and A. Giardina, (Turin, 1993), pp. 613—697. See note 56 for references
to the production of red slip ware in Egypt after the seventh century.
Hayes, Excavations at Saraçhane in Istanbul.
118 SAURO GELICHI CERAMIC PRODUCTION AND DISTRIBUTION 119

Between the fifth and seventh centuries the City’s pottery con
sumption depended mainly on imports, not just arnphorae hut also
fine tableware and probably some cooking pots possibly from the
Aegean. Only in the seventh century did the production of fine
“Glazed White Ware”5 begin (fig. 1). This replaced the Late Roman
%;35
qEm
red slipped tableware, and became xsidespread over the Mediterranean
area throughout the Middle Ages. Amphorae continued to be imported
from nearby regions (chiefly Asia Mmor”, but perhaps also even
from the metropolitan region itself in some cases). From this time
onwards, cooking pots predominantly of local production were of
high quality (“products of a sophisticated urban industry”).’
The overall picture “maintains an urban character throughout,
contrasting with the crude handmade products of the Early Middle
Ages in the Balkans”.’2 Indeed, from the seventh to the tenth cen
tury, the ceramics of Constantinople (tableware and cooking pots)
have strikingly little in common with the production in other parts
of the EmpireH3 Fine local tableware was even exported, if only in
S7°
small quantities,” although the nature of this trade remains obscure.
With the eleventh century. Constantinople once more became a
cenn’e exclusively of pottery consumption. at least in terms of tableware.
From this period on all sgraffito pottery (Fine Sgraffito, Incised Sgraf
fito, Zeuxippus and Aegean Ware, for example) were produced else
‘ST 15_r fl5dtG

where in the Empire (e.g. in Greece at Corinth, maybe Attica and -l

Salonika)’° or in the Aegean,” and exported from there to the Capital.

About “Glazed White Ware” see priocipally D. Talbot Rice, Byaotsoe Gla,’d
Pottery (Oxlhrd. 1 932(. pp. 19—29, 45-48. Many other scholars have discussed this
ware (see Haves, Eseazatisns at Sarafltane in lstasshal, p. 12 aod notes(.
Haves. Evrarationo at Saeaç/zane in J,tanhul. p. 4.
Z7
Haves. EsTaratisns at Saraçhane in Istanbul. p. 53.
Haves. Escaratisns at Saraçitane in Istanbul. p. 3.
The problem is not completely studied: some scholars idendfv cooking pots
very similar to those found in ConsLsntinoplc in other parts of the Empire e.g.
in Hierapolis. Turkey, in contcxt probably datiog from the eighth to the tenth cm—
turv: P. Arthur. “Un gruppo rh ccramtche alto medicvalc da Hicrapolis Pamukkalc. 21

Denizli, Turchia ssccidentalc’ .is/asi/ogia .lleeliecale, 24 [1997]. P. 538).

,

‘
E.g. Corinth: C.H Morgan, (Steisith. 11 The %zantine Psttety. (Cambridge, 1942.
.

PP 42 57, 8486. 103—104; Athens: Haves. Exraratisns at .S’aiaçbane in Istanbul, p. 12; Figure 1. “Glazed White Ware 1” from Saraçhane in tstanhul (not to scale:
Thessalnniki (in the Byzantine Muscnm: courtesy of D. Papaniknla Bakirtzis(.
The production of Corinth is discnsserl by Mnrgan, fisnntlt 11; for Thessaloniki after Hayes, Exeasatisas at Saraçhane ia Istanbul, fig. 4)
and the surrounding areas Ch. Bakirtzts and D. Papanikola Bakirtzis, “Dc la ckramique
byzantine en glaçure S Thessalnniqnc”, Byanttns Bulgariea; 7 (1981), pp. 42l—436
Ch. Bakirtzis, “Didymnteichnn, nn centre de cbramique post—byzantine”, Balkan
Studies, 21 (1980(, Pp. 147—153.
lb
Far “Zeuxippus Ware” see A.H.S. Megaw, “Zeuxippus Ware”, Annual of the
120 SAURO GELICHI
The Cora of Tudmir and Spain (Seventh—Tenth Centuries AD,)
The case of Cora of Tudmir in Spain seems particularly significant
since it conccrns a large territory for which the development of early
medieval pottery production has been well analysed.’7 Sonia GutiélTez’s
work is very expressive and complex, and we hope here not to over
simplify her major points of discusssion.
She has demonstrated that various levels of production and trade
were still to he found in the Visigothic period. The first level consists
of a good quality pottery, whose centres of production lay outside
the Cora, but were linked to trade and an international market.’8
The second features pottery produced using techniques similar
to the previous period, but in specialised local workshops, with a sta
ble market and demand.’9 The third level comprises hand made pot
tery with a limited range and produced in what Peacock terms as
a “house-hold industry”.20 According to Gutierrez, most of this pro
duction was domestic and carried out by women, not requiring a
specific space or complex tools; slow lathes were used and the pottery
baked on an open fire. This type of production was quite widespread
in the region. and occupied a specific place in the more complex mar
kets, although demand remained close to the centres of production.
In the period immediately following the Islamic conquest (the
“Emiral period”), the situation changed eonsiderahly.2i International
imports and good speeialised local production ceased almost corn
pletely, and only domestic production survived. The first century
after the conquest saw pottery production in south-east Spain based
on small rural communities with a high level of self sufficiency and
connected to the indigenous population who were direct descendants
of the Hispano-Visigoths. On a formal level it had a few basic and
But/oh Sc/iso! at .1/liens 63 1968,, Pp. 67—88: idem. Zeuxippus Ware again”, Reclicrchcs
soc in cdrasnssjue b,zantoisl edo. V. Dhroche &,J.M. Spieser :Athens. 1989,. pp. 259—266:
C. Berti & S. Celiehi. “Zeuxippus Ware in Italy”. .llaterinl .-lsmlysis ‘sjB,zantinc Pot/cry.
ed. H. Magnire ‘Washington. 1997 Pp. 85—94. On “Aegean Ware”. A.H.S. Megass.
. pp. 291—299 In fact this ware was not common in tenth and initial eleventh—
“An early thirteenth-century .\egean glazed ware”, .Stisdics in 1Icsnsry of Da:’id Ta/hst
Rice, eds. C. Robertson and C. Henderson (Edinburgh, 1975), pp. 34—45; on both
products see sVH.S. Megaw & RE. Jones, “Byzantine and Allied Pottery: Contributions
by Chemical Analysis to Problems of Origin and Distnhutson”, Annual of the Bsitich
Schoot at Athens 75 (1983), pp. 235—263.
s Cutiérrez, La Corn de Tudsnir.
‘ Cotiérrez, La Corn
de Tudmir, p. 187.
‘
Cutihrrez, La Corn de Todmir, pp. 173—177, 187.
20
D.P.S. Peacock. Fottesj io the Roman lVsrtd. An Etlmoorchacohsgscot Approach (London,
1982).
21 Gutidrrcz. La Corn de Tudmo’.
pp. 187-188.
CERAMIC PRODUCTION AND DISTRIBUTION 121
multifunetional series of potteries (figs. 2—3). Only towards the middle
of the ninth century did individual and group workshops begin to
appear. These used more complex productive processes such as glaz
ing. Gutiérrez relates this new production to an enlarged urban envi
ronment and specialised demand.
Some questions remain open regarding technology (where does
the technique of glazing come from?)22 and levels of production (what
occurred between the seventh and the mid-ninth centuries in the
urban centres and how did it differ from rural contexts?). Also there
is the absence of specifically Berher forms in this earlier hand-made
context (is this reflective of minimal Berber human presence here?).23
Only the slow formation of a stratified urban society prompted
the production and consumption of good quality goods, leading to
development of a market and bringing about the emergence of a
structure of production in the cities around that market. A turning
point was reached around the middle of the tenth century when
glazed pottery with polyehrome decoration appears :the so-called
“Caliphal” type;.25 This new production was of relatively high sta
tus, hut its distribution is still not clearly defined 1for example, what
was the connection with social or economic categories?::.25 However,
what is certain is that production took place in workshops in an
urban environment.26
22 According to Cutidrrez (La Corn de Tudmo’, p. 188). it would have been due
to a slow internal experimentation: “cobs primieros vidriados inonocromos, ques in
duda suponen ci ensayo y experiemenlaeion de a nueva posihilitates tecnologicas.
se caraterizan por so gran calidad y Ia eomplejidad de su ornamentaciSn”.
23
Cutifrrez, La fJsro de Tudnar, pp. 182 183.
14 See the recent review hx G. Rossello Bordov. “Alcnnas observaciones sobre la
decoracion ceramica en verde v manganeso” Condcroos de .llncti’nnt n/-Zahrn. 1 1987 .
pp. 25—137.
22
\t. Barcelo maintains this ware is a product of and for the palace: ‘vajilla de
Palacio” “Al-.llotk. el verde y hlaneo. La vajilla califal omcva de Madinat al-Zahra”,
La ceranoca altsoiectierot en ct Soc de A/-Anc/nts.s. cr1. A. \talpica Cuello [Granada. I
.
century layers in Spain e.g. R. Azuar Ruiz and S. Cutihrrez lloret. “Ceramiea’,
La rahita ca/uS! de ta duoos de Cuardnoins (Aticonte,). Ceramss’n. Epsgrcpn. Fauna. Itiolnco/hunn.
ed. R. Azuar Ruiz [Alicante, 19891, p. 135), hut ceramics sintilar in decoration and
technology to “Nladinat al-Zahra” ware were produced in many places in Spaui
(see note 26) and, almost from the second half of the tenth century, exported in
the east Mediterranean (e.g. in Italy: G. Berti and L. Tongiorgi, I hacini ceramici dette
chiese medierati di Pita [Rome, 1981]; G. Berti and S. Celiehi, “Mediterranean ceram
ics in late medieval Italy”, Mediecal Europe. 1992. Exchange and Trade, Fcc-printed Papers,
5 [1991], pp. 119—123; and Id.. “Mille chemins ouverts en Italic”. Lc sect ct/c hoio.
Dc Knirouan a Arignoss, c!rasniques du X’ nu XV si/c/es, [Marseille. 1995]. pp. 130 132).
20
On production in Majorca see C. Berti, C. Rossello Bisrdov and E. ‘longiorgi.
I9

122 SAURO GELICHI CERAMIC PRODUCTION AND DISTRIBUTION 123

z:- .i
-

1
. )_

6 7

I’
4

11

/
P / \ 10cm

..__.li
5
6
o 10 cm

Figure 2. Coarse wares of the Erniral period from the Cora of Tudmir in Spain
(after Gutiérrez, La Cora de Tudmir, fig. 78)
13 14 16

Figure 3. Coarse wares of the Emiral period from the Cora of Tudmir in Spain
(after Gutiérrez, La Cora de Tudinir, fig. 79)
124 SAURO GELICHI CERAMIC PRODUCTION AND DISTRIBUTION 125

Southern France sanaux a cote des grands ateliers”° (such as Var and Marseilles).
Alongside this type of pottery occur imported cooking pots (even
Post-classical archaeological research has increased markedly in the
if “il ne s’agit pas d’une importation massive, ni d’un commerce
South of France in recent decades. Nevertheless, as we will show
régulier mais d’un flux marginal”)t3 and common grey clay ware,
below, our knowledge of pottery production between the eighth and
both closely tied to local production until the seventh century. In
tenth centuries is still restricted, for a region which contains few
the tenth century, however, a substantially changed morphology
remains datahie to that era. A state-of-play summary presented in
emerges: the most characteristic element here is the exclusive pres
Siena in 1984 remains largely valid;27 although recent research is
ence of closed forms with a convex base often decorated and smoothed
helping to expand and enhance our knowledge, it has not modified
(fig. 4),34 Although susceptible to variations, the situation in south
the general sequence proposed fifteen years ago.28
ern France seems quite similar to that of northern Italy, at least after
The first problem is that in the seventh century this remained an
the seventh century when there was an extreme formal simplification
area with a thriving pottery industry and trade. Products still arrived
(with a total abandonment of open forms and containers for storage
from Africa (ARS until seventh century),29 and there was also regional
or carrying) and the absence of mono-fired glazed pottery (apart
production (such as ceramique luisante probably made in Savoy and
from imported goods).33 Also of note is the apparent similarity between
exported mainly in Languedoc until the end of the sixth century).3°
urban and rural situations, although we have less information about
In this area we also find the so-called “dirivés des sigillees pale
the type of organisation and the existence of markets.
ochrCtiennes” (DSP) pottery,3’ attested chiefly between the fifth and
the sixth centuries in Languedoc and Provence. hut lasting for differ
ent timespans depending on the area. Studies have revealed two The Italian Peninsula
main groups of production with different characteristics and different
Italy is valuable to examine since it was politically and culturally
production equipment. The “hétCrogCnCitC tvpologique( du groupe
divided until the eighth century (and later) into two main areas:
provençal provient sans doute de la multiplicite de petit ateliers arti
North and Centre-South.

“4lcini hacini ceramici a Pisa e la corrisponrlcntc produzione di )Iaiorca nd Xorth Itay

secolo XI”. Arrheslogio .lledicralc 13 1987:. pp. 97—115: ceramics in green ann pur
ple were produced also in Murcia ‘J. Navarro Palazon, ‘Los matenales islamicos
del Alfar antiguo de San Nicolas de Murcia”, Foso de /adsers ci “tcotares” mldilvaus. en
Méditercanée Occidentalc .lléthsdes ci résuttats, eds. F Amigucs and A. Bazzana [Madrid,
1990], pp. 31—36, fig. 6) ann Dénia (J.A. Gisbert Sante nja. V. Burguera Sanmatcn
and J. Bolufer i Marques, La cerainica de Daozya-Dénia-Alfares j: ajuares doosésticos de los
sijtos XII—XIII, [Valbncia, 1992j, passon); see also J. F)scudero Aranda, “La cera
mica dccorada an ‘verde y manganeso’ de Madinat al-Zahra”, (.)uadernos de Madinat
al-Zabra 2 (1988-1990), pp. 127-161.
CATHMA, “La céramique do haut Moven Age en France méridionale. Elements
comparatifs et essai d’interprétanion”, La ceramica nsediecale net .‘tIeditercanco occidental
(Fircnze 1986), fig. 2. -
20
CATHMA, “CCramiqucs langoedociennes do haul Moven Age (VIP—XP s.):
essai de synthCse 5 parlir des aequis récents”, La cicainiçoec niédilcale en Méditerranée.
(Aix-en-Provenec, 1997). pp. 103-1 11; J.-P. Pellettier. “Leo céramiques communes
grises en Provcnce de l’Anliquité nardive au XI1F siècle”, Ibid., pp. 111—124.
See for example the ceramics from excavations in the oppiduin of Sainl-Blaise
NI.-T. Cavaillbs-Llopis & L. \‘allauri. “Leo eCrainiqueo fines importCes”. Lippidum
de Saint-Blaoe du V an 111’ a. ed. G. Démians d’Archimhaud [Paris. 19941, pp. 86115
30
CA’FHMA, “La cbramique do haut Moven Age”. p. 39.
J. Rigoir. ‘Les sigillfcs paléoehretiCnneo gnses et orangbes Gallia 26 (1968
.
pp. 177 -214.
The situation in the north of Italy between the fifth and tenth cen
turies is relatively well documented and within certain limits resem
bles that of southern France.
During the initial Lombard period (c. AD 569—6l0), the impor
tation of Mediterranean ceramics persisted (but with marked differences
22
CATHMA, “La eéramic1ne do haun Moyen Age”. p. 42.
CATHMA, “Importations de eéramiquc communes méditerranéenncs dans Ic
midi de Ia Gaule (ye_VIP s.)” A cerainica medieral no Mediterraneo Ocidental (Lisbon,
1987). p. 43.
We can find confirmation of this line of development despite very recent work
which refers to eighlh—tenth century finds from Ihose areas, for example Languedoc
Roussillon: Poteries d’Oc. Cécoooqnes languedocicnncs I]I’—XJ’II’ silcles. cd. M. Leenhardt
NOises. 1995 and Teocs de Durance. (Aaniojues de lAntscpoté mci Tern/is .llodernes Digne.
1995’:.
°
CATH.\LA. “C’éramiques glaçurées de lAntiquité tardive en do ham Nfoven
Age en France méridionale’, La reraooca incetriata tardsantica e altornediecale is Italia.
ed. L. Paroli Florence. 1992:, pp. 6872.
126 SAURO GELICHI CERAMIC PRODUCTION ANI DISTRIBUTION 127

between the coastal and inland regions). A good level of local and
sub-regional production still existed (for example, glazing, red painted
wares).36 The first examples of hand-made pottery also appear, but
probably produced by unspecialised craftsmen. The same period sees
the appearance in some zones of a type of pottery with very par

c1E b ticular technical characteristics: the so-called “Lombard type pot

tery”37 with a discrete geographical and chronological distribution.3t3
In this period workshops are not known, apart from one excavated
‘ ! in the Capitolium at Brescia, dated to the first half of the seventh cen
tury,39 which produced “Lombard pottery”, glazed pottery and imi
tations of red slipped ware imports; this, therefore, was a production
centre of some note, probably connected, if not to a stable market,
then to a specific demand.
b From the second half of the seventh century until at least the
C ninth century, production (with few exceptions) reverted to a hand
made level, created on a slow wheel, with very few functional types
and many of these seemingly multi-functional (fig. 5)40 Cooking pots
have not been found in great quantity because they were generally
replaced by soapstone/Lavez vessels. But we cannot he certain what,
if anything, replaced older forms with specific functions—plates and
howls, for example. Had these needs changed or did a reduced eco
nomic context result in a reduced ceramic repertoire?4’
b We can also ask, as Sonia Gutiérrez does, whether this situation

a On glazed ceramics see G.P. Brogiolo and S. Geliehi. L.a reramiea invetriata
b tardo-antiea e medievale nel nord Italia. La ceramica inreirthta tardoantica e a/tonic-
theta/c in Itaha. pp. 23 32: on red palmed N. Giordani. “Ii vasellame fine da mensa:
importazioni e produzioni locah”. Ii tesoro net pozo. Poi deposits e tesauri.tzaioni
ne//’antica Eintha. eds. S. Gelichi and N. Giordani Nlodena. 1994 pp. 75—88. .

U 0. von Hessen, Die Langobardischen Keranuk otis lies/ten \Viesbaden. 1968’.

°
G.P. Brogiolo and S. Geliehi, “Ceramiehe, teenologia ed organizzazione della
procluzione nell’Itaha settentrionale Ira VI e X secolo”. La ctrannque médtéca/e en
.lltdiierrante. pp. 140—141, fig. 2.
A. Guglielmetti, “La ceramica eomune fra fine VI e N see, a Brescia. nei siti
di casa Pallaveri. palazzo Niartinengo Cesaresco e piazza Lahus. Le ceranuc/ie a/tome
a dicta/i (‘,/ine I I—X seco/o,i in Italia settentrionale: prsthtione e conune’rci, edo. G.P. Brogiolo
and S. Gelichi Mantua. 1996 pp. 9—14.
G.P. Brogiolo and S. Geliehi. “La eeramiea grezza medievale nella pianura
Figure 4. Coarse wares of the tenth-eleventh centuries from Provence after
padana”. La ceramica niedieza/e nd Jlediterraneo occidentale Florence 1986. pp. 293-3 16.
CATHMA “L.a ceramlcjue do haut Moven Age”. fig. 13 SI
It is possible that wooden vessels did become more commonplace, but we have
too little archaeological evidence for this; see P. Arthur and H. Palterson. ‘Ceramics
and early Medieval central and Southern Italy: “a potted history”, La storia dell’alio
lfedioeco italiano (Jl—X sec.) a//a /11cc de//’archeo/sgia, eds. R. Francovich and G. Nové
Florence, 1994), p. 429, note 84.
128 SAURO GELICHI CERAMIC PRODUCTION AND DISTRIBUTION 129

refers to “rural” production by communities producing almost entirely

for their own consumption (as hypothesised some time ago by Mannoni
and othcrs).2 It seems evident, therefore, that a strong similarity
existed between both urban and rural situations and this persisted
until at least the tenth century). Furthermore, we do not find in the
11
2

C pottery signs of any kind of market which could be connected to

the curtense manorial structure.4t
Towards the ninth century we find the appearance—only in some
areas—of mono-fired glazed pottery, a relation of the so-called Forum
Ware (ceramica a re/rica pesante). It is tempting to connect this pottery
to an urban production (and with a wider market network), but as
yet insufficient data are available to form a clear interpretation. It
is certain, however, that “T7etrina Pesante” and “Sparse Glazed” potterytt
were also produced in the north east of the peninsula.
3 From the ninth Century there was in fact a great increase in pro
duction and in standardisation of types (although functional pottery
remains anchored to few products) An interesting model for this
period is St Agata. a fortified tenth-century village located on the
.

Bologna plain.t2 The study of a selected group from this settlement

shows a certain complexity itt the circulation of wares, which seems
to indicate at least three levels of supply: a) the largest group 46.5%
of finds) is represented by forms with a morphology to be found
H across a fairly wide area, conceivably demonstrating the existence of
4 H
I’ I an inter regional distribution and market; h) the second group (38.6%)
is represented by various similar forms with a more limited area of
LZ__ -I-..___ distribution, possibly denoting local production, though not necessarily

42
See t. Pstaonom, La ceraioira med/eva/c a (dnsva e ne//a Liguoa (Genoa-Borcligllera,
1975).
43
S. Geliehi. “Ceramiche senza rivesdmento grezze”, Ii tessrs net pszs, pp. 88—95.

57
“Vetona Pe305te” is the name of a waste groop of ceramics covered by plain
and thick monochrome glazed on exterior (0. Mazzucato, La ceramica a retriaa peeante
6
[Rome, l972]’t, now osed not oniy for the Roman prodoction. “Sparse Glazed” is
another term (D. Whitehoose, ‘The medieval glazed pottery of Lazio”, Papers of the
Both/i S’chss/ at Rome 35 [1967]) that identifies vessels without homogeneous lead
glaze on the surface. Either term is normally in use for the glazed potteries in early
medieval Italy çL. Paroli, “La ceramica invetnata tardo-antica e medievale nell’ltaha
eentro-meridionale On the production of “I’etona Prsante” and “Sparse Glazed’ in
Figure 5. Coarse scare from Piadena Cremona in Italy ‘after Brogiolo and the north east of the peninsula see Brogiolo and Gelichi, ‘La eeramiea invetriata
tardoantica” and S. Gelielsi and MG. \ laioli, “La ceramica invetriata tardo—antica
Geliehi. La cera,nira gss:za aiediera/e ne//a pianioa padana. tav. Vt
e altomedievale dall’Emilia Romagna”. in La ceraioira invetriata tardsantica e a/tsniediera/e
in ito/ia. 23—32 and 2 15—278.
°
F. Sharra. Ceraaoche do//s sears di au castrum a/tsaiediera/e ne/ ten/tsr/s di S. .4gala
Bs/sgnese ‘I3O. Tesi di Laurea unpublished University of Pisa 1995-96.
.
 130 SAURO GELICHI CERAMIC PRODUCTION AND DISTRIBUTION 131

in the same village; its good quality should signify the existence of
a good local level of technology and standardisation; c) the final
group (l4.9°/o) documents products which are rather heterogeneous
within themselves; this is the easiest group to interpret, being ceram
ics brought from a fairly long distance which arrive together with
other imports (Soapstone vessels, millstones, etc.).
Explanations for this situation are not straightforward. especially
in the absence of fundamental information, namely the excavation
of an identifiably contemporary workshop46 (since mineral-petrogra
phy analysis cannot provide adequate results for pottery types with
a very similar composition, from very wide areas, and in hatches of
supply which are not very different from each other). But we can
hypothesise the existence of a fairly developed craft industry with
few production centres in the first group—in which a sort of mar
ket already existed—and a more localised craft production in the

Ij
second. Alternatively the first and second groups represent a situa
tion where the technical and cultural environment is composed of
local units, over a fairly wide area, united together along lines of
typologv and function.
Unfortunately, as yet, we lack good urban archaeological contexts
with which to compare the S. Agata model, but the few data we
possess do not seem to show a great difference between urban and
rural consumption.

Centre-South Itaiy
4 I
Up until the end of the seventh century levels of ceramic produc
tion appear to remain good. Whilst the sequence at the C0 pta Balbi
in Rome documents a change during the course of the seventh cen
turv,1’ quahtv still persists. Imports continue and, together with coarse
pottery, containers in common clay are produced, sometimes in open )(( ‘

form and red-painted (fig.

An early medieval kiln has been discovered recently near the ancient Roman
town of Libarna (Piedmont): E. Giannichedda, Antichi ,nestieri. Archeslogia della pro
duione Genoa, 1996), PP 74—76; at present information on functions alone is avail
able. and not on the kind of products.
‘
See M. Ricci. ‘\nte sulla ceramica comune a Roma nd VII secolo”. I.e ceramic/ic
di Roma e del IJUio in eta medietale e ,noderna. IL ed. E. Dc Nlinicis Rome. 1995.. pp.
5
17—22; D. Romei, Note sulla ceramica dipinta in rosso a Roma nell’VlII secolo”.
I.e ceramic/ic di Room e del &c,1o in eta mediecale e ,noderna. II. pp. 23—28.
°° Figure 6. Vessels of the later eighth century from the Crtpta Ba/hi in Rome after
L. Sagui. M. Ricci and D. Romei. Nuovi dati ceramologi per Ia storia edo
Arthur and Patterson. Ccramics and early medieval Central and Southern Italy:
nomica di Roma Ira VII e VIII secolo”. La céramique inidtira/e en Miditerranée, pp. 35—48.
a potted history”, fIg. 5)
132 5AURO GELICHI CERAMIC PRODUCTION ANT) DISTRIBUTION 133

Elsewhere the Situation seems similar, if with some variations. For

example, in Tuscany, in both a rural environment (e.g. Poggibonsi)5°
and an urban one (e.g. Siena, Pisa, Lucca, Pistoia),55 the production
of red pottery continued.
From the ninth century we see the introduction of the so-called
“Forum Ware”. a distinctive lead-glazed ware (fig. 7).0 Anms’ recent as a
mterpretauon of the f’etrma Pesanle” pottery and Roman “Sparse
‘

Glazed” pottery, based on clay type/fabric, coating and working.

argues for development in more than one phase and with man’ lev
els of production)° In the first phase a very simple type of organi
sation prevailed in which scale appears limited and the distance
between producer and consumer such that the second case still
influenced the first’s choice—a sort of “individual workshop”. In the
second phase an increase in the quality of production sees an exten
sion of the area of distribution, indicating a more complex produc
tive structurea kind of “workshop industry”. Therefore, in the
Rome area we observe a change in the organisation of production
towards an ever greater level of specialisation. 2
We can also see this in examining the so-called red painted wares 1
in the South of the peninsula. Pol centrism seems to be an element
which characterises the production of “Ve/nna Peseznte” pottery, hoth
in Latium and in the rest of Southern Italy.°° This hypothesis is not a a

Sec lvi. Valenti, “La ceramica comune nd terrilono settenlrionale senese tra
V-inizi X secolo”, lie ceramic/ic altomec/ievali (fine 1] .V sees/n,) in lEa/ia settentrionale, pp.
149—169; R. Francovich & M. Valenti, “La ceramica d’uso comune in Toseana tra
V—X secolo. Ii passaggio tra eta tardoanlica ed alto Merlioevo”, La c/ramique médié
vale en Aléditerran/e. pp. 129 137.
°
For Siena see N). Milanese, “I reperti ceramici degli scavi di Piazza Duomo
in Siena”, Santa Maria del/a Scala. Arrhes/ngia e edi/rzia os/la piazza dells Spedale, edo.
F. Boidrini and R. Parenii (Florence, 1991). pp 368—370; Pisa: F. Ahela, “Ceramica
dipinta di rosso”, Pisa. Piazza Dante. tins sparrats del/a stnria pisana. La canopagna di
scans 1991, ed. S. Broni (Pontedera, 1993), pp. 413 418; Lncca: G. Ciampoltrini
and P. Notini, “Lncca tardoantica e altomedievale: nuovi contrihuti archeologici”,
Archeaisgia Aledievale 17 (1990), p. 585; Pistoia: G. Vannini, L’antics Palazzs dci J7esrnni
a Pistsia, 2. 1 dorumenti arc/ieslngiri (Florence, 1987), pp. 421 424. 4
SI
F. Paroli, “La ceramica invetriata tardo-antica e medievale ncll’Italia centro
meridionale”, l.a ceramica invetriata tardsantica e altamer/tenale in Italia. pp. 33—61. Figure 7. “Forum Ware” from Rome (after Whitehouse, “The medieval glazed
MB. Annis, “Ceramica altomedievale a vetnna pcsantc e ceramica medievalc pottery of Lazio”, fig. 2)
a vetrina sparsa provenienti dallo scavo di S. Sisto Vccchio in Roma: analisi tee
nologica c proposta interpretativa”, La reramica inretriata tardoantira e a/tnmcdiena/e in
Ita/ia, pp. 349417.
°
Paroli, “La ceramica invetriata tardo-antica”, p. 46: “II policentrismo è nno
degli elemcnti caratterizzanti l’organizzazionc della produzione della ceramica a vet
rina pesante” and: “. ii modello centralistico del grande ccntro produttore [as
. .
134 5AURO GELICHI
based on the circulation of products or the recognition of workshops
(we await excavation of one of these), but on mineral-petrographic
analysis. But we need not assume the production of glazed pottery
as taking place only in the urban envlronment, as Sonia Gutihrrez
suggests for the Spanish pottery, or Hayes for the “Glazed White
Ware”. There is no evidence of suhstantial diversity of consumption
between the urban and rural areas (we can see this by looking at
the like capillary distribution of “Forum Ware” in the Roman coun
tryside:.51 This does not mean that this pottery cannot reflect on
social and economic relations: for example, Paul Arthur attributes
the absence of the use of “Forum Ware” in Naples in the Early
Middle Ages to a decline in the city’s economic importance.35
Pottep’ and CWtural and Economic Patterns in the Mediterranean in the
Ear4 Middle Ages: Some Possible Models
Despite the disparity of the documentation, various aspects of cera
mic and economic change can he recognised and assessed. First one
should stress how archaeologists, through working more on the mate
rials and less on productive systems, have greatly clarified the aneW
of pottery types across time and space. \\e can see how the cessa
tion in the circulation of ARS and other red slipped wares brought
about, in many areas, a concomitant cessation or reduction in the
production of local fine pottery. There are a few exceptions, such as
in Egypt, where we can recognise the continuation of ARS into the
eighth century and even until the ninth;55 likewise in Syria, where
some scholars have argued for solid continuity from the fifth to the
Roma] che rifornisce ‘monopolisticamente’ i centri satelliti sfuma in una realtfl molto
pin articolata caratterizzata da un decentramento praticamente immediato della
produzione.
See many papers in La ceransica invetriala tardoontica e altonsedievale in Italia. The
diffusion of “Forum Ware” in the Roman Campagna was discussed in relationship
with early medieval settlement (see the synthesis in N. Christie, “Forum Ware, the
Dnchy of Rome, and incastellamento: problems in interpretation”, Archeslngia Mediecote,
24 [1987], pp. 451—466).
P. Arthur, “Naples: a case of urhan survival in the Early Medieval Age?”,
Mélanges de l’Eenle Française de Rnine. Msjen Age 103 (1991), pp. 709—784.
C. Vogt, “Les céramiques ommeyyades et ahbassides d’Istabl’Antar: traditions
méditcrranéenncs et influences orientales”, La cilainique oiédiivale en Méditerranie, pp.
243—260.
CERAMIC PRODUCTION AND DISTRIBUTION 135
seventh century.57 But in general within the Byzantine Empire, as
across much of the Musfim territory and in the later Carolingian
realm, the image of loss seems the same.
There was instead an overall rise in local products, generally coarse
ware, hut the conditions and methods of production and distribu
tion are not clearly defined. This phenomenon of transformation can
undoubtedly he set to the seventh century and is also found in more
“continual” contexts such as Rome.
In Constantinople at least we see the rise of glazed production.
Manulbeture of fine wares continued in Syria. though not the local
red slip ware; the fine wares are later replaced by glazed vessels)5
As far as is known given the lack of analysis due to the absence
of specific documentation(, North Africa followed the same direction.
Between the seventh century (after the 1\Iuslim conquest) and the
ninth we lack reliable archaeological evidence, hut there is no indi
cation yet of a relationship between ARS tahlewares and the first
glazed polvchrome pottery produced in Tunisia area of Kairouan,.
which appeared in the Aghlabid period ninth century” and the sub
sequent Fatimid period. We believe that the new techniques were
introduced by \1iddIe Eastern potters from the caliphal areas, to whom
we tend to attribute the famous tiles of the mosque at Kairouan.79
Hand-made pottery probably produced by women for domestic use
also became increasingly common in these areas.
Glazed pottery failed to penetrate certain areas (Southern France,
North West Italy), or was introduced subsequently by the Byzantines
(e.g. in the second half of the eighth century in Rome and in the
J.P. Sndini and E. Villcocuve, “Fe passage de la céramique byzantine a Ia cSra
miqnc omcyyade en Sync du Nord, en Palestine et en Transjordanic, pp. 195—218;
P. Watson, “Change in foreign and regional economic links with Pc]la in the
seventh century AD: the ceramic evidence”, La Sjne de Bysanee a lIslani. l711’—VIJF
siides, cds. P. Canivet and j.-P. Rey-Coquais (Damas, 1992), pp. 233—248.
Watson, “Change in foreign and regional economics links”, pp. 242—246, dis
cusses tlse problem of late production of rerl slip ware in Syria (Jerash Bowls).
On the tiles of the Kaironan mosque see C. ?darçais, J.esfaiënees a refieti initalliques
de Ia GrandeMssquie de Kairsuan (Paris, 1928). The ceramic productions of early
medieval tfriqya are not well known and there are many problems about the chronol
ogv before tenth century (unglazed and glaze wares). A general guide to these ceram
ics is (,3ulenrs de Iiinmsie (Paris, 1994); the Islamic wares from the Carthage excavations
arc discussed by Cu Vitelli, Jslaaoe Carthage. ?7ieArehaenlsgieal, Histsrieal and ceramic
Evidence çCarthage, 1981). A recent synthesis is in S. Celichi and XE .Xlilanese,
‘Prishlems in the transitions towards the medieval in the tfriqya: first results from
the archaeological excavations at Uchi Mains )Teboorsook, Béja)”. Africa Rsnmana,
12 (199$, pp. 457—458.
 136 SAURO GELICHI
rest of the South of the Peninsula), or emerged (perhaps) as an “ex
periment”/indigenous innovation, as claimed for Southern Spain.
After describing the varied forms of production and distribution,
we must now attempt to provide models to explain them:
• Urban production for urban consumption. The most significant example
of this occurs in Constantinople which witnesses a continuous level
of production in highly specialised workshops (“workshop industries”;;.
These produced mainly for local (hut not necessarily closed:;’ con
sumption; there was in fact a modest level of export mainly to neigh
bouring areas. This could he the case, for example, in Spain in the
ninth century with the introduction of tin glazed pottery (the so-
called calip/tal ceramics).
• Urban and rural market production. Production for a more limited mar
ket, or limited to exchange still exists. This situation is known in the
Centre-South of Italy, where specialised productive organisation seem
ingly sun:ived, although its development was not linear (n.h. crisis
in the seventh centun- and recovery in the late eighth). This pro
duction was not necessarily in the hands of full-time craftsmen, but
it did require a certain amount of investment in technology and raw
materials. We could therefore suppose a rudimentary form of mar
ket existed.5° Production would have passed from the “individual
workshop” to the “workshop industry”. The location of the work
shops does not seem to be a determining factor, in the sense that
the same type of pottery (at least in the case of “Forum Ware”) was
produced in the same way by potters operating in either the city or
the countryside; the few kilns so far excavated have been in rural
areas (e.g. in Italy, Monte Gelato/Mazzano Romano, and near the
abbey of San Vineenzo al Volturno).5’ However, we can deduce that
some form of hierarchy existed in the productive apparatus from the
time that they began to be exported (e.g. the “Forum Ware” in
Southern France).
U. Whitchouse & P. Arthur “La ceramica dell’Italia meridionale: produzione
e mercato tra V c X secolo”, Archeslogsa Medierate, 9 (1982), pp. 39—46; Arthur and
Patterson, “Ceramics and early medieval Central and Southern Italy”.
h
On the kiln discovered in the Roman Campagna see T. Potter and A. King,
Excauatisns at the Msta di Monte Getato (British School as Rome Archaeological Mono
graph 11, London 1997), csp. pp. 92—94 (ninth-century): for San Vinccnzo see
R. Hodges and H. Pattcrson, “San Vinccnzo al Volturno and the origins of the
medieval pottery industry in Italy”, La rerarniea inethevale net .ifediterraoes Occideotate,
fig. 7, p. 23 (dated from c. 950).
CERAMIC PRODUCTION AND DISTRIBUTION 137
• Domestic production for own consumption or for limited exchange within raral
communities. This is the model proposed by Gutiérrez for the rural
environment of the Cora de Tudmir between the seventh and the
tenth centuries; it is one we can conjecture for the South of France
until the tenth century, and the model recognisable for Northern
Italy, until at least the tenth century. This production had a very’
limited circulation; the places where the pottery was made and con
sumed were almost always the same. Of course the existence of areas
with a more complex organisational model does not exclude the pos
sibility that in the same areas less sophisticated structures existed.
Nevertheless this more simple level of production is not fundamen
tal as an archaeological guide; indeed, it creates certain problems
when we want to understand the mechanics of production and dis
tribution of a grade of pottery superior to family production for self-
consumption. I \vould like to suggest for example that we should
consider the possibility, at least in North Italy, of a distribution inside
the manor/estate or “curtense system”. In this case we could con
jecture the existence of seasonal production for consumption inside
the production unit itself, and aimed at the market to which the
most important producers were directed.°
Goncluston
A flexion in ceramic production generally produces an analogous sit
uation in urban and rural consumption; from the eighth to the tenth
century the situation in the Mediterranean area (with a few excep
tions) seems comparable between urban and rural contexts. Is then
the pottery a suitable guide for indicating socio-economic levels? Was
pottery still an identifying hierarchical factor in society?
Strong continuity is apparent only in some areas, namely where
the connection with the tradition of the Roman world was more
“2
This is a theoretical model based upon some considerations ahout early medie
val ceramic productions by U. Monneret de Villard, “L’organizzazionc industrialc
nellitaha longoharda durantc l’alto Mcdiocvo”, Archwis Stories Ls,obards, 46 (1919),
p. 20: sec also Cclichi, “Ccramichc senza rivestimento grezze” and Brogiolo and
Gelichi, ‘Ceramiche, tecnologia ed organizzazionc della produzionc”, p. 144. Some
scholars criticised Monncrct dc Villard (e.g. C. Violantc, La sseietâ oolaaese in eth pre
csouinale çBari, 19742) and P. Toubert, “Ii sistcma curtcnsc: Ia produzionc c lo scam
hio intcrno in Italia nci sccoli VIII, IX c X”, Storia d’Itatia. Aaaali 6. Eesnsoua natsrale,
eeonsoua iosnetana, edo. R. Romano and U. Tucci (Turin. 1983), pp. 3—63;, due to
the lack of written documentation (Toubcrt, “Il sistcma curtcnse”, p. 37).
 138 SAURO GELICHI CERAMIC PRODUCTION AND DISTRIBUTION 139

durable; and where, probably, the transformations of urban society until the tenth century, the level of international pottery commer
were less traumatic and there was survival of the wealthiest owner cialisation was minimal in all the countries discussed above, often
class. In these areas we still see a sufficiently high quality level of reduced to a sort of luxury trade (being outside the commercial route
ceramic production and kiln distribution. of exchange). In this period the ceramic evidence is probably a good
This model may also be evident in the new areas of power of the guide for recognising commercial and social levels only in more
Carolingian Empire, along the Rhine and in North Europe. In these restricted and regional areas (in the North as in the South, in the
regions. we observe a more sophisticated production level and a more East as in the XVest. But by the tenth century we see little left of
complex system of distribution;6 and in these areas, some techniques the ceramics that had flourished in the late antique world.67
(such as glazingi and some decoration types (e.g. red paintcd),°1 known
in the Roman period, disappeared but were later reintroduced.65
We can recognise a gradual change in other regions, but not in
such a homogeneous fashion: in fact many different patterns arc
visible in Arab territories, which distinguish Syria-Egypt from Ifriqya
Spain.
We should question whether this problem is strictly connected with
the presence of an urban elite. I would argue that it is not. Wickham
has correctly noted that in Italy this phenomenon existed in those
areas where the rich owner class survived—more in the south of the
peninsula than in the north.°1 As the towns survived especially well
in the north, we could conclude that ceramic consumption and urban
elites became separable after the seventh century. But in other places,
notably Constantinople, as in some regions of the Ummayad Caliphate,
the more sophisticated presence and role of pottery is probably con
nected to a stable or new urban elite.
Even though, as seen, ceramic “quality” was not poor everywhere,
nonetheless the volume of ceramic production was low/poor; indeed.

Ceramic production and trade in England are well summarised by R. Hodges.

The Ha,naih Potte,i: 77u’ Local and Imported 11 ‘ales from 30 1 ian Ercatations cit .1 had/c
Saxon Southampton and their European (‘an/ext (London. 1981 pp. 89—94. Important
new data can be found in Travaux dii (3roupe de Recherches ci d’Etudes sur la (drainique dans
Ic ,Ji/ord—Pas-de-Galars (Arras 1993), esp. A. Verboeven, “L’hvolution de Ia chramique
aux Pays-Bas mhridionaux avant I’an Mu”, pp. 209—215. A more general approach
to these themes is in R. Hodges, Dark Age Economics. The Origin of Towns and Trade.
AD 600—1000 (London, 1982).
The problem was discussed by J. Hurst, “Red painted and glazed pottery in
western Europe from the eighth to the twelfth centuu”. ,\Iedrezal .4rchaeo/ogr 13
(1969. pp. 93--147.
A good review of the problem of red painted and glazed potteries in the North
is Hodges. The Haimeih Potteiy: noting how red painted and glazed wares were uncom m am grateful to Bryan ‘iVard Perkins and Chris XVickham who permitted inc
mon before the tenth century. to read their papers still in pu-ess :“Specialised Production and Exchange”. Cambridge
C. \Vickharn. “Considerazioni conclusive. La storia de/l’a/ts ,‘tlediorco ita/iano (11 X Ancient Hmmtog-. 14. and “Trade and exchange. 50—750: the view from the West”,
sec.) al/a lure dell’archcologia, p. 752. F/ih ()‘ongrrss on Late Antiqumir and Ear(y Is/an,, 1996).
 TOWNS, TAX AND TRANSFORMATION:
STATE, CITIES AND THEIR HINTERLANDS IN THE
EAST ROMAN WORLD, C 500-800

Wolfram Brandes and John Haldon

Cities, as defined in the Roman sense of cantos or polis, played a fun

damental role in the State’s fiscal administration in the late Roman
period. Yet during the seventh century, as a very different political,
social and economic situation evolved from that in which this role
had been embedded, their position was completely transformed. In
the following discussion, we will look at the changing relationship
between government, cities and local society over the period in ques
tion, and place them in a broader historical context.

General Perspectives

Urban centres grow up for several reasons and these will affect their
later evolution and the ways they respond to different historical or
changed ecological situations. Briefly, we can define cities in terms
of three basic aspects: first, in the sense of market centre, where pro
ducers from the area around assemble at regular intervals to buy,
sell or exchange goods; second, as defensive enclosures, consequently
as the location for local political power, and thus as foci for mili
tary, strategic or administrative needs; and third, as cult or religious
centres. More often than not, these coincide and overlap: a site which
commands access to a particular route or crossroads may also be a
local centre of communications, and thus an attractive location for
market-exchange, and thus administrative and defensive activity. Most
urban centres combine some or all of these elements, although
artificially-created ‘cities’ (in the Roman technical sense), established
for reasons of State fiscal and administrative policy in the Roman
world. may develop them only after their transformation by the polit
ical power into locally-significant social and administrative centres,
and may just as quickly lose their attractiveness when these functions
142 WOLFRAM BRANDES AND JOHN HALDON
are removed. This was certainly the case with a number of cities of
the eastern provinces after the sixth century.
The relationship of urhan centrcs to their hinterlands in the late
Roman and late antique world was always parasitical: cities and thcir
populations depend upon the producers in the areas nearest the town
to bring agricultural produce to town to sell. The artisanal activities
carried on in such towns reflect the dcmands of the soldiers, church
men, administrators and other non-producers. Until the changes of
the fourth and fifth centuries, cities were largely able to control the
produce thcy required by virtue of their role as landlords over the
city’s lands, rented out to tenant farmers of varying status. This
arrangement may have broken down in times of drought or pesti
lence, hut on the whole it worked to keep cities supplied with basic
requirements. Only extra large centres such as Constantinople needed
to bring in supplies from farther afield. This parasitical relationship
largely determined the maximum size to which cities could grow,
except where they were particularly favoured geographically and
could be suppliçd by regious more distant.
Whilst obvious, it is worth stressing that the degree of dependence
of a town upon its rural hinterland depended on a number of phys
ical features: whether the city was on the coast and had a harbour
(thus able to import goods cheaply); whether its hinterland was fer
tile and productive (thus largely determining issues of size and extent);
and whether or not it was situated near a larger metropolitan cen
tre. In addition. and where there exists also a larger and dominant
political formation—such as the Late Roman State—the effects of
State policy in respect of fiscal administration and military need are
crucial. In the case of the eastern Roman State, it is interesting to
observe how these relationships are transformed by the changes of
the seventh century, as cities lose their role as centres of fiscal admin
istration, as small defensible centres become increasingly part of the
State’s strategic requirements (as suggested by the officially-directed
expansion of Icastra-like defensive settlements from the fifth century
See ,J.F. Haldort. “The idea of the toss n in the Byzantine Empire”, The Idea
and Ideal if the Toa’n be/ascii l.a/c .4ntiqtofr and the Eaili .1 fiddle .dgec eds. G.P. Brogiolo
and B. Ward—Perkins The Transformation of the Roman World. 4. L.eiden/
Bostou/Koln. 1999 pp. 1 24; \\‘. Brandes. “Byzantine towns in the seventh and
. 60—80.
eighth eenmrv—differeut sources, different lustortes?”. ibid.. pp 25—37. The authors
are grateful to \Volf Liehesehuetz for the translation from the German of the sec
tions hv Brandes. and to the Assenheim Foundation for its generous support.
TOWNS. TAX AND TRANSFORMATION 143
on. first in the Balkans, later in Asia Minor),2 and as exposed hin
terlands discourage large-scale concentrations of resources and mar
ket exchange activity.
Beyond this, the extent of a hinterland depends upon the density
of urban settlement and population, upon the accessibility of the sur
rounding countryside to the city in question, and upon the number
of other ‘central places’. Here, historical conjunctures may play a
key role: the choice of a particular site for royal or imperial patronage,
as a military base, as a focus for artistic and religious patronage,
as a centre of ecclesiastical administration and estate management,
and so on, which might give one site a slight advantage in terms of
attracting social investment. In such eases, shifts in political and mil
itary power relations may have dramatic results for the favoured cen
tres. There is thus ustmally a hierarchy of towns, which can he modelled
as progressively smaller networks of social, economic and cultural
influence around particular urban foci. in which the networks radi
ating from the higher-level centres intersect, but within which sub
sidiary networks also exist and similarly interact, both with each
other and with their own local ‘central place’.
Furthermore, the term “hinterland” must be seen to mean more
than just the physical space in which cities were situated. On the
contrary, hinterlands had also a social, economic and cultural iden
tity, and it is the changes in these aspects of the hinterlands of
Byzantine towns that deserve further attention.
l7ie Fate of Cities and t ‘rban—Rara/ Relations in the East Roman 11 ‘odd
By the end of the sixth century the East Roman Empire was becom
ing increasingly hellenised and de-urhanised, a process in which the
late Roman State also played a key pail. The State had relied upon
the governing councils of cities for the collection and return of taxes
due from their territories,3 and up to the first decade of the seventh
century the Byzantine State, in spite of many symptoms of crisis,
2
See A. Dunn, “[‘he transition from pstts to kastrsn in the Balkans LIT—VU cc.):
general and regirsnal perspectives’’. Bi::antuie and ,llsdern Greek Slut/irs 18 1994 pp.
.
.
For a good summary of the hseal—insdmtiona! function of cities in the Roman
State, see ARM. Jones. ‘Pie Greek (S/r ]i’sin .I/crandee /s ]uslouanr (Oxford, 1967),
p. 89; also Id.. The Jailer Itsoian Empire. 284 602: .4 Sseial, Eesnsaue and .lduunistratirs’
144 WOLFRAM BRANDES AND JOHN HALDON
depeDded on the ciritates as basic units of the tax-system.4 But as a
result of a series of complex aud long-term changes, cities had become
less and less able to carry out this function adequately; the central
government intervened ever more directly, and by the early seventh
century had in effect taken over the fiscal duties of town councils
itself, by imposing centrally-appointed officials to deal with taxation.
Civic finances were subject to the control of officials of the central
tax-authorities, the praetorian prefecture5 represented by the provin
cial governor, the coircilira sacrarum largiliortuin and the res prirata.6 This
does not mean that curiales no longer played a role: indeed, the civic
authorities remained the basic unit of administration of imperial tax
ation. It is true that the emperor Anastasios I (491—518) introduced
vindices,7 who directed or supervised the financial activities of civic
Sursey (Oxford, 1964), PP. 716—719. Of course, the ideological and symbolic impor
tance of cities and urban culture in the Roman world, expressed through imperial
involvement in urban building and renewal in several cases, played an important
role in preserving the ideological integrity of the “city”. In addition, cities associ
ated with local saints’ cults, for example, enhanced their chances of flourishing
where they did not already possess a primary economic character.
See J.H.W.C. Liebeschuetz, “Civic finances in the Byzantine period: the laws and
Egypt”, Byzantinisehe eitschr(Ji 89 (1996), pp. 389—408; Jones, The Greek Gity, p. 69;
Id., The Later Rsoian Eiopire, pp. 716—719; A. Demandt, Die Spalantike (Munich, 1989),
pp. 401ff.; La fin de Ia citi antique ct/c debut de Ia rite rnédiérale, de Ia fin du JHt siècle ñ
l’asinement de Charlemagne, éd. Cl. Lepelley (Ban, 1996), reached us too late to he
considered here. Attenfion is, however, drawn to R. Delmaire, “Cites et fiscalité an
Bas-Empire. A propos du role des curiales dans Ia levee des impôts”, ibid., pp.
59—70; and XV. Liebeschuetz, “Administration and politics in the cities of the 5th
and 6th centuries with special reference to the circus factions”, ibid., pp. 161—182.
Cf. J. Karayannopulos, Dos Finanzceesen des fridibyzantioisrhen Staates (Munich,
1958), pp. 80ff. Though he describes the area praefertsna as a ‘subsidiary depart
ment’, it remains the case that the praetorian prefect was responsible for the man
agement of both aspects of the annona, that is the levying of the land tax as well
as the issue of supplies to provision army and civil administrafion. It was the prin
cipal duty of his subordinates, the provincial governors, to ensure the proper arrival
of the tax revenue. See also W. Eusslin, RE 22 (1954), pp. 2391—2502; E. Stein,
Untersurhungen teber das Q/Jèrinio der Fratsrionerprafektnr seit Diorletian (Vienna, 1922; repr.
Amsterdam, 1962).
R. Delmaire, Largesses sarries et Res piviata. L’oerarinm imperial et ssn administratisn
du iY an J7J siècle (Rome, 1989), passim.
The three principal sources are loannes Lydus, Dc Mag. 1,28; 111,46,49 (ed.
Wuensch pp. 30, 13Sf., l38f.); Evagrius, [list. cccl. 111,42 (eds. Bidez and Parmentier,
pp. 144E); loannes Malalas, Ghrsnsgr. XVI (ed. Dindorf, p. 400). See E. Chrysos,
“Die angebliche Abschaffung der stadtischen Korien dureh Kaiser Anastasios”,
Byzaotioa 3 (1971), pp. 93—102. For the purpose of tax-raising Anastasiui subordi
nated the curiae to the sindires. These in turn were under the praetorian prefecture.
See also W. Ensslin, RE 9A (1961), pp. 25—27; E. Stein, Histsire du Bas-Empire, 2
(Paris, 1949), pp. 211—214.
TOWNS, TAX AND TRANSFORMATION 145
curiae in many, but probably not all cities.8 But in spite of this inno
vation, municipal curiae and officials continued to exist, and to collect
taxes even in the sixth century, and often to do this side-by-side with
vine/ices.0 It is therefore an exaggeration to speak of the curiae as an
“institution morte”i° We will return to this topic later in the paper.
After the cities had lost their rural estates,1 the relationship between
city and its territory was reduced to the administrative responsibil
ity of city-based officials, whether civic or imperial, for the collec
tion of taxes; in addition the city of course continued to perform its
central-place functions, above all those of a market, and of a centre
of religion, culture and defence. Although a general tendency can
be detected, there are important regional differences. Some areas of
the Empire were experiencing deurbanisation, together with the rural
isation of some surviving formerly urban settlements, as early as the
middle of the sixth century. In other regions cities flourished into
the first half of the seventh century. The explanation for such differ
ences lies partly in external factors. Hence in the Balkans a long
succession of wars and barbarian invasions, together with political
destabilisation, led to the disappearance of cities already in the fifth
century.12 On the other hand, internal crises, perhaps caused, certainly
The traditional view that they were tax-farmers (as in, for example, J. Martin,
Spatantike nod Vtdkeiwandeoing [Munich, 1995], p. 96) has incidentally been recently
thrown into serious doubt: see, e.g. A. Chauvot, “Curiales et paysans en Orient a
Ia fin do VC et an debut du VE siécle: note sur l’institution du sindex”, Ssrietes
arbaines, ssriCtés rurales dons l’Asie Alinenre et Ia b)’rie hellinistiques et rsmoines, ed. E. Frézouls
(Strashourg, 1987), pp. 271—281.
E.g. in jVsr. 38 pr. (535 AD); Ed. 11,1,2 (535 AD); Vms 28 pr. (535 AD); Ed.
XIII,14f. (538 AD); .5kv. 128,5,8 (545 AD); .5kv. 134,2 (556 AD), which proves that
the introduction of vindires was not smiversal. Vindices are mentioned also in Ed.
XII1,14, 15; Nov. 38 pr.; sVsv. 128,5,8; .Asv. 134,2.
5
G. Dagron, “Les villes dans l’Illyricum protobyzantin”, Ville.i et penplement dons
l’Illyrirnio prstsbyzontin (Rome, 1984), p. 11.
“ Cl,. Kurhatov, “Razlozhenie antichnoj gorodskoj sobstvennosti v Vizantii IV—
VII vv.”, I7izontfskf I7remioenik 34 (1973), pp. 19—32; XV. Liebeschuetz, “The Finances
of Antioch in the Fourth Century”, Byzontinisrhe Zeitsrhrifi 52 (1959), pp. 344—356;
Delmaire, Largesses sorries, pp. 276—282, 641—658; Jones, Later Rsioon Empire, p. 732 &
n. 44 in vol. 3, p. 231. It is, however, a mistake to assume, with most of these
authors, that this lengthy and inconsistent process which began as eady as Diocletian
represented deliberate imperial policy to deprive cities of their landed property. The
cities’ loss was rather a byproduct of measures that had quite different aims. On
this see D. Simon, “Das fruhhyzantinische Emphyteuserecht”, .Svoipssisn 1977. Vsrtr4ge
.tnr grierhisrheo nod hellenistisrhen Rechtsgesrhichte, fLhontil5 1977, eds. J. Modrzewskij and
D. Liebs (Koln/XVien, 1982), pp. 365—422, esp. pp. 379ff.
2
Dunn, “The transition from pa/is to kostrnn in the Balkans (Ill—VIl cc.)”, pp.
60—80.
146 WOLFRAM BRANDES AND JOHN HALDON
intensified by the plague,’t impacted on cities, as is shown by the
example of Sardis: by the mid-sixth century large areas of this once
very important city lay in ruins.u The transfer of cities to more
secure sites is a phenomenon that is evident in several regions of the
Empire. The external factors that motivated the move are not always
obvious, although the movement of population invariably resulted in
a considerable reduction in the size of the town. The Lycian city of
Arykanda together with Arif, its successor-settlement, provide a good
example of this process.15 Cilicia and Tsauria—to give another exam
ple—experienced a decline of cities in the age of Justinian.’°
Yet elsewhere, as in Syria and Palestine, extensive building ac
tivity is witnessed even after the middle of the sixth, and lasting
into the first decade of the seventh century. Among the cities where
this has been established are Gerasa, Madaba, Caesarea Maritima,
Antiocheia, Apameia, Skythopolis, Pclla, and Jerusalem.’7 In other
°
J.-N. Biraben, “La peste du VIC siècle dans l’Empire byzantin”, Homines et
richesses dans I’Esnpise bjan/in, 1. JJ/—JJJ si/c/es )Paris, 1985), pp. 12 1—125; J. Durliat,
“La peste du VIC siècle. Pour un nouvel exarnen des sources byzantines”, ibid., pp.
107—119; MW. D)1S,”Plague in early Islamic history”. journal of the American Oriental
Society 94 (1974), pp. 371—383; K-H. Leven. “Die justinianische Pest”, 7ahrbuch des
Jnstitutsfiir Geschich/e der Jed(i,t der Rohert-Bosch-S/iflun. 6 (1987). pp. 137—61. Cf. also
Brandes, ‘Byzantine towns in the seventh and eighth century”, pp. 32—36, and LI.
Conrad. “Die Pest und ihr soziales Ltmldld un Nahen Osten des frühen Mittelalters”.
Der Islam 73 (1996. pp. 8 1—192.
‘
ML. Rautman. Tlse decline of urban life in sixth—century Sardis”. 77te I 7th
Inter,,at,onal Bra,,tu,e (%n,o’ss (1986j. ribs/sac/s of Short Papesc Dumbarton Oaks. 1986
p. 285.
°
\V. Brancles. Die S/öd/e Alctnas,ens im 7. toid 8. jahrhnnder/ Berlin. 1990 pp. ,
1 18f; further examples fIom Asia Minor. ibid.. pp. 111 120.
6
St. Hill. The Earlt Br.ait/is,e (Jiurches of (Slicia and Isauria Aldershot. 1996 p. 54
& pa. sissi.
NI. XVhittow. “Ruling the Late Rcirnan and Earl Byzantine cit: a continu
ous hi3tors Past & Pie.senl 129 1990 pp 3—2 csp pp 14f with n 2a going
further literature. On Gerasa see Gesasa. Cit, of/he Decapolis. ed. C.H. Kraehng (New
Haven. 1938:, pp. 172, 227, 23211.. 249ff On Niadaha: P.-L. Gatier, Insmptions grec
ques et latistes de la STrie. 21 Paris. 1986. pp. 87fF. 93ff. 101ff.. 109ff. 125ff. 141ff..
179. 186. 189. On Caesarea: (.‘aesarea .lfarthma.. I Rc/rospec/itc aftec Two riuillenia, eds.
A. Lahan and KG. Holum Leiden/Cologne/New York. 1996 p. 610: K.G. Holurn
,
and R.C. ‘i\’iernken. “The Joint expedition to Caesarea Nlaritirno: Eighth Season
1979”. Bulleti,t of the American School if Oriental Research 244 1981. pp. 2751. On
Antioch: J. Lassus. .iuitioch on the Own/es. 5 Princeton 1972. pp. 148ff On Aparnea:
Apasnie de Sine: bilan.c c/es recherches archislogiqtse.s 1973—1)17)). ed. ,J. Baltv Bruxelles.
1984. pp. 495ff. On Pella: NI. \Vhittow. op. cit.. p. 16 0.30. and especially L.P.
Day. Pella of the Dcapoli.. 2. Final Rsport sf the C’sllcgc / II sos/cs. Es.cczcatio,t in Area IX.
the Cuic Coisiplev, 1979—1985 : Wooster, 1989). pp. 81) On Jerusalem: K. Bieherstein
and H. Bhsedhorn, 7eru.sals’sn. Gssndziige der Baugeschichte corn Chalkslith,kssm bis zisi
Fr5heit der os,nanischen Hs’sssch,a,/h, 1 \Viesbaden. 1994), pp. 1621) On building activ
ities after 613 tlse Persian conquest see K. Biebersicin. “Der Gesandtenaustausch
TOWNS. TAX AND TRANSFORMATION 147
cities too, for instance in Thessaloniki, Ephesos and Constantinople
itself, new buildings were being erected up to the middle of the sev
enth century, sometimes with rich decorations.’° That a very pros
perous upper class continued to exist in the cities of the East is
proved not only by surviving precious silverware,’9 but also by eccle
siastical building, some of it on a large scale.2°
The cultural background to the development of the eastern provinces,
perhaps even its principal cause, is a radical change in social val
ues, resulting from the fact that Christianity with its ascetic and
world-renouncing tendencies was now making a profound impact on
human thinking and feeling.2’ The regionalised character of these
changes is especially apparent during the first half of the seventh
century, when Persian attacks and raids appear to have left sub
stantial scars. There can be no doubt that extensive regions of Asia
Minor—and their cities in particular—suffered great damage as a
result of this hostile activity.22 The Balkans, as noted, had already
been largely de-urbanised by this time, a long-drawn-out process last
ing through the fifth and sixth centuries.23 In contrast, Byzantine
Mesopotamia, Syria and Palestine were able to preserve a high degree
of urban continuity up to the Arab conquest.24 Towns also persisted
up to the second half of the seventh century in Crete, Cherson,
Southern Italy and Sicily.25 The cities of North Africa suffered an
accelerating decline in the course of the seventh century.2°
zw,schen Karl dem Grossen und Hartin ar-Rasid tnsd seine Bedeutung fbr die
Kirchen Jerusalems’. eitschrft des deutsche,, Palöstina-I7resss.s 109 1993. pp. 152—173.
‘iViuttow. Ruling the Late Roman and Early Byzantine cip pp. 141) .
NI. Niundell Mango, Si/ncr frost, Byzantusss, Baltimore. 1986 : ‘i’hittow. op. cit..
.
17f.
‘\ittow. op. cit., stresses this aspect.
H. Saradi—Nlendelovici, Ihe demise of the ancient city and the emergence of
‘
the medieval city in the Eastern Roman Empire”, Echos do .Ilonde (Jassique/ Classical
l’icos os. 7)1988 pp. 365—401. esp. pp. 388ff; the topic seen in a wider context:
,
997 pp. 3246)
J. 22Haldon. By.as,tn,sn in the .Sere,tth C’enturc Cambridge. 1 .
See p. 158 and discussion, below.
23
See Dunn. “l’he transition from polis to has/ron in the Balkans”.
24
See above n. 17; and J.F. Haldcsn. “Qpelc1ues reniarques sur l’bconomie byzan
tine de 600 5 1100. Esquisse comparative”. La s/aria dc/laSs .lledioeeo i/n/tuz,o IJ I—X
sec.) all,t l,icc dell’archeologia. eds. R. Francovich, Gh. Noyb Florence. 1994 pp. 71—84.
.
esp. PP 76—77.
See Brancles. “Byzantine towns in die seventh and mgi iii century”. On Cherson
see now NI. Nvstazopoulou—Pelekidou. “Ladministration locale de Cherson S
I epssque h zantine IN —XII s Eoeugia lIe/angs 5 offes/s a Hdsn, 4his.neile, Bo zantina
Sorhonensia 16. Paris, 1998), 2, pp. 567—579.
Av. Cameron, “Byzantine Africa the literary evidence”, l3vcaiatio,,s at Carthcsçse
1978, conducted ft the Uniee,sity sf5lichigan. 7, ed. J.H. Humphrey Ann Arbor, 1982),
148 WOLFRAM BRANDES AND JOHN HALDON
As such, these developments had important results for the phvsi
cal structure and use of public and private space in urban contexts.
as archaeological surveys and excavations clearly show, and reflect
also a major shift in the patterns of investment of local elites. It does
not necessarily mean that there was any substantial reduction in eco
nomic or exchange activity in cities: indeed, both literary sources
and archaeological evidence from the Balkans and Asia Minor sug
gest that urban centres continued to fulfil their role as local foci of
exchange and small-scale commodity production as well as for the
social activity for the landowners and the wealthy of their districts,
at least until the 620s in most cases.27 There may thus have been
as much wealth circulating in urban environments as before, but the
city as a corporate institution had oniy very limited access to it.2°
Crucial in this respect is the increased prominence of the Church
as a receiver of and an administrator and investor of social wealth
in all forms—art, architecture, land and rents, livestock, precious
metals, etc.
Accompanying and consequent upon these changes was a “rural
isation’ of Byzantine society. The evidence is limited, but at some
time in the second half of the seventh century the State appears to
have transferred its fiscal attention to the village community. which
eventually becomes the main unit of assessment. This appears to
reflect in part the devastation, abandonment, shrinkage or displace
ment of many cities in Asia Minor as a result of invasions and raids,
especially from the 640s but also during the period of the Persian
wars.29 \Vhere there is continuity of occupation (most city sites), this
represents factors such as defensive properties, relevance to military.
administrative or ecclesiastical needs, and so on.° Partly this trans
fer of attention from cities to villages reflects the internal dynamic
pp. 29—62; “The Byzantine reconquest of North Africa and the impact of Greek
culture”, Graces-A rahica 5 (1993), pp. 153— 165; W.H.C. Frend, The end of Byzantine
North Africa: some evidence and transitions”, Bulletin Archiologique c/u ()‘omité des Traraux
Historiques et Scienofques n.s. 19 B (198)), pubi. 1985), pp. 387 397; D. Pringle, The
Defence of yantine Africa from Juctinian to the Arab Conquest, 2 vols. (Oxford, 1981).
27
For a detailed discussion, see below.
See especially J.-M. Spicser, “L’évolution de la villc byzantine de l’époque
paléochrétienne a l’iconoclasme”, Hoinines et richesses dans l’Empirc hyantin, IV’— 1711
sc/c/es (Paris, 1989:, pp. 97—106, esp. lO3f.
See the list and discussion in Brandes. Die .Sta’dte Kleina ens irn 7. und 8. jaihundert.
pp. 120-124.
See Brandes, Die Sià’dtc A7einasiens; also Spieser. “Lévo1ution de Ia ville byzantine”.
TOWNS, TAX AND TRANSFORMATION 149
of urban-State relations and the shift in social and economic impor
tance of cities in the State’s eyes referred to already. All the evi
dence from imperial legislation of the early eighth up to the eleventh
century, from casual references in hagiographies, and from the tenth
century from monastic charters and grants of exemption. shows the
fundamental importance of the village as the centre of the State’s
fiscal interest and of rural society.3’ The evidence for this is implicit
in the changed terminology for rural settlements, as well as in the
much more clearly evidenced results in the literature and legislation
of the ninth and tenth century and afterwards. By the middle of the
sixth century, two terms of equal value were used to describe village
communities: chôrion and kJmê—the first the traditional term for an
inhabited holding or part of an estate within a single fiscal unit, the
second the standard word for a village of small proprietors. In legal
texts kômê was the equivalent of the Latin zicus, and chôrion for the
Latin fundus. Originally distinct, the semantic proximity seems to have
been a result of the fact that the social and juridical differences
between free peasant smallholders in kômai on the one hand and the
dependent peasants of a fundus or chórion belonging to a landlord
were gradually evened out, so that the technical difference between
the two words became less important. But cI,ôsion comes then to pre
dominate because it bore also—in contrast to kdmê—the restricted
and specific meaning of a single unitary fiscal unit, a significance
further enhanced as the fiscal centrality of the village community
and its lands and population come to the centre of the State’s atten
tion in tax-collecting. Peasant communities of all types were thus
referred to as chóiza in recognition of their identity as units of fiscal
assessment. The increased use of the term in all sorts of texts suggests
3I
See M. Kaplan, “L’bconomie paysanne dans lEmpire byzantin du V’ au X
sihcles”, Ktio 68 (1986), pp. 198—232; and Id., Los hommes et Ia terre a By2ance du VI’
au XI’ siicles (Byzantina Sorbonensia 10, Paris, 1992); H. Köpstein, “Zu den Agrar
verhältnissen”, yan.7 im 7. ,7ahrhundert: Untersuchungen zur Heraushildung des Feudalismus,
eds. H. Kopstein, F. Winkelmann, H. Ditten, I. Rochow (BBA 48, Berlin, 1978),
pp. 1—72, esp. pp. 56ff. For surveys of Byzantine fiscal administration for the period
from the seventh to the eleventh centuries: F. Dolger, Beitrizge zur Geschichie c/er byzan
tinischen Finanzr’erecaltung hesonders des 10. und 11. Jahrhunderts (Byzantinisches Archiv
9, Munich, 1927. Flildesheim, 1960); P. Lemerle, The Agrarian H,sto9, of Bjizantium
from the Orgins to the Tae/Jt/i ()entup. The Sources and Problems Galway, 1979(; also
Karavannopulos. Das Finanzzc-csen des friihhyzantinischcn Staaies. Most recently, see
N. Oikonomidhs. Fiscahii ci exemption fiscale a B)’zanre. IX’XI s. (Athens. 1996-. and
Haldon. Byzantium in the Serenth C’entun. pp. 137—1:38, 142ff.
150 WOLFRAM BRANDE5 AM) JOHN HALDON
that the village and its members were thus becoming the key ele
ments in fiscal practice.32
In this respect, it would appear that, in all but the most unusual
cases (Constantinople, for example), their social and economic hin
terland had evolved to the disadvantage of urban centres. Cities and
towns fall into the background, and the ‘hinterlands’ now become
pre-eminent. The traditional relationship is, to a degree, reversed.
Only where large-scale State aetivities—i.e. military activities—were
concerned was a wider resource-area drawn into the urban hinter
land, and this was frequently only a temporary state of affairs. In
addition, where towns are seats of ecclesiastical administration—bish
opries, for example—similar results might ensue; although one could
also argue that the ideological significance of an ecclesiastical pres
ence outweighed the practical.
Soldiers
One other reason for the increasingly rural aspect to Byzantine soci
ety and State in this period is to be found in the role of the army.
The Byzantine State continued to maintain a considerable army,
which consumed a very large portion of the State’s annual revenue
income in one form or another. During the period e. 640—660 the
evidence suggests very strongly that the State almost ran out of cash.
But it still had to maintain its armies. The solution was to distrib
ute the soldiers across the provinces, so that they could he main
tained directly, rather than by paying salaries which could then be
exchanged on the market or by garrisoning them in cities and bring
ing the supplies to the soldiers (an expensive process requiring con
siderable organisational investment). Some cities were garrisoned, of
course, and small cash paymeuts continued to be paid. This distri
bution of soldiers must have been widespread, because it certainly
resulted in a strongly provincialised, localised and ruralised army by
the middle of the eighth century. In effect the State appears to have
returned to a system of maintaining its armies in a similar way,
although on a much reduced scale, to that of the fourth and early
22
See M. Kaplan, “Les villageois aux premiers siheles hyzantins (VF_Xc sihcles):
une societe homogkne?”, Bjzantinsslaviea 43 (1982), pp. 202—217, at 241E
TOWNS, TAX AND TRANSFORMATION 151
fifth centuries, but without the major garrison centres and military
camps of that era. In the context of the wars and fiscal problems
faced by the State in the seventh and eighth centuries, this was an
efficient response to the situation. The effect was, once again, to
heighten the fiscal and economic significance of the village or rural
district at the expense of the town.33 There took place thus a radi
cal transformation of the social and political relations between urban
centres and their hinterlands at this time.
Constantinople
At the same time, both literary and archaeological evidence show
the pre-eminent position taken by Constantinople. The establishment
of a new imperial capital on the site of the ancient city of Byzantion,
with the imperial court, a senate, and all the social, economic and
administrative results, had far-reaching consequences for the pattern
of exchange and movement of goods in the Aegean and east Mediter
ranean basin. By the early seventh century the regionalised nature
of exchange activity within the Aegean and East Mediterranean, focused
on a number of key centres—Constantinople, Alexandria, Antioch,
among the most important—was becoming increasingly accentuated.34
In the Balkans and northern and western Asia Minor, with a few
exceptions, social interest for the investment of personal wealth and
the accretion of prestige and status was increasingly focused on
Constantinople as the best way of ensuring a niche within the impe
rial system. With the loss of the eastern provinces to Islam this pic
ture became even more pronounced,33 for none of the cities or urban
See Haldon, Byantinin in the Seventh Oentnp, pp. 208ff., and Id., “Military serv
ice, military lands and the statos of soldiers: corrent problems and interpretations”,
Dnnzbartsn Oaks Papers 47 (1993), pp. 167.
Al. Romanèok, “I’orgovlya Chersonesa v Vll—XlI vv.’, Bj’antinsbn4gnrira 7
(1981), pp. 319—331 (the example of Cherson); and esp. j.W. Hayes, “Problhmes
de la chramiqne des VIP IXC sihclcs S Salamine et S Chypre”, Sn/amine de Chpre,
histnire et arehéstngie: état des reeherehes (Collorloes internationaox do CNRS 578, Paris,
1980) pp. 375—387; and Id., Exravatisns at Saraçhane in Istnnbnl, 2. The Psaesy (Princeton,
1992), pp. 7, 53; C. Abadie-Rcynal, “Céramiqoe et commerce dans le bassin Eghen
do IVC au VIP sihcle”, Hninnses et rieheoes, 1, pp. 143—162, esp. 156—158. For Syria
and Palestine, see the useful survey by Hogh Kennedy, “The last centory of Byzantine
Syria: a re-interpretation”, Brrantinische Fsrsehnngen 10 (1985), pp. 141—183. See also
the comments on trade and commerce in Brandes, The Stadte Kiesnaszen2, pp. 152—160.
For the development of the new capital and its effects on its hinterland and
152 WOLFRAM BRANDES AND JOHN HALDON
centres of Anatolia or the Balkans conld compete with the imperial
capital, which was henceforth the single most important centre of
administrative, productive and commercial activity in the region.36
State Control of Resources
The State played the crucial role in the Byzantine economy.37 Indeed,
the events of the seventh century entailed a reassertion of central
State power over late Roman tendencies to decentralisation. The
State was both limited, and in its turn to a degree defined, by the
nature of key economic relationships, in particular those determin
ing the nature of the appropriation, distribution and consumption of
surpluses. This is most evident in respect of the issue of coin which,
even taking into account the considerable fluctuations in both the
the wider region about it, see C. Mango, “The development of Constantinople as
an urban centre”, Seventeenth Jnternationnt Bjzontine C3ngress. Major papeo- (New York,
1986), pp. 118—136; for the ideological and cultnral focus on Constantinople, see
especially H. Hunger, Reich der neuen Alitte. Der christliehe Ceist der bjantinischen Kit/tar
(Wien-Craz-Koln, 1965); on the attraction of Constantinople and the palatine hier
archy for the provincial elites, see P. Vittinghof, “Zur Verfassung der spatantiken
Stadt”, Studien zu den Anfangen des eurspdisrhen Stndtceesens (Reichenau, 1955/1956), pp.
1 l--409, esp. 27f.; and Spieser, “L’Cvolution de la ville byzantine”, p. 106.
During the seventh century even Constantinopolitan coarse cooking wares were
exported as far afield as Rome and Carthage, although not in large quantities. The
exception is the concentrated stream of imported African fineware from Carthage
and its hinterland in the middle and later decades of the seventh century, prob
ably connected with the political, cultural and military relationships between
Constantinople and the exarchate of Carthage, as well as Constans II’s sojourn
in Sicily in the 660s during and after the monothelete controversy. See J.W.
Hayes., “A seventh-century pottery group”, R.M. Harrison, N. Firatli, “Excavations
at Saraçhane in Istanbul: fifth preliminary report”, Duinhnrtsn Onks Papers 22 (1968),
pp. 203 216 with the modified summary view in Saraçhane, p. 7. Note also
NI. McCormick, “Bateaux de vie, hateaux de mort. Maladie, commerce, transports
annonaires et Ic passage économique du Bas-Empire au Moyen-Age”, Moffologze
sociali e eu/turn/i in Europa fin tarda Antichith e alto Medioeoo. Settins. di Spolets 45 (1997),
pp. 35—118, at pp. 78k
A point often stressed by M.F. Hendy, Studies in the By3nntine Aionetap Ecsno,gy,
c. 300—1450 (Cambridge, 1985), pp. 602ff, 662ff; Id., “Economy and State in late
Rome and early Byzantium: an introduction”, The Econsny, Eiseal Administration and
Coinage of Bjzantium (Northampton, 1989), 1, pp. 1—23. Note alsoJ.F. Haldon, “Some
considerations on Byzantine society and economy in the seventh century”, Byzantinieche
Forschungen 10 (1985). pp. 75—112, esp. 80ff.; and although the point can be modified
according to historical context (for example, pointing out that the role and significance
of commercial exchange and cash-crops increased very considerably during the
period after the tenth century), it remains valid for the whole Byzantine period up
to the thirteenth century.
TOWNS, TAX AND TRANSFORMATION 153
purity of the gold nomisma and its fractions, and the distribution and
quality of the bronze coinage of account, remained the basic mech
anism through which the State converted social wealth into trans
ferable fiscal resources.55 Wealth was appropriated and consumed
through what can best be described as a redistributive fiscal mech
anism: the State issued gold in the form of salaries and largesse to
its bureaucracy and armieS, who exchanged much of it for food and
other items in the provinces and towns. The State was thus enabled
to collect much of the coin it put into circulation through tax, the
more so since fiscal policy generally demanded tax in gold and offered
change in bronze. There were periods when this System was con
strained by eireumstanees—the seventh century in particular seems
to be a period when cash resources were outstripped by demand,
resulting in the ad hoc arrangements for supplying soldiers in the
provinces in kind, for example, and for raising taxes in the form of
State eorvées or other extraordinary impositions.39 But the overall
effect of this State monopoly on the distribution and circulation of
coin, and the weight of the fiscal apparatus on the producing pop
ulation, is generally agreed: it was a major factor in inhibiting invest
ment in commercial exchanges not connected with the fiscal process;
and in a society in which all forms of social status and advancement
were connected with the State (including the self-identity of the aris
tocracy), this meant a considerable hindrance to the expansion of
that part of the economy not directly connected with the State’s
activities. This situation fluctuates, of course: the increase in agri
cultural investment and in population, and in consequence, of the
tax-base of the State from the tenth to twelfth centuries, appears to
have been accompanied by a corresponding increase in local mar
ket exchange and petty commodity production—though even here
the demands of the State’s apparatus and the fact that the social
elite remained closely hound up with it served as a damper on the
development of market relationships entirely free from State inter
vention. The effects of the survival of late ancient State centralism
can clearly be seen.40
We stress transferable, because a substantial proportion of the surplus wealth
extracted by the State was always in the form of raw- materials, State services of
one sort or another, labour, and so forth.
Seej.F. Haldon, “Synônl: reconsidering a problematic term of middle Byzantine
fiscal administration”, Bjzantine and Modern Creek Studies 18 (1994), pp. 116—153.
40
For a survey of the different functions of gold and bronze coinages, see Haldon,
“Some considerations on Byzantine society and economy in the seventh century”,
154 WOLFRAM BRANDES AND JOHN HALDON
Cities and Their Ruling Elites
Cities played a key role in the State’s fiscal machinery, and we shall
focus next on the function of cities and their ruling elites in respect
of the exaction of taxes.41 As we have seen, the cities (poleis/cizitates)
represented the lowest level of the system of administration of tax
ation as late as the sixth century. A variety of sources informs us of
the different officials who were responsible for the levying of taxa
tion at civic level (epitêrêtfs, praktJr /drgyrikCn, sitikônj, sitologos, apaitêtêtfs,
exaCtor, susceptor, compulsor, sjntelestOs, etc.))2 These offices were imposed
as a munus on members of the urban upper class. All of them are
witnessed to the end of the sixth and even into the seventh century.
The evidence is mostly in papyri from Egypt, but there are other
sources; and in employing their testimony, we must bear in mind
that these titles might also designate State officials and very often it
is not easy (or impossible) to say to which level of administration
(municipal, provincial, central) the relevant person belongs.
From the time of Diocletian the annona had been the most impor
tant direct tax. Originally it referred simply to the supplies which
had to be furnished to the army (corn, meat, provisions of various
kinds, as well as certain items of equipment). A consequence of the
esp. pp. 80—84. Again, Hendy has emphasised these points: see esp. “Byzantium,
1081—1 204: the economy revisited”, The ECQOQOIJ, Fiscal 4dininistratisn and Gninnge sf
Bjznntinm. 3. For a position argning for greater awareness of basic monetary mech
anisms on the part of the government, see C. Morrisson, J.-N. Barrandon, J. Poirier,
“La monnaie d’or byzantine a Constantinople : pnriflcations et modes d’altkrations
(491—1354)”, C. Morrisson, Cl. Brenot, J.-P. Callu, J.-N. Barrandon, J. Poirier,
R. Halleux, L’sr mnnnnjé, I (Paris, 1985), pp. 113 -187, sec esp. 12Sf; and esp.
C. Morrisson, “Monnaie et finances dans 1’Empirc hyzantin, Xc_XIV sihcle”, Hnmmes
et riehesses dam t’Empire bycantin, eds. V. Kravari,J. Lefort, C. Morrisson, 2. VIIF—XV
siicles (Paris, 1991). pp. 291—315, see pp. 304—308.
41
This is not the place to offer a general survey of the Late Roman system
of taxation which survived into the sixth century, which can be pursued in the
work of Jones, Later Rsman Empire, pp. 41 1ff; Stein, Histnire do Bns-Empire, 2, passim;
Delmaire, Largcoes saeries; Karayannopulos, Finnncecesen.
42
It would be good if all municipal officials could receive as thorough a study
as the Cmuitq-t5ç in B. Palme. Das Amt des &mumi-rilc in Agypten (Wien, 1989); cE
also J.D. Thomas, “The office of Exactor in Egypt”, Ghrsniqne d’bgypte 34 (1959),
pp. 124—140; W. Peremans and E. van’t Dack, “jtpOienop T9ç ThpWTfl; tstpagqvou”,
Jsnrnal sf]nristir Fnpyrslngy 18 (1974), pp. 197—202;J. Gascoo, “Les grands domaines,
la cite et l’Etat en Egypte byzantine”, Trarnnx et lIimnires 9 (1985), pp. 1 -90;
J. Gascou and L. MacConll, “Le cadastre d’Aphroditô”, Tracnnx et Mimnires 10
(1987), pp. 103—158; A. Ianiado, “Zuv-teXaot5ç: notes sor on terme fiscal snrinter
prCtC”, ]surnat sf]nristir Fapyrstngy 2fi (1996), pp. 23—31.
TOWNS, TAX AND TRANSFORMATION 155
collapse of the currency in the third century was that the tax was
for many years raised in kind. Not later than end of the fifth cen
tury, a considerable part of the annona was “adaerated”, that is deliv
eries in kind were commuted into money payments. This was the
so-called adaeratio or tiutcxpyupta.tOç. But commutation was probably
never complete, some payments seem always to have been demanded
in kind.45 The praetorian prefecture was responsible for the admin
istration of this tax, but it delegated the actual collection to the cities.
Levying the annona was not the cities’ only duty. They had to meet
the expenses of roadworks, to maintain the eursus publicus, to provide
recruits, etc. A further burden was the coemptio, the possibility that
in certain conditions—for instance at times of troop-movements-
the authorities would make compulsory purchases of corn, at prices
fixed by themselves. The auruin coronarium was yet another burden
on cities.44
The imperial government was thus bound to have a growing inter
est in controlling the cities, not least in order to ensure regular receipt
of the annona. Numerous laws are concerned with cities and their
aim is to keep them alive as fundamental elements in the State’s
fiscal administration. But the outcome was that in the reign ofJustinian
civic curiae were deprived of responsibility for levying taxes. Henceforth
(A/bc. 128 [a. 545]) this was carried out or controlled by the bureau
cracy of the provincial governor, who in turn was a subordinate of
the praetorian prefect of the East. In practice, there must have been
great variety from region to region in the detailed arrangements of
tax administration, but, in general, this is the background for the
(exaggerated) description of the miserable condition of the cities that
we read in Procopius (Historia areana, 26,6).
As noted above, the fiscal competence of the city curiae or boulai
underwent some important changes during the fifth and sixth cen
turies.43 Yet it is important to note that the disappearance of the
K.L. Noethlichs, “Spatantike \Virtschaftspolitik und adneratin”, Hictsrin 34 (1985),
pp. 102—1 16.
°
Th. Klausner, “Aurrim coronarium”, Afitteitungen des Dentsrhen Arehdstsgisehen
In2tituts Ram. Abt. 59 (1944; puhi. 1948), pp. 129—153.
42
See KG. Holum, “The survival of the houleutic class at Caesarea in Late
Antiquity”, Gaesaren Mnntimn. A Retrsspertire after Yws Mi/lenin, eds. A. Raban and KG.
Holum (Leidcn/New York/Koln, 1996), pp. 615-627, esp. pp. 617f.; Jones, The
Greek f/by, pp. 192—210; Id., The Later Rsrnnn Empire, pp. 7124ff, 737ff; J.H.W.C.
Licheschtttz, Antisrh: Gtj and Imperial Administratisn in die Later Rninnn Empire (Oxford,
1972), pp. 101ff, 167ff; R. MacMullen, Gsrrnptisn and the Decline s/b Rsme (New
156 WOLFRAM BRANL)ES AND JOHN HALDON
curiales is not to be equated with the disappearance of the civic rul
ing class. In fact the members of this class had managed to free
themselves from the obligation that had been imposed on them by
the State, without losing their position of power in the cicitates. The
supposed confiscation of civic estates-a process drawn out over three
hundred yearsdid not weaken the urban governing class, but rather
strengthened it. For the former civic properties which came to the
Res priata, and sometimes also to the Church, were as a rule leased
out on perpetual tenancies (empIyteusis’6—and in many cases the per
petual tenants were wealthy city-dwellers!
The evidence for these changes is well known, and confirm that,
in spite of their continued prominence in the tax-collecting process
as outlined above, curiae and curiales were indeed in decline. The
trend is reflected in diverse Novels of Justinian, and in various pas
sages in the writings of John Lydus and Procopius. Yet at the same
time, new structures were evolving out of the old. In particular, we
may highlight the role of the bishop,47 at whose side there now
existed an urban upper class which is rather hard to define, but
which was real never the less. In the course of the sixth century its
members had succeeded in throwing off the status of curiales, but
they nonetheless remained prominent in the cities in the late sixth
and early seventh century. Moreover, Syrian examples show that
these people were still in a position to accumulate considerable
wealth.48 The change in the organisation of government was matched
by a change in the terminology used to describe these leading groups.
In spite of increasingly stringent legislation to stop them, the lead
ing inhabitants of cities had been able to achieve immunity from
Haven, 1988), pp. 44ff.; F. Vittinghofl (.iritas Roinana. Sladt und politisth-soriale Integration
im Imperzun Ro,nanum der Kaiserzeit (Stuttgart, 1994), pp. 210ff., 21 8ff
See Simon, “Emphyteuserecht”; bibliography on the problem of the emphy
teusis in Pj. Sijpesteijn and P.ThJ. de Wit. “Fragment ciner spathyzantinischen
Emphyteusisurkunde”, Tyche 7 (1992), p. 57 n. 3.
°
On the audientia episcopalis see A. Steinwenter, “Zur Lehre von der episcopalis
audientia”, Bantinische eitschr,fl 30 (1929/1930), pp. 660—668; on the role of the
bishop in general see Id.. ‘Die Stellung der Bischofe in der hyzantinischcn Ver
waltung Agyptens”, Studi in Onore di P. di Francisci. 1 (CutS del Vaticano, 1956), pp.
75—99; Déroche, Etudes sur L/ontios de .5/éapoiis, p. 143 and n. 139; \V. Brandes.
“Die Entwicklung des hyzantiniscl,en Städtewesens von der Spatantike his ins 9.
J ahrhundert”, Die byzantinische SladI ins Rahmen der aligemeinen Stadtentwicktung, ed. K-P.
Matschke (Leipzig, 1995), pp. 9—26, esp. p. 18 and n. 36; Em frühbyzantini-sches
Senarioftir die Amtswechslung in der Sitonie, eds. AJ.B. Sirks, Pj. Sijpesteijn and K.A.
\Vorp (Munich, 1996), pp. 102ff.
°
See above with n. 17.
TOWNS, TAX AND TRANSFORMATION 157
curial obligations, chiefly through obtaining either court titles with
senatorial status, or high rank in the army (without actually serving).
Impressive examples are found in the Vita of Theodore of Sykeon
which was written around 640, but includes older material.49 St
Theodore, who died around 613, was only briefly bishop of Anas
tasioupolis in Galatia, but had dealings with cities and their leading
citizens throughout his life. While the traditional civic institutions
occur nowhere in the Vita, there is repeated mention of individuals
evidently occupying positions of urban leadership. The titles born
by these men are significant and reflect the process by which the
leading inhabitants managed to free themselves from the institu
tional ties which bound them to the service of their city, while at
the same time increasing their actual power. Thus, for example, men
representing the city of Ancyra are described as protectores/protiktôres:5°
originally a title which distinguished members of the schola of the
protectores, part of the palace-guard,5’ by the sixth century it was
.. increasingly awarded as a mark of honour, without clear indication
whether the bearer had actually served in the unit or had obtained
the title in some other way. An example is the well-known historian
of the second half of the sixth century, Menander Protector, who
had probably never been a soldier.52 The leading representatives of
Ancyra were evidently protectores of the same kind. At the city of
Optatianae (near Nicomedeia), the Vita mentions certain scholarioi55
whose position was similar to that occupied at Ancyra by the pro
tectores.54 From Ephesus St Theodore received the visit of two ladies
who were among tv itpthtwv tç 6roç of their city. We are told
that they enjoyed senatorial rank.55 However the titles had been
obtained, the position of civic leadership occupied by their holders
should not cause surprise. The so-called ‘album municipal’ of Timgad
Vie de Theodore de Sjkeon, 2 vols., éd. par A.-J. Festugihre (Bruxelles, 1970). A
very good analysis of this source in S. Mitchell, Anatolia. Land, Men and Gods in Asia
Minor, 2 (Oxford, 1995), pp. 122ff.
Vie de Thédore, XXV,6E (p. 22 Festugiere); cf. Mitchell, Anatolia, 2, p. 122.
J. Haldon, Byantzne Praetorzans (Bonn, 1984), pp. 130ff.
See R.C. Blockley, The Histosy of Menander the Guardsman (Liverpool, 1985), pp.
1ff; B. Baldwin, “Menander Protector”, Dumbarlon Oaks Papers 32 (1978), pp. 101—125.
On them see Flaldon, ]anline Praetorians, pp. 119ff
Vie de Theodore, CIJX,l0, p. 133.
Vie de Thédore, CX,3ff., p. 87. In Amorion two individuals who played an out
standing role in their city have the rank of illustres: Vie de Theodore CVII,7.22, p. 85;
ef Mitchell, Anatotia, 2, p. 127.
 158 WOLFRAIsJ BRANDES AND JOHN HALDON
in North Africa shows that already in the fourth century ex-officials
of the provincial or central administration occupied important posi
tions in their native city.°°
Cities, Taxation and the Arnst
The period from the death of Justinian to the ninth century saw a
decisive transformation of the system of taxation. Our view of this
development is extremely fragmentary, and the scanty source-evidence
raises difficult problems of interpretation. Nevertheless, a few scattered
pieces of information exist which have not yet been examined for
their bearing on the history of taxation, and thus for our under
standing of the condition of the sizeable rural population.
In the ‘sear 623 George of Pisidia composed his panegvrical poem
Epeditzo Persica, on the occasion of the emperor Heraclius’ first great
campaign against the Persians. who had at this time occupied almost
the entire Byzantine East.57 A passage in the third Book III, 296—304
contains information whose significance for the history of the cities
has so far hardly been recognised:
For who expected that the invincible race of the Persians would turn
their backs to the Roman sword? Who expected to find a centre of
calm at the centre of such immense waves of disaster? Who could
have been brought to believe that in such a scarcity of necessities the
cities voulcl participate in the provisions, unless He who weighs all
things in his balance had driven the avenging spirits again far away
from the environment of our neighbourhood. using you [scil. Heraclius]
as his instrument.55
The poet purports to be amazed that the Persians, normally l’ormidahle
in war, are now fleeing from the swords of the Romans, and that
A. Chastagnol. L’aibum municipal de Tirngad (Bonn, 1978).
On the campaign of 623 and its date: P. Speck, Das geleille Dossier (Bonn, I 988,
pp. 101ff., correcting N. Oikonomidcs, “A chronological note on the first Pci-sian
campaign of Heraclius 622 “. Btantine and .lfodern Greek Studio. 1 1974. pp. 1—9.
Sec now iD. Howard-Jnhnston. Heraclitis’ Persian campaigns and the revival of
the East Roman Empire, h22—630”, II ‘ci in Historr 6, 1 1999, pp. 1 44.
Gioigio di Piridia. Poem. 1. Panegirici epici. Edizione critica. traduzionc e corn
mento a euro di A. Pertusi Ettal. 1959 p. 129: tic yap tb flipofiv Supw/,cotccTov
/ ijç övm :Pwpniuv i(pci: / tI; iv toGcstaiç ignpopfiv tpiiewpiczi
/ f2ativ LUpLIV KiSS yce?Llivilv iv pimp: / ti iv tona6tri tfiv zvnyKceftov nitav€t /
tpopg grrnnoiv thg st6?Lrt iitr(Orto, Li pi ht’ tgsfiv toiç 6X6.atopag ir2iv / EK
KnO’ iig&c yritovog ltcxpotv og / !.uxicpisv ô ittsvtcov ij2coos ZuyoGtistIlç. English trans
latiors by \V. Liebeschuetz.
TOWNS. TAX AND TRANSFORMATION 159
calm is to be found in such floods of disaster. But what he finds
most astonishing is that in spite of so great a scarcity of all neces
sities the cities were still providing supplies for the army. What had
happened was presumably that the responsible officers in Heraclius’
army had in some way or other succeeded in restoring the inter
rupted inflow of taxes, or more precisely in restoring the inflow of
taxes in kind from the cities. Whether they brought this about through
coernptio/s;nônê5° or by exacting the annona niilitaris°° is something we
cannot establish for certain, though in the circumstances the use of
coernptio, that is the compulsory purchase of provisions, is more likely.
Clearly then the cities continued to play their traditional role—even
if the warfare had interrupted or disrupted it for some years in many
regions—in the collection and local redistribution of tax revenue.
This apparently marginal passage in the Expeditio Peesica also draws
our attention to a number of poorly-examined questions and prob
len-is, notably on the question of supplying and resourcing the armies.°’
The main purpose of taxation in Late Antiquity, as indeed in most
pre-industrial States, was to provide for the army, service which,
together with the bureaucracy, was vital for the sut-vival of State and
society. In the words of the author of a military treatise of the sixth
century:
The financial system was set tip to take care of matters of public impor
tance that arise on occasion, such as the building of ships and of walls.
But it is principally concerned with paying the soldiers. Each year most
of the income of the public revenues arc spent for this purpose.2
Haldon. “Svnnn : on coemptin: Karavannopulos. Finanzzcesen pp. 97f.: H. Geiss.
Geld— nod natura/aiitsc/iajilichc Esscheinungijiiincn sin Pact/ic/sen .-lujhan I/aliens seP/trend dci
Gotenrsit (Stuttgart. 193 1 j, pp. 11ff., citing legal evidence.
‘°
WE. Kaegi, “The annona mi/itaris in the early seventh century”, Byrantina 13
(1985), pp. 591596.
On the origins of the Byzantine thematic organisation see Haldon, Bjantiuin
in 1/se Serenth Gentury. pp. 212 232; Id.. “Military service, military lands, and the sta
tus of soldiers”; R.-J. Lilie, “Die zwcihunclertjahrige Reform. Zu den Anhangen der
Themenorganisation irn 7. und 8. Jsshrbundert (I:”. By.antinoslarica 45 (1984), pp.
2 7—39; \V. Brancles. “Phdippos ô atpat9?P/tqc to6 nmXSKo6 OigtKsou. Anincrkungen
zur FrLihgeschichtc des Thema Opsikion”. .‘daum .llillennnon. Festschrfi für Paul h)beck
will appear in 2000,. Note also \V. Sciht. review of J.F. Haldon. Recruitment and
Gonccnbtion in 1/ic Bjan1ine Army c. O—950.4 S/silt on the Orgins sf the Stratiotikci
li/emata :Vien. I 979’.. in ,jahrbuch dci Osterreichisihen Byzantinistik 30 :1981 PP. 357359;
and detailed discussion in Haldc,n, Btzantuon in the Scion//i Gentuet-, pp. 220—244, with
a slightly different emphasis than in the present discussion.
52
flepi ntpatqyOx [1,18—21, Three Byzantine Althtary Treatises. Text, translation,
and notes by G.T. Dennis (Washington DC, 1985(, p. 12 (translation by Dennis,
op. cit., p. 13). For broader discussion see J.F. Haldon, “Prc-industrial States and
 160 WOLFRAM BRANDES AND JOHN HALDON
And it is certainly the case that all other public expenses, for instance
on ceremonial, building, shows, etc. were subordinated to the needs
of the army.°3 The passage from the Expedilio Persica of George of
Pisidia cited above can now be reconsidered, this time in the light
of two recently rc-edited papyri.°° Both documents (one in the British
Museum, the other in Vienna) have been known for a fair while;
they were written by the same person and so originally belong
together; in all likelihood they date from between 628/29 and 641
in the reign of Heraclius. Their significance lies in a point barely
recognised until now: for they mention the chpsaig;ron, that is the
coliatio lustialis, a tax which is supposed to have been abolished as
early as 498 by the emperor Anastasius, to whom numerous sources
award the highest praise for this action. The chpsargyron, which was
introduced by Constantine I, had burdened above all urban crafts
men, and was exacted, as its name reveals, in money.”5 These papyri
would appear flatly to contradict this tradition. Yet the reasons for
their neglect are not difficult to ascertain: they were reused towards
the end of the seventh century. under Arab rule, and have tax
receipts written in Coptic on their reverses—hence the London picce
came into the Coptic department of the papyrus collection of the
British Museum. Its Greek text was edited in 1905 by Crum only
incompletely, and in this way escaped the attention of scholars, until
Leslie MacCoull submitted it to further investigation in 1994. Further
more, the editor of the document at Vienna simply refused to com
plete the abbreviation xpiap as xpiap(i6pou), giving as his reason
that since, as was common knowledge, the thr3’sargvron had been ahol
the distribution of recources: the nature of the problem. States. Resource and Annie,:
Papers of the Third 1 Workshop on Late Antiquity and Earl3 Islam, ed. A. Cameron Princeton,
1995:. pp. 125; and on supplying the army, see Haldon, “ynônl” and “Military
service, military lands, and the status of soldiers”, pp. 11 17; Seventh C’entuty, pp.
220—244.
A good general account by M.F. Flendy, “Economy and State in Late Rome
and Early Byzantium: an introduction”, The Eeonos9y, Fiscal Administration and Coinage
of Bycantium, 1.
L.S.B. MacCoull. ‘BM 1079. CPR IX 44. and the (‘hrysargrron”. ethchrsftfiir
Papirologic und Epigraphik 100 l 994. . 139—143.
See cop. R.S. Bagnall. “The periodicity and collection of the chr\oargvron”.
Tithe 7 ;l992. pp. 15—17 and Bagnall (1982:, in P.Ra,ner Cent. 122, van Minnen
1991 in P. Lugd.-BaL XX\’. 65: see also E. Chrvi,os. “Vier Bemerkungen zum
Chrvsargvron”. Studien .nr (7eschichte des rön,ischen Spatantike. Eeslgabe/iir Projissnr7olianneo
Straub, ed. E. Chrssos Athens, 1989:. pp. 74—87; R. Delmaire, “Remarrlucs sur Ic
chrvsarryre et sa périodicité”, Revue .Siimisinatique, ff sér., 27 (1985), pp. 120—129.
TOWNS. TAX AND TRANSFORMATION 161
ished in 198, it could not possibly figure on a papyrus of thc first
half of the seventh century.”°
In effect, Hcraclius seems to have reintroduced—at least in Egypt—
a tax that had been abolished a hundred years earlier, and that had
been levied only in cities. The papyri have no indication of the date
of the reintroduction; but it probably happened in the 630s, after
Egypt had again come under Byzantine rule. The latest editor of
the London document argues convincingly that the reintroduced
chp’saigvron was collected in kind.67
It has iong been known that a number of the measures taken by
Heraclius in the area of coinage and financial policy were not part
of a systematic programme of reform, but rather ad hoc measures,
decisions taken with a view to their immediate effect, in a situation
of acute crisis. The reintroduction of the chpsargyron, at least in Egypt,
strongly suggests that these measures were based on earlier experience.”0
Illustrative of the critical financial situation faced by the govern
ment is the fact that, a few years earlier (in 622/623), Heraclius had
acted in a way which would have been quite unthinkable earlier
though he found imitators subsequently; The emperor began by
taking loans from religious houses çtiiv uyv oicov, that is from
the endowments of ecclesiastical charitable institutions). When that
did not bring in enough, he had silver and gold utensils from the
churches of the capital melted down—something which could not
have been done without the consent of Sergius the patriarch70in
order to have them minted into coins to pay the army.7’
C]R IX 41: cC \Iaccoull. ‘BM 1079. CPR IX 44. and the chrrsaigyron”.
p. 141.
Even thoLigh various craftsmen are mentioned among those liable to the tax,
the majority of those liable were peasants. Since the individual amounts are aIway
accompanied by their apaigtissinos/adaeratio. we must assume that the tax was orig
inally raised in kind, hut could be transmuted into a money-tax. One must there
fore suppose that towards the beginning of the seventh century Heraclius tried to
revive conditions of the fifth century, an attempt that was bound to fail.
It is possible that there was also some link with the reform of the mints. See
M. Hendy, On the administrative basis of the Byzantine coinage c. 400-c. 900
and the rclbrms of Hcraclius’, Universily of Bisnnngham Historical Journal 12, 2 (1970),
pp. 129—154. and—with slightly different conclusions for the fiscal apparatus-—Studies
in the Bycantine _Uonetan Erono,nt. pp. 417—420.
Sec Henrlv, Studies in the B,anlinc Slonctary Economy, p. 231; F. Dolger. Regesten
der Kaiserurku,,c/en des Ostrthnisc/ien Rcjchec 565-1453 Munich. 1924:. 1. no. 176: Speck.
Dussiee pp. 84ff.. gives the date AD 624 with good arguments
J.L. van Dieten. Geschichte dec Patriarchen ton .Sesgios I. his ohannes Ti. 4610— 715)
(Amsterdam, 1972), pp. lOf.
77seophanis Chrsnographia. ed. C. de Boor, :302,34—303,3: cC Hendy, Studies, p. 495
 F -
162 WOLFRAIsI BRANDES AND JOHN HALDON
The last years of the reign of Heraclius (636—641) saw another
extremely important measure to which Kaegi has recently drawn
attention.2 Theodoros Skutariotes, a thirteenth—century historian who
has been treated rather scurvily in modern scholarship, reports in
his S’ynopsis chronthê—the so-called Synopsis Sathas3—that Heraclius
ordered the compilation of a general tax-assessment (&ito’pwpv),
in which all land within the Roman Empire was to be registered
QicEvGeuOfivat 7t&av ti1v tg ‘Pwwl icfi; ituptriaç ‘yfiv).74 The census
was completed under Philagrios, the sakellarios and koubikoularios—and
therefore eunuch. Philagrios is a well-known personality, who played
a considerable role in Byzantine politics to the end of the 640s.7°
This census took place after the first of the Arab conquests. There
is no reason to think that it had anything at all to do with an intro
duction of themes in the traditional understanding of that term. Its
ohject was presumably to document the taxability of the areas remain
ing to the Empire. in preparation for a reorganisatiort of the system
of taxation, with a view the fullest possible mobilization of all avail
able resources for the war against the Arabs. Nothing is known about
the success or failure of this measure. At best we can make deduc
tions from later conditions, and conclude that a restoration of the
old system of taxation based on the cities turned out to be impos
sible, or at least no longer possible in all parts of the Empire, above
all not in Asia Minor, an area that as a result of the earlier Persian
war. and of the devastation caused by the annual incursions of the
Arabs, was rapidly loosing its network of cities.:6 Cumulatively, there-
inaccurate translation : Ph. Grierson. Catalogue of [lie Byzantine Coins in the Duinhartnn
Oaks C//lee/ion and in the II hittemore C/llectisn. 11 / 1 Phocas and J—feradius 6O2—6’l1)
\ashington DC. 1968 pp. 1 71
WE. Kaegi. jr., ByanIiinn and the Earl: Islamic Conquest (Cambridge, 1992), pp.
256ff. (see also some earlier articles of Kaegi cited here).
See H. Hunger, Die hochsprathliche prsJhne Literatur der Bjan/iner. 1 (Munich,
1978), PP. 256ff.
Theodoros Skutariotes, .ynopsis Chronikl( ed. C.N. Sathas (Bibliotheca Graeca
Mcdii aevi 7, Venedig-Paris, 1894; repr. Hildesheim-New York, 1972). p. 110,5—8.
Sec also WE. Kaegi. “Reflections on the withdrawal of Byzantine armies from
Syria”. La yrze de y.ance 3 l’Islain (VIP IlL u/des), eds. P. Canivet and J.-P. Rey
Coquais (Damns, 1972), pp. 265—280, esp. pp. 2701 See also the later (e. 662—668)
census in the West. reported in the Liber pontuficalic, 1, ed. L. Duchesne Paris, 1955),
p. 344.2—4: ef. Haldon. “S_ynónl”, p. 135.
JR. Martindale. Ilie Prosopography of/lie Later Roman Empire. 3 Cambridge. l992
p. 1018.
C. Foss, “The Persians in Asia )‘slinor and the end of Antiquity”. English
Huiorical Review 95 1975 pp. 721—747; Brandes. Stile/fe.
. Pp. 44—80.
ToWNS, TAX AD TRANSFORMATION 163
fore, it becomes apparent that a number of ad hoc fiscal adminis
trative measures were introduced during the reign of Heraclius, some
with a probably strictly regional or provincial application, others with
Empire-wide implications. All these measures provide the context for
the changes that were to result in the final transformation of ‘late
Roman’ into ‘middle Byzantine’ fiscal structures.
Tax, Storehouses and irmies
Clear1’ it became necessary to adopt further, improvised, measures.
We would thus argue that it was at this point that the role of the
comites commerciorum, the later ko,ninerkiarioi. undenvent a radical change.
These functionaries had been originally subordinates of the comitica
sacrarum laigitionum, although by the middle of the sixth century appear
to have functioned under the Praetorian prefecture. Their duty was
up to the beginning of the seventh century to supervise the production
and sale (as a State monopoly) of silk;77 and because they were super
vising an imperial monopoly, they kept close contact with the cen
tral administration. Several interpretations of their activites during
the period c. 640—730 have been proposed, but one possible expla
nation is that they in fact became not just responsible for key aspects
of supplying troops with equipment and provisions, hut for levying
and storing the taxes, which were now being collected in kind.°
In respect of the earl: history of this office we would agree in most respects
with N. Oikonomides. “Silk trade and production in Byzantium from the sixth to
the ninth century: the seals of the Kommerkiarioi”. Dn,nbarton Oaks Pa/xis 40 1986
pp. 33—53. But the view that even in the sevenib and eighth centuries knmnierkiai—
isi were still principally occupied with die production and sale of silk founders on
among other things—the climatic conditions of Asia Minor which permit the breeding
of silk worms in only a small number of areas. Military and political circumstances
too militate against an association of the ksniunerkiarioi with the production of silk.
See Haldon, ]/yilantiuin in the Seventh Centup, pp. 232ff Oikonomides’ reply to Haldon,
“Le marchand byzantin des provinces (1XcXF s./’, Mercati e mercanhi nell’alts Mediocre:
l’area euroasiatica e l’area niediterranea. Se/hun. di Spsleto 40 (1992), pp. 638ff, makes some
interesting observations. ‘11w comment that the sphere of duty of the kominerkiarioi
had by no means been reduced to silk should he noted. But discounting the climatic
factor is not convincing, as others have also noted: see, for example, A. Muthesius,
“From seed to samite: aspects of Byzantine silk production”, Testile His/siT 20/2
1989. pp. 135-- 149: and the climatologseally_grounded discussion in C. Jacobi. Die
II uitchaftsgeographie der .5/ide Berlin. 1932 pp. 51—53; cC also C. Dewdncv. Turkey
,
London. 1971 pp. 135—136; D. Jaeob. “Silk in western Byzantium before the F’ourth
.
Crusade”, Bantinische .ei1schrf 84/85 (1991/1992), pp. 452500, see p. 454 n. 7.
On this very difficult problem see XV. Brandes. nanilreizraltuni in Ariseneiten.
 164 WOLFRAM BRANDES AND JOHN HALDON
On this argurnem, the konvnerkiauioi and their apothêkaz were the
institution which from the seventh century had to perform the vital
service of supplying the army. This arrangement for collecting taxes
and issuing supplies to the troops—supp1ies that probably included
weapons and military equipment, as Hendy has suggested79was
operated well into the eighth century, that is until it was integrated
into the developing theme organisation. Apart from a few early) in
scriptions and occasional mentions in literai-v texts the principal source
for the history of the Itommerkiarioi are the departmental seals of these
oflicials.°° While the title of Icomnierkiarios appears as early as c. 500 AD,
dxoOiict are only mentioned late in the sixth century!° Admittedly
even then another half century passed before the subsequently pre
dominant formula N.N. (‘ysvKiç) lcottftcpttápto; wtoOirg.. prevails . haps in his capacity of banker) an apothêke in a city other than his
on the seals.82 From c. 730 t?sK KOl4tPKt are referred to with
out any particular individual being mentioned, which shows that this
institution has changed its character as a result of some reforms of
the financial administration by the emperor Leo JJJi
L ntei:vuchuiigen ur brantinischen I rzcaltun4sgesc/uclite ecischen deur 6. und 9. 7k. in press
also the important article by A. Dunn. “The Komnserkiarios, the Apotheke, the
Dromos, the Vardanos, and the ‘sVest’, By7antiile and .tlsdern Greek Stndie4 17 (1993.
pp. 3—24, and Brandes, Stddte, p. 162. For a slightly different interpretation, how
ever (in which kommerkiarioi are not responsible for the actual levying of the taxes),
see L. Bruhaker & J,F. Haldon, Bantiuni Ca. 700—842: The Consolidation of Empire
(Cambridge, 2001, forthcoming).
Hendy, Studies, pp. 619ff.
°
Collected for Asia Minor in Brandes, Stadte, pp. 165—173 .A full list (as full as
can currentl he achieved, at leasU of all the relevant seals is given in Braudes.
Finan.2ieiscaltung in Iiroen.teiten. App I fbrthcoming
fl
‘11w earliest is the seal of Diomerles and Diogenes. vboótaroi KoplJrpKlaplOt
ito8irrt T6pou see N. Oikonomidcs. Dated Br.antine [sad .Si’als [\Vashinton DC.
1986] pp. 23f. no. 6 = J.-C. Chevnet. C. Morrisson and \V. Seibt . Sceaux br.an
tini di’ Ia Gollection Henri Seiri [Paris. 1991]. p. l4t dated in 574—578 and the seal
of Diomedes. endovotatos apo eparchon kai ks,nmerkiariss apothdkes T5 ron see G. 7.acos
and A. Veglery, Bccantine J.ead Seals 1/1 [Basel 1972]. no. 214 (1), where the older
1sublicatioiis are listed).
02
The next seal with an apothéké is Zacos and Veglery, Lead Scale no. 132 =
Oikonomides, Dated Seals, p. 26 no. 10 = Cheynet, Morrisson and Seiht. Sceaux, no.
138 Theodoros, 8UKMIg itb 6jt&tcov [Kaujyrvukg Kol.tI.trpKmptog áitoflipctig K6itpou—
dated 629 632 AD; this is also the first mention of a /enikos kommerkiarios of an
apothékf(. i’he next seal in time is that of another Theodoros (Zacos and Veglery,
bc. it., no. 136 = Oikonomides. Dated SeaL. pp. 281.. no. 14. dated io 654 659
.h.D: the first evidence for an apothéké of Asia Minor . Bus this seal may he a forgery:
see C. hiorrisson. “Numismatique et sigillographie : parenres et mkthodes”. .Studie.s
in Bi.antme Sigillogoapht 1 ed N Oikouomide Vsa hington DC 1987 PP 1—25
esp. pp. 20—22. From the following period—till the beginning of the ninth cen—
turv—we have some 300 relevant seals.
See Brandes, “Byzantine towns in the seventh and eighth century”, pp. 53ff
TOWNS, TAX AND TRANSFORMATION 165
The institutions known as apothêké therefore played a central role
for something like eighty years (650—730). Other evidence apart, its
importance can be deduced from the titles of high rank—pairikzos,
1ypatos, etc.of the kommerkiarioi in charge of them. The relevant lex
ica generally give the meaning of apotheke as “warehouse”;114 in the
glossaries, the Greek/Latin word lists of the Middle Ages, apothêké’ is
consistently translated with hol7eum.85
Many texts of the sixth and seventh centuries show that the word
apothêke usually referred to a depot or warehose for the storage of
foodstuffs or other commodities. They might belong to a private
individual (for instance a merchant), or to a municipality, or to the
Empire.86 Thus a dealer in silverware (argyropratês) could own (per
84
See G. Man, RE 2 (1895). p. 184 (s.v. apotheca). The papyrological evidence is
important. see F. Preisigke, ll3rteihuch der griechi)eehen Papyrusurkunden, 1 (Berlin, 1 925(,
pp. 1 78f. ‘\Varenlager. Verwahrstelle”; papyri from the second to the eigth century:
see also Stephanus. Thesaurus (;raecae Linguae. 2 .Nachdruck Graz. 1954. pp. 1439f.
(oipuc glosianorum Latinoiuon icc G Goetz 2 Leipzig 18881 PP 69 17 237 1
503.67; 3 Leipzig 1892. pp. 192.45; 306,22: 450.42; 489,9.
It is surprising that in scholarly discussion to date there has been no reference
to the meaning of apothéki in the Bible. That in a Christian society such as Byzantium
the Greek of the New Testament was enormously influential goes without saying.
In the New Testament apotltéke always is used with the meaning ‘barn’, that is a
building where provisions and above all of corn are kept in storage: Matth. 3,12
(KI GVEt WV ttOV witoo Li ‘EI1V WtO9S1K9V, . .), 6,26 (. . . o6 oi)vdcyovarv rig
.
aaoOrlKg), 13,30 (. . . h oitov mv’yáystr rig rIv ito9ijxqv jiou); Luke 3,17 .
Km miVa’yrtv thy oItov rig tuiv &ltoOT’pcflv mto9. . . .), etc. Numerous examples of this
usage can also be found ui the Old ‘1’estameut: Exod 16,23. 16.32; Deut 28,5,17;
I Chr 28.11 13,20. 29.8: 1 Esdr 1,54; 2 Esdr 7.22: Jer 27: Ezek 28.13. This being
so it is in no way surprising that for instance in the Latin translation of c. 700 of
the .Sacra ad Srnodum Roinana of the emperor Constantine IV 681 AD,., an allusion
to the apothfké in Slatth 3. 1 2 is translated horreum: Conciliuni unirersa/e Cdnstantinopolitanuin
tertium. ed. R. Riedinger •lC’0. ser. 2. 2, Berlin. 1992 . p. 864.18 Greek text: and
865,18 1Latin translation.. The Latin translation was made c. 700 at Rome by sonic
Greek monks. Towards the end of the sixth century, Andrew of Caesarea, in his
commentary on the Book of Revelations, speaks of apothêkai unmistakeably as a
place where corn is stored: Andreae Gommentarii in loannis Theologi iipoca(ypstn, PG 106,
col. 3OlA ((‘PG 7478). See also lohannis Ephesini Hi.storiae ecclesiastieae pars tertia, III,
45, trad. E.\V. Brooks, (‘5(0 55; 5cr. yri 3. 3 (Louvain, 1936;, p. 133 = C’hromque
de Micliel Ic Syrien, patriarche jacobite d’Antioche (]166—]]99. bd. et trad. par J.-B.
Chahot, 2 (Paris, 1901), p. 351; John of Ep/iesuc. Vita of Elms and Theodor, ed. E.w.
Brooks. P0 17/1 Paris. 1923. p. 578 cry large storehouses [apsthikai] of user
chants : Greg. Tur.. Hot. VLI.37. MGH 5cr. rer. \Ierow.. 1, p.9.8: Gundovald
and Chariull) very rich people ruins apoihecos ac prumptuariic urbs ralde rejerta errol:
cf. J. Durliat. “Armée et socibrb vers 600. Le problkme des solcles”. L’arsnée romaine
et les Barhrore dn III’ au 111 sue/es. eds. F. \‘allet and hi. Kazanski ‘Rouen. 1993.
p. 35: “rerme technique pour designer 1es grenicrs publics”; J. Durliat. Dc Ia mile
antique a Ia ti/be byzantine Rome, 1990), p. 407 and Pp. 46811)
 166 WOLFRAM BRANDES AND JOHN HALDON
home-town.87 In Leontius of Neapolis’ Vita of John the Almsgiver
(BHG 886), apothêkê appears twice. When the patrician Nicetas,58 a
cousin of Heraclius, demanded money from John, the patriarch
replied that it was not right that what belonged to the King of Heaven
should be given to the ruler of the earth. The money was in the
apothe7ke of Christ which, as John added ironically, happened to stand
under his bed, a remark which of course was not meant to be taken
seriously.89 In the middle of his Vita of John the Almsgiver Leontius
has inserted the story of Peter the publican (tr2othvc).9° The story is
told by John the Almsgiver and he begins: rxov, ttvcz 7tapcxpoviyr?ç
. . .
i; ‘d1v iftiiV tXItOOflKflV v Kintpq ittcrtàv. Thus the Church of
Alexandria had a branch in Cyprus, an indication of the importance
of the economic activities of this Church.92 More examples can be
found in the hagiographic writings of the early seventh century.93
Occasionally the sources use apotheton as a synonym for apotheke.95
The apothêkai or horrea of the sixth century were situated in cities.95
See AC. Johnson and L.C. West, Bjantine Ept: Economic Studies (Princeton,
1949), P. 172; R. Bogaert, “La banque en Egvpte byzantine”, Zeitsthr(,fiftir Pap’rolffie
und Epigraphik 116 (1997), pp. 85—140.
88
On his role in Alexandria see H. Gelzer, Leontios’ son .Mapolis Leben des Heiligen
7ohannes des Barmnherzigen, Erbischofs son Alexandrien (Freiburg/1.eipzig, 1893), pp. 1 29ff)
°°
Léontius de Néapolis, Vie de Syrnéon Ic Fou et Vie de Jean de Glffpre, X,l16, ed.
and transi. by Aj. Festugière (Paris, 1974), p. 356.
°
On this story see Gelzer. bc. cit., pp. 138ff.
°‘
Geizer, bc. cit., p. 40,18—20 (ch. 22) = Festugihre, Inc. cit., p. 368 (ch. 20,4—5);
cE Festugihre. inc. cit., p. 577.
E. Wipzycka, Les ressources et les actisitis iconomiques des Eglises en Egypte du IV au
VIlE szicles (Bruxelles, 1972), passon; G.R. Monks. ‘The Church of Alexandria and
the city’s economic life in the sixth century”, Speculion 28 (1935), pp. 349—362;
V. Déroche, Etudes sur LIontios de Ji/lapolis (Uppsala, 1995), pp. 146ff.
°
See the sources collected by Durliat, Dc Ia rule antique, pp. 469f.
°‘
In the chronicle of Joshua the Stylite ch. 40, 66, 81 (Die syische Chronik des
]osua Sylites. transl. by A. Luther [Berlin/New York, 1997], pp .58, 77, 85 = The
Chronicle of Joshua the Sylite, ed. and transl. by W. Wright [Cambridge, 1882], pp.
30, 55, 65); ch. 40: there was an apotheton in the town of Edessa, used for the stor
age of grain; ch. 66: the same in Amida, where the Persians who had occupied
the town used the town’s apotheton for the storage of food; ch. 81: the emperor
Anastasius I ordered that in every town in the East should he build an apotheton
because of a possible Persian invasion. iCr. 163,2 (575 AD); Incerti auctoris Chronicsn
Fveudo-Dioqysianum rulgo dictum I, interpr. est J.B. Chahot (GSCO 121, Scr. Sjri ser. 3,
1, Louvain, 1949), pp. 215, 224. \7gl. Durliat, Dc Ia Able antique, pp. 468f
85
G. Rickman. Roman Granaries and Store Buildings (Cambridge, 1971); on the office
of the apothekarios (mostly in inscriptions—see K.P. Mentzou, Symbobai eis ten mebetin
tou oikonomikou kai koinönikou biou tês prCimou yantinês periodou [Athens, 1975], PP.
53ff.). responsible for the administration of the horrea in the towns, see G. Millet,
“Apothécarios”. Byzantinische Zeitschrof 30 (1930), Pp. 430439; L. Robert, “Noms
TOWNS, TAX AND TRANSFORMATION 167
In the seventh century too, when most cities had lost their urban
character and shrunk to mere fortresses, there still were apothêkai/hor
rea whose function it was to provide provisions for soldiers. This is
also suggested by information about the Byzantine Empire in the
writings of Arab geographers. In 885 (respectively in 846 when the
first redaction was published) Ibn KhurradadhbI compiled his Kitâb
al-Masâlik wa’l-Mamâlik (Book of the Routes and Kingdoms). For
his work he used a number of older sources that have since been
lost.96 In an account of the Byzantine system of taxation, which seems
only in part to reflect the time of writing, Ibn KhurradadhbI reports
the following: “The tithe (or tax) levied in kind from grains is deposited
in granaries for the provisioning of the army”.97 Ibn KhurradadhbI
therefore makes a distinction between taxes in money and taxes in
kind. A few years later, Ibn al-FakIh°° writing his Ki0ib al-buldán (Book
of the Lands)—which has survived only in an abbreviated version——
confirms the report of Ibn KhurradadhbI: “They levy a tenth, which
goes to the granaries reserved for the army”.99 Kaegi, in the course
of his attempt to establish that institutions of Late Antiquity survived
to the time of Heraclius, has drawn attention to a passage in the
Histoiy of Heraclius of the Armenian historian Sebeos.’°° This states
that towards the end of 628, or the beginning of 629, when the
Byzantine troops had arrived to the west of Amida the general
de méticrs dans des documents hyzantins”, Id., Opera mninora selecta, 2 (Amsterdam,
1969), pp. 915—938; G. Mercati, ‘‘Optpiog—horrerarius”, Aegyptus 30 (1950), pp.
8—13.
°
CI) M. Hadj-Sadok, Encjcbopaedia qjlsbamn, 3 (1970), pp. 8391); A. Miquel. La
geographic humaine du mnonde musubinan jusqu ‘au milieu du XE siècle, 1. Geographic et giogra
phie hunmaine dans Ia littirature arabe des orgines 3 1050 (Paris, 1968), p. XXL 2. Geographic
arahe et representation du mnonde: Ia terre et l’itranger (Paris, 1975), pp. 396ff The well
known report on the Byzantine Empire by Muslim al-Djarmi, who was as a pris
oner of war in the first half of the ninth century in Byzantium, is not the source
for Ihn Khurradadhbi—see Miquel, bc. cit., I, p. XVIII; cf. F. Winkelmaun,
“Probleme der Informationen des al-Garmi Cber die byzantinischen Provinzen”,
Bantinoslarica 43 (1982), pp. 18--29; A. Shhoul, Ox]brd Dictionary of B’.antimnn. 2
(1991), p. 974.
Jmitdb ab-masdbik wa’b-rnamndbik (Liber siarum et regnorum,) auctore
... Jbn JfhordOdheh.
ed. and transl. by MJ. de Goeje (Leiden. 1889), p. 111 (text), p. 83 (translation).
Cl) Brandes, Stddtc. p. 162; Haldon, “ynCnC”. pp. 135—136.
m On whom see Miquel, Inc. cit., 1, p. XXII.
lhn ab-Faqih ai-Hamadani Abrégé du line des pcirs. transl. by H. Masse (Damaskus,
1973), p. 176.
os
See G. Ahgarian, “Remarques sur l’histoire de Sébéos”, Renue des Etudes
Armnéniennes, no. 1 (1964), pp. 203—215.
 168 WOLFRAM BRANDES AND JOHN HALDON
Mzez’° “bestowed distinctions in the army and presided over the
distribution of granaries throughout the land”.’°2
All these reports unequivocally confirm that even after the sixth
century there were granaries in the Byzantine realm whose purpose
was to provision the army. We can see no reason at all why these
granaries should not be identified with the apothêkai of the kom
rnerkiarioi.103 Since the food supplies and other agricultural products
needed for the support of the army were produced in the villages,
the apothêkai represented an important aspect of the relations between
town and country during this “dark age”. The peasants, about whose
condition in the seventh and eighth centuries we know very little,’°
presumably delivered their tax in kind (annona), which was then accu
mulated and administered in the apothêkai.
As stated, this procedure was an improvisation born out of an
emergency. The institution of the apothêkai was a product of the deep
crisis of the Byzantine Empire. A close relationship between the kom
merkiarioi and the imperial financial authorities is proved for instance
by the seals of kornmerkiarzos and sakellarioz from North Africa.’05 Since
the praefectura praetorio and the corn itiva largition urn had already broken
down, or were in process of breaking down,’°° it was decided to
adapt one probably still functioning department of State—the comites
commerczoruin, even though in the sixth century its function had been
of a quite different kind’°7—and to transform it into an institution
which offered a reasonably good prospect of saving the Empire. But
‘U”
On Mzez (Mezezius; see C. Toumanoff. ‘Caucasia and Byzantium”, Traditio
27 1971’. pp. 111—158. esp. p. 149.
I--S
H,stoire a”Hirachus par l’iz’ique Schins. transi. and annotated by F. Macicr Paris.
1904:, p. 92; on other translations see V.E. Kaegi, jr., “Variable rates of seventh
century change’, Tradition and Innocatwn in Late lntiquity, eds. F.M. Clover and R.S.
Humphreys (Madison, 1989), pp. 191—208. esp. p. 198 (‘storehouses”) and p. 206
n. 37 ‘granaries”
‘°
The papyrus PSI VIII, no. 939 shows the relation between apothêkai and the
annona. See G. Rouillard. L’athninistratzon civile de l’Egt-pte Byzantine2 Paris. 1928., p. 136
and n. 2; Durliat. Dc la is/ic antique, p. 469.
‘°
But see Haldon. Byzantium in 1/ic ,Sez-en/h Gentury. pp. 125ff.; M. Kaplan, Las
/,o?nmes etla terre a Byzance do J’Jl an XL siicle. Propriité et exploitation do sol Paris. 1992
ignores the problem of the apolhekai.
105
C. Morrisson and ‘iV. Seiht. “Sceaux de commerciaires hvzantins du VIF
siècle trouvés a Carthage”, Ret-ne nuinisnialique. 6’ sér. 24 1982). pp. 222—241.
‘ Haldon. Bytant,u,n in the Seoenth Cm/un. pp. 188ff and pp. 195ff.
°‘
Cf. 0. Seeck. RE 4 (1900). PP 643—646; Karayannopulos, Fznanwesen. p. 159:
Jones, Later Roman Em/sire, PP. 429. 826; K. Stock, “Comes commerciorum. Em Beitrag
zur spatromischen Versvaltungsgeschichte”, Francia 6 (1978), pp. 599—609.
TOWNS. TAX AND TRANSFORMATION 169
this institution is relevant to the history of cities only in as much as
the rise of the kommerkiarioi and their apothêkai is a measure of the
decline of Late Antique urbanism in the Byzantine territories.
The development of financial administration did not, however,
advance in precisely the same way in the different regions of the
Byzantine Empire. For the whole of the seventh century certain fron
tier areas of the Empire provide indications—even if rather feeble
ones—that municipal institutions did occasionally survive, and that some
form of urban governing class maintained and worked these institutions.
The Miracula S. Demetrii, set in Thessaloniki in the seventh cen
tury, are in fact one of the most precious sources for the internal
history of any city in our period. The work is actually a compila
tion of two collections of miracles performed by the patron saint of
the city. In it the class exercising power in the city is variously
described: itpinot, oxot tiv 1tpctov, ltpoYrsl)ovteç, oi t tpna (pEpov
ic;, o’t 7tpo&iG’tscvoi, oi tflg totracwg tg itó2tcwg ‘rote xovtec. ° In
other sources, notably the legal sources of the sixth century, the
terms Ktlitopcc and oiKtopeg become increasingly important. The
first named, together with the bishop and the clergy, are shown to
play the leading role in the cities since, at the latest, the mid-sixth
century.’°° The language of legislation reflects the new realities in
urban society. Curiales and decurions are no longer mentioned. Instead
these new terms appear and continue into the seventh century.
Politeuornenoi/ico2utcu6.evot, a term which originally was synonymous
with decurions, came to mean simply the members of the citys ruling
class. 11(1 The shiftin,g terminology mirrors change, but it is important
1118
P. I.emerle. Las plus anciens recueils des miracles de saint Démitrius Paris. 1979 1.
.
p. 137.21 :1.13 § 129; P. 179.11 (193 tlvçTv t tpfftcspepóvtwv tficaO
iisc itóLawç oiicot; I. p. 209: . . . tt7v otpthtwv . . etc.: vgl. Dagron. “l,es villes dans
.,
l’Illyricum protohyzantin”, pp. 12f.
They could— together with the clergy and the bishop -be elected to certain
municipal offices. CI) e.g. C] 1.4,17 X,27,3 ‘from the tOne of Anastasius I oz.
15 535 AD. 128 545 AD-, Vet:. 149 time ofJustin II . etc.
For the epigraphical material see e.g. H. Grégoire. Recueil del in.ocriptillnl grcc
ques thretiennes d’is,e ,llmeure Paris, 1922’. no. 41 .Assos. 5th cent. : . . ‘E?Xaö{o,s
.
itpco3(utfpou) K/at) to?ettCuojI(èuolj) . .; no. 240.8 Nivlasa. 480—484 AD: edict of
.
a praetorian prefect.: no. 242 \Iy1asa. c. 425 AD-: no. 28 ibis .\phrodisias: no.
312 Andeda. Pamphvlien : no ..323 Sardis. 4th cent. etc.: Gb. Rotiechè. .4phrodisias
.
in L,’ltI’ Antiquity I .ondon. 1989. no. 30.2; 89.2f.: 151.11: E. Hanion. “l.exique expli—
catif dti Recueti des inscriptions grecques chrétiennes d’Asie Mineure’. Rt-znnt,’sn 4
1927/19281, pp. 11 7f. See also D. Feissel, I. Kavgusuz. “Un inandat imperial du
VI’ siècle dans une inscription d’Honoriade”, Traraux ci .llémoires 9 (1985), pp.
397—419, esp. P. 405; for the papyri see F. Preisigke, Worteibuch dec griechischen
170 WOLFRAM BRANDES AND JOHN HALDON
4 TOWNS. TAX AND TRANSFORMATION
to note that the change involved a repositioning not, as has often
been thought. the disappearance of the old civic ruling class.
An epoch in thc evolution of the urban ruling class is marked by
,iVov. 149 ofJustin II (AD 569). In this law ktêtores, oikêtores and the
bishop are mentioned as collectively responsible for taxation. In addi
tion they are given the right to elect their provincial governor, a
right which must have strengthened the urban ruling class, which
now also included the bishop,’° who had formerly rcpresented, as
it were, a foreign body in the classical organization of the city. At
the same time the fact of the granting of this new privilege to the
urban ruling class implies that the government recognised that the
power of this class had already increased very considerably.
We do not know whether the new procedure for choosing provincial
governors was still followed in the seventh century. It seems more
likely that the central government now appointed eparchs. perhaps
following the precedent of the appointment of the eparch of the city
of Constantinople. It is in any case doubtful whether the eparch,
whose presence at Thessaloniki is mentioned in the second part of
the Miracula S. De,netrii,’ 2 should be seen simply as the holder of the
old office of praefectus praetorio per Ilyricum.”3 A seal of Nicetas, eparch
Pap t,usurkunden, 3 (Berlin, 1931), pp. I4lf.:J. Rea zu P. Oxy. LI, 3627: juridical
sources: Vms 128.5,7,8.15 (545 AD); Ed. 13 praef. 10, 12,1,1; 15,9: 11,6 (538/539
D \rr 1372710 i48 \D \u 1493 12 h9 .D or 10121)
\or. 130.3.22545 AD. Cl) Liebcschtitz. “Civic finances”, p. 392: Holum. The
survival of the Bouleuric class”. pp. 6181): H. Geremek. “Lcs lto?utruópEvot égp
tiens sont-ils idcntiqucs aux ou?4sutaI2” ,-1nat’i,,,es,s 1 (1981,. pp. 231 —245: Id.. “Sur
Ia question des boo/ni dans let villes égvptiennes aux \c_V1tc siècles”., Journal Of furistic
Paprrslogr 20 1990 pp. 57 54; Sirks, Sijpestein and \\‘orp. Sitome, p. 102. In the
,
sixth eemurv the politeuonienoi were probably decurions. but in the seventh century
maybe already at the end of the sixth century in some regions of the Empire1 the
clecurions disappeared as a legally defined social group. The politeuomenoi survived
longer and had a different status from the decurions.
Already at the end of the fifth century, definitively in AD 530, the bishop
hcgins to play a central role in the municipal administration. See e.g. C] X,27,3
(AD 49 1—505), where the bishop takes part in the election of the sitones and con
trols them; also C7 1,4,26 (AD 530); see too ./sv. 128,16 (AD 545; on the installa
tion of the ttatip t5g it6?rwg (cf. Ch. Roueché, “A new inscription from Aphrodisias
and the title ittip t? nswç”, Greek, Roman and Bantine Studies 20 [1979], pp.
173—185); see (with the older literature; Sirks. Sijpesteijn and \Vorp. 5,/win’, pp. 94,
1010)
Cf. Lemcrle. I. p/its anciens recueils des ,nnacles de saint Dim//ri,,.. 2. p. 176.
0
See Haldon. By.a,,tuim in the .5mei,t/, (S’ntun, p. 195 with literature in n. 86:
ci now A. Konstantakopoulou. “L’éparque de Thessalonique: les origines d’une
institution administrative VtIL_IXC si/des). Communications grecque.c pi/sentees no I”
C/ngris international des liudes dii 5,jd-Ec/ europien Athens. 1985. pp. 157—162.
171
of Nicaea. ttq. 3arn?ctKq) alccLOaplq) Km E1tQ NtKaIaç. dating from
the eighth century,’’4 together with several seals of eparchs of Thes
saloniki. supports the view that these eparchs represent a new type
of imperial official. Nevertheless, in spite of such intervention in the
affairs of still remaining cities by the central bureaucracy, in some
regions of the Empire civic aristocracies continued to exjst.”6
It would be a mistake to assume on the basis of modern analo
gies that the Byzantine Empire developed uniformly over its whole
exteHt. References to what seem to he late antique municipal titles
continue right into the eighth century, bearing witness to the obsti
nate survival of relics of the ancient city and its political organisa
tion, even after the social basis had been totally transformed.
Some Concluding Remarks
Our conclusions are not particularly radical, for we have tried sim
ply to draw attention to some key aspects in the changing or evolv
ing relationship between urban centres in the East Roman world
and their hinterlands in the period from the sixth to the eighth cen
tury. Perhaps the single most important development should be seen
in the State’s transfer of attention from towns to rural settlements
as key elements in its fiscal administration. This not only worked to
the detriment of the towns and their society as they had functioned
in the sixth century and before; it also made possible the evolution
of a very different type of non-State-oriented urban centre from the
ninth century and beyond, a type which evolved organically, with
no State role at all (except as defensive or administrative centres,
but not as necessary elements of a set of fiscal administrative struc
tures upon which the State depended for the extraction of resources),
in the context of the needs of their hinterlands for centres of exchange.
‘‘
Zacos and Veglery. Lead Sea/c, 1/3, no. 3156. Niketas svas probably previously
eparchos of Thessaloniki (toe. cit., no. 957).
0
Zacos and Veglciy, Lead Sea/c, nos. 957 (eighth cent.). 1691 (ninth cent.), 1717A
‘c. 750—850 ). 2382 (c. 750—850 AD). 2588 c. 750—850 ADi. 2589 ninth ccitt.),
2651 ‘c. 750—850 AD: J. \esh,rt and N. Oikonomides. C/ztalo,,’m’ o/ B,.2antine Seals
at Dumbarton Oaks ann’ in the Fogg .lIusewn of.-lrt. 1 Washington DC. 1991 not. 18,
.
18 ninth cent 18 19 eighth cent 18 21 eighth ninth cent 18 22 c i.hth ninth
cent.. 18.23 eighth-ninth cent.,.
See Brandes. “Byzantine towns in the seventh and eighth centur\
172 WOLFRAM BRANDES AND JOHN HALDON
It is no accident that the ‘revival of towns’, as the phenomenon has
been called, took place in parallel with, and seems to reflect a marked
rise in agricultural productivity and investment in the Byzantine
world, especially in the south Balkan territories, and the rise of a
middling class of landowners who came to reside in such towns.
Nor is it any accident that the eleventh century sees a remark
able shift in the foci of political activity. Until this time, it had been
the higher military officers and their armies in their provincial and
rural bases who had been the main movers in political opposition
or civil conflict. From the later tenth century on, it is chiefly urban-
based landed elites and members of the various factions within the
aristocracy, and the ordinary populations of towns, who figure in the
historians’ and annalists’ accounts of political conflict as specific
groups with specific interests and identities. In contrast to western
Europe, the collective identity of citizens does not progress very far,
however, for Byzantine towns fell progressively under the domi
nation of local magnates who held both landed wealth and
especially important within the Byzantine cultural svstem—imperial
functions or titles. The changes which affected towns also reflect to
a degree the changed military organisation of the Empire, as from
the middle of the tenth century towns became the seats of local mil
itary commanders and their retinues, in turn a reflection of both
strategic planning and the availability of coin in sufficient quantities
to service the needs of the State as well as private commercial
exchange. The end result was a dc-ruralisation of social and eco
nomic life and the re-assertion of the dominance of urban centres
over their hinterlands.’7
See the relevant sections of A. Harvey, Economic Expansion in the Bjzaotine Empire,
900—1200 (Cambridge, 1989), and M. Angold, “The shaping of the medieval
Byzantine ‘city’”, Bjzantinische Forschongen 10 çl985), pp. 137.
EE RESEAU DE POUVOIRS DE E’EVEQUE DANS Uk
GAUEE DU HAUT MOYEN-AGE
Nancy Gauthier
Dans la Gaule du haut Moven-Age, l’evêque est véritablement le
pivot dc la vie socialc. Par taut i\Ioyen-Age”, j’entendrai ici la pC
node qui va de la fin du IVC au debut du VIHC siècle, tout simple
mcnt parce que c’est celle pour laquelle nous disposons d’un minimum
de documentation. A cette êpoque, les rois et les cours harbares qui
les entourent s’agitent, intriguent, font la guerre mais ceux qui régn
lent la vie quotidienne dans tons les domaines, ce sont les CvCques.
Bien au-delâ de leurs pouvoirs en matiêre rcligieuse, ils jouissent
d’une capacitê d’intervention pratiquement illimitée qui apparait a
tout instant dans nos sources. Cette influence cxceptionncllc résulte
d’un enchcvêtrement de pouvoirs institutionnels, d’assise sociale et
de chanisme personnel qni mérite d’être examine en detail, d’autant
plus qu’il s’agit d’nn phenomene proprement gaulois si les autres
pays issns dn dememhrement de l’Empire romain ont connn, eux
aussi, de fortes personnalites épiscopales dotees de pouvoirs étendns,
nulle part hors de Gaule le corps episcopal dans son ensemble n’a
joni d’nne influence aussi considerable snr nne anssi longue pCniode.
Comme nous allons le voir, cette situation a prolonge notablement
les liens qni unissaient traditionnellement les villes antiques a leur
terntoire.
L’éoCque en son diocese
Commençons par le plus naturel : le domaine religieux. Depuis que
l’Eglise s’est dotée d’une organisation institutionnelle, c’est-à-dire
depuis la fin du F’ siècle après J.-C., l’evêque est le personnagc-cle.
Avec la diffusion du christianisme, les chefs-lieux de cites deviennent
progressivement antant de sieges êpiscopanx, si bien quc le pouvoir
episcopal prend le relais des anciennes cnries municipales a l’intéricnr
des mêmes limites topographiqucs.
 _____________

LE RESEAU DE POUVOIRS DE L’EVQUE 175

174 NANCY GAUTHIER

Chefs-lieux de cite et capitales de provence d’après la Notitia Galliarum

Un pouvoir theoriquement absolu
Les conciles mérovingiens rappellent inlassablement qu’il a tous pou
voirs sur son clergé. Les clercs ne peuvent quitter le diocese ou étre
limites de provinces
promus ailleurs qu’avec son autorisation.’ Lui seul peut les juger s’ils
• capitale de province
manquent a la discipline ecclesiastique2 et, dans les affaires de droit
O capitale de province? commun, il faut au moms3 son autorisation pour qu’un de ses clercs
• Civitas N traduise quelqu’un devant les tribunaux civils ou soit lui-méme tra
civitas?
/
duit en justice.4 Lui seul est habilité a célébrer les offices des gran
-— des fetes a sa cathédrale, on tous doivent se rendre.5 Lui seul, sauf cas
S de force majeure, peut accueillir les hérétiques désireux de se con
) •
vertir.° Enfin, si n’importe qui pelt faire construire une eglise, sa
)
I

•‘ •—•‘ dédicace est réservée a l’evêque du lieu.7 Les pretres ont cependant
• W,,n.
reçu l’autorisation de prCcher au concile de Vaison en 529. Si les

I
:: \RI
)\v..
• / //
conciles Icur reconnaissent theoriquement le droit de porter devant
leur assemblée un litigc qui opposcrait l’un ou l’autre d’entre eux a
son évCque,9 on nc les volt guère exercer concrètement ce droit.1°

•
/1__\
/
/N
•
i
J ,
•
\/
L
I Conciles de Nimes en 396, canon 6 d’Orange en 441, c. 7 ; collection due
second concile d’Arles (442—506), c. 13 et 35 d’Angers en 453, c. 1 ; de Vannes
entre 461 et 491, c. 5 et 10 ; d’Agde en 506, c. 36 ; d’Epaone en 517, c. 5--6
/t • d’Arles en 524, c. 4 ; de Clermont en 535, c. 17—18 ; de Clermont en 538,
c. 17—18 d’Orléans en 549. c. 5 et 8 ; d’Arles en 554, c. 7 ; de Clichy en 626/627,
•— c. 14 ; de Chalon, entre 647 et 653, c. 13 de Losne entre 673 et 675, c. 7.
.J’utilise ici led. C. Munier et C. de Clercq, (.‘sncilia Gall/as, CC 148 ci 148 A (1963),
et la traduction J. Gaudemet, B. Basdcvant (pour les conciles gaulois des IVC, \71c

et VW siCcles), SC 241, 353 et 354 (1977 ci 1989).

R( .. _) ( 2

c. 4.
Conciles de Nimes en 396, c. 3 et 4 de Turin en 398, c. 5 ; d’Arles en 524,

\ ‘
Voir pius loin, p. 189.
PeF1U,U

/
(
•rniiis

\
c.ni. MOUtI.
Concilcs d’Angers en 453, c. 1 de Vannes entre 461 ct 491. c. 9 d’Oriéans
en 538, c. 35 ; d’Orléans en 541. c. 20 ; de Macon en 581/583, c. 7—8 ; dc Paris
en 614, c. 6 de Chcliy en 626/627, c. 7 et 20. Les conciies d’Agde en 506,
N \%•
c. 32, ci d’Epaonc en 517, c. 11, soot plus rcstrictifs (voir plus loin, n. 87).
I •
_
—, A Agde en 506, Ic concile admet toutefois que ces offices puissent être aussi
célébrés dans des paroisses rurales (c. 21). Une telle concession n’apparaIt plus dans
Ics conciles d’Orléans en 511. c. 25 ; d’Epaonc en 517, c. 35 ; dc Clcrrnont en
0;
o! • .
535, c. 15 ; d’Orléans en 541, c. 3 de Macon enire 581 et 583, c. 10.
Conciles d’Orangc en 441, c. 1 ; d’Epaonc en 517, c. 16.
Concilc d’Orangc en 441, c. 9, repris par Ia collection connue sous le norn
de deuxiéme ccnciie cl’Arles (enire 442 ci 506), c. 36—37. CI Ic concile d’Agde en
/ °
•
N.th. 506, c. 14 : les autcis doivcni ftre hénis par les évêques.
C.,t,.
Canon 2.
St-B,trwld a. Comminat. o Conciles de Vaison en 442, c. 5 d’Orléans en 538, c. 22—23. CC concile de
Clichy en 626/627, c. 3.
Le prêtre Exuperantius a essayé de faire intervenir Ic concile de Turin (398)
Fig. 1. La Gaule au ye siècle en sa faveur. Cclui-ci le renvoie au bon vouloir de l’evêque qui l’a condamné (canon
5, SC 241, p. 142—143).
(cariographie X. Rodier, UMR “Archéologie et Terriioires”, Tours).
 - - - ___
176 NANCY GAUTHIER
L’evêque est aussi le gestionnaire des biens de son Eglise.° Si les
offrandes des fidClcs dCposées sur l’autel peuvent être partagées entre
l’evêque et son clergé, tout ce qui est donne “en fait de terres, vignes,
esclaves et betail” doit demeurer sous l’autorité de l’evêque, que cela
ait été donné it l’église épiscopale ou it une paroisse.’2 Ces biens sont
inalienables
Si un évêque, dans une intention généreuse, a concédé it des clercs
ou it des moines des parcelles de vigne et de terre it cultiver et it
exploiter pour un temps, et méme s’il est pronvé qu’une longue suite
d’années a passé, que 1’Eglise n’en subisse aucun prejudice, et qu’on
n’objecte pas la prescription prévne par la loi sCculiére pour créer un
empéchement it 1’Eglisei3
Ceci vaut quelles que soient les ameliorations apportées it un Champ
par celui auquel on l’a concede.14 L’evêque lui-même ne pent, en
principe, ni les vendre ni les donner,’5 it plus forte raison les léguer.’6
Tout, an plus l’autorise-t-on, avec reticence, it aifranchir des esclaves
de l’Eglise en nombre raisonnable,l7 it disposer des toute petites par
celles de terres on de vignes situées it l’ecart et sans grande utilité
pour l’Eglise’8 on hien, en cas de nécessité absolue, it aliéner des
biens d’Eglise it condition qu’il ait l’accord d’autres évêques’° ou de
son metropolitain.°° Encore Cesaire d’Arles, qui avait solhcite du pape
Agapitus (535—536) l’autorisation d’aliéner les biens de son Eglise
pour secourir les pauvres, se voit-il refuser cette possibilité.°’ Peu it
peu, cependant, on admet pratiquement, dans le courant du VF
siecle, que les eglises et les monastéres restent propriétaires des dons
et legs qu’ils ont reçus et jouissent donc d’un patrimoine propre.22
Coneile d’Orléans en 538, e. 26 ; d’Epaone en 517, c. 7 et 8.
2
Concile d’Orléans en 511, e. 14 et 15.
°
Coneile d’Orléans en 511, c. 23 ; concile d’Epaone en 517, c. 17 et 18. Cf.
eoneiles d’Agde en 506, e. 22 d’Orleans en 541, e. 18 et 36.
°
Concile d’Orléans en 541, e. 34.
°
Coneile d’OrlCans en 538, e. 13 eoneile d’Orleans en 541, c. 9 et 36 ; con
cue de Cliehy en 626/627, e. 15, ef e. 25.
5
Conciles d’Epaone en 517, c. 17 ef. ajouts au eoneile d’Agde de 506, e. 4 (51).
7
Coneile d’OrlCans en 541, e. 9.
5
Coneile d’Agde en 506, e. 45 Term/as nut omen/as exiguas et ecclesiae minus utiles
nut longe pnsitas parvas episcnpus sine consilin fmatrum, si necessitas fuerit, distmnhendi habeat
pntestatem. Cf. Ia mCme possibilitC pour leo esclaves fugueurs, e. 46.
“
Coneile d’Agde en 506, e. 7.
25
Coneile d’Epaone en 517, e. 12.
21
Agapitus I, Ep. Arel. 36, éd. W. Gondlaeh, SIGH, 4. 3, p. 55.
22
La premiere concession (ii faot l’aotorisation spCciale de l’evêque) est attestéc
- - - - -
LE RESEAU DE POUVOIRS DE L’EVêQUE 177
Cette autorité absolue23 n’etablit aucune difference entre ville Ct
campagne
Qoant it toutes les basiliques qui ont etC constroites en divers lienx et
se construisent chaqne jour, stipule le premier concile d’Orleans cm
511 (c. 17), il a pam bon, conformCment it la rCgle des canons antericurs,
qn’elles demeurent sous l’autoritC de l’evêque snr le territoire duquel
elles sont situCes.
Ccla vaut aussi pour les oratoires privés constrnits par de grands
propriétaires sur leurs terrcs.24 Toutefois, le concile de Carpentras,
en 527, admet que
si 1’Eglise de la cite it laquelle preside l’evêque est si bien pourvue que,
par la faveur du Christ, elle ne manque de rien, que tout cc qui sera
laissé aux paroisses (rorales) soit attribué équitablcmcnt aux clercs qui
desservent ses paroisses et aux reparations des basiliques.25
Le concile d’Orlèans de 538 laisse, lui aussi, Ia porte entrouverte it
une pratique plus liberale
Quant aux ressources des paroissses et des basiliques êtablies dans les
campagnes relevant des cites, que l’on obsen’c la cootumc dc chaqoc
region.26
Dc fait, dans son testament (redige avant 535), Rémi de Reims lCgne
des biens it des égliscs paroissiales comme Mouzon et Voncq, dans
les Ardennes.27
an concile d’Agde en 506, c. 22 : Giritntenies eel diocesani preshyteri eel clerici rein cede
sine, sn/rn iure eec/cAne, sicut permiserit epismopus, teneant renelere nut doname penitus non pmae
sumant. Le c. 13 do cinqoiCme concile d’OdCans, en 549, pane des res eel famultates
eeelesiis nut nonnsteriis eel exenodnmiis pro quacumque elemosina run iustitia delegatas et
L. Pietri (La ri/Ic de Tows do IV’ no IT 3 ic/c, Paris-Rome, 1983, pp. 624-627) a bien
montrC qo’ao tempo de CrCgoire, leo patrimoines de l’ecclejsa de Tours et de la
basiliqoe Saint-Martin soot distinets et gCrCs par des persoones diflCrentes, sans pour
aotant qoe l’eveqoe se dCcharge de sa responsahilitC Cminente our l’ensemble do
patrimoine ecelCsiastique de son diocese.
23
Cf. eependant le e. 7 do concile de Tours de 567 qoi stipole qoe l’evêque ne
pent déposer de sa charge on abbé oo on archiprêtre sans avoir consolté leo aotres
abbés (de hasiliqoe, semhle-t-il) et leo antres prCtres.
24
Concile d’Orleans en 541, c. 7 de Chalon entre 647 et 653, c. 14.
22
Tradoction B. Basdevant.
20
Canon 5, tradoetion B. Basdevant.
27
Version breve (et anthentique) do testament Hiocmar, Vita s. Rerggsi, 32, Cd.
B. Krosch, leIGH, SR/SI 3, pp. 336—339.
 F-
178 NANCY GAUTHIER
Les monastéres, od qu’il soient situés, soot étroitement assujettis
a l’evêque diocésain.28 Toute nouvelle fondation doit étre autorisée
par l’evêque25 et les abbés soot in episeopornin potestnte.3° Le pauvre
\7ulfiiaicus, qui avait voulu renouveler dans les Ardennes les exploits
de Siméon le Stylite, est severement tancé par son évêque
Gette voie que tu suis n’est pas droite et toi. Ctre obscur, tu ne saurais
te comparer a Sirnéon d’Antioche. qui se tenait stir une colonne
Descends plutôt et demeure avee les frères que tu as groupés a tes
côtés.
“A ces mots, raconte-t-il a Grégoire de Tours, étant donné que ne
pas obéir a des évéques est regardé comme une faute, je descendis”
et l’evêque fit détruire la colonne sur laquelle ii se tenait.3’ Le puis
sant abbé de Lérins lui-meme, qui avait errs pouvoir régir son
monastére en toute indépendance, se voit rappele a l’ordre par un
coneile tenu a Aries entre 449 et 460 : ii n’a pleine autorité qne
sur les moines non eleres (lazoa congregatio), tandis qu’il revient a
l’evêque de Fréjus d’ordonner les eleres ou de les admettre au
monastére. ainsi que d’administrer les sacremems.
Des lirnites pratiques
Toutefois, un pouvoir si absolu rencontre forcement des resistances
avec lesqueHes ii doit composer. Si les conciles répétent inlassable
ment les mêmes prescriptions, c’est qu’elles ne sont pas observees.
En particuher, les innornbrables menaces contre ceux qui quitteraient
leur diocese pour exercer leurs fonetions on se faire promouvoir
ailleurs peuvent iaisser penser qu’à défaut d’affrontement direct d’ofl
ii sortirait perdant, le cierc en delicatesse avec son évêque préférait
passer dans un autre diocese.32 Dans Ia cite de Béziers, le prêtre
20
Conciles d’Orléans en 511, e. 7 d’Epaone en 517, c. 10 et 19 ; d’Orléans
en 533, c. 21 d’Arles en 554, e. 2, 3 et 5 (c. 2 Vt nonasteria eel nonacorooa disojtilina
ad eon pertineant e/sisropnoo, in cooioos soot terretooia csnstitota. On remarquera l’insistance
snr le ‘territoire’. qni determine l’evêque competent).
20
Coneile d’Agde en 506, c. 27 ; cl’Epaone en 517, e. 11.
30
Concile d’Orléans en 511, e. 19.
Greg. Tur., Host. ‘lIlt, 15.
32
GE Ic canon 4 du eoncile d’Arles en 524 “Es Si l’un des cleres, pour se sons
traire S Ia discipline ecelCsiastiriuc. se met S vagahonder. quiconque le reeevra et,
non seulement ne Ic réconeiliera pas avee son CvCqne, mais osera prendre sa defense,
sera pnve de la communion de I’Eglise.”
LE RE5EAU DE POUVOIR5 DE L’EVEOUE 179
Othia consacre lui-mCme une éghse,33 eontrairement aux canons, et
ii Ia date d’une année de sa prCtrise, exaetement eomme, non loin
de la, l’evêque de Narbonne Rustieus fait dater ses constructions de
l’année de son épiseopat.34
Une analyse fine des canons eoneihaires et des autres sources mon
tre qu’avec le temps, l’autorité de l’evêque dans son diocese tend
eependant a s’efiiiter. Les grands eonstruisent dans leurs domaines,
a leurs frais, des ehapeHes privées dont us entendent hien rester les
maItres.33 Si les CvCques revendiquent fermement le droit d’en nom
mer les dessen’ants. eeux-ei ont hien du mal a faire passer l’autorité
lointaine de l’evêque avant le pouvoir tout proehe du ehàtelain qui
les nourrit et qui aimerait bien, par exemple. assister aux offices des
grandes fetes sur place plurôt que de devoir se rendre a l’eghse êpis
copale on même paroissiale.305 D’autres eleres n’hCsitent pas a sol
lieiter l’appui d’un seigneur late contre leur CvCque.3 Lorsqu’un
monastére est fonde et gCrC par un memhre de la famille royale,
eomme celui de Radegonde a Poitiers, ii jouit d’une position parti
euliere qui l’affranehit de fait de la tutelle épiseopale : l’evêque de
Poitiers Marovee, avee qui Radegonde entretient de mauvaises rela
tions, n’y paraIt guére ii est d’ahord sons la protection royale.3°
Quand elle a besoin d’un évêque, l’ahhesse s’adresse a Germain de
Paris, par exemple pour la consecration de i’abhesse Agnes. Dans
une lettre solennelle a tous les évêques éerite entre 561 et 576, elle
prend soin de consigner explieitement les limitations imposées a la
juridietion du pontifex loei.35 Elle-même est enterrée par Gregoire de
°
E. Diehl, Inseobtiooes Latinae (7loristianae Veteres (Berlin. 195 U, n’ 1807, en 455
Otlooa pr(eo)h(yteo) anno XXXIII prfro,.th]j]t(eratoo,is soi baseticam cx rots 2000
...can fiflr’oxitJ
et dfrd(ocan4) Vatentinoano VI / VIII] et Aootheon/io CUSS].
Ihod. n” 1806. en 445.
32
\7oor n. 24. GE leo articles de P. Diaz, G. RipolI-J. Arce, G. Cantino Wataghin
dans cc mCmc volume.
Concile d’Agde en 506, c. 21 si leo messes ordinaires peuvent se tenir dans
l’oratoire privC, les offices de PSqnes, Noel. Epiphanie, Ascension, Pentecôte et le
natale de saint Jean-Baptiste nc pcuvcnt oc tenir que “dans leo cites on leo paroisses”.
32
Goncile d’Orléans de 538, c. 12.
Baudonivia. Vita s. Radegnndos, I, 16, Cd. B. Kruoch, SIGH, 81151 2, p. 389
Praecelleotissinis daniois re.gibos et serenissinae doninae Bronichildi reginae t sacoasaoctis
ecclesios ret pan4flcihosesron ... soon caososoendant nonasterinoo. C’est cc cine confirme la
lestre-tesoament insérée insérée par Grégoire de ‘l’ours en Host. IX. 42.
Greg. Tur., Host. IX, 42 “Si une peroonne, fOt-ce l’evêque do ben, voulait
o’arroger. par on nouveau privilege, certaino pouvoirs our le monastCre oo our leo
hicns do monastCrc outre ceux que les évCqueo prCcédents, on rl’antrcs, ont coo de
mon vivant’, etc.
180 NANCY GAUTHIER
Tours)° On saisit sur le vif l’enchevêtremcnt des pouvoirs lors du
grave conflit qui éclate aprés sa mort entre la nouvelle abbesse
Leuhovera, d’une part, et les moniales Chrodieldis. flue de Carihert,
et Basina, flue de Chilpéric. d’autre part (589). AprCs l’éehec de la
tentative de mediation de Gregoire de Tours. Gontran convoque les
évéques pour discuter de l’affaire. Entre ternps, l’evêque métropoli
tam, Gondegiselus de Bordeaux, intervient, accompagné de l’evêque
de Poitiers et d’autres évêques de la province. Devant l’entCtement
des religieuses rehelles qui font intervenir des handes armées contre
leur abbesse, Childebert donne l’ordre au cornte de Poitiers de rétablir
l’ordre. Finalement, un tribunal ecclésiastique tranche le conflit en
faveur de l’abbesse.4’
En Italie - comme d’ailleurs en Afrique les monastères jouis
-,
saient de plus d’indépendance. Ii n’est done pas étonnant que les
premieres entorses an pouvoir de l’evêque stir les monastères gaulois
aient été sollieitées de Rome. Au debut du VE siCcle, Césaire d’Arles
obtient Un privlège papal pour sa fondation d’Arles.42 Childehert 1°’
en obtient un autre, entre 546 et 555, pour le monastère des saints
Pierre et Paul qu’il a fondé a Arles egalement.43 Lorsque la reine
Brunehaut construit un enodochium monastique a Autun, elle n’hésite
pas. elle non plus, a solliciter la garantie du pape il est prévu que
l’abhé sera choisi par Ic roi avec le consentement des moines. Toutefois,
l’evêque d’Autun n’est pas complètement écarté puisqu’en cas de li
tige. c’est lui qui jugera la cause, assistC dc six autres évêques. La
crainte de la reine porte surtout sur les menaces que Ia cupiclité
pourrait faire peser sur les biens de sa fondation “Aucun roi, aucun
évêque, aucune personne dotée d’une dignite quelle qu’elle soit ni
personne d’autre” ne doit s’approprier les biens qui ont été donnés
sous quelque prCtexte que cc soit. Grégoire le Grand est aussi inter
venu en faveur du monastère Saint-Cassien de Marseille : la potestas
40
Ibid. II, 23, p. 392.
Ibid. IX, 39-43--N. 15 20.
42
Jaffé 864. Ed. A. de \7ogué et J. Courreau, SC 345, pp. 341—359. Le pope
Hormisdas precise : Ut nullus episcoporuno, successoruin quandoque tuorum, in ante diets
monasterio audeal sibi potestatem ahquam penitus rindicare (p. 354(.
Sm ceo pm Ileges on E i\I snou Nortiei E\lste t ii une .eorraphie des con
rants ne pensée dons le clergé de Gatile au VIC siCcle 7, Grgoire de Tours et lespace
gaulois. rides du congris internatwnal, Tours 1994. Cd. N. Gauchier et H. Galinié Tours.
1997:. pp. 139—157. en particulier pp. 142—145.
Grégoire Ic Grand. Registr. XIII, 9, éd. D. Norherg. CC 140 A. pp. 10041006
nov. 602.
LE RESEAU DE POUVO IRS DE LEVEOUE 181
in rebus rel in dispositione nwnasterii appartient a l’ahbesse, non C l’evêque,
stipule cc privilège.° Toutefois, mCme Si SS pouvoirs sont striete
ment limités, c’est ‘l’evêque du lieu’ qui consaerera l’ahhesse élue
par la congregation et il n’est pas envisage qu’un autre évCque puisse
intervenir.
La generalisation de l’indCpendance monastique par rapport a Ia
tutelle épiscopalc date des fondation.s colombaniennes. Les moines
irlandais étaient peu disposes a reconnaitre l’autorité des Cvêques
gaulois. En effet, us n’avaient pas l’habitude de voir des Cvêques
séculiers diriger des dioceses a partir d’un siege urbain et us ont
transpose sur le Continent les moeurs insulaires, on le personnage
puissant Ctait l’abbé du monastère, éventuellement evêquc lui-mCme.
Des lors, cc qui n’était que tolerance ou rare privilege devint un
droit inserit dans les chartes de fondation. En 628, a la demande
de l’ahhC Bertulfus, le pape Honorius jer avait libére Bohhio de la
juridiction de tout évêque.”’ Dc l’autrc cflté des Alpes, cc type de
precaution fut bientôt inclus dans les chartes de fondation, par exem
pie pour Solignac, créé par Eloi en 632 ..Vuilarn potestatern nu/lurnque
•.
ius episcopus tel qua libet alia persona in prefato rnonasterio neque in rebus neque
in person is nisi tan turn glouiosissirnus princeps poenitus sit liabiturus.4 On pos
sèdc une quinzaine de privileges de mêmc type, tolls etroitement
apparentés.5° us prévoient le libre choix de l’ahhé par la eommu
nauté, l’appel a l’evêque de son gre pour la consecration des eglises
et les ordinations sacerdotales, l’cxemption de mute redevance C qui
que cc soit. Même en cas de desaccord grave, cc n’est pas C l’evêque
diocésain d’arhitrer la situation mais a “d’autres abbés qui observent
Ia mêrne regle”. Enfin, il va de soi que les evêques et leurs clercs ne
doivent pas sc permettre d’usurper ou de diminuer pour leur usage
les biens accordés au monastère. Ni les evêqucs ni les archidiacres
Regis/n. VII, 12, CC 140, p. 461 (a. 596(.
4°
Jonas, Vzta s. ‘o1umbanz, II, 23, éd. B. Krusch, MGH, SRM 4, p. 145 nullus
episcoporuni in praefato caenubio quolibet iure dominare conaretur. Cf. l’article de R. Baizaretti
dons ce volume.
‘
Ed. B. Krusch. MGH, SRdvI 4, p. 747, 2. Cf. Rebais en 637 (V. Leblond —
M. Lecornte, Li’s pruiliges de l’abbqye de Rebais-en-Brie [Melun, 1910], pp. 54—56, Saint
Die J.-M. Pardessus. Diploma/a, char/ac ci insimmenta ac/a/is 111erovingicaf [Pads, 1 843— 1 849J,
n 360 ; voir N. Gauthier. L’ézangilrsa/ion des pars de Ia Moselle [Paris, 1980], pp. 299—
303.
us out etC CtudiCs par E. Ewig dans une sCrie d’articles commodCment regroupCs
dons Sputantikes und frankisches Galhen. 2 Beihefte den Francia 3/2, Munich, 1979
pp. 41 1—583.
r 182
n’ont
NANCY GAUTHIER
le droit d’exiger Ic moindre present. Et si Von a fait appel a
un évéque pour quelque fonction, ii doit se retirer aussitôt aprés sans
rien demander.
L’érique et ses pairs
LTn ouroir collrcQJ
Si le pouvoir de l’evêque a l’intérieur de son diocese est, au moms
théoriquement, incontesté, la situation au niveau de la Gaule est plus
ambigue. Les évéques constituent un corps dont Ic pouvoir eolleetif
renforce le pouvoir individuel et s’exerce a un echelon plus élevé
généralement le royaume, comme nous allons le voir. Les évéques
profitent de leurs reunions périodiques en coneiles pour réaffirmer
leurs pouvoirs,4° définir l’orthodoxie et fixer les normes morales,
applicables tant aux cleres on aux moines qu’aux kites. C’est ainsi
que, lors d’un concile tenu a Lyon pen aprCs février 518 pour exa
miner l’affaire d’un officier royal, Stephanus, coupable d’avoir épousé
sa helle-sur en secondes noces, les évCques, qui Vavaient déjà cx
eommunié une premiere fois, menacent de faire gréve en se retirant
ehacun dans un monastCre si le roi persiste a soutenir le eoupahle. us
prennent la precaution, avant de se séparer, d’interdire a quiconque
de hriguer la dignité episeopale du vivant de l’evêque en plaee.5 En
tarn que fidéles, Les rois et les grands sont en effet soumis eomrne
tout un ehacun aux lois morales definies par les évéques. Selon
Gregoire de Tours,5’ Nieetius de Tréves, vers 560. n’hésita pas a
exeommunier le roi Clotaire pro iniustis operibus.
Mais, d’un anne eôté, les rois disposent de la force, cc qui eon
traint les évéques a composer. Nicetius paya son audace de l’exil,
auquel la mort du roi mit hientôt fin. En 411, la chute de l’usurpa
teur Constantin III avait entrainé l’exil de l’evêque Heros d’Arles,
remplaeé par Patroelns, un ami du vainqueur?2 Le roi arien Eurie
(mort en 484) avait interdit de pourvoir au remplaeement des évCques
a’ Comme Ic monirent les innombrables références canoniqucs qus précédent.
Conede ne Lyon. canon 3.
Il/ac Pa/russ,. XVII. 2—3.
Prosper. (Jim,,. a. 412. éd. 1 . \lommscn. SIGH. .4-1 9. p. 466.
LE RE5EAU nE POIJVOIRS nE L’EVEQtIE
eatholiques déeedés.55 Des le premier eoneile d’Orléans,54 les pon
tifes doivent admettre qu’à l’exeeption de eeux qui sont de famille
183
eléricale. personne ne pourra entrer dans les ordres sans autorisa
tion royale. Encore les évéques restent-ils partiellement, comme on
le verra plus loin, au service de leurs rois. La repugnance des son
verains a se séparer de serviteurs de valeur est plus grande encore
lorsqu’il s’agit de les laisser se retirer dans un monastére55 ear ils ne
leur seront plus alors d’aueune utilité. Le eoneile d’Orleans de 549’
prend aete d’un usage désormais hien etahli en stipulant que, si
l’evêque doit étre l’élu du elergé et du peuple, conformément aux
anciens canons, il y faut aussi l’assentiment royal. Celui-ci est en
effet decisif en maintes circonstances. Par exemple, en 525/526, les
habitants de Tréves ayant réclame Gallus eomme évéque an roi
Thierry, eelui-ei leur donne Nieetius, réservant Gallus pour Clermont.57
Dc méme, e’est le roi Childebert qui impose Charimeris comme
évéque de Verdnn en 590. Sacerdos de Lyon, désirant voir son
neveu Nieetius lui sueeéder, s’adresse direetement an roi Childebert.55
Avee des souverains peu serupuleux, les ahus deviennent manifestes.
La triste histoire de Praetextatus de Rouen en est un témoignage
eloquent. Suspeeté de trahison par le roi Chilperie. il fut traduit en
577 devant un eoneile qui refusa de le condamner, malgré les in
eroyables pressions exereêes par Chilperie poussé par Fredegonde
il n’en fut pas moms emprisonné, puis exile dans une Ile normande.
Comme iI avait etC retabli sur son siege episcopal a la mort de
Sidoine Apollinaire, P/n UI. 6, 7. écl.A. Loven. I,es Belles-L.ettres. 3 1970
p. 45.
Concile dOr1éans de 511, c. 4.
‘
CL Ia letire de Clotaire 11 conservée dans la Il/a s. Ama/fl, 16, éd. B. Kruscb,
SIGH, SRiII 2. p. 438 : Ic mi refuse de nommer un successeur a l’evêque de I\Ietz
Amnulfos désireux de se retirer pour vivre en ermile prés de Remiremont (voir mon
Evaagilisatisn des pays de ta SIsselie [Paris, 1980], pp. 379 380). Au ,jeune Germanus.
futur abbé de Graudval, qui lui demande I’autorisation de se retimer dans un
monastCme, l’evêque Modoaldos de Tréves répond 5/an sum ansus tihi dare persnis
sum prap/er megiam ps/es/a/em’ (Vita s. Ges’mar,i abba/is Grandiralleasis, 3, éd. B. Kmusch,
SIGH, SR/tI 5, p. 34/ CL tI/a s. iVandmegisdi, 7, ed. B. Krusch, MGH( SR.AI 5, p. 16.
Canon 10.
Greg. Tur.. fl/ac Pa/rain, VI, 3 : Tune etiam et .‘l/sosm’alus Treremaram episrspus tran
sii/ ; rsngrega/irjue c/cnn nirita/is il/ins, ad Theadsrinam res.,’em sane/am Gallaai pctchant epis
es/sam. Qaibas i/fe ai/ Abseedite et a/mm requerite ; Ga//aui enim diaesnum alibi babes
dis/ina/am’ [. . .J An’erni rems c/cnn ... aadian/ a rege qasd sane//Isis Gailnas habi/ari essent
episrspam.
Greg. Tur.. His?. IX. 23. Pour Ia nIne. voir mon Eraggilssa/ssn des Par,, de Ia
Macel/c. pp. 228—229.
Greg. ‘fur.. Il/ne Pa/ram. VIII. 3.
r
184 NANCY GAUTHIER
Chilpéric, Frédégonde n’hésita pas a le faire assassiner en pleine
église (586)60 Le eandidat de la reine était Melantius et, malgré i’op
position d’évéques envoyés par Gontran, elle le rétablit alors sur le
siege de Rouen.6’
Les évéques essaient done de se prémunir contre l’arbitraire du roi
Que personne ne soit ordonné évéque contre le gre des citoyens, mais
que le soit seulement celui que l’élection du peuple et des clercs aura
postulé en pleine et entiére libertC ; que n’interviennent ni l’autorité
du prince ni aucune stipulation pour contrecarrer la volonté du met
ropolitain ou des évéques comprovinciaux. Si c’est en vertu d’une dé
signation royale que quelqu’un, avec une excessive audace, pretend
s’emparcr de cc supreme honneur, qu’il ne soit en aucune façon reçu
par les évéques de la province dont reléve ce lieu.62
Ii semble quc cette régle générale vise un cas aussi recent que
précis. L’évéque de Saintes Emerius devait sa place an roi Clotaire
qui l’avait méme autorisé par décret a se faire consacrer sans l’avis
de son métropolitain, l’évéque de Bordeaux Leontius. Ce dernier
profita de Ia mort du roi, en 561, pour faire déposer Emerius par
un concile provincial et le faire remplacer par Heraclius. Mais le
nouveau roi, Caribert, maintint la nomination faite par son pére et
exila Heraclius tout en condamnant a une amende Leontius et les
autres évéques du concile.53 Grégoire de Tours lui-meme, si jaloux
des prerogatives épiscopales, ne dut son election, sur laquelle il est
toujours resté fort dliscret, qu’à la faveur de Sigebert et de Brunehaut.°t
Des Clovis, les rois ont egalement pris l’habitudc de couvoquer des
conciles lorsque cela leur paraissait souhaitable.°5
Les rois ont intérét a briser la solidarite naturelle du corps épis
copal qui pourrait a l’occasion se retourner contre eux. On sait que
les rois francs ont l’habitude de se partager le regnutn Francorum comme
un bien privé a chaque succession. Ii arrive que les anciennes provinces
soient partagées entre deux fréres, chacun s’attribuant une ou plusieurs
3)
Grcg. Tur., Misc V, 18 VII, 16 ; VIII, 20, 31, 41
61
Grcg. Tur., Mist. VII, 19 ; VIII, 31 ct 41.
62
Concilc dc Paris, tcnn cntrc 556 ct 573, c. 8 (trad. j. Gaudcmct ct B. Basdcvant,
SC 354, p. 421). CE concilcs dc Paris en 614, c. 2, ct dc Chalon cn 647/653,
c. 10.
63
Greg. Tur., Mist. IV, 26.
64
Fortunat, Grin. 57, 3, v. 13—16. Voir L. Pictri, La rule de Tours, pp. 247—248.
63
Préambules anx conciles d’Orléans en 511, 533 et 549, de MScon entre 581
et 583, de Paris en 614, de Clichy en 626/627, de Chalon entre 647 et 653, de
Bordeaux entre 662 et 675, de Losne entre 673 et 675.
LE RE5EAU nE POUVOTR5 nE L’EVEQUE 185
cites. Pour pcu quc les deux fréres soient en guerre, chacun d’eux
interdit a ses évéques de sc rendre a un concile convoqué chez
l’autre°° et, méme si les canons conciliaires stipulent que cc ne sera
pas considéré comme une excuse valable,°7 il cst bien difficile de
contourner cette interdiction, comme on le constate immédiatement
en dressant la carte des évéques presents a tel ou tel concile. Situation
encore plus delicate, ii peut arriver que la ligne de partage coupe
une cite en deux. Dans cc cas, l’évéque se trouve d’un côté et, de
l’autre, ii y a un morceau de cite sans évéque. Plutôt quc de rat
tacher cc territoire a une autre cite, les rois mérovingiens tentent
alors de créer un nouveau siege episcopal. Par exemple, Childebert
Jer, roi de Paris, qui a hérité d’une partie seulement de la cite de
Sens, essaie de créer un diocese a Melun vers 540 ; mais Leo, l’evé
que de Sens, proteste si vigoureusement que Childebert est oblige
de renoncer a son projct.°° En rcvanchc, l’opération cut un succés
provisoire dans le diocese de Chartres : en 567, Sigebert Jer obticnt
une partie de la cite, dont l’autre partie, avec le chef-lieu, est pos
sédée par Chilperic P ; en 573 ou peu avant, cc dernier y installe
un évéquc, dans le castruin de Chateaudun. L’évéque de Chartres
porta l’affairc dcvant un concile réuni a Paris, dans le royaume de
Chilpéric ; naturellement, les évéqucs du royaume de Sigcbcrt n’y
vinrent pas. Le concile donna raison a l’eveque de Chartres mais
ses objurgations restérent lettre morte. Aprés la mort de Sigebert en
575, l’unite du diocese fut de nouveau réaliséc et Chateaudun dis
parut définitivemeut de la carte des eveches.6° Ti semble bien que le
siege episcopal de Macon, attesté pour la premiere fois en 538, resulte
d’une operation de cc type : Childcbcrt a dS recevoir cette region,
alors que le reste de la cite (Autun ou Chalon) passait sous la domi
nation de Théodcbert; Childcbert a créé un eveche pour controler
l’administration ccclésiastique de son secteur.70
CE Greg. Iur., Rest. VIII, 13 : “0 mi, dit nn envoyC dn mi Gontran S
Childehert d’Austrasic, ton uncle demandc instamment qui t’a fait revenir sur ta
prumesse, quc leo évéqnes de votrc ( ton) royaumc different de venir an cuncilc
que vous avez dCcidC ensemble 7”
Concile de Tours en 567, c. 1
33
MCM, Ep. 3, pp. 437--438. Leo de Sens se plaint entrc autres de nc punvoir
ni visiter lni-mbme ni envuyer nn ro.ntatsr dans la partie de son diocese qni est suns
Ia domination de Childcbcrt.
60
Greg. Tur., Most. VII, 17. Vuir C. Delaplace, J.-Ch. Picard, ToJsograplne dirt
toenae des mitts de Ia Caule, 8, éd. N. Cauthicr, J.-Ch. Picard (Paris, 1992), p. 39.
70
J.-Ch. Picard, ibid., 4 (1986), p. 79.
 186 NANCY GAUTHIER LE RESEAU DE POUVOIRS DE LEVñ.OUE 187

Des th:alités internes Les érCques et In papauté

Ii faut d’ailleurs reconnaitre que la solidarité èpiscopale avait ses ii

Le ponvoir de l’eveqne sur son diocese est-il egalement limite par
mites. Quelqu’étendue que flIt leur autorité a l’intérieur de leur
l’autorite du siege apostolique ? La situation est amhigue. Ems évéques
diocese, les eveques avaient du mal a s’en contenter et avaient ten-
gaulois reconnaissent volontiers an siege de Rome une primauté
dance a empiCter sur les prerogatives de leurs collegues, comme le
d’honneur mais ne se préoccnpent guére de solliciter ses conseils on
montrent ics objurgations réitérCes des conciles antant que les con
ses a\is. Lorsqn’ils se rendent a Rome, c’est prioritairement pour se
testations qui sont deferees a cette instance car c’est normalement
recneillir sur les tombcanx des apôtres Pierre et Paul, non pour ren
vi que sont arbitrés les conflits entre Cvèques.
contrer le papc. En realité, les évéqncs ne reconrcnt an Saint-Siege
A partir de la fin du TV siecle, c’est-à-clire plus tard qu’ailleurs,
que lorsqn’ils sont en difticnlte en Ganle, hicn sonvent, il faut Ic
une hiérarchie est cependant instaurée a l’intérieur du corps des
reconnaItre, pour avoir transgressé les regles etablies. Le papc, son
eveques par I’institution des métropolitains]2 A vrai dire, la seule
cienx de faire progresser la primanté romaine, appnie alors presqne
prerogative importante est le droit de consacrer les évèques de leur
systématiquement celni qni a fait appel a mi.
province. Thèoriquement, ceux-ci étaient élus par le clergé et le pen-
C’est cc qne montre bien l’affaire de la primatie d’Arles. Nor
plc de leur diocese, comme le reaffirment inlassablement les canons
malement, ainsi que l’affirme solennellement le coneile de Turin (e.
conciliaires, mais en realite l’intervention des évéques voisins venus
c’est l’eveqne dont la ville est metropole civile, done capitale de la
enterrer leur eollegue était souvent decisive. L’enjeu était consi
province, qni doit avoir le ‘primat’ eeeclesiastiqne. Cependant, affirme
derahie car c’était nn maven privilégié de se constituer une clientele.
anssitôt le méme coneile. la province de Viennoise sera partagéc
Aussi voit-on les metropolitains donner a cc privilege son sens le
entre denx métropoles ecelésiastiqnes, les évéqnes de Vienne et
plus étendu, jusqu’à nommer d’autorite des évéques contre le gre de
d’Arles ayant respectiventent antorité sur les cites voisines dc lenr
leur Eglise.3 Cc sont mx aussi qni convoquent, normalement chaquc
siege. Que s’est-il passé pour qne les évéques enfreignent immédi
année, un concile auquel les evéqucs de leur province sont tenus de
atement Ia régle qn’ils venaient a peine d’enoneer P C’est qne, si
se rendre sons peine de sanctions.74
Vienne est tonj ours capitale de la Viennoise, elle est en pleine déca
dence. La ville active de la province est Arles, qui est méme deve
nnc la capitale des Ganles en hebergeant les services de la prefecture
dn prétoire replies de Tréves. D’oñ les préteritions des évéques d’Arlcs
Coneiles rIAngers en 453. e. 9 ; de Tours en 461. e. 9—12 de Lyon entre
513 et 523. C. 2 de Clermont en 535. C. 10 : clOrlfans en 538. e. 16.
a supplanter lcnrs collegnes de Vienne qni ne s’v résignent pas. Les
22
Le premier témoignage eo. le eoncile de Turin. e. I -3 398. scIon tome vraisem concessions de Turin avant pam insuffisantcs a 1’évéqne Patrocle
blanee.. qni arrive snr le siege d’Arles en 411 on 412, eelni-ci fit appel an
° Hilaire dAr1es convoque Ic connie de Riez .139 uniquement pour faire reeon—
pape Zosime qni, sans se préoecnpcr en rien dn sentiment des antres
naitre par les évéques de Viennoise, de Narhonnaise Seconde et des .Alpes Niaritimes
lautoritS métropolitaine qu’il revendique snr ees trois provinces, laquelle a été misc évéqnes ganlois ni des decisions antérienres, accorda a Patrocle les
en cause par l’éleCtion sans son aval d’Armentarins sur le siege d’Emhrun. Cela ne droits dc métropolitain non senlement en Viennoise mais anssi snr
l’empaChera pas de faire seandale en ne respeetant pas ailleurs les prerogatives qu’il
revendique pour ini-mCme. Ii fait dCposer le métropolitain de Besançon Clielidonins
les provinces voisines de Narbonnaise Premiere et de Narbonnaise
(Vita Hzlaos, 21 ; Leo Magnus, Ep. 10, 4, FL 54, eol. 630—633), donne prCmaturé Scconde. Les évéques leses firent a lcnr tour appel an pape. On
ment un sneeesseur C un autre Cveque. ProieCtus (Leo NI., Eli. 10, 4—6). Patiens de avait tons les ingredients d’nn conflit qni se prolongea jnsqn’en 464,
Lyon. avec Ic soutien d’Euphronius clAutun. impose loliannes C Chaion—sur—SaOne.
en “meprisant les uris d’une multitude en fureur” Sidoine Apollinaire. Ep. IV. 25.
Cd. A. 1.oven. 2, pp. 169—170’.
Coneiles de Riez en 439. c. 7 d’Orauge en 441, e. 28 d’Agrle en 506.
25
e. 35 dEpaone en 517, e. 1 d’OrlCans en 533. c. 1 et 2 d’Orléans en 535. c. 1: Sur cc eoneile. voir .Ilaacisns di iCons .4111 del (Z’snzegns inlersto.isnale di slsdi.
d’OrlCans en 541, e. 37 d’OriCaus en 549. c. 18 et 23 ; d’Eauze en 551. e. 7 7Rors 1998 ‘Arelsivio teologieo rorinese 4 [19981. 2. Turin. 1999 Le texte du eon
.

de Tours en 567, e. I ; de Losne en 673/675, e. 21. cue y est CditC et traduit en italien par R. Savarino, pp. 223—227.
 -
--___
188 NANCY GAUTHIER
chacune des parties essayant de se faire appuyer par Ic siege de
Rome 76
Aries offre un autre exemple du mCrne type sons CCsaire, au debut
du VI’ siCcle. Ceiui-ci a toujours rencontré une opposition tenace
dans sa yule episcopale. En outre, ii ne s’était pas trop embarrassé
des prescriptions eanoniques pour doter Ic monastCre construit par
lu et conflé a sa soeur. Craignam de voir ses decisions cassées aprCs
sa mort. ii a tenté de les faire garantir par le pape. Mais. hors ecs
eas particuhers, les eveques gaulois prennent leurs decisions en pieine
autofloiTlie.
L’evêque ci les pouvoirs virus
Le maintien de liens privilégies entre la yule et son territoire par le
hiais de l’evêque ne se hmite pas anx affaires ecelesiastiques. Si les
rois et les grands tentent a l’occasion d’intervenir dans Ic domaine
religicux qni relCve de la responsahilité des évCqnes. ces derniers. de
leur côté. tendent a empiétcr sur le domaine de la juridiction chile.
faire régner Ia justice doit étre une preoccupation essentielle du hon
évCque tel que le souhaite Ruricius de Limoges : “Qu’il protege les
hommes de bien, qu’il corrige les coupables, qu’il défende les gens
au lieu de les rendre maiheureux, qu’il chatie les crimineis, qu’il
sauvegarde les innocents”.78 us disposent a cet effet de deux outils
qui leur ont été legues par l’AntiquitC tardive : l’audientio episcopalis
et Ic droit d’asile.
L ‘audientia episcopahs
Les attributions du tribunal episcopal,7° parfois contestées par ies
juges laIcs,°° semblent avoir été quelque peu fluctuantes. A la fin du
1V7 siCcle, l’evêque Triferus avait jugè unc contestation entre un
Sur leo péripéties de cc conflit, voir E. Griffe, La Can/c chrétienne 3 l’époque romaine,
2, 1 ‘Paris-Toulouse, 1957), Pp. 114—129.
“
Voir F. Klingshirn. (L’aesar,ss of .1 c/es. ‘The .\Iakisg / a Ch,istian Community 18 Late
Jntnjue Gaul Cambridge. 1994 pp. 127 129 et 131.
Ep. 11. 31, éd. R. Demeulenaere, CC 64. P. 369 : Taeatar bonus. eamendet ress,
auseros non fariat sed dtfrndat. corefiat son/es, ens/se//at innscentes.
Sur cute instance, voir J. Gaudemet. L’Eglise dans l’Empzre romani Paris. 1958
PP. 229—252.
°“ Greg. Tur.. 17t. Pa/c VIII, 3.
LE RESEAU DE POIJVOIRS DE LEVEQUE 189
prètre et un laIc.°’ Scion certains conciles, c’est l’evêque cjui doit
juger les procés entre clercs°2 ou entre clerc et laIc.°3 Scion d’autres,
ii suffit de son autorisation. Le concile d’Angers (453) interdit aux
cieres de s’insurger contre la sentence èpiscopale ou de s’adresser
aux tribunaux secuhers sans avoir consulte leur èvèque.°° La col
lection eanonique dite second concile d’Arles (entre 442 et 506) dit
en substance la mCme chose.65 La rCgie est renouvelee par ie con
cue de Vannes, avec toutefois une garantie pour les cleres si i’un
d’eux n’a pas confianee en l’impartialite de son évéque, en parti
cuher parce que cc dernier serait 5. Ia fois juge et partie. ii peut faire
appei au tribunal d’un autre évêque ; mais s’il s’adresse au tribunal
civil, c’est l’excommunication.°6 Les conciles d’Agde et d’Epaone
precisent que le clerc ne doit pas defCrer une affaire devant un tribu
nal civil sans i’accord de son évCque mais que, s’il y est lui-méme
mis en cause, ii doit s’y rendre pour répondre des accusations dont ii
fait l’ohjet.°7 Les proeés concernant ies aff’ranchissernents doivent aussi
Ctre traduits devant Ic tribunal episcopal. qui se doit de protéger
ceux que l’on essaierait de soumettre a nouveau a la servitude.66
Mais l’evêque peut autoriser des juges laics a siéger avec lu?° et une
procedure analogue est prévue pour les procés impliquant des veuves
et des orphelins : l’evêque on un de ses cleres doit être prévenu
“afin que, siégcant ensemble, us terminent leurs procés par une dCci
sion commune”.°° On voit de fait Gregoire de Tours intervenir con
curremment avec le juge a deux reprises pour mettre fin a une
vendetta.9’ La collaboration entre pouvoirs civil et ecclésiastique n’cst
pas toujours aussi confiante Nicetius de Lyon (5i3—573 protcstc
°
Concile de Turin en 398, e. 4.
82
Concile d’Auxerrre entre 561 et 605, c. 35.
9°
Concile de MScon en 585, e. 10. Sidoine Apollinaire éenvant S son collégue
Pragmatins Ic montre chargé de juger une affaire entre un prétre, Agrippinus, et
une laique. Eutropia (Ep. VI, 2, éd. A. Loyen, 3, pp. 11—12).
84
Concile dAngers en 453, e. 1.
9°
C. 3 1 : Cansa qaae inter ciericos sec/i/ar, ne inn/a episenpa ad eaeeu/ares indices dejira
tar, sed episcoporam me/iris termnmnetur.
Oh Concile de Vanne.s (entre 461 et 491). c. 9.
07
Coneile d’Agde (506). e. 32 d’Epaone (517’, c. 11.
°
Conciles d’Agde 506 e. 29 ; d’Orléans 549. c. 7: de7olhcon en 585. c. 7.
.
de Paris en 614. c. 7. On von a plusieurs reprises Grégoire intervenir concrete
ment a’ I’ours, avec l’aide ne saint Martin of. Pietri. La rd/c de ‘Tours. PP. 709—7! 0’.
9°
Concile de Macon. en 585, e. 7.
9° C,is3l de Macon. e. 12.
°
Hist. \‘Il, 47.
 —
190 NANCY GAUTHIER
contre le reexarnen par le tribunal du eornte d’une allaire déjà jugée
par l’evêque, Ce quoi le cornte répond avec colere que de norn
breux procCs plaidés devant l’evêque seront a nouveau jugés
par lui.52
Si un évêque est en cause, c’est le metropolitain qui juge, en se
faisant éventuellement assister d’autres évéques.°3 On saisit le fonc
tionnement de la procedure sur le vif a l’occasion de la misc en
cause de l’evêque de Reirns Egidius en 590. Accuse de s’être asso
cie a un complot contre le roi Childebert, Egidius est arrêté, amené
a Metz et jeté en prison. Puis le roi convoque les évêques pour le
juger. Ceux-ci commencent par protester contre eette arrestation
arbitraire et obtiennent la liberation de l’evêque. us se réunissent
ensuite en concile et font eomparaitre Egidius. Celui-ci ayant été
reconnu coupable, ii est dechu de l’épiscopat et condamné a l’exil.°4
Mais si les évêques prétendent s’opposer a la volonté royale, la procé
dure fonctionne moms bien, comme on l’a vu avec le cas de l’evêque
de Rouen Praetextatus°5 qui avait été accuse de trahison. Là aussi,
on l’avait fait comparaitre devant les évCques réunis en concile mais,
comme les chefs d’aecusation s’étaient révélés inconsistants, le roi
Chilperic fit pression sur les évêques pour qu’il fflt condamné. La
fermete de Gregoire de Tours ayant fait echouer ces manceuvres, Ic
roi le fit eependant emprisonner puis exiler.9°
I.e droll d’asile
Quant au droit d’asile,9 ii est conçu de la façon la plus large.98 a
condition qu’il n’assure pas au coupable l’irnpunite mais lui épargne
seulement la mort et les sévices. Le faire respecter est une autre
affaire. Gregoire, gardien de ce ham lieu d’asile qu’était la basilique
92
Greg. Tur.. [‘it. Pate VIII. 3.
‘f
Collection dite do second coneile dArles 442—506. e. 30 : coneile de ‘I’ours
567 c. 2:si I’ arbitrage de prbtres désignbs par leo deux parties a beboub. Faffaire
. bté negoeiC par lentremise de quatre CvCqoes. Baomlmos d’Aix. Leontius d’Arleo.
sera portée devant tin eoneile eoneiles de .‘olSeon en 585. e. 9. de Paris en 614.
e. 13.
‘°
Greg. Tur.. Hut. N. 19.
Voir pp. 183—184.
2’,
Greg. Fur.. Hut. \‘, 18.
X’oir A. Dueloux ..4d 800le3iasn issz/ugrre. ,\iiissano’ do droll d’a.sile dons los fuses
(IPoiilien do V’ siicle,i. Paris. 1994.
‘f
Le eoneile d’Orléans en 511, e. 1—3, bnumbre les homicides, les adoltbres, les
voleurs, les ravisseurs de femmes, les eselaves. Cf. les eoneiles d’Orange en 441,
e. 5, de Macon en 535, e. 8, d’OrlSaos en 541, e. 21, de Cliehy en 626/627, e. 9.
LE RE5EAU DE POUVOIR5 DE LEVEQUE 191
Saint-Martin Tours, en a su quelque chose.99 Le seul probleme
d’un dénommé Claudius qui désirait violer l’asile pour tuer Eherulfus
était de savoir si le chàtiment du saint serait vraiment immédiat !
151)
Les cas ne sont pas rares, d’ailleurs, on le droit d’asile est impuné
ment hafoué. Malgré ses craintes religieuses, Claudius, avec l’aide
de ses gens, finit par tuer Eberulfus dans l’enceinte de Saint-Martin.
En faisant l’histoire de la province ecclésiastique de Tréves au
siecle, j’ai remarqué que toutes les fois on nous voyons quelqu’un
chercher a bénéficier du droit d’asile, ce dernier est hafoué par le
peuple en 548 dans la cathédrale de Tréves od s’était refugie Parthenius
que ses levees d’impot sur les Francs avaient rendu impopulaire,151
par l’armée dans l’église Saint-Martin de la Woevre on les rebelles
Ursio et Bertefredus s’étaient retranchés,102 par die aussi dans l’ora
toire personnel d’Agericus de ‘Verdun que le mêmc Bertefredus avait
rêussi a gagncr ct malgré la fermc intervention de l’evêque.155
L ‘auctoritas
A côté de ces pouvoirs institutionnels relativcment lirnites quc sont
la juridiction épiscopale et le droit d’asile reconnu aux eglises, il y
a l’auciontas multiforme que vaut a l’évéque l’effondrement de l’ad
ministration romaine. Ii participe C la negociation des traitês.155 IJ
cst Ic eq/mt ciulats.
°
piebis paler. °‘ sumrnas paler patriae. Ic patronus
auquci on a recours en toutes circonstances.10° Ii defend sa cite con-
CC [list. V. 4.
Greg. br.. Mist. VII, 29 : “Ii interrogeait leo geno potir oaooir si Ia nrtus de
Martin se manifestait auositôt a l’égard des parjnres on do moms si Ia ptinition do
saint soivait immidiatement le prejudice porte a eeux qtmi espbraient en Ito.”
‘°‘
Greg. br.. Mist. Itt, 36.
192
Greg. mr., I-list IX. 12.
Ibid.
1:4
Par exemple. Ic traitC de 475 entre Rome. les \Visigodìo ci leo Burgondes a
Faustus de Riez et Graeeos de Slarseille Sidoine Apollinaire. I/p. VII. 6. 10 et 7, 4
92
Sidoine Apollinaire. I/p. IV. 25. 5. a propos de Patiens de I.yon. Cf. Foritinat
a propos de Felix de Nantes : orbis dolce rapid Gina. \‘. 7. 2. Cd. F. Leo. .1IGH.
.U 4. 1, p. 118 et de Grégoire de Tours : dolce enpol Titrorns Oonoi. V. 10. v. 2.
p. 120.
:07
Fortonas. Corn,. \‘. 3. v. 5. p. 106 : sjses ,gregis ecce rend. plebis pntei orbis nun—
br a propos de GrCgoire de Tours
Forsunat. C’nrrn. X, 10, v. I, p. 120 (5 Grégoire de ‘toorsc
‘‘
Voir, par exemple, B. Beaujard. “L’evCque dans Ia risC en Gaule aux V’ et
VI’ siCeles”, La fin de in citi antique et Ic dibot de in ciii nildilonle de In fin do IM siècle
 192 NANCY GAUTHIER
tie les abus des représentants de l’empereur°5 ou du roi.° Ii la pro
tége des invasions et des sacs.!1 Ii la ravitaille en cas de disette.us
Ii rachhte les captifs. Ii fait pression sur les juges iniques. Ti
obtient la liberation de prisonniers de droit cornrnun. 115 est le
tuteur des veuves et des orphelins. ‘ Ti est le soutien des pauvres’17
& l’arinement de Charlemagne. Artes du csllaque tenu & l’Uaiversiti de Far’is-X-J’/anteo’e les 1,
2 et 3 aced 7993, éd. Cl. Lepelley (Ban, 199ff, pp. 127—145.
as Constance de Lyon, Vita S. Ceonaaz, 19-24, éd. R.
Bonus, SC 112, pp. 166—167
Germain d’Auxerre va 1 ArIes pour solliciter du préfet du prétoire des Gaules une
rensise d’impot. On le voit mhme, au cours dune mission en Bretagne. s’impro
vrser chef de guerre et retnporter une victoire sans effusion de sang (ibul. 17—18.
pp. 155—159.
Is
Greg. Tur., Hot. IX. 30 Eufronius sous Carihent, puis Grégoire sous Childehert
ohuennent que les rois ne remettent pas en cause 1’immunité fiseale dont jouissaient
traditionnellement les habitants de Tours. Césairc d’Arles (470—542) obtient d’Aiaric
II I’cxempuon du trihut pour I’Eglise d’Anies Vita s. C’aesaot. I, 20. éd. B. Krusch.
.1ICH. SRif 3, p. 464,.
Anianus se rend a Aries pour solliciter Ic secours dActius contnc Orleans me
nacéc par les Huns Vita s. Aaiaiu [BHL 473]. 4, Cd. B. Kruseh .JI6’H, SR.M 3.
p. 110). Sidoine Apollinatre a été l’hme de Ia résistance de Clermons contre les
XVisigoths qui “out assiCgCe en vain a plusieurs reprises de 471 5 474 avant qu’elle
soft livrCe par les Romains eux-mCmes en échange de Ia restitution de Ia Provence
(Sidoine Apoilinaire, Ep. VIJ, 7).
112 En 471, Patiens de Lyon distribue
le blC de ses domaines aprCs les ravages
des Goths (Sidoine Apollinaire, Ep. VI. 12, 5—8Y CCsaire d’Arles aprés le siege de
sa yule en 507 par ies Burgondes et les Francs obtient i’aide du roi burgonde qui
envoie S Aries des haseaux charges de grains (Vita s. O’aesarii, II, 9, p. 487).
113 Le rachat des ca1,tifs est l’une
des trots afidctasions des ressources ecelésias
tiques prévues par Ic connie d’OriCans en 511. e. 5. au mCme titre que Ia rCpa
ration des églises et que i’entresien des évCqucs et des pauvres. Cf. Sulpiee Severe.
Dialoghi, III. 14, 3—6. éd. C. Haim. CS’EL 1. p. 212; Vita s. Hhlaoi. VIII, 11. FL
50. col. 1230 A ; Vita s. Lupi. 10. Cd. B. Krusch. JI(H. SRiI 7. pp.300 301 ,une
iettre aurait méme suffi. Mais le passage sembie un piagiat de Ia Vita s. Seteriai
d Eujppe Cesaire d ‘5ules soujouts aptes le ‘urge de s07 a \rles Vita Ii 8
p. 486 et S Carcassonne ibid. I. 44. p. 474. puis S Ravenne )ibid. I. 38. p. 471)
leo épisaphcs de Domninus et de Xamastus tie \‘icnne au VI° siCele ‘F. Descotsibes.
Rerneil des inscojtittstts chritiennes de Ia Gaste, 15 [Paris, 1985], n° 87. v. 6 : redimit quas
psssidet hastis ; ibid. n° 99, v. 21 eaptias.i plaudit liber sese esse redemptum).
‘‘4 Concile de Tours en 567,
e. 27 : Ut indices ant pateates qtu pauperes upprimuat, Si
rsmmaaiti a psa4/lee 5U5 usa emeadaaen’at, exeammuniceatur. Cf. i’éioge de l’évCque de
Vienne Namasius (F. Descombes, op. cit., n° 99, v. 24) : “Ii était on refuge pour
les misérables et une protection pour les buns.”
‘°
Suipice Sévére, Dialsghi. II, 5, 10, p. 187 Vita s. Aaiaai, 3, pp. 109 110.
L’CvCque d’Orieans Anianus a siégé vers Ic milieu du Ve siécle mais sa Vie n’est
sans douse pas antérieure S Ia fin du Ve ou au debut du VIe siécie C. Renaud,
AnaL BalL 94 [1976], p. 251). Furtunat, Carm. IX, 9, v. 19—20 (5 propos de Sidunius
de \Iavence, ; Greg. Tur.. Virt. .1 fart. 1. 11 obteatu per sarerdatea, a isdice rulpis. inca/ames
dimu.u suat et IV. 35 Vita s. Caureriri. 7. Cd. B. Krusch. 5KW 3. p. 654.
Concile de MScon en 585. e. 12.
s Les elar,sia funératnes des évCques de Vienne font
réguhérernent mention de
leur générusité :Avitus F. Descumhes. up. cit.. n° 81, v. 15 distribuit parrus
LE RE5EAU nE POUVOIRS nE UEVEOUE 193
qui sont les vrais propriCtaires des hiens de 1Eg1iseI s et pour lesquels
ii fonde matricules’ a et xetzodoc/tia.’2° Ii doit suhvenir aux besoins des
lCpreux residant dans sa cite.’3’ Ii fait des lettres de recommanda
Hon’23 pour des refugiCs que le maiheur des temps a jetés sur les
routes’2” ou pour i’un ou l’autre de ses concitoyens,’25 voire pour des
personnes qu’il ne connait pas personneliement mais qui mi ont etC
recommandées par d’autres.’25 Ti intercede pour des debiteurs qui ont
du rnal a rembourser ieurs dettes,’2° des coupables,’27 des personnes
tornbées en disgrace)25 Au besoin, ii sc préoccupe de la construction
Duistuinus op. cit.. n5 87. v. 7 : restitara. pastsiei. pstsnt tertumque miai.strat Pantagathus
‘op. cit.. n° 95. v. 11--I 2 : laigs aiuarre ga.as pasperibssque dedit Nansatius op. cit..
n° 99. v. 2t’) pauper taetus ahit. asdus diacedit spertus.
L’idee que ceux rjut s’emparent des hiens d’Eglise sont les aecatsres patiperuai.
‘les assassins des pauvre”, apparais pour Ia premiere Lois au eoncde de \aioun en
442. e. 4. es ess inlassahlemens rCpesee par Ia suite ‘euneiles de Clermunt en 535,
c. 5 dOrleans en 549, e. 13 es 15 ; de Tours en 567. c. 25 26 : de Paris eusre
556 et 573, c. 1 de Macon entrc 581 et 583, e. 4). Les pauvres peuvens aussi
Csre aides sur Ia cassette personnelle de I’évCque (expeasis suis), eumme Ic souligne
Paulin de Perigueux S propos de Perpetuus de Tours (Dr rita s.ilartmi, VI, v.
189 191, ed. M. Pesoehenig, ())SEL 16, p. 146 iaapes. . .alit oestitqsr csasuetam
derstus opein duat praestat egeais, r’rpea.eisqsessis ditescit protapta rsluatas).
Voir Xi. Rouche. “l.a matnicule des paus’res. Evu[usion d’une institution de
charite du Bas-Empire jrisqu’S Ia fin do haut Xluyen-Age”, Etudes usc Ia pauoreti
(Paris, 1974), pp. 83 110 M. de Waha, “A prupuo d’un article recent, quelques
retlexiuns our Ia masrieuie des pauvres”, Bjaatma 46 (1976), pp.354—307 1.. Piesri,
La idle de Louis, pp. 714—724.
Vutr N. Gauthier. Le pavsage urhain art \‘I’ sieele”. Cr,(gatre de Louis et
/‘eepace gaulaix. pp. 49—63 p. 55.
121
Coneile de Lyon en 583. e. 6.
122
Par exemple \‘ietuniisrts de Fréjus S Rs,r,eius de Limuges rid Rsra’ism, ep. 2.
CC 61, p. 397—398’. Leo euneiles d’Orléans en 533. e. 13. et de Tout’s en 567,
e. 6. ui en reservent d’a,Ileurs l’exelusivité.
1
Sidoine Apullinaire. Ep. VI. 10 Faustus de Riez, Ep. 11—12. ed.A. Engelhreehs.
CSEL 21. pp. 217—219 Avitus de Vienne, Ep. 11, ed. R. Peiper. ,‘tICH,.t-l 6, 2,
p. 45.
Sirloine Apullmaire, Ep. VI, 8.
Runicius de Limuges, Ep. II, 7, 8 et 56. pp. 340, 341 et 389.
20
Ruricius, E. II, 48, p. 384.
122
Runieius (Ep. II, 12, p. 348 = 53, p. 387) recummande deux accuses a un
noble, Praesidius, qui désient peut-Ctre une function uffieielie (vuirj.-R. Marsindale,
Frssapsgiapbji of the Latin IIaa,au Empire, 2 [Cambridge, 1980], p. 903) uu sullicite la
grace d’un autre, refugie dans l’egluse d’Uzereloe (Ep. II, 20, p. 361( uu encore
demande que la jeune eselave qu’il renvute S sun maître suit pardunuCe (Ep. II,
47, p. 3831, CC F’urtunat, (Sna,. N, 12, p. 246. psa puella a iudicihui s’apta : ii éeris
S quatre persunnes differeissea pour eeste jeune fille.
Par exemple. Cuntran Boson. Fun des meneurs du pant aniotueratique hos
tile S Brunehaut, fait our’eeooivement appel aux évCqueo Agenieus de \‘erdun et
.\laguerieus de Tres’es en 587, lursqu’il oe vuit mis en peril par leo ruis Childehert
ci Consrau Greg. Tur.. Hist. IX. 8 es 10
 194 NANCY GAUTHIER
d’une digue,’29 de l’édification des murailles’3° ou de toute autre tâche
d’arnénagement urhain,’3’ emprunte de l’argent pour rclancer les
affaires. 32 L’evèque de Lirnoges Exocius a été, selon Fortunat, “un
reméde efficace aux blessures de sa patrie”.’33
Son prestige auprès de la population en fait un interlocuteur incon
tournable. Lui seul est capable de maintenir ou de restaurer la Con
corde entre ses concitoyens.’34 Les évêques réunis a Clermont en 535
usent de leur auctoritas collective pour demander au roi Théodebert
de ne pas spolier de leurs biens dans son royaume ceux que le hasard
des partages dynastiques aurait mis sous la puissance d’un autre roi.’35
C’est dans le cadre de Cette auctoritas, plutôt que d’une attribution
officielle, que certains évêques Sc virent accorder le privilege de nom
mer des agents royaux, due ou comte.’36
La mort ne met pas fin a ce role. Ii reste patronus civitatis : Martin,
que son premier biographe Sulpice SévCre présentait presque comme
un évéque pe11 soucieux des devoirs de sa charge tant il tenait a
exalter le moine, devient au V° siècle le patron “perpétuel” de la
ville de Tours 137 Césaire d’Arles se félicite que le Seigneur mis
éricordieux ait procure a sa cite le patronage d’evéques éminents.’38
Felix a Names : Fortunat. (acn,. III, 10. pp. 62—63 ‘éd. M. Revdellet. L.es
BeIIes-Lettres. 1. pp. 104—l05.
°°
Comme Didier de Cahors au VIV siècle : Vita Desidm,. P3. 17. 31 et 54. éd.
B. Krusch, UGH, SRM 4, pp. 574. 575, 588 et 600.
‘‘
Sidonius a Mayence : Fortunat. Garm. IX, 9, v. 5-6 et 27—28, pp. 215 -216
(Porrgit ecce manum genitor Sidonius urbi,/ quo renovante locum pnsca ruina pent Vt plebem
foveas et Rheni congruis amnes /quid refrrat ternis qui bona praebet aquis ?).
32 Comme Desiderius de Verdun
: Greg. Tur., His!, 111, 34.
25
Forrunat. Garm. IV. 6. v. 14, p. 83 éd. Revdellet. p. 137 : Vulnenihus pairiae
fda medella fuit.
Greg. Tur.. His!. V. 11 Avitus de Clermont en 573 : F. Descombes. Recueil
des inscni(étions chritiennes de Ia Ga,ile. 15 (Paris. I 985, n° 81, . 18 1”il apaisa leo
querelles, unhl par un pacte ceux qui Se comhattaient). 97, v. 10—12 (“artisan de
paix, ii mit son zéle a amener scs concitoyens égarés par leurs quenches a un vmu
explicite de concorde”), 99, v. 23 (“ii fit cesser les querehles en susc,tant la paix”)
Avitus de Vicnne, Ep.50, p. 79.
‘
Lettre jointe aux actes du concile.
‘°
Par exemple. Grégoire de Tours est chargé par CHsilpéric de choisir un sue
cesseur au comte Leudaste His!. V. 17’.
‘
Voir N. Gauthicr. ‘L’evbque Martin et Ia vihle de Tours”. Rena’ d’Hotoire de
l’Et°lice de France 82 (1996i. p. 249—262, notamment p. 261—262.
‘°
Césaire d’Arles, Sermo 214, Cd. G. Morin, CC 104. p. 854, 2—3 et quia pins
ci iniserzcors Doininus non soluin mart,yrum sslatia sed etiam sumrnorum pontflcurn patrocinia
huic civitati proridere et praeparare dgnatns est, quasi/nm possumus cum Des adiuionio lahore
in us, pecnliares apud Deum pa/boos snagis honis operihue laeO/kaze quasn de pecealis vet de negle
genius nostns contnistare z’ia’i’a,nur. Voir B. Beaujard, Cités. évCques et martyrs en Gaule
LE RESEAU DE POUVOIRS DE LEVEQJiE 195
Du haut du ciel, ii continue a mettre en fuite les envahisseurs’5° ou
les épidémies.’3° a châtier les parjures,’ et surtout a procurer totites
les formes de salut au corps et a l’âme. En dehors des Histoires, toute
l’uxTe de Gregoire de Tours est consacrée a célébrer Ia vistas des
saints —évêques pour la plupart dans les domaines 00 us exer
‘-
cCrent leur action de leur vivant.
L’evêque dons Ia société
Li? recrutement aux I —
VP siècles
Cette immense auctoritas est servie par le recrutement social du corps
episcopal. Sauf rarissimes exceptions, l’evêque se recrute dans l’aris
tocratie, voire dans Ia plus haute aristocratic. Ainsi, Sidoine Apollinaire
(fig. 2). évéque de Clermont, est fils et petit-fils de préfets du pré
toire des Gaules sa femme est flue d’un autre préfet du pretoire
qui finit mCme par être élevC a l’Ernpire, Avitus. Un parent et homo
nyme de cet empereur fut évéque de Vienne au tournant du V° et
du VI° .siècles. Honorat d’Arles était issu d’une farnille “dont la
noblesse s’était élevée jusqu’au consulatl42 et son suceesseur Hilaire
était son proche parent. \7ers 475, la region de Tréves Ctait gou
vernCc par le comes Arhogast, un pcrsonnage considerable puisqu’il
descendait du célébre ArbogastiSS qui, nommé par Théodose pour
veiller sur le jeune Valentinien II, l’écarta du pouvoir en 392 pour
proclamer auguste Ic rhéteur Eugene. Or, d’aprés son correspondant
Auspicius de Tout. cet Arbogast se préparait a entrer dans Ia car
riére Cpiscopale.’44 Les deux CvCques de Limoges nommés Ruricius
S ha fin de ha domination romaine”, Los fonctions des saints dans le monde occidental. 111°—
XIII” siècle (Rome, 1991), p. 175---19h.
Greg. Tur., Glor. .iThct. 59 Bazas assiégée est protégée par “des hommes en
vctcments hlancs, psalmodiant, des cierges ahlumés, qui font Ic tour des murs de Ia
ville” leo saints protel-teurs dc Ia cite. Cf. lépiraphe de Panthagarus de \icnne
“Quirrant Ic mondc, il acquiert Ia citadchhe cCleste. Qu’ih soit uis prorecreur pour
toi. Vienne ha Grande” Descombes, op. cii. n° 95
Les saints Eucharius er ‘sIaximinus a Tréves Greg. ‘h’ur., J5tae Patru,n. XVII, 4,.
°‘
Par exemphe saint 1\Iaximinus dans sa hasihique de TrCves Greg. Tur., Glor.
C’onf 91).
°
Hilaire d’Arhes, Sermo de vita Honorali, 4, 2, éd. M.-D. Vahentin, SC 235, p. 78.
Loire d’Auspicius de Toul conservCe dans ha collection des Lettres Austrasicnnes
Ep. 23., 14—17. éd. \V. Gundlach. CC 117, p. 444.
Voir N. Gautbier. L’é’angilisatir’n des par’s de Ia ‘LIoselle. Paris, 1980. pp. 118--I 21.
 196 NANCY GAUTHIER
(le grand-pèrc et le petit-6ls) se targuaicnt d’être apparentCs a l’il
lustre familic romaine des Anicii.’45 Lc premier évêque de ce nom
avait epouse Hiberia, flue du sénateur arverne Ommatius,116 et ii
avait pour gendre Ic fils de l’cmpereur Avitus, Agricola.’47 L’evêque
de Bourges Siniplicius est vii spectabths.118 cc qui correspond a un
rang Clevé de la classe sénatoriale. Grégoire de Tours est issu d’une
grandc famille sénatoriale 6g. 3). Lcs épitaphes des êvêques de Lyon
et du sud-est de Ia Gaule insistent sur leur noble origine et, êventuelle
ment, l’éclat de leur carrière civile avant l’épiscopat.’4°
Les multiples liens familiaux qui unissent les évêques entre eux et
avec la haute aristocratic laique sont facilités par le fait que beau-
coup d’entre eux out étê manes et péres de farnille avant d’accéder
a l’épiscopat. L’evêque Eucherius dc Lyon :c. 432—450) a eu deux
cnfants. Salonius et Veranus, qui sont devenus respectivement évêques
de Genéve et de Vence.’5° Le premier Ruricius de Limoges (485—507)
a en six enfants, dont l’evêque Ommatius de Tours (522526) et
trois autres clercs.’5’ Sidoinc Apollinaire (fig. 2) a eu un his, Apollinanis,
évêque de Clermont comme lui-même (attesté en 515), et tin petit
fils, Arcadius, évêque de Bourges (attesté entre 531 et 541) ; le man
dc son arriCre-pctite-fille est l’evêque de Bordeaux Leontius)c. 550
5 570) ; sa soeur Audentia’32 a épousC lc futur Cvêquc dc Vienne
Hesvchius c. 475—494) ct a cu deux fils évêques, Avitus de Vienne
et Apollinaris dc Valence.”3 L’evêque de Lyon Sacerdos k... 549—552
145
Fortunat, (Jam. J\7, 5, v. 7—8, p. 82 Ruricii geminiflores, quibus Aniciorurn/iuncta
parentali cu/mine Roma foil.
°
Sidoine Apollinaire, Oarrn. XI, v. 47—92.
147
Ruricius. Ep. II. 32. P. 371 : sa file, en donnant des petits—enlants a Agricola.
I’a rendu lui-mfme arribre-grand-pbre.
Sidoine Apollinaire. Ep. VII. 9. 18.
Pour I.von. voir M. Heinzelmann. Borhoiicrrscizaft in Ga/lien Munich. 1976
Pour Ic Sud-Esi. voir F. Descombes, op. cit.. pp. 190—191 et commentaire des inscnp
tionS concernées.
ISO
Voir M. Hcinzelmann, “Galhsche Prosopographie (260—527)”, Francia 10 (1982),
pp. 531—718.
‘
Voir C. Settipani, “Ruricius Jc évbque de Limogcs ci ses relations fàmiliales”,
Francia 18/1 (l99I. pp. 195—222. L’auteur suggbre des liens de parenté plus ou
moms proches avee d’innomhrables autres bvbques.
52
Pour le lien de parenté entre Audentia et Sidoinc. voir R.XV. \Iathisen.
“Epistolography. Literary Circles and Family Ties in Late Roman Gaul”, Transactions
of the American Philological Association 111 1981.. pp 99-100.
Vita s.Aiiti. 1. ed R. Peiper. .‘mIGH. AA 6. 2. p. 177 : Hic Is,c,us ru
foil senatoriae dignitali mi jioerant duo flu, clarissima luinina. info/a sacerdotali praediti.
Apollinaris Valenciae episcopus mirarulzo infgnis et Azitus qui, sicut jam dictum est. in Viennensi
episcopatu patri successor extitit.
LE RESEAU DE POUVOIRS DE LEVEQUE 197
est le pêre de l’evêque d’Arles Aurelianus (546—551)’ et l’oncle de
son successeur Nicetius.’3° Grêgoire de Tours (fig. 3), lui aussi, compte
an moms sept êvêques nornmêment connus dans sa famille : 136 son
oncle Gallus. évêque de Clermont (525—55l), Nicetius de Lyon
(552573), Sacerdos de Lyon (mort en 552), les êvêques de Langres
Armentanius. Gregonius (506/7-539/40) et Tetricus (539/40—572/3),
enfin Eufronius de Tours (556—573), sans compter Florentinus, pressé
par Ic roi burgonde d’accepter le siege episcopal de Genève.’57 Ii y
en avait d’autres puisqu’il declare que tous les êvêques de Tours sauf
cinq Ctaient lies a sa famille.’3° L’evêque de Reims Remi, celui qui
a haptisê Clovis, a eu un frêre, Principius, et un neveu, Lupus, êvê
ques de Soissons, une niece qui a êpousê le futur êvêque de Laon
Genebaudus, lui-même pêre d’un autre êvêque de Laon. et il est
apparentê a son successeur Romanus (fig. 4). C’est dire si les elites
constituent un milieu Ctroit et si le rCseau des relations personnelles
y joue un role considerable. Les évêques sont influents parce qu’ils
disposent d’importants pouvoirs institutionnels mais aussi parce qu’ils
appartiennent S une classe sociale qui a l’hahitude d’être influente
et a qui on a I’habitudc de reconnaltre de l’influence.’°° Comme le
rernarque avec hautcur Ruricius de Limoges en réponse a une
sernonce de Césaire d’Arles, il nc tire pas sa notoriCtê du renorn de
sa yule ; c’est plutôt lui, Ruricius. qui donnc du lustre 5. sa cite et
c’est beaucoup mieux ainsi.’°° A la limite, un grand aristocrate n’a
presque pas besoin d’être officiellement consacrê pour se voir recon
naItre l’auctoritas êpiscopale bien avant d’être em sur le siege d’Arles,
nous dit son successeur Hilaire,’6’ Honorat, ainsi que son frêre
°‘ NI. Heinzelmann, Bischofiherrschafl in Ga/lien. pp. 136—153.
Greg. Tur.. [tae Patrum. NIh.
L. Pietri, Iii ti//c de Tours, Pp. 249—254 ci app. 2, p. 792. NI. Hemzelmann,
Gregor non Tours. “ehn Bather Gcschichte” çDarmstadt, 1994), p. 10.
Vitae Patruni, VIII, 1.
Hist. V 49 ; cf. X, 31.
5’
Cf. l’épitaphe de Sidoinc Apollinaire, v. 3—9 “Illu.strc par ses titres, puissant
par I’honneur (qu’ml gera), chef de la force publique, juge au forum, calnse au milieu
des tiots menaçants de cc monde. maitrisant d’emblCe leo tenspbtes des proces. il a
donné des lois a Ia fureur barbare .Aux roxaumes qui s’affrontaient par les armes.
il ramena Ia paix par la sagesse de ses conseils.” Traduction de F. Prévot qui corn
menie l’inscription dans Antiquiti tarthre 1 1993 pp. 223’229.
,
rn Ruricius. Ep. II. 33. p. 372 i allis nomen urbium praestat aurtoritas, nobis auc
loritalem demere iioi, debet urbis humilitas ; siquideni mu/to inc/us mu/toque e,njnenlzus est, mu—
itatem de sarerdote quam sacerdotein de civitate nofesrere.
‘°‘
Sermo de vita s. Honorati, 9, 4, SC 235, p. 92.
198 NANCY GAUTHIER
Venantius, avait exercé une “sorte d’épiscopat a titre privé” (pnra
tus quidam jam tune in conversat/one eorum episcopatus gerebatur) : le con
texte évoque leur piété, leur ascétisme et le réconfort materiel et
spirituel qu’ils prodiguaient aux autres.
D’ailleurs, c’est trés consciemment que les notables gallo-romains
se sont reconvertis dans l’épiscopat. Lorsque le roi wisigoth Euric
decide de mettre fin a la fiction de la sonveraineté romaine et d’établir
dans le Sud-Ouest un Etat barbare antonome, Sidoine écrit
Si 1’Etat n’a plus ni forces ni soldats, si comme le bruit en court
l’cmpercur Anthcmius n’a plus de ressources, la noblesse est dCcidCe
a renoncer soit a sa patrie, soit a sa chevelure.’62
Ii préféra la tonsure a l’exil et monta sur le trône episcopal de
Clermont la méme année. Amour de lui, son beau-frére Agricola,
Ic prefet Felix, fils de consul, Ferreolus, un sénateur considerable,
font le méme choix et cntrent dans les ordres.
Cette aristocratic est passée tout naturellement de la militia imperii
a la militia Ghristi. Ii n’est quc de voir la façon dont le méme Sidoine’63
présente son candidat, Simplicius. aux habitants de Bourgcs divisés
sur le choix de leur prochain évCque. Pour lui, il existe une équi
valence absoluc cntrc lcs qualites requises par le service de Dieu et
celles que rcqnicrt Ic service de l’Etat.
Les ancétres de Simplicius ont occupé Ic premier rang dans les chaircs
des églises commc sur ics estrades du tribunal. Illustrc dans cettc dou
ble direction, son ascendance a vu ficurir ou des évéques ou des préfets
ainsi ses ancCtrcs eurent-ils toujours Ia faculté dc dictcr des lois. hurnaines
ou divines.
Simplicius, souligne-t-il, est en outre cultivé, généreux, prompt a
acccptcr des arnhassadcs pour défendrc Ia cause de ses concitoyens
IS)
Sidoine :\pollinaire. Ep II. 1, 4.
‘ h/. VII. 9. 16-22.
1,4
Le méme parallélisme appuvé se tronve sur l’épitapbe de l’évéque de \‘ienne
Pantagatlius Deseombes. up. cit. n° 95 : “Dans cc sépulere sont ensevelis les mem
bres de s. Pantagatbus. pére et pieux pontil’e. dont Ia sic fut rebaussée d’un dou
ble bonneur les faisceaux lout disnngué. la religion la porte au pouvoir. Par
decision des rois. ii revCnt Ia ceinture des questeurs. an premier rang par sa lignCe.
plus illustre encore par sa probite. Donnant des banquets ponr les Grands. il rib—
tribua aussi avee tine large munificence des trCsors aux pauvres. voulant par là ga
gner les eClestes rovaumes ... Heureux daus sa deseendanee. ii Ia vit assurer unc
double tSebe : nne partie est eottsaerCe S Dieu. tandis que l’autre assure Ia conti
unite de la race.”
LE RESEAU DR POUVOIRS DE UEVàQUE 199
auprés des gouvernants. Ii a déjà fait preuve d’évergetisme édilitairc
en construisant une église. Ce dernier domainc est sans doute l’un
de ceux oft ces évéques issus de l’aristocratic sc sont le plus volon
tiers investis, comme leurs ancétres palens : il suffit de parcourir
l’cruvre de Fortunat pour constater combicn de basiliqucs ont été
construites par les évéqnes qu’il lone dans ses poémes. Ii n’cst pas
jusqu’au snobisme nobiliaire qni ne puisse étrc aisément adapté anx
nonvelles conditions : si le sophiste Polemins, préfet du prétoire des
Ganles en 47 1—472, se prétendait descendant dc l’historien Taeite,’53
l’évéqne de Clermont Gallus revendiquait pour ancétre le martyr
lyonnais de 177, Vettins Epagathns.’66
Anx V et VJ siécles, l’aristocratie gallo-romaine a un qnasi-mono
pole dans l’episcopat, a côté d’une sphere dirigeante politico-mili
taire constituée de barbares. Les deux elites collahorent on s’opposent
mais ehacune a son recrutement et ses méthodes de travail. Dc fait,
en s’investissant dans Fépiscopat, la classe sénatoriale gallo-romaine
a mis an service de l’Eglise ses qnalités ancestrales de dévouemcnt
a la chose publique et en particulier a la “petite patrie”. Ce reerute
ment a assure lc maintien des valcurs antiques, dont celles relatives
a la “cite”.
Li’ recrutement aux Ill’ et Vhf siècles
Au siCcle suivam, les dcux elites fusionnent ct les Germains font leur
apparition dans l’épiscopat. Le niveau social n’cn est nullemcnt
ahaisse. L’CvCque Bertrand de Bordeaux Ctait cousin gcrmain des
rois Sigehert. Gontran et ChilpCric et l’evéque Bertrand du Mans
Ctait son neveu. Arnulfus, évCque de ?slctz ‘ers 613/614. était un
des chefs de l’aristocratic austrasiennc’55 il est l’ancCtrc direct de
Charlemagne) et son fils Chlodulfus fut lui aussi CvCque de Metz
(fIg. 5). Au VII’ siecle, le puissant lignage des “Faronides” et de leurs
allies fournit, outre Fe-equc de ?slcaux Faro. une dizainc d’antrcs
11,5
Sidoine .\pollinaire. Pp. IV. 14. 1.
Greg. Tur.. Vitae Pa/rum. Vt. 1
M. XVeidemann. Dos Testament des Boe/tcji Bertltiaum ran Li .llons tam 27. .iIiir:
676. t )iteoue/tungea at Besitc and Gcss2iic/tte einec /rankiscIien Faautie mt 6. a. 7. ,ja/tr/iundert
Rum—germ. Zentralmus. Monographien 9. Mavenee. 1986 Ci “AdelslSinilien im
.
Chlotbarreicti”, Fronoo 15, 1987, pp. 829—85 1. \‘oir anssi U. Nonn. “Eine frankisebe
Adeissippe tim 600”, dans Frtu/ioiittetalter/aIte Studien 9 (1975, pp. 186— 201.
iI’l
Voir N. Gauthier, L’jeangetisatisa des pays de to .llsse//e, PP 374—378.
 200 NANCY GAUTHIER
évêques.’6° Chunibertus de Cologne est l’arni intime du maire du
palais Pépin.’7° L’evêque de Trêves Leotwinus (. 697/698—715
est I’ancftre des ducs de Spolête71 et son fils Milo, qni lui succêde
sur le siege de Trêves, est un des plus proches amis de Charles
Martel.’75 L’evêque de Metz Chrodegang (742—766), promoteur de
Ia réforme carohngienne, est apparenté a Charles
Le siege episcopal vient souvent couronner une carriêre brillante
au service du roi. Charimeris de \7erdun (590—614 ...),74 Flavus de
Chalon :332—580). ‘ Audoenus (641—684) 76 et Ansbertus de Rouen
(684—692/693).’ Chrodegang de Metz’75 sont d’anciens référendaires,
c’est-â-dire les Chefs de la chancellerie royale. Leur role politique se
poursuit aprés leur accession a la chaire épiscopale •. Arnulfus de
Metz reste, avec Pépin l’Ancien, le principal conseiller de Clotaire
pour l’Austrasie et, lorsque Clotaire donne comme roi a cette derniêre
son ills Dagobert, il confie a Arnulfus a la fois l’instruction du jenne
roi et le gonvernement du rovaume.’ Dagobert 5 son tour, une fois
entré en possession de tout le regnum Francorwn, etablit sur l’Austrasie
son jeune ills Sigehert en lui donnant consme tuteur l’evêque de
Cologne Chuniherus, conjointement avec le duc Adalgiselus.S” Aprês
Ia mort de Clox-is IT en 657, Audoenus de Rouen et Chrodobertus
de Paris furent les principaux conseillers de la reine Bathilde, con
6
R. Le Jan, Famille ci poui’oir dons Ic nzonde franc (l7II’X’ siècle) (Paris, 1995),
pp. 390—391.
Ghrontqne de Fridigare, 85, èd. B. Krusch, SIGH, SRiVI 2, pp. 163—164.
“
Voir mon Evangilisation des pays de Ia SIsselle, pp. 359—360.
172
Ibid pp. 362—368.
Si, pour des raisons chronologiques, ii ne saurait ètre le petit-fib de Charles
Martel comme le pretend au X’ siècle Ia Vt/a Ghrodegangz, 7, Cd. G.H. Pertz, MGH,
SI 10, pp. 556, sa mere, Franeornns e’ genere pnnsae nob,litat,s, s’appelle Laudrada (cue
est dooc apparentCe C Landibertus, pCre d’un Chrodobertus, due de Hesbaye, et a
Landibertus, CvCque de Maastricht de 670-675 C 706 au plus tard) et ii fut ClevC
au palais de Charles Martel (Paul Diacre, Gesta epzscsporam Me/tensions, rCdigCs entre
783 et 791, MGH, 55 2, p. 267) : in palatio ,naioris Karoli oh z(tssa cnn/ri/us..
“ Franc. 47, MGH, Sf1.51 2, p. 321.
Greg. Tur., Hist. IX, 23.
‘
Ibid., V, 45.
Charte de Burgundofaro (637), Cd. V. Leblond et M. Leeomte, Les prwtliges
de I’abbaye de Reba,s-en-Brie (Melun, 1910), p. 54.
MGH, DiN nice. n° 35, p. 33, ligne 16.
us Paul Diacre, Gesta episcoporuin Mettensiun,,
p. 267. CE MGH, DipI. iWer. n° 14,
p. 102, bigne 9.
‘°
Vita s. Aou4ti, 16, Cd. B. Kruseh, MGH, SlIM 2, p. 439 Rex Ghlstharws tan/a eum
Jide et amore dilexit ut, cnn, prslens santa Dagsbeit”o’ 0? ponctpatus culnsine sublinsasset, eidens
regnuns ad gubernandurn etjlliuin erudienduin in mann /rad,d,sse/. CE ibid. 7, pp. 434435 et
12, p. 436, ainsi que Ghrsniqae de Fridgaire. IV. 53 et 58, SIGH, SR.M2, pp. 147 et 150.
‘
Chronique de FrCdCgaire, IV, 74—75, pp. 158—159.
LE RE5EAU DE POUVOIR5 DE L’EVEQUE 201
curremment avec le maire du palais EbroIn.’0’ Audoenus s’entrernit
plusieurs fois pour rêtablir Ia paix au sein du royaume des Francs
pro coneordia desudeibal, rêpête par deux fois son biographe. u C’est au
retour d’une mission de négociation entre Neustriens et Austrasiens
qu’il mourut. “° Les valeurs êvergêtiques romaines ont leur pendant
dans la mentalité germanique et par consequent, cette nouvelle classe
êpiscopale ne met pas moms de zele que l’ancienne a construire des
eglises et doter des nsonastêres. Comme aux siêcles precedents, Ia
cohesion entre ses membres est renforcee par des liens farniliaux ou
des relations personnelles nouêes des le plus jeune age.84 Didier de
Cahors êvoquera toujours avec nostalgic l’amitie qui le liait a Sulpicius
de Bourges, Eligius de Novon. Abbo de Metz, Paulus de Verdun.
Audoenus de Rouen durant leur jeunesse a la cour de Clotaire JT.’
Cela facilite les êchanges de menus services.’86 Au total, Ia classe
dirigeame continue a être singuliêrement êtroite cc sont toujours
les mêmes noms qni apparaissent an has des chartcs.
L ‘ézo/uiton des conceplions dii poucoir
La ‘harharisation’ de l’êpiscopat n’a donc introduit aucune révolu
don dans l’etendue des pouvoirs de l’evêque. qui dêhordent de toutes
parts ses responsabilitês canoniqucs. En revanche, les modalites
d’exercice de ce pouvoir ont profondêment change. Au scns de l’Etat
on de l’Eglise en gênêral qui caractêrisait l’elite gallo-romaine se
sont suhstitues les liens d’homme a homme qui sont le fondement
de la sociêtê germaniqne. Ce n’est pas sans consequence an niveau
dc l’organisation ecclêsiastiqne, amenant la dislocation des liens
territoriaux qui unissaicnt l’evêque a tons les points de son diocese,
‘°
Vita s. Ba/hildo, 5, MGH, SlIM 2, p. 487.
82
Vita s. Audoeni I”, 12, Cd. W. Levison, MGH, SRs’vI 5, p. 561 cf. Lib. Hist.
et Ibid. 13-15,
pp. 562—563.
Sur Ia force des solidaritCs familiales ou amicabcs chez leo Francs, voir R. Le
Jan. Fconille et pnuoair, pp. 77—8 1.
82
Didier de Cahors, Ep. I, 9, 11 et 12, Cd. XV. Arndt, CC 117, pp. 318—320.
Oh
CE Ia correspondance entre Didier de Cahors et Abbo de Mets pour rCgber
le sort de hiens qu’une certaine Bobiba veut rCcupCrer pour les donLser C l’Egbise
de Cahors (Didier, Ep. I, 9 et II, 13, pp. 318—319 et 335-336. Sur cette affaire,
voir N. Gauthier, L’ioangéhsa/ion des pays de la It’Isselle, pp. 385—386). 1 70 ans plus
tot, Sido,ne Apollinaire se fClicitait de ba nominadon d’un vieib ami consme comte
d’Autun parce qtie cela lui permettrait de bui demander service (F/s. V, 18 aaipli’c/eas
in fainiliari re/us/o norton ia5 p0/es/a/is indeptae materiam benejlciis tuis iam di,, quai’ioY
202 NANCY CAUTHIER
en particulier aux monastéres. Les chartes de fondation des monastéres
colombaniens, nous l’avons vu,U prennent explieitement leurs dis
tances par rapport aux usages anciens, et prévoient notamment une
totale indépendance par rapport a l’evêque du lieu. Ce n’est peut
étre pas un hasard Si C5 dispositions ont connu un tel sucees auprés
des aristocrates francs. Un peu plus tard, lorsqu’aux environs de 700,
l’abbesse Irmina d’Oeren et le maire du palais Pepin fondent le
grand monastére d’Echternach, dans le diocese de Tréves, ii n’est
méme plus question de solliciter l’accord de l’evêque du lieu ni
d’exempter explicitement le monastére de sa juridiction il signe
seulement les ehartes qui le coneernent au niême titre que n’irnporte
quel autre témoin.’98 Le elere témoigne sa fidelite a “l’Eglise qui l’a
nourri”, sans se soucier de celle dout relêveraient canoniquement les
hiens dont ii fait don.’89
Par ailleurs. les biens personnels de l’evêque ne se distinguent plus
clairement de ceux de l’Eglise qu’il gére. C’est cc que fon voit hien
a l’occasion d’une contestation concernant le monastére de Mettlach,
dans le diocese de Treves, fondé par l’evêque Leotwinus vers 700.
Celui-ci avait donné son monastére a son église épiseopale. Mais son
fils et suceesseur Milo l’avait reçu de Charles Martel, puis de Pépin
le Bref, a titre de hénéfice. Si hien qu’â la mort de Milo, un litige
s’est élevé entre Pépin, qui a voulu disposer en faveur d’une autre
personne d’un hénéfice qu’il avait accordé a la personne de Milo, et
l’abbé de )siettlaeh, qui estimait qu’il avait été nommé par l’écCque
Milo et qu’il eontinuait a dépendre de l’Eglise de Tréves aprés la
mon de cc dernier. ‘° Bien plus, Ia fondation et Ic contrôle des
monastéres deviennent affaire de famille. Aiusi. la eharte de fonda
tion du monastére d’Echternach,’9’ construit par \Villihrord sur une
Voir pins haut, p. 181.
Le remarquahie eartulaire d’Eehternaeh a bte CditC par C. \Vampaeh, Geschzch/e
der Gruedherrsrhafl Eehteo,ach im Fruhe,i//elaltee 1, 2. Qselienbur,d (Luxembourg, 1930).
°
Ainsi le diacre de Verdon Grimo rlonne-t-ii S 1’Eglise de Verdnn, qni ‘me
s/renue de stos stipendiis eit,,/ovi/’, les Inca saoetoruo qn’ii a eonstruits a Fho1ey, dans le
diocese de Trbves, mCnse si e’est l’evêque de TrCves qni mi a fourni les clercs qui
Ia desservent (‘iv. Levison, “Das Testament des Diakons Ada1gisel-Crino vom jahre
634”, ‘Trierer Zeitschsifl 7 [1932]. pp. 69—85 = Foj/,cej/, pp. 118—138). Trudo, he aux
Pippinides, donne sa fondation de Sareh,nniu,n anjonrd’hni Saint—Troncfl, dans le
cl,oeCse de ‘iongres-.\laastneht. S l’evêque de \ietz Chloduifs,s. bean-f’rCre ne Begga
nile de Pêpin de Laurie’s qui ia formé (i’,ta s. Trudo,,,s. 7 ci 10, Cd. XV. Levison.
, perrsaseu/ aete date dn 13 nai 706.
.IIGH. SRiI 6, pp. 280-281 et 283. Sor eette Vie. voir. outre l’introdnet,on de
XV. Levison. N. Ganthier, L’es’aogiIi.m/isi des inn de in .lIssdle. pp. 392393c
SIGH. Dubs A3rsI. I. 148 ,voir N. Gauthier. sp. niL, pp. 360—362 m 365366
C. XVanspaeh. Gesnl,,ch/e den Grsndhennsrha/i Edt/crouch. 1. 2. n° 14 en ra/isoe ul
LE RESEAU DL POUVOIRS DE L±VEOUE 203
terre appartenant a Pépin II, stipule que Ic monastére restera tou
jours sous la “domination ou la protection” de Pépiu ou de scs hen
tiers. Pépin, d’ailleurs. dit “notre” monastére. En deuxieme acte émis
Ic même jour’92 precise que les frères pourront élire librement leur
abbé “a conditiou que eelui-ci apparaisse fidêle en tout aux hen-
tiers” de Pépin. Dans l’acte solennel qu’on appelle communément
son ‘testament’,’93 Willibrord énumére les biens dout il fait don a cc
monastére on il desire être enterré. Si l’on en dresse la carte, ainsi
que l’a fait C. Wampach,’94 on s’aperçoit que la plupart de ces pro
pniétés sont situées en Toxandrie, au sud et au sud-est de son siege
episcopal d’Utrecht us avaient done êté offerts plutôt a l’évêehé
diitrecht qu’à l’ahbave d’Echternaeh mais Willibrord les eonsidere
comme des eadeaux personnels dont il fait cc que hon Iui semble.
Le lien du siege episcopal avec le territoire de l’ancienne cite est
totalement perdu de vue.
Conclusion
Si l’on essaic de prendre une vue d’ensemble de l’évolution de la
situation entre la fin dii IVC siècle et le debut du VHI°, que con
state-t-on ? On part d’une situation relativement claire, oil l’evêque
détient l’cssentiel des pouvoirs sur toute l’etendue de l’ancienne cite,
les eonflits s’exerçant a la marge dans Ia rivalité entre eveques. A
l’arrivée. l’Eglise garde son pouvoir mais celui-ci fonetioune selon un
prineipe d’organisation tout autre : la cascade de fidélités persounel
les qui charpente desormais la soeiété. En consequence, l’autorite
de l’evêque urhain sur l’etendue de son diocese se disloque. U est
tout aussi puissant mais sur des hommes plutôt que sun un ternitoire.
Ainsi des monastéres fort éloignes peuvent dépendre de lui tandis
que d’autres situCs dans sa ville mCme lui éehappent. Ii ne s’agit pas
ici de fragmentation du territoire en unites plus petites, ou en mailles
différentes selon que l’on envisage le domaine militaire, religieux,
éeonomique, etc. Ti s’agit de la disparition de la notion rnême de
ternitoire.
,ps,oi, osi,asteri,zo o ass/re ,.el Ieredon noslrsruo, d,,,oi,,a/is,,e ,‘el deji’nsios,e jane/eu seoper
‘4
X\ ampach. ,b,d. no 13. On trouve dans le texte le mot ,n,,ndihurdiuo, pour ren
dre one notion tipiqoement germanique (cE n° 24).
‘°
XVampaeh. ibid. n° 39.
‘1
O,/s. e/.. 1. 1 Kane I.
r 204 NANCY GAUTHIER LE RESEAU DE POUVOIRS DE L’EVEQUE 205

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 ROMANUS Nc 00 REMIGIUS
come) A//Scat 364—373 magzster fficiorum 367—372
adjinis do Rcmigius

: I
r T
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CAELIN\ ,\LSIELIUS
2

ROMANUS No REMIGIUS PRINCIP1US

évq. Rcims 532/535 évq. RcInls 458/9--532/3 dvq. Soissons .4713 480.. C•)

F T T 7 F T
AEFIUS ,\GRICOL\ FRAETEXTATUS AGATHIMERUS HELARIA Nc LUPUS
prêtrc f/ha do Rcmi dp. Gcnchaudus hvq. Soissons
diaconcssc évq. Laon 525-549

r I
PRAE1EX17V1)\ R\ROVIUS CELSA VULPECULA LATRO
)ohnna dc Rerni évq. Laon

Fig. 4. La lSomiIIc do Reini do Rcims (d’après L. Marois, op. cd).

\iI1irio flirotanus r\iiiiiItiis Pippinus somor 4 Itta =

t597/598) év. do Motz dit do I anden Icluherga
61:1 / 6 14- 629/630 moire do palais ç—5q2 -052
°vers 6(0 640:

Hugohorius Irniina flioodardus ( lilodulhis \nsegioi-]us Bogga Goretrudis (Sii moaldus

0111). dOoron Os do Niety née on 626 inuredu palms
698—704 - -(559 - . - al)b. de Nivelles 643—656/657 I’:
640 659
on
.0

LOu \dula ‘0/inn C:i-odouindi.s Beriradmi Rogoun-iirlis Plortriidi Pippinu innior 4— CFialpaida Childeherius Vulfetiudis
oh!). do = Rotlinda son Berta Oh dHérisial concubine) ioi née 6:39/640
PlSilzel abb. d’()ereii 721 ... . - - maire On palais 656-662: abh do Nis cues
691/715-732/733 +751/762 680—714- 659—669

Hadericu, (jerelindi, Aiherirn, Gloclesindis Chainljorius Diitgn Giiinoaldns ChaiSes Niariel on

01)1). do Moe Charduadus qui Ct Haibernis 708 maire du pmilais mairo On palms
743-751 = Carihortu, do Neusirie 715—741
697/73)! 714

ri 11111) 115 .,i)

So
O regori us Beitrada P/pin Ic Bce! Carloman
Os. 0 Ltiecht souBorta moire du palms 1110110
du palms
tvers 776) (741—751) (741-747)
roi (751—768)

(harloinagne

Fig. 5. La 1/smille d’Arnulliis dc Mete (N. Gauthier, L’érczngélisatzon des /sqys de Ia Moselie, p. 264). ND
F,.

CHRISTIANISATION ET ORGANISATION
ECCLESIASTIQUE DES CAMPAGNES:
L’ITALIE DU NORD AUX IV’-VIIE SIECLES

Gisella Cantino Wataghin

Erêques et possessores face a Ia coacersion des milieax ruraux

Du TV au VIITC siècles Sc realise la transformation chrétienne des

campagnes de l’Italie du Nord : ii s’agit d’une evolution de longue
durCc, qui des premieres presences chrCticnncs en milieu rural aboutit
a la mise en place d’un système coherent de paroisses. En fait, c’est
au VIlE siècle que la “pieve” apparait en pleine clarte dans les
sources, en taut qu’institution caractérisée par sa fonction d’eglise
baptismalc avec juridiction territoriale, subordonnee a l’eglise epis
copale selon des procedures et des formes juridiques précises ; le sys
tème “plebano” cnglobc ics multiples fondations cultucllcs, d’origincs
ct dc fonctions diffCrcntes, qui sont en mCme temps moycn et résul
tat de la diffusion du christianisme, dont le cadre normatif se deter
mine progressivement, a la suite de l’action et de la reaction mutuelles
dc facteurs divers : evolution de la structure organisationnellc ct dc
l’action pastorale de l’Eglise ; dynamique de ses rapports avec les
nouvelles realites politiques ; problémes de la christianisation face a
des bouleversements tels que la guerre gréco-gothique et l’invasion
lombarde ; transformations Cconomiqucs ct socialcs. Dans le cadre
de cette problérnatique, il n’apparait pas inutile de faire le point sur
l’apport des donnCes archéologiques.’

Pendant Ia redaction de cc texte, Ic problCme a fait l’objet d’une jonrnCe

d’Ctude organisCe a Rome en mars 1998 par les Seminari di Archeologia Cristiana
(title srigini della paovcthio rurale, IV— VIII see.) Cd. Ph. Pergola [CittS del Vatieano,
1999] et a aussi etC ahordC sons plnsienrs aspects dans nn rapport et de nombreuses
communications prCsentés an VIIV CongrCs national italien d’Archéologic Chrétienne
(L’edflris battesimale io Italia : aspetti e prsbletai. VIII Csrzgresso .7’/azisnole di Archeolsgio
Cristiona, Genova-Saizana-Albenga-Finale Lsgure- Ventiroigiia 1998), dont Ics actes sont sons
prcssc. Pour lc contcxtc dcs problCmes d’histoire religiense, on se reportera an tra
vail désormais classiqne de C. Violante, “Le strnttnre organizzative della cura d’anime
nelle campagne dell’Italia centrosettentrionale”, Gnstzaoizscaczsne e srganzz.cazzsne eerie
siastica del/c eampagne neii’aits itledisers espansisne e resistenze. Setline. di Spolets 28 (1980),
2, pp. 9631155, ici pp. 1012-sniv.
210 GISELLA CANTINO WATAGHIN
Au IV siècle, le christianismc dans la region est un phénomène
cssentiellernent urbain, en cc sens que les communautés établies dans
les villes, soit sous l’autorité directc de l’evêque, soit sous la direc
tion, au nom de celui-ci, d’un presbyter, sont setiles préscntes dans les
sources. La plupart des dioceses sont d’ailleurs créés vers le milieu,
voice a Ia fin du siècle, le nombre de ceux qui SOH attestés sUre
ment avant la moitiè du siècle ètant trés réduit. Les CvCques Mirocles
de Milan. Stennius de Rimini. Constantius cle Faenza sont a Rome
en 313 \Iirocles est prèsem l’année suivante a Arles, ainsi que
Theodore d’Aquilée ; cci 343, Severus de Ravenne, Ursicinus de
Brescia. Lucilius de Vèrone sont an concile de Sardique. a propos
duquel Athanase dAlexandrie rncntionnc aussi Crispinus de Padoue
juste avant la moitiè du siècle, Eusèbe est èlu èvèque de Verceil
seuls Aquilèe, 1’vlilan, Ravenne, Vèrone peuvent ètre rapportes a la
période prèconstantinienne.2 Quoiquc toute simplification soit risquèe,
on pent reconnaitre a Amhroisc de MilaH un role dècisif dans la
fondation de nouveaux dioceses et clans l’organisation du rèseau des
sieges èpiscopaux, qui pourtant ne sera achevC que dans ic courant
du Vc siècle.3
2
F. Lanzoni. I.e diocesi dim/ia. da/le origini al poncipio del sees/s I’ll (a. 604) Faenza.
927) F. Savio. GO an/ic/n esou d’Italia. do//c sl/gini a/ 1300, de.cciiiii per regioni. 1.
11 Piemonte (‘Foiino. 1898) 2. 1. La Lombardia.Slilano Firenze, 1913) ; 2, 2, La
Lcirnbardia. Bergaino. BTcScUi. Corno (Bergamo. 1928) 2, 3, La Lornbardza. Crernona, Los/i,
Man/ova, Paz’za (Bergamo. 1931) pour des syntheses récentes. voir F. Bolgiani, “La
penetrazione del cristianesirno in Piemonte”. A//i del V (]sngreoo .Vaionale di Arches
logia Gristiana, Torino- Va//c di Susa-Cunro-Asti- I a/Ic ciAo3/a-j\ovara 1979 (Roma, 1982),
pp. 37—61 ; Id., “Eusebio di Vereelli e gli inizi della cristianizzazione”, Storza di
Torino, 1. Da/la Preistoria a! colnune mediei’ale, Ccl. G. Sergi (Torino, 1997), pp. 246—254
Id. “iViassimo di Torino, la sua personalitS. Ia sua predicazione, ii suo pubblico”,
ibid., pp. 255 269 ; Ch. Pietri, “Note our Ia christianisation de Ia ‘Liguric”, Ails
del Gonvegno Studi lunensi e prospet/ivc su/l’Occiden/e ronsano, Lerici 1985 (Quaclerni del
Centro Stucli Lunensi 10—11—12, Luni, 1985—1987), 2, pp. 35 1—380 L. Cracco
Ruggni. “La cristianizzazione nelle ct5 dell’Italia settentrionale (1V\71 secolo)”,
Die Stadt in Oherita/ien und in den nordwestlic/ien Prosinen des Rthnischen Reiches. Deutsch—
Italienisehes Kollocjuisan On ita/ienischen Kuiturins/s/ut Ks/In, éd. W. Eck et H. Galsterer
(Mainz, 1991), pp. 235-249 sur les listes épiscopales. voir aussi J.-Ch. Picard. I.e
souvenir des lvêrjues. Sépultures, listesipiscopales ci culte des ivêques en Italic dii .A3rd des srgi
nes au X siècle (BihliothCque des Ecoles française.s d’Athènes Ct de Rome 268, Rome,
1988), pp. 395-.suiv. ; table récapitulative de Ia chronologie des dioceses, d’aprCs la
ebronologie fournie par les textes, dans P. Testini, G. Cantino \Vataghin et L. Pans
Ermini, “La cattedrale in Italia”, Ac/es do XI (,ongris International d’Archéo/ogie ChrOtienne,
Lyon- Vienne-Grenshle-Genive-A os/c 1986 (CittO del Vaticano, 1989), pp.5 229, ici pp. 19-
suiv.
2
V.H.C. Frend, “St. Ambrose and other Churches (except Rome)”, J6ec tones
mon. Atti del Gongresso in/ernazionale di studs ain/nosiani lie! XVI centenanio del/a snoT/c di
san/’Arnbrogio, Mi/ans 1997, éd [F. Pizzolato et NI. Rizzi Milano. 1998), pp. 161—180
CHRISTIANISATION ET ORGANISATION ECCLESIASTIOUE 211
C’est aux communautés urbaines, et a dies seules, que s’adressent
Ambroise et les autres évèques contemporains, dont les sermons con
stituent une source de tout premier ordre, ètant donne la richesse
du corpus qui par ailleurs s’ètend sur toute la region, de l’est, avec
Zénon de Vérone et Chromace d’Aquilèe, jusqu’a son extrCrnité occi
dentale, avec Maxime de Turin. Leur action pastorale est entière
ment centréc sur la yule ofi us siègent les campagnes ne sont
prCsentes qu’au second plan, en tant que territoire dont la conver
sion est ciéieguée aux soins des possessores, les grands propriétaires
fonciers. que l’on presse vivement de se charger d’èlirniner chez leurs
dependants crovances et rites paiens, encore bien vivants et pra
tiqués, qui sont aussi visés, dans les mèmes années et dans ic méme
esprit, par la legislation impériale.5
A eel egard Ic témoignage des diffCrents homèliaires est tout a fait
coherent il n’est pas contredit par l’envoi de trois clercs au Val de
on par l’evêque Vigile de Trente en 397, malgré la tradition qui
vent v voir le signe d’une mission d’evangelisation lancèe par l’Eglise
dans les campagnes.3 L’histoire est bien connue, a partir des lettrcs
voir aussi R. t.izzi. “Ambrose’s contensporaries and the Chrisuanisation of Northern
Italy”, jouosa/ of Roman S/udies 80 1990. pp. 156—173 : L. Cracco Ruggini, La
cristianizzazione nelle cittO dellItalia settentrionale” Ead., “e’eicelli e N Eilano
nessi politici e rapporu ecclesiah nd I\-—V secolo”, Eusebso c/s J’erce/ls e 5/ 5mm /enspo,
Cd. V. dal Covolo. R. Uglione et G.M. Vian (Roma, 1997(. pp 93- 120 Ead.,
“La fisionornia sociale del clero e il consolidarsi delle istituzioni ecelesiastiche nd
Norcliialia (IV VI secolo)”, Morfologie sociali e cu//mali in Emovpaji-a /arda un/ichi/C e a//o
.lledioevo. be//On. di Spole/o 45 (1997), pp. 851-901, ici pp. 853-suiv. C. Pasini, “La
poliuca ecciesiastica di Ambrogio vescovo di Milano”. II Gnss/ianesimno a jVovara e sul
/erni/snzo Ic snzfoni. Gonvegns nel XVI rentenanis della Chiesa Vss’ao’sr..°vCiara 1998 (Studi
Storici 14. scrie Studi Novaresi 15, Novara, 1999), pp 43—54. Malgré leo liens entre
leo deux dioceses, marques entre autres par Ic choix de Turin comme lieu du con
cile de 398 (F. Bolgiani, “Sant’Ambrogio, Massimo di Torino e Is smnodo del 398”,
5/oria di Tonino, 1, pp 270—277), des reserves bien argumentécs ont etC las/es au
sujet de l’influence milanaise our l’épiscopat de Maxime de Turin : V. Zangara,
“San Massimo di Torino”. In/rocluzione ai Padni del/a C/uesa. Sees/i IV e J ed. G. Bosio,
F. dal Covolo, NI. Maritano (Strumenti della Corona Patrum 4, Torino, 1995),
pp. 48—59, ici p. 50.
R. Lizzi, Vescoc’i e s/ru/tune ecc/esiastiche ne//a cit/C /ardoantica (I.’ Italia annonaria nd
IV—Vsecsls d. C.) (Biblioteca di Athenaeum 9, Como, 1989) ; G. Cantino Wataghin,
“La conversion de l’espace : quelques rcmarqucs our l’étahlisscment materiel chré
tien aux IVC_Vc siécles, d’aprés l’exemple de l’Italie du Nord”, G/svis, his/sire ci ms/noire.
Ac/es c/n Go/loque International d’his/sire de Reiins, ed. NI. Rouche (Paris, 1997). 1, Gloss/s
et son tens/is, /‘événe,nent, pp. 127—139 ; Fad., “. . .Ut haec aedes Chris/s Donono in eec/c—
siam cs,oecrchun. Il riuso cristiano di edifici antichi tra tarda AntichitO e alto Medioevo”,
Is/co/nyc/c e psa/iche del reimnpiego nell’aI/o Medioec’o. Settim. di Spo/eto 46 (1998, pp. 073—749,
avec tahle rCcapitulative de la legislation a Ia p. 745.
I. Rog-g-er, “Contrasto di opinioni su un martirio singolare. 11 caso di Anaunia
212 GISELLA CANTINO WATAGHIN
écrites par Vigile même a Simplicianus de Milan et a Jean Chry
sostome, a ce moment-là évêque de Constantinople,6 grace aussi au
retentissement que l’épisode a eu chcz les contemporains,7 mais sa
signification est hieri plus nuancée que celle qu’on lui prête sou
vent. En effet, le diacre Sisinnius, le lee/or Martvrius et son frêrc
Alexander. ostiarius. forment le novau cl’un clergé dont l’envoi s’ac
corde mal avec le debut d’une ceuvre de conversion. étant plutot
conforme a un programme d’organisation structurée d’une commu
nauté considerable ; d’autre part la zone dont ii est question est loin
d’être isolée et sauvage comme Vigile la définit dans ses lettres, sans
doute dans le cadre de la rhetorique hagiographique qui les carac
tense : la “nation barhare” dont il pane en s’adressant a Simplicianus
est ainsi désignée parce qu’elle est scene et responsable du rnarrvre.73
del 29 maggio 397”. 1 martin della Vs/ di Van e In rea,zione pagana a/la fine del IV semis
Trento-Bologna, 1985 pp. 135--ISO. Cu aspect est déjS soulignb dans Ia legcndc
.
du rnartvrc dc Vigilc. moclelb d’aprbs celui des (mis clercs do Va! de Non S pro
pos de ce texte. attrihué au \‘V siécle. voir L. Cesarini Sforza. “Gli Atti di
S. \‘igi1io. crith di S/son e d;Irte per ii _V1’ men/manna del/a nun/c di S. J’igilis mescoro
mm/ire Trento. 1905 pp.5—29 : I. Rogger, I Mar/ui rlnaunicsi ne/la Cattedrale di
Tiento. Documenti e monurnenti puhbhca/i in occasiane della solenne reposiione del/c reliquie 11
261uc’iio 1966 :Trento. 1966 ; Id.. “Scavi e neerche sotto Ia caaedrale di Treni.o”.
5/udi Tie’n/uu di snene s/soc/ic 46 (1967, pp. 197—212 \L. Forlin Patrucco, “Agiografia
nel Trentino altomedievale. La Fassio S. I ‘gilii epilcopi ci inarivriC”, I//i dellAccadcniia
Rst’eretana degli Agiati. s. VI. 25 (1986. pp. 155 1(35.
Vigilius, Epis/olac dune, FL 13, cc..549—55$ voir plus récemment l’édition de
E. Menestô, “Le lettere di S. Vigilio”, I mar/in della Val di ,,Von e Ia reaione pagana
al/a /ine del IV secsis, pp. 151—171 et encore EM. Sironi, Dnll’Orien/e all’Occiden/e
santi Sisinio, illartinio e Alessanclro mar/in in Annunia (Sanzeno. 1989), pp. 51 —suiv.
L.E. Chaffin, “The martyrs of the Va] di Non. An Examination of Contemporary
Reactions”, S/udia Pa/nislica 10 (1970). pp. 263—269. Les trois saints sont cblébrbs
par Maxime de Turin (Scm. 105 ci 106. ed A. Mutzenhecher, CC 23, pp. 414-suiv.
et 416-suiv.). Gaudence ne Brescia (Tram/n/us 17, Ccl. A. Glueck. CSEL 68, p. 144),
Augustin (Ep. 139. éd. A. Goldbacher, GEL 44, pp. 151 -suiv.), Paulin deMilan,
qui rapporte Ic transfert des rcliques des martyrs a Milan (Vita Ambrosu, Cd. A.A.R.
Bastiaensen [Verona, 1975], pp Il8-suiv.. Ic Martyrologe Hiéronymien (Maryrs
logium Hicrosyrnianum, éd. J.-B. Dc Rossi et L, Duchcsnc. AA SS, Aov. 2, 1 [Bruxelles.
1894], p. 68). Les sources se trouvent maintenant rassemhlées dans Sironi, Dall’Onientc
ail’Occidcn/e. PP. 1 79-suiv. Pour l’interprétation du martyre, voir aussi Rogger,
“Contrasto di opinioni su un martiric) singolare” ; Lizzi, Vescom c s/ru/tune ccclesias
tiche ne/la mittS tardoantica, pp. 59-suiv.
FL 13, c. 550 ; l’adjectif est repris par Gennade de Lyon : Vigihus episcopus scrip-
sit ad querndarn Simplicianum libel/urn, et epistulani con/inentern gee/a sui /emponis apud ban
baros maop7rum (Liber de visit illustrihus, 37, FL 58. c. 1079). Les deux lettres, qu’accompagne
l’envoi de reliqucs des martyrs, se dCroulent comme de véritables passiones, relatant
des vies exemplaires, en dehors de tout propos de chronique (Quorum ri/a, ut summa
nerum fastgia nijirarn, prop/er scientiae no/i/mm, Jiu/ tam sollicitudinis quarn proposi/i singularis,
écrit Vigile a Simplicianus : FL 13, c. 550) ; pourtant dies different considerable
ment si la lettre S Simplicianus cot assez concise, celle adressée S Jean Chrysostome
CHRISTIANISATION ET ORGANISATION ECCLESIASTIOUE 213
L’Anaunia est intégrée dans le monde romain des le debut de I’Ernpire,
au point que les indigènes recoivent la civitas en 46 apn. J.-C., en
reconnaissance d’un état de fait ;9 des familles de notables connues
aillenns dans l’Italie du Nord y sont attestées par l’epigraphie, notam
ment dans Ic village de Sanzeno, oi Ia tradition place le rnartvre
de Sisinnius, Mantyrius et Alexander ° pendant l’AntiquitC tandive,
Ia region joue un role nullement secondaire, du point de vue strategique
aussi hien qu’éeonomique. du fait de sa position cntre le lac de
Garde et la vallée de l’Adige. qui en fait un passage important a
travers la chaIne des Alpes. comme le montrent les necherehes
ai’chCologiques rCcentes :0 on peut croire que l’image de Vigile, qui
pane de castellis undique positis in coronam, n’est pas trop eloignée de
la réalité.’2 La mission des trois clercs reflète de la pant de Vigile
un intCrCt pour la region, dont la raison d’être est a chencher dans
le rattachement du pagus des Anauni au municipium de Trente la
se déeloppe d’une rnaniCre hien plus riche et articulCe du point de vue des rCfCrences
aux Ecrimres : Lizzi. Vescoti e strut/ore ecclesiastiche ne/la cit/mi tardoantica. p. 60, note 4.
U. Laffi, “Ad/nihutin” e “Contnibu/io”. Frobiemi dci sisteina pohtico-amnunis/ralwo dells
S/a/a romano Pisa, 1966 passim.
.
Lizzi, V’scoii e s/ui/tune ecclesiasticlie ne/la mittS tandoantica. pp. 70—suiv. Ead..
“Ambrose’s contemporaries and the christianization of Northern Italy”. p. 170
Sironi, Dail’Onien/e a//’Oceidente, pp 1 5—suiv.
H
E. Cavacla, “Elementi romani e german] nel territorio alpino tra Adige e Sarca
aspctti e continuitS dell’insediamento”, Ii /cnri/orio tin Tardoan/ico c alto ,lledioevo.
,‘ilctodi di indagine e nsulia/i. 3” serninanio sul Tardoan/ico e la/to miledioeeo nc/l’ancn alpina
padana, Monte Barro-Galbiate-C’orno 1991, Cd, G.P. Brogiolo et L. Castelletti (Biblioteca
di Archeologia Medievale 9, Firenze, 1992), pp. 99—129 Id.. “In sumniolaco : con
tinuitS o discontinuitS dell’insediamento”, La fine del/c ri/ic romane /nasfonma.tioni ne/Ic
cainpagne Ira tarda Antichi/à e alto Medioevo, 1” Convegno archeologico del Ganda, Gardone
Riz’icra-Bnesna 1995, Cd. G.P. Brogiolo (Documenti di Archeologia I I. Mantova,
1996). pp. 21—34 ; Id., “Mditaria tardo antichi (IV-V sec. d. C.) nelle valli alpine
tra Adige e Sarca”, La fontiftcaioni del Garda tm Tardoantico e n/to Sledioevo in rapponto
ai sis/emi di difesa dell’Ita/ia settentnionale. Onigini, strutture, evoluisone in c/S longobarda. 2”
Gonvegno Archeologico del Garda, Gandone Riviera 1998, éd. G.P. Brogiolo, (Mantova,
1999). on peut remarquer que Maxime de Turin ne donne aucune precision sur
l’emplacement de l’Anauniae regio faut-il en conclure qu’elle n’était pas inconnue
de son public ?
2
Lettre SJean Chrysostome, FL 13, c. 553 : voir L. Cracco Ruggini, “Aquileia
e Concordia il duplice volto di una societS urbana nd V secolo d. C.”, Vita sociale,
artistica c coinmerciale di Aquileia rornana (AntichitS altoadriatiche 29, Udine, 1987),
pp 57-96, ici p. 91 ; sur le problCme des dCfenses dans Ia region alpine orientale
pendant ]‘AntiquitC tardive, voir A.A. Settia, “Le fortificazioni dci Goti in Italia”,
Teoderico ii Grande c i Go/i d’I/alia. A/ti dcl XIII Congresso intemnaionale di studi su/l’aIto
Medioeto, Milano 1992 (Spoleto, 1993), pp. 101—131 ; voir aussi L. Dal Ri et
G. Rizzi, “II territorio altoatesino alla fine del VI e nd VII secolo d. C.”, Cit/mi,
ceo/el/i, caaipcignc nei tern/on di frontiema (secoli VI— VII,). 5” seminanio sul Tandoan/ico e l’ai/o
,lledioevs iii I/a/ia ccntrosettentnionalc, Monte Barno-Galbiate-Lacco 1994, Cd. G.P. Brogiolo
(Documemi di archeologia 6, Mantova, 1995), pp. 87- 114.
214 GISELLA GANTINO VATAGHIN
reaction violente a l’ceuvre des trois clercs de la part des habitants
des lieux résulte de l’attachemcnt a la tradition locale et a ses rites.
cc qui a la fin du IVC siècle est loin d’ètrc surprenarit ; mais on peut
se demander s’il n’v a pas également unc forme de refus de dépen
dre du centre administratif au moment ofl des relations privilégiées
semblent s’ètre nouées avec la zone du lac de Garde.iS
On doit hésiter aussi a accepter comme preuve de missions pré
coces dans les campagnes, en l’espece celles du diocese d’Aquilee et,
a l’ouest, celles qui entourent le Lac Majeur, les Cominentaires des
Erangiles écrit brevi et rustico sermone par l’évCque Fortunatien (342—370
env.)iS et la Vita des saints Jules et Julien, dont le culte est attesté a
la fin du V1 siècle sur le lac d’Orta, prés de Novarc. 5 Commc l’a
rernarqué déjà F. Lot,’6 la rusticilas dont Jerome qualific l’uTe de
Fortunaticn est avant tout une remarque stvlistique, qui met en cause
le choix de l’évCque d’Aquilee, lui-mCme africain par sa naissancc,
de s’adresser a son public, certaincmdnt d’origincs ct dc cultures
divcrses, dans tin langagc autre que celui de la rhètorique cultivée,
plus proche du parler quotidien que du sermo proJ-luims, purus et dun
3 a E. Cavada, dans la discussion a la suite de son intervention
Voir ce sujet
au eolloque arehéologique de Garde en 1998 (E. Cavada, “Militaria tardo antichi”)
pour ies cultes attestés dans Ia zone a l’bpoque romaine, voir Lizzi, I7SCOiO e strut—
tu,’ ecclesiastic/ic nd/a citi3 tardoantica, pp. 75—suiv . Sironi, DaI/’Onicntc aI/’Occidente,
pp. 25—suiv. en 2-i11&ral our Ic cube de Saturne. qui joue Ic rOle clef dans Ia pac
sw de saint Vigile. I. Chirassi Colombo. Aeeu1iuratrone e morlologia di eulti alpini,
La coniunjtâ al/ioia nell jiiiieliita. _-ltii c/el (2,itis stuth e docu,nentaione sn/C/ia/ia romana 7
I 975—1976 pp. 157-19!, iei pp. 172-suiv.
‘ Hieronvmus. Liher de riris illustribus. 97. FL 23. cc. 735—738 Fo,tu,iatianus natione
A/er. Aquileien.sis episcopus. on/n’rante Con slan/io. ui Finnge/ia. tim/is ordoiaiis. breri et nirstico
seonone scopsim (7,m,nenlanios de cette ccivre de Fortunatien ii est question aussi dans
uric leure de JerOme a Paul de Concor-clia : E/nstula .‘t ad Pan/ion seneifl Co,icordiac.
FL 22, c. 343.
Paul Diacre 6th mention de /‘oisiila sane/i luhani 0 propos de Ia mort du due
i\limulphus en 590 i,Hisi. Lang. IV, 3, AIGH. .SRL, p. 145 Onigo pm/is Langobardoonn.
Ccl. G. \Vaitz, ibid., p. 5);I’iie est nornrnCe sane/i mlii dans I’Histsoa Langohardorum
i-odjcjs (;oihani, ibid., p. 897. La presence d’un lieu de eulte, suggbrCe par I’inserip
lion funCraire de l’cveque de Novare Fylacrius, niort en 553, relrouvée sur l’ile
dans l’église Saint-Jules en 1697 (Picard, I.e souvenir des eveques, pp 306-suiv.) a été
.
eonlirrnCe par les résultats des fiiuilles L. Pcjrani Barieco, “Orta San Giulio, basi
lica di San Giulio”, Poih/eini di conservazw,ie e lute/a nd ,A/orarese (Borgomanero, 1984),
pp 67 -79 EacI., ‘Isola cl’Orta basilica di S. GiLilio”, ,lIilaiis eapi/eile ele//’Impero
romano, 286 -102 (1. f.. Catalogs del/a ,nostra Nlilano. 1990:, p 297 Earl.. Edilici
l)i1eocristiani nella dioeesi di 7\ovara : Un aggiornamento”, II Csuianesuno a ,\Oi ara
e sul tern/uris Ic origin?, p 83—suiv.
F. List, A queUe bpoque a—t-on cessC dc parler latin i’.Ais/orion Latootatis
.lledu Aeci 6 (1931 pp. 127-suiv.. note 3.
.
CHRISTIANISATION ET ORGANISATION ECCLESIASTIOLE 215
cidus recommandé par Ambroise : elle n’implique pas que les Gorn
mentarii soient destinés a l’évangélisation des i-ustici.1° La Vita de
Jules et Julien. quant a dIe. présente Ic tableau d’une mission chrC
tienne lancée per t’tcos rd in cwitatibus omnibus par les deux frères, venus
de GrCce dans le territoire de Novare aprés avoir obtenu de l’em
pereur Théodose des sacre epistole les autorisant a détruire omnia pro
fana inproba idola, a construire a leur place des eglises et a baptiser
la population ‘° mais dIe s’inscrit mieux dans le contexte du VIE’
siècle, an moment de la reconquéte byzantine de la region, que dans
celui de la fin du IVC siècle ;20 sans entrer ici dans les details de cc
°
Epistulae. 36, 5, FL 16. e. 880 sint ergo seonones tui proflui. sinl pun ci diluridi ut
inorali disputatione sum itatem iifundas pspu/Oritin auribus ci gratia verborum /50mm plebem
demu/ceas ut ia/ens quo dueis sequatur : pour leo implications rhetoriques. voir FE.
Clonsolino.Aseesi e inondanita nella Ga/Ira terrdoantiea. 1979, p. 24. n. 2. Lizzi. “The
Christianisation of Northern Italy”. p. 166 ; L. Pizzolato, Amhrogio e Ia retoriea
Ic hnalir0 del discorso \‘c timeo mon. Alit del Gsngresso i,iternaiona/e di studi a,nbrosiani
nd XVI eenlenario del/a inonte di sanC-lmhmogis. 31i/ano 1997, éd. L.F. Pizzolato et
M. Rizzi (Milano, 1998(. pp. 235—265, iei p. 264.
Cracco Ruggini, “Aquilcia e Coneordia : il clupliee volto di una societO urbana
nd IV seeolo d. C.” (cite note 12), pp. 86-suiv., suggCre que l’muvre de vulgarisa
tion de l’Evangile de Fortunatien s’inserit dans le cadre de son adhesion 0 lana
nisme et de Ia politique culturelle de Constance II Ead., “La fisionomia sociale
del elero e il consolidarsi delle istituzioni eeclesiastiehe nd Norditalia (IV—VI
seeolo(” (cite note 3), p. 858 ; voir aussi, dans tine perspective soeiolmguistique,
C. Calboli, “Ii latino volgare rusticitas, urbani/as e sviluppo della lingua”. 1 lore atque
s,s’. La di,nensione soc-is/ingins/ira nd inondo antics, V iiicon ins del Dipantimentu di Scienze
clel/’Antichitb de//’Unii’ersiib di Pacia. 1992 Como. 1992. pp. 61—90 : P. Molinelli.
“Premesse metodologiche per una sociolingurstica del latino. ,-lrs /rnguistica. -Studi
ii/jirti a Pao/o Ramat. Cd. G. Bernini. P. Cusseilin et P. Molinelli Roma, 1998.
Il- 411—133 ; A. Zamboni, Dal latino tardo agh albori rornanzi dinamiche lin
guisuche della transizinne Io/b/ogic sociali e cnlturali in Europa fra tarda Antic/u/b
alto .lledirno. pp. 619 698. iei p. 628. A propos dc Fortunatien. voir aussi B. Snider.
Dizionai/o Patnisti-o. 1 (1983 S. V. “l’ortunaziano. c. 1388 Cli. Pietri, Rome et
.
AquilCe : deux Eglises do IV an VI’ siCcle -lqui/eia e Rii,na AntichirO altoadni
atiche 30, 1987), pp. 225—253, maintenant (,/osstiana respublica. F/linen/s d’une enqu/te
sur Ic clinistianisine antique Collection de l’Eeole française de Rome 234. Rome, 1997),
pp. 355—383, ici pp. 362-suiv.
Dc sanctisfratrihus lit/is presb/ero, et Iuliano diacono, Al SS, Ian. 2 (1734), pp.
1100—1104 ; voir ausoi la Depositio sacerdstis et coifesssnis Iulii, une recensis sans doute
plus aneienne publiCe par P. Frigcnio et P.G. Pisoni, “I ss. Giulio e Giuliano e
I’evangelizzazione delle terre verbanesi e cusianc”, Verhanus 9 (1988). d’aprés un
manuscrit de Ia BihliothCque Capitulaire d’Intra çcod. 12).
La clatation haute tIn noyau central he Ia passio est maintenue par Frigerio et
Pisoni, “1 ss. Giuho e Giuliano”, et acceptCe par G. Anclenna. “Rillessioni sull’or—
dinamento ecclesiale nell’alto Novarese tra tarda AntichitO e \Iediocvc”, Vcrbanus
10 ‘1989 pp. 275—294 : XI. Sannazaro, La cnistianiz.atione del/c aree rurali della
.
L,sinhardia IIV—T’I secolo). Testimonia,ie scdtte e 1/ia/ma/i Milano. 1990. pp 39-suiv.
Pejrani Baricco, “Isola cl’Orta basilica di S. Giulio” Fad., clans G. Cantino
XVataghin et L. Pani Ermini. “Santuani martiriali e centri di pellegrinaggio in Italia
216 GISELLA CANTINO WATAGHIN
texte trés controversé, ii suffit de remarquer les implications du role
clef attribué a l’empereur, les references au milieu grec, qui n’ont
aucun rapport evident avec la presence des missionnaires dans l’Italie
nord-occidentale, le fait que leur action se déroule manifestement
dans une ambiance déjà christianisée.2’ Jusqu’à present d’ailleurs, les
fouilles menées sur l’ile S. Giulio d’Orta n’ont pas décelé de traces
sOres d’occupation antérieures a la fin du VC siécle.22
La tache d’instaurer la pratique chrétienne chez les paysans que
les possessores sont conviés a assumer, loin d’étre signe de désen
gagement de la part de l’Eglise, constitue un aspect inédit des respon
sabilités qui incombent aux doinini a l’égard dc leurs sujets ; elle
s’inscrit pourtant d’une maniére cohérente dans leur systéme de rap-
ports mutuels, de mémc que leur mediation marque la dépendance
institutionelle du territoire par rapport a sa yule d’appartenance
les possessores sont associés d’autant plus aisément a la mission pas
torale des évéques que ceux-ci appartiennent au méme milieu social,
si cc n’cst pas par leur naissance, tout au moms en raison de lcurs
fonctions.2°
fra tarda Antiehità e alto Jvledioevo”, Alcteo des XII. Interootioooles Kongresses für Christliclie
Archdologze, Bonn 1991 (Jahrbuch für Antike ond Chriotentum, Erganzungohand 20,
Mflnoter, 1995), note 43 4 pp. 133-ouiv., qui cot revenue rhcemment our le oujet,
avec une pooition pluo prudente (Lad., “Edifici paleocriotiani nella dioeeoi di Novara
un aggiornamento”, cite n. 15).
21 G. Cantino Wataghin, dano C. Cantino Wataghin et L. Pani Ermini, “Santuari
martiriali e eentri di pellegrinaggio in Italia”, pp. 123-142, iei pp. 133-ouiv. Ead.,
“Oh apporti areheologici per Ia eonooeenza delle origini eriotiane di Novara”,
II (7ristionesi,no a .Nororo e sul territorio Ic origioi, pp. 71—103, iei p. 62, et prfcé
demment M. Perotti, “La Iegeodn dci oanti Giulio e Giuliano e gli inizi del erio
tianeoimo nd territorio novareoe”, .]V4vonen 19 (1989), pp. 171—198 voir auooi G.P.
Bognetti, “S. Maria forio Portao di Caoteloeprio e Ia otoria religiooa dci 1.ongobardi”,
L’età loogohordo, 2 (Milano, 1966), pp. 352-ouiv.. note 11 (auparavant dano C-P. Bognetti,
C. Chieriei et A. Dc Capitani d’Arzago, S. Mono di C”nstelsepno [Milano. 1948],
p. 444). qui date la Vito du VII” oiéclc, et C. Roooetti,”Contrihuto allo otudio dcl
l’originc c della diffiooione del eulto dci oanti in territorio milaneoe. S. Giuliano mar-
tire. I oanti eonfeooori Giulio prete e Giuliano diaeono”, (7ootributi deII’Istitoto di Storm
Medierozle 2 (1972), pp. 573—599 (XI” oiéele).
22 C. Pantô, “La ceramiea in Piernonte tra la fine dcl VI e ii X oecolo”, I.e cern
miche oltomedievoli (floe VI—X secoloj in Ito/in settentrionole prodozooe e commerci. 6” scm
mono sul Tordoontico e I’olto Medioeco in Itolin centrosettentnonnle, Monte Bnrro 1995. éd.
C.P. Brogiolo et S. Gelichi (Mantova, 1996), pp. 95—127, ici pp. 109-ouiv. ; L. Pejrani
Bariceo, “Edifiei paleocriotiani nclla dioeeoi di Novara: un aggiornamcnto”.
23
Sur ie rapport deo évhqueo avee leo ariotocratieo Ioealeo et Ic progréo de ha eon
veroion de eehleo-ei. voir Ch. Pietri, “Une ariotoeratie provinciale et la miooion chré
tienne : I’exemple de Ia Venetio”, Aquilein nd IV secolo (AntiehitS altoadriatiehe 22,
Udine, 1982), pp. 89—137 ; Id.. “Ariotocratie milanaioe. Pateno et ehrétieno au IV”
oiéele”, Felix teooftonis reporotio. Atti del Vooregno oreheologico ioteroarioonle ‘Milnoo copitole
CHRI5TIANI5ATION ET ORGANt5ATION ECCLE5IA5TIOUE 217
Les inscriptions funéraires sont la trace la plus précoce et la plus
évidente de la presence de chrétiens en dehors des villes ; celle-ci
parait tout a fait occasionnelle dans le cas de l’epitaphe de Lucius
Heltq”ius ou idius,), gravée sur une tuile et marquee par le christo
gramme, datee de 362, remployéc a Perti dans les fondations d’un
mur médiéval prés de l’églisc de Saint-Eusebe et provenant sans
doute de la nécropole romaine misc au jour a proximité ;2tjusqu’à
present cc témoignage est isolé, le premier diocese de Ligurie, celui
de Genes, n’étant attcsté qu’en 38 1,25 ct doit vraisemblablement
s’inscrire dans le cadre de la diffusion du christianisme au scm
des milieux marchands actifs dans les escales de la Méditerranéc.
Lc caractére chréticn est possible, mais non certain, pour la sepul
ture en sarcophage decouverte par hasard a Spinctta Marengo, prés
d’Alessandria, datéc du IV siéclc avancé, avec un depOt funéraire
dont faisait partic une coupe en verre doré, gravéc d’une scene de
chasse royale de type oriental enrichie d’une palme, qui se termine
par le monogramme chretien ;20 l’iconographie est sans paralléle pré
cis ; en tout cas, vu l’cmploi du sarcophage et la qualité des objcts,
la sépulture peut vraisemblablemcnt étrc attribuéc a un notable de
deli’Joopero romano”, .hlilono 1990, éd. C. Sena Chieoa et E. A. Arohan (Milano, 1992),
pp. 157—170. maintenant Christiooo respublico. pp. 981—1006 ; Id. “Ariotoeratic et
oociété eléricale” ; Craeco Ruggini. “Aquilcia e Concordia” (cite n. 12), pp. 62-ouiv.
C. Sotinel, “Le reerutement deo évCqueo en Italic aux IV” et \7” oiCcleo”, Vescom
postoi3 in epoca teodosiano. Jo occasiooe del XVI ceoteoorio dello coosocroiooe episcopole di
Agostioo, 396 1966. XXV Incootro di studiosi dellAnticloth cnistiooo, Roroo 1996 (Studia
Ephcmcridio Auguotinianum 58. Roma, 1997), pp. 193—204 voir auooi, 4 propoo
de Maxime de Turin, V. Zangara, “San Maooimo di orino”, p. 52 ; I). Devoti,
“Maooimo di Torino e ii ono pubbhico”, Augustioiooom 21 (1981), pp. 153—167 de
Caudence de Breoeia, R. Lizzi, “I veoeovi e i poteotn della terra definizione e
mite dcl mob epioeopale nelle due partes oopero fra IV e V occolo d. C.”, I.’irlqoe
dons lo citi do IV” no J siirle image et outoniti. Actes de in table roode orgooisie par
l’Istituto patnistico Aogostioinoom et l’Ecole fraoçnise de Rome, Rome 1995, Cd. E. Rebillard
et C. Sotinel (Collection de l’Eeolc françaioe de Rome 248, Rome, 1998), pp. 8 1—104,
ici pp. 1 00-ouiv.
24
C. Mcnnelha. “La pid antica teotimonianza cpigrafiea datata onl Criotianeoimo
in Liguria”, Rivisto Ing0000 e Ioteioelio, n. o. 36—37 (1981-1982). pp. 1 •8 ; N. Lamboghia,
“La neeropohi romana di Perti (Finale)”, Rivista Irgaooo e Iotemeiio 12 (1957), pp. 31- 47,
et, our le oite, A. Frondoni, “Perti. Sant’Euochio”, Archeologia (iristiana in Ligonio.Aree
ed edifici di rolto tm JV e XI serolo, éd A. Frondoni (Soprintcndenza Archeologiea
della Liguria, Cenova, 1998), n’ 13.
22
L’CvCque Diogeneo oigne au coneile d’AquihCe le premier CvCque d’Ahbenga
n’eot atteoté qu’en 451 : Lanzoni, I.e diocesi d’Jtoho, pp. 834-ouiv.
20
5 Finoeehi, “Vetri dorati incioi di derivazione oaooanide in una tomba tardo
antiea trovata ad Alcooandria”, Onieos natiquos 22 (1983), pp. 261-266 L. Mereando,
“Teotimonianze tardoantiehe nell’odicrno Piemonte”, Felix temponis mepomotio, p. 243.
218 GISELLA CANTINO WATAGHIN
la region plutOt qu’a un inconnu de passage, mort subitemcnt ct
enterré sur place.27 Du IV au VC siècles, lcs attestations indiscuta
bles de possessores chretiens fournies par l’épigraphie funéraire devien
nent relativement frequentes. Une série importante sc situe au
Piemont sud-occidental : a Pagno, l’inscription funéraire d’une Regina,
femme d’un Albinus claro sanguine, qui témoigne sans doute de la
presence dans la zone de Pagno de la famille des Clionii Rujli Albini,25
a Cavour celle de aprio1a, hones/a fern/na (datee de 420 on 446), a
Revello celle de Va/entinianus, mort en 489,° anxquelles s’ajontcnt les
marques sur tniles de S. Albano Stura, datées de 45 1—453 on 454,
faisant mention d’un conductor et d’nn subac/or3’ et confirmant en mème
temps l’organisation sur une base domaniale du territoire, qui relCve
du diocese de Turin, et l’adhesion an christianisme des propriétaires.
Un nombre très eleve d’inscriptions, datees des V—VIP siecles, a été
27
Ainsi Finoechi, “Vetri dorati incisi di derivazione sassanide”, p. 266. Des cuil
lères en argent dècorèes de scenes bibliques (Ic sacrifice d’Ahraham, les Mages, Ic
haptCme de Jesus) avaient èté retrouvèes en 1792 a Beano, près de S. C’anzian
d’Isonzo dans une sépulture attrihuCe a un membre de Ia famille des Eusebo, con
nue a AquilCe vers la moitiC du IVC siècle (AM. Cortinovis, Sspra un’iscrizisne greca
di Aqzoleza, 1972, pp. VI-suiv. ; G. Brnsin, “Aquileia paleocristiana. Cenni di storia
e di archeologia”, Aqzoleza Vèstra 2 [1931], cc. 123—164, ici 161—162). Quoiqu’en
dehors de la ville, le site peut difficilement Ctre considCrC comme rural au sens pro
pre du mot en fait, ii s’agit dun virus place Ic lung dune route importante, ca
raetèrisè par des implantations de type nrhain, telles des thermes monumentaux
(L. Bertacchi, “Uno straordinario mosaico flgurato tardoantico nd territorio di S. Can
zian d’Isonzo”, Acjudezo .J’/ostra 59 [1988], cc. 221—240), ofl déjà au IVC siècle est
construite one nsemsoa lièe an souvenir des martyrs beaux Cantius, Cantianus et
Cantianilla (M. Mirahella Roberti, “La basilica paleocristiana di San Canzian
d’Isonzo”, Aquileia Abstro 31 [1967], cc. 61—86 Picard, I.e sauvenzr des ivéques, pp. 580-
suiv. ; C. Cuseito, Mortiri cristiooi od Aqudein e in Istiia. Dsciooeoti archeslsgici e ques
tisni agisgcoJiclze [Trieste, 1992], pp. .55-suiv.).
s CII. \7, 7640 C. Mennella et C. Coceoluto, Inscobtisncs Christioone Ito/inc sep
;
taos soeculs ontiquisres, 9. Regin IX. Ligurio celiqun Irons et cis Ap/iconinurn (Ban, 1995),
n° 14, pp. 36-suiv.
25
G. Meooella, “Cristianesimo e latifondi tra Augusta Bagienuorum e Forum
Vihi Cahurrum”, Rivisto di Archeslogio Gristinno 69 (1993), pp. 205—222, ici pp. 218-
suiv. Id., “La cnistianizzazione rurale in Piemoote : il coutrihuto dell’epigrafia”,
Archeslogio in Pieozsote. II !tiedisers, ed. L. Mereando et F. Micheletto (Torino, 1998),
pp. 151—160, ici p. 155.
s C. Cresci Marrone. “Per la datazione dell’iscniziooe paleocnistiana di Revello”,
Rivisto di Acc/ieslngio Cristinon 59 (1983(. pp. 313-320.
s Mennella, “Cnistianesimo e latifoodi tra Augusta Bagieuuorum e Forum Vihi
Caburrum” un cooductsr est mentioonè encore dans une inscription de 645, retrou
vèe a San Dalmazzo di Saluzzo : C. Coccoluto, “Marciana, Rofia ed Evolus filius
cometis Hirice. ire schede per l’epigrafla altomedievale di Caraglio”, Cncng/is e /‘nccs
nlpins occideotnle Ira Aotichitâ e illedisevs. Aid del (entrs studi culturn e teoitsnis. 1 (Cuoeo,
1989), ici p. 101, n” 4 ; sun le prohlème, voir aussi C. Cautiuo \Vataghin, “Dinamiche
CHRISTIANISATION ET ORGANISATION ECCLESIASTIQUE 219
retrouvé en Lombardie dans la zone de Come,52 tandis que la par-
tie orientaic de l’Italie du Nord ne fournit jusqu’â present que des
exemples isoles, sans qu’on puisse préciser dans queue mesure le
hasard des découvertes et des fouilles pése sur ces données quanti
tatives.
Faute de renseignements dans les comptes rendus des découvertes
anciennes, le contexte d’origine des inscriptions et donc des sépul
—
tures qu’elles marquaicnt n’est que rarement connu ; on peut men
tionner le cas cxceptionnel d’Oriolo, prCs de Voghera, dans la province
de Pavie, oO l’on a mis au jour a la fin du xixe siècle les restes
d’un mausolée auquel appartient l’épitaphe d’un certain Agizellus, mort
en 463 ou 524 et enterré a côté de ses parents, Constant/us et Eterriola.33
Le mausolée familial sur le domaine devait ètre en effet le cas de
figure normal a l’origine et courant encore aux Vc_VF siécles, oil il
parait mème avoir connu un nouvel essor ; mais l’aménagement
d’une chapellc destinee a abriter les sépultures ou pourvue d’annexes
a destination funeraire doit également Ctre devenu frequent assez tOt,
a en juger par les edifices connus par les fouilles et d’aprés les reli
quaires des Ve_VF siécles qui ont été récupérés hors contexte, nom
breux surtout dans Ia region de Milan, provenant certainement
d’églises funeraires.34 Parmi celics-ci on peut évoquer celle de S. Vin
cenzo a Galliano, qui précCde l’églisc bâtie par Ariberto d’Intimiano,
della cristianizzazione oella diocesi di Torino : le testimouianze archeobogiehe”,
Alnssiozs di Tsrios, Atti dcl (.àuvcgos Ioternozisoo/e di Stodi nd XVI (Jeoteoocis del esoci/is
di Tsrios, Tsrios 1998 (Arehivio Teobogico Toninese 4 [1998, 2], 1onino, 1999),
pp. 18 49. ici pp. 41-suiv.
32
U. Monneret de Vibbard, “Iscrizioni cristiane della provincia di Como aote
non al sec. XI”, Rivistn Arches/sgicn del/’noticn Prsviucin e Disccsi di Crow 65—66 (1912)
Sannazano, Ln cdstinoizzoeisne del/c nree rum/i del/n Lsoibnrdin (cite n. 20) ; Id.,
“Mateniali aneheobogici pabeoenistiaui e altomedievali, (nmtn orchcslsgico del/n Ln,obnmdio,
4. In Frorincin di Leers, ed. S. Casiui (Modena, 1994), pp. 284—316.
n CII. V, 2736 : C. Menoella. “Le iscnizioni paleocnistiane di ortoua e deIb’agno
tontonese”, Tnrtson po/escristinno. Tspsgma in, dscuineotnzisoe epilrnjien, ed. MC. Pnofumo
et C. Mennelba (Tortona. 1982), pp. 105—229, ici p. 126 ; Sannazaro, In eristinnie
neisoe del/c once mm/i del/n Lninbnmdin, pp. 64-suiv. ; les doonèes sun la fouille soot
prèsentèes par A. Maragliaoo, L’nntieo b/ide emistinon scnpertn in Omis/n (j/er /‘orc/ies/sgin
vsg/zemese,) (Casteggio, 1909).
14
C. Baserga, “Antiehe eapselbe liturgiche in Bmiauza”, Rivistn (sins 48—49 (1904),
pp. 100 -120 C. Bozzi, “La capselba di Bnivio e ib suo contnibuto allo studio della
pnimitiva chiesa pbebana di Bnivio”, Csntriboli de//’Istilots di Amc/zes/sgzn dc//LToivcr3ita
(.‘ntts/icn del Sncrs Cosre, s. 3, 1 (Mibano, 1967), pp. 159—169 M. Mirahella Rohemti,
‘Itioerami per la Bmianza nomana”, Slsrin di Msno e del/n Brinnen (Milano, 1976),
pp. 11—71, ici pp. 65-suiv. ; Saooazamo, In cristinoizeneisne dc//c once corn/i del/n Lsoibnmdin,
p. 144, note 208 Id., “Capselle pen mebiquie”, itlilnon cnpitnlc, pp. 301-suiv.
220 GI5ELLA CANTINO WATAGHIN
oil aux tombes mises au jour dans la uef au cours de fouillcs récentes
s’ajoutent les inscriptions datCes du milieu du VC au VIP siCcles
rCcupérCes a l’occasion de Ia rCfection du debut du XL siècle ;33
relic mise au jour derniCremcnt prés de Varone, dans la basse val
lée du Sarca, au nord du lac de Garde (S. Maria del Pernone,
attribuée au V siCcle. est un edifice a nef unique comme le précC
dent, aver une abside orientée ; Ia nef est occupCe par des tombes
a disposition irréguiiCre’( ; relic de Saint-Jean Baptiste de Cesano
Boscone, dont la découverte est ègalement récente, marquee par
deux annexes svmétriques prés de Fabside formant un plan cruci
forme bien connu en Itahe septentrionale et en miheu alpin.3 La
distinction entre ehapelle et mausolée n’est pas toujours evidente, la
presence dune abside étant en soi tin argument faible, tout autant
que le christianisme des defunts attesté par les inscriptions dans les
cas qu’on vient de mentionner, la fonction cultuelle est assurée par
les aménagements liturgiques et/ou par l’emplacement des tornbes
a S. Vincenzo a Galhano, le ehur, dont le sol est en opus sec/lie,
est surClevé par rapport a la nef. dont le sol est en mortier ; l’ah
side de l’église de S. Maria del Pernone est marquee par la presence
d’un loculus-reliquaire cruciforme a Cesano Boseone, les tomhes
sont plaeees dans l’une des annexes. Les limites des fouilles, qui
s’ètendent rarement a toute ia surface du site coneernC, ne font que
eompliquer le probléme, ne permettant pas de trancher entre les
diffCrentes hypotheses on eitera, entre autres, i’exemple de Lu
(province d’Alexandrie), on a été fouillée i’église haptismale S. Giovanni
di Mediliano, qui s’instalie aux VIIP-IX siéeles snr une aire funéraire
remontant a l’Antiquité tardive d’une eouehe de remblai provient
one inscription chretienne datable du VI’ siècle ; en l’état actuel
“
G.P. Brogiolo, “CantO (GO), ehiesa di S. Vincenzo di Galliano. Saggi di seavo
nella navata mecliana”, .Voti.tiario del/a Sopriotenderua Arches/ag/ca del/a Lombard/a, 1 98 1,
pp. 103—105 ; Id., “S. Vineenzo di Galliano : Jo seavo delia navata centrale”,
Artheologia a (Jan01 da/la Fre/storia al Med/seas (Cant/i, 1991), pp. 133—156 ; Sannazaro,
La cristiaaiz.azione del/c aree rura/i del/a Lombard/a, pp. 67-siAv. et 83-nOv. ; Id.,
“Areheologia a S. Vineenzo : i vecehi ritrovamenti”, Arc/ieologia a (Jan01, pp. 111—132.
E. Cavada, “Elementi rornani e germani nd territorio alpino tra Adige e
Sarea”, pp. 120-suiv., oO ion troovera aussi leo donnbcs sur leo sépoltores et les
dépôts fonéraires ; td., “In summa/aco : continnitO a diseontinoitO dell’insediamento”.
A. Ceresa Mon. “Cesano Boscone (Mij. Chiesa di S. Giovanni Battista”, Bulletin
de l’Aasociatiou pour l’Aatiquiti Tardive 5 (1996), pp. 48—53.
n G. Mennelia, dans P. Demeglio et G. Menneila, ‘i.u. Pieve di San Giovanni
di Mediliano e territorio circostante”. Quaderni del/a Sopnntendenca Arches/ag/ca dcl Fiemonte
13 (1995), pp. 315 317, ici p. 317.
CHRJSTL&NISATION ET ORGANI5ATJON ECCLE5IASTIQUE 221
des connaissances, on ne connait pas de chapelle contemporaine sur
Ic site, cc qui porte a eroire a la simple presence de l’inhumation
d’une chrétienne dans la nécropole ; mais seul l’intCrieur de l’église
do haut Moyen-Age a été fouillé on ne peut donc pas exclure
qu’une chapelle ait existé, a un autre emplacement.3° On peut évo
quer aussi le eas d’Appiano Gentile o, sur le site de I’eglise Saint
Etienne, dans une zone de sépultures dofl provient unc inscription
chrétienne retrouvée en 1881, une abside a été misc au jour, dont
la fonction originelle n’a pas éte entièrement éclaireie par Ia fouille,
pourtant trés sérieuse.tO
Cette difilcuhé d’interpretation correspond d’ailieurs a une ambigulté
de fonetions, qu’a la fin du V siècle nous fait eonnaitrc une lettre
du pape Gélase, adressee a l’evêque de Sora, concernant le pro
bléme des rites célebrés dans un mausolee construit in possesstontbus
propriis par unc t[agetia. spec/obiiis fern/no : ils ne sont autorisés, et a
titre cl’exeeption. que dans les limites des defunc/orurn nouune officio,
a caraetére privé.t’ Ii paralt evident quc la pratique depasse les dis
positions ecelésiastiqucs et qu’un edifice funeraire peut devenir une
chapelle ouverte au public selon toute vraisemhlanee. e’est cette
evolution que marque l’adjonetion d’une abside a des edifices qui
en sont dCpourvus a l’origine . Ainsi a Garlate le mausoléc mis au
jour par les fouilles dans l’églisc de S. Stefano, bati au eours do V
siècle dans le eontexte d’un edifice romain auquci est liee entre
autres l’inseription du vir illustris Pier/us, identihé avec le rnogister tnt/i
turn d’Odoacre mort en 489 reçoit aprCs coup une abside, dont
—
Ia destination eultuelle est confirmée par les reliquaires retrouvCs en
1896 dans un dépôt au dessous du maItre-autel ; la mème evolution
°
P. Demeglio. “Note prehminari snll’indagine areheoiogiea alla pieve di San
Giovanni di Medihano a Lu (Alessandria)”, Att/ dcl I Gangrcsss Jviec,iana/e di Arches/ag/a
.llcdieea/c, lisa /997, éd. S. Geliehi (Firenze, 1997), pp. 275—279 Id., “Risnhati
delle recenti indagini areheologiehe presso Ia pieve di Mediliano 1997—1998)”,
Jllsnferrata, ante e stan/a 10 (1998), pp. 49—59 td., “San Giovanni di Mediliano
(Alessandria) ona pieve altomedievale e il soo flinte battesimale”, L’cdificis battesi
ma/c in Ita//a (comme note 1) son Ic theme de Ia mart du chritien par rapport a Ia
maci chritienne voir P-A. Févnier, “La mont chrCtienne”, Sc.çmi c n/ti ne//a chiesa a/kane
diem/c accidcnta/c. Scttiin. di Spa/eta 33(1985), 2, pp. 881—942, ici pp. 88 I-soiv.
o D.
Gaporosso et P. Biockey, “Appiano Gentile (Gomo). Saggi di scavo davanti
aILs elnesa di S. Stefano”, Rinista arches/ag/ca dc//’ant/ca Frasincia c Diaccsi di Casio 175,
1993 (1994), pp. 269—292 poor l’inscniption, voin A. Palestra, V/site pastsna/i a//c
picA an/ancsi. I (Finenze, 1977), p. 677.
Ep. 33 (Cd. Thiel, p. 488) Violante, “Le strottone onganizzative deHa cona
d’anime nelle eampagne” (cite n. 1), pp. 988-soiv.
42
G.P. Brogiolo, G. Bellosi, L. Donatiotto et [3. Possenti, “Seqoenza di etO romana
e inedievale nella Pieve di Ganlate (Leeco)”, Atti dcl I Gangrcou .Vaziana/e di Aohes/sgia
 222 GISELLA CANTINO WATAGHIN
a été relevée a Ossuccio, dans la province de Come, dans les fouilles
de l’eglise Saint-Sisinnius et Sainte-Agathe : a un rnausolée presque
carré, entièrement occupé par des sépultures, est ajoutéc une abside
dont le sol est surélevé et dans laquelle se trouve une tombe privi
légiée, accolée a un loculus un reliquaire en argent, qu’on peut attribuer
a cette phase, était place dans la niche orientale de l’autel roman.43
La tendance des edifices funéraires a assumer une fonction cultuelle
doit s’être accentuCe avec le temps. puisqu’â partir du Liber diurnus,
l’ahscnce de sépultures fait expliciternent partie des conditions exigées
pour qu’on puisse procéder a la consecration d’un oratoire.44
Un problème analogue se pose avec les oratoires bâtis sur les
domaines par les soins des propriétaires qui, de lieux de devotion
personnelle, dépourvus de clergé permanent, peuvent devenir le cen
tre du culte d’une communauté plus ou moms étendue, a partir de
celle dont les proprietaires mémes sont les référents. En principe,
pour qu’ils puissent étre ouverts au public, la consecration et la dé
dicace par l’evCque s’imposent celui-ci, dans la province ecclésias
tique de Rome, ne peut proceder sans l’autorisation préalable du
pape : sine summi pontjficis auctoritate ecciesiam conditam non posse dedicari,
affirme Gélase en s’adressant a nfl évéque inconnu ;15 mais mani
festement ii intervient pour régulariser Ia position dun oratoire qui
en fait était déja. frequcnte, et clans lequel des messes publiques
étaient célébrées. Ce n’était certainement pas un cas isolé ; les limi
tes entre oratoire privé et oratoire offert aux fidCles par l’evcrgetisme
anstocratique sont pourtant difficiles a saisir en s’appuvant seulement
Medierale, pp. 254-260 ; G.P. Brogiolo, “Cli scavi della Pieve di S. Stelano di
Garlate”, Lecco Economia, 2, 1998. pp. 1—8 du tire a part pour les reliquaires et
leo inscriptions voir L. Caramel. I.e testimonianze paleocristiane ,510a di Slonza
.
del/a Brian.:a Itlilano, 1976. pp. 98—suiv. : Sannazaro. La cris/iani,3.3a:ione del/c aree
isliali del/a Lcnnhardia cite is. 20). p. 71 Ct In., ‘Materiali archeologici paleocrisuani
e altomedievah” (cite is. 32), pp. 287-suiv.
D. Caporusso. “Ossuccio (CO. Chiesa di S. Agata e S. Sisinnio. Scavi arche
ologici”, .iVotuiario del/a Soprintendena ircheo/ogica del/a Losnha,dia, 1994, pp. 173—174
D. Caporusso et P. Blockev. “Ossuccio CO Scavi archeologici nella chiesa di
. christianisation de l’espace et du terrips.A. L’eiablissemcnt materiel de I’Eglice aux
S. Sisinnio e S Agata”. L’antica cia Regina. Tia g/i itinerasi stradali e Ic ant/the tie e/’ac
.
qua del Cornasco Como. 1995:, pp. 243—250 D. Caporusso, “Ossuccio CO), chicsa
di S. Sisinnio e S. Agata”, ibid., pp. 251-275.
Violante, “Le strutture organizzative della cura d’anime”, pp. 992-suiv.
; en
général sur Ic rapport inhumation/Cglise ii CO. Sapin. “Dan” l’Cglise on hors
leglise, quel choix pour l’inhurné 7,, ,irclsis/ogie du cimeti/ri’ c/silt/en ides do 2’ co//oque
,-IRCJ-lEi. Orleans 1994, Cd. H. GaliniC H E. Zadora-Rio Fours. 1966..
pp. 65—78.
Ep. 25 Cd. Thicl, pp. 391—392) Violante, ‘Le strutture organizzative della
cura d’anime”, p. 983.
CHRISTIANISATION ET ORGANISATION ECCLESIASTIQUE 223
sur les données archeologiques :46 Si celles-ci confirment la relation
entre fondations paléochrétiennes et établissenlent ruraux, le nom
bre d’églises construites dans le cadre de villas s’accroissant pro
gressivement a la suite de nouvelles découvertes, Ia question cle la
continuité et des modalités éventuelles d’occupation de l’éclifice tar
doromain, et done de l’attribution de l’eglise a la villa méme plutOt
qu’à un habitat disperse environnant, reste le plus souvent ouverte,
faute de f’ouilles suffisamment Ctendues et du fait des problémes de
repérage que posent les formes nouvelles prises par les structures
matérielles. Ii est évidemment encore moms possible de préciser
d’aprCs la documentation archeologique Si la fondation d’un oratoire
est l’ceuvre d’une catégorie particuliCre tel qu’un évêque ou un autre
membre de la hierarchic ecclesiastique.1’
Dans leur diversité, les sites de Manerha et de Palazzo Pignano,
ainsi que cclui de Sizzano publié tout récemment, éclairent bien la
complexité d’une situation on l’initiative privée. misc en uvre a
des niveaux socio-economiques et culturels différents. conduit des
résultats pen comparahies, et ofl la destination de l’édifice n’apparaIt
pas tout a fait univoque ni sans changemcnts. A Manerba (Brescia),
un petit oratoire est associé ii quelques maisons en bois qui s’instal
;46
lent aux VI—VIP siCcies sur lcs restes d’une villa romaine
Sizzano (Novare). l’oratoire Sc présente comme une Cglisc de dimen
sions moyennes, a nef unicjue et abside outrepassCe fianquCe de
deux annexes, construite dans le secteur sud-occidental d’une vaste
villa hahitCe encore au V’ siécle des tombes. datCes des VUVIIC
siécles, sont accolées dans une deuxiéme phase a FextCricur du mur
sud ; seule une sCpulture d’cnfant trouve place dans l’eglise
;4
a
Palazzo Pignano (Crémone) enfin, il s’agit d’une villa grandiose,
construitc aux IV—V siCcies sur une installation du premier age
°
Ch. Pietri, “Aristocratic et société ulbricale dans I’Italie chrétienne au temps
d’Odoacre et de Théodoric”, Me/anges de /‘Eco/efrancaise de Rome 93 (1991), pp. 417—467,
ici pp. 428-suiv., maintenant Cloistiana respub/ica, pp. 1018-suiv. F. Monfrin, “La
\‘c
et VI. siCcies”. [lists/re dii Christianisme, 3. Leo Egli.o’s d’Orient et d’Occident. Cd.
L. Pietri çParis, 1998). pp 959—1014, ici pp. 994-suiv.
Pour cc type de fondations voir Violante, “Le strutture organizzative della cura
d’anirnc”, pp. 995-suiv. L’Cvolution des villas de la region pendant l’AntiquitC tar-
dive a Cit l’nhet d’un colloque en 1995 : La fine del/c ti//c romane (cite is. 11.
N1.O.H Carver, S. 7olassa et G.P. Broriolo, “Seqtienza insediativa romana e
altomedievale alla Pieve di Nianerha ‘BS ,4rches/ngia Slediss’a/e 9 1982,. pp. 237-298.
“.
.
L. Pejrani Baricco, “Edifici paleocristiani nella diocesi di Novara un aggior
namento”. pp. 80-suiv.
 224 GI5ELLA CANTINO WATAGHIN
imperial. dont fait partie une èglise a plan circulaire et amhulatoire
intèrieur dèlimitè par six piliers ;50 en se fondant sur le toponvme.
Ia villa a ètè misc en rapport avec Pinianus. membre bien connu de
Ia famille romaine des Valerii Seven on suppose qu’cnsuite cue a
appartenu S un haut fonctionnaire du royaume lombard ;31 par con
tre, les arguments font dèfant pour la considèrer comme une rèsi
dence èpiscopale, Ia presence d’une petite cuve haptismale dans une
annexe n’ètant pas un facteur significatif.32 En fait, l’interdiction
formelle du pape Pélage F’ qu’un baptistere soit construit auprès
d’un oratoire privè itt in eodem love neefutunis teinponibus baptistenia
.
constnuantur5° montre que c’ètait bien une possibilitè rècllc, s’ètant
acccntuèe sans doute du Ve au VIe siècle, et considèrée comme un
abus a rèprimer sans hesitation. La preoccupation de l’Eglisc de
règlemcnter unc situation jusqu’S un certain point confuse et qu’clle
ne maitrise pas cntièrcrncnt et de s’assurer Ic contrôlc des edifices
dc culte relevant d’initiatives privècs permet dc cornprcndre l’èvolu
tion de l’èglise misc au jour S Centallo, dans la province de Cunco
cette èglisc est construite au 510 siècle sur Ics restes tune villa
romaine dètruitc par un inccndic cntrc la fin du IV et ic debut du
siecle. dont lcs structures sont rcmployècs, complètècs par une
ahsidc orientèc une cuve baptismale est installèc dans unc annexe
dans une dcuxième phase, datèe du VI’ siècle. la cuve cst èliminèe ct
50
G. )Iaosari. F. Rotha .N1. Bolla ci D. Caporusso. “La villa tardoromana di
Palazzo Pignano Crernona “. Co’iusna roinana. A/ti del congresso stories are/reologiro per 11
2200’ anno difondazione di Creinsna. Creinona 1982 Crernona. 1985’, pp. 185—227
E. Roflia. Ii complesso di Palazzo Pignano Ia villa”. .llilano isipita/e. p. 266.
‘ quc caractèriscnt lcs amènagements liturgiques, l’ahsence de sepulturcs
M. Mirahella Rolsern, “Le ricerehe di areheologia eristiana in Lomhardia dal
1958 al 1968”, At/i dclii (6rsrgresso ,Vawaale di Are/ieolsgia (Ssstiana. Sisters 1969 (CittS
del Vaticano, 1971), pp. 337—354, in pp. 344-suiv. ; A. Ambrosioni et S. Lusuardi
Siena, “Trezzo e le terre defl’Adda nell’alto Medioevo”, La nerropoli longobarda di
7}c.s d’Adda, Od. E. Rotha Firenze, 1986), pp. 167 234.
22
Massari et aL, “La villa tardoromana di Palazzo Pignano” ; Roffia, “II camp
lesso di Palazzo Pignano : la villa” ; L. Passi Pitcher, “II complesso di Palazzo
Pignano i hattistero”, Alilano cap/tale, pp. 266—267 our Ia question voir déjà
C. Cautino Wataghin, “11 territorio”, dans G.P. Brogiolo et C. Cantino Wataghin,
“Tardoantico e alto Medioevo nd territorio padano. Il territorio”, La storia dell’alto
.tfedisevs its/sans (VI—X sees/fl a//a lure de//’are/seo/sgia. C’onregno internazisaa/e, Sims 1992,
Ld. S. Cehehi et C. NoyO (Firenze, 1994), pp. 141—150, ici p. 146 ; Ead., “Leo
edifices a rotonde de l’AntiquitC tardive quelques remarques”. (So//assie de Vs/piano
et /‘aohiteeture des rotondes. Ar/es dii es//omjae de Dfoa 1993, Cd. NI. Jannet et Ch. Sapin
Difln. 1996), pp. 203—228, iei p. 219.
Pm/a’S papse epsstu/ae rjuae .aspersunt 6556—561). éd. P.M. Casoô Ct CM. Battle
Senpta et documenta 6. Nlontoerrat. 1956,. n” 86. pp. 209 211 Violante. “Le
strutture organizzative della cura d’anime”, p. 994.
CHRI5TIANISATION ET ORGANI5ATION ECCLE5IA5TIQUE 225
l’èglise et scs annexes sont progrcssivemcnt occupèes par des inhu
mations, dont les plus anciennes sont mises en place justc avant la
suppression du haptistèrc.54 On ne connait pas l’cnvironncmcnt dc
l’eglise, qui scule a etè fouillèc ; rnais tout semblc indiquer qu’elle
a ete fondèe au V0 siècle par un possessor sur sa propriètè, en taut
qu’edifice au service d’une communautè, dans unc interpretation
etenduc de la tache confiec par l’èvèquc d’assumer la rcsponsahilitè
de la pratique religieusc de ses dèpendants ; dans une phase ultè
ricure, quand l’organisation ccclèsiastique se met en place, l’eglise
est ramcnèe S un role conforme a la fonction funerairc qu’elle a
cntre temps assumèc : a cet egard il convicnt de rcmarqucr quc lc
site se trouvc dans lc PiCmont meridional, zone èvoquèe precedem
mcnt oil de grands domaines sont attestès, dans une partie du vaste
diocese dc Turin assez èloignèc du centre episcopal, ct que, d’autrc
part, a la suppression du baptistèrc pent avoir fait pendant la fon
dation d’une autre eglise baptismale, Saint-Michel, attcstèc comme
“pieve” au XIII’ siècle.55
.Les égiites baptismales
La volonte dc l’Eglisc d’organiser la vie chrèticnne dans la cam
pagne en taut quc tcrritoire relevant d’un diocese, evidentc dans les
lettrcs dc Gelasc et dc Pèlage F’, sc concrètisc en mème temps dans
la fondation des eglises haptismales ics paroeeiae dont ii est ques
tion dans la lettrc de Gelasc aux evequcs Maximc et Eusèhe5”
a l’intèrieur de I’èdificc, ct surtout la visihilitè du haptistere, sans pour
tant qu’un eritère absolu de determination puisse ètrc dèfini on a
1,. Pejrani Baricea, dans E. Mieheletta et L. Pclrani Barieco, “Archeolagia
funeraria e abitativa in Piemante tra \7 e VII seenla”, L’italia centrs-settentriona/e in
etC longobards, Atti del Conregns, Asroli Firms 1995, Cd. L. Paroli (Firenze, 1997),
pp. 295344. ici pp. 330—suiv. ; C. Mennella et C. Caccoluto, Regis a (cite a. 28),
pp. 33-suiv., an. 11 et 17—18 ; C. Mennella, “La criotianizzazione rurale in Piemante
il contrihuto dell’epigrafia” (cite a. 29), pp. l54-suiv.
55
Pejrani Barieca, “Archeologia funeraria e abitativa in Piemonte”, p. 333
Cantino Wataghin. “Dinamiche della cristianizzazione nella diocesi di Torino” (cite
n. 31), pp. 44-suis. l’hvpathCse que l’Cglise Saint-Micliel sait fondCe a l’Cpoque
lombarde cot avaneCe, en raison de Ia dCdicace, par C. Casiraghi, La disresi di Tsans
nd Siedisers LBiblioteca Starica Suhalpina 196. Torina, 1979), pp..59 et 135.
“
Fragas. 17. Cd. Thiel. pp. 492—493:Violante. “Le strulture organizzative della
cura danime”. PP 976-suiv.
 ‘1
226 GISELLA CANTIN0 WATAGHIN
remarqué récemment, et non sans raison, qu’il est difficile de distin
guer les églises fondées a l’initiative de l’Eglise des chapelles édifiécs
in agro ouvertes aux communautés locales, avec un clergC propre qui
y célébre une synaxe publique.57 La documentation archéologique
est de plus en plus considerable : le recensement fait en 1998, a l’oc
casion du séminaire sur les origines de la paroisse rurale organisC
a Rome par les Seinmari di artheologza cristiaoa, est déjà depassé ;58 le
tableau dessiné par les restes d’édifices est a completer par les in
scriptions funeraires, qui font mémoire de memhres du clergé.59
A quelques exceptions prés. les cas connus d’eglises haptismales
sont dates des VU_VP siécles, sans que la chronologie puisse étre
mieux précisee une chronologie plus haute a été proposée en
plusieurs occasions pour tel ou tel autre edifice, mais souvent sans
arguments convaincants ; l’ensemble de Villeneuve, prés d’Aoste,
reste un des rares exemples dont Ia datation en plein VU siecle paraisse
hien assurée.6° On remarquera Ia convergence des donnécs archéo
logiques et des sources, puisque Gélase mentionne lcs paroeciae
comme une réalite assez réceute.6’ De l’ouest a l’est de la region. les
solutions architecturales et fonctionnelles adoptécs varient, selon les
traditions de construction. les disponihilites financiéres, les contrain—
tes du site, Ia presence et Ia diffusion de modeles influents, toutes
variables qui restent encore en grande partie a explorer ; on se bornera
ici a évoquer quelques cas d’espéce. Villeneuve présente un exem
ple jusqu’à present isolé d’un groupe forme par deux églises de part
Nlontrin. “La ebristianisation de l’espaee et dn temps’ cue n. 46 p. 996. .
G.P. Brogiolo. C. Cantino XVataghin et S. Geliehi. “L.’Italia settentrionale”
vow aussi V. Fioeellj Nieolai et S. Geliehi. “Bauisteri e ehiese rurali in Italia”.
L4diliew batlesiniale in Ito/in cite n. 1. Des ajouts viendront sans donte de Ia reeherehe
annoneee par NI. Sannazaro. Insediamenn rurali e eee/eszne bnptrsntn/es in Friuli 6
connibuto della ricerea areheologiea”. an programme du XIV Congresso inter
nazionale di studi sull’alto N [edioevo, Pails Diacsns e ii Fun/i altonsedietale (sece. VJ—X,),
qut se tiendra I Cividale du 24 an 29 septembre 1999.
A remarqner les reserves avaneCes I eet Cgard par Cb. Pietri : “Ia testimo
nianza degli epitafi elerteali isolati, dispersi easnalmente, seeondo Ic sepolture, non
attesta neeessariamente la presenza di eomunitI parroeehiali” (“Chiese e eomnnitI
beau nell’Oeeidente eristiano [IV—VI D.C.] : l’esempio deha Gallia”. Sine/C rsnsnnn
e Iinps’ss tnrdsnntien, éd. A. Giardina, 3. I.e moo, gil insedinnsenti [Ban, 1986]. pp. 761—795
[maintenant Christinnn oapuhlien. pp. 475—521]. iei p. 773 [p. 487].
R. Peninetti. “Cli ediflei paleoeristiani di Villeneuve .‘tosta Alit del 11 (.bngeeso
.‘inzinnnle di Areheslsgin C’ristiono. Pesnrs-Anesnn 1983 .\neona. 1985 pp. 899—823
.
Id.. “Valle d’Aosta “ides dii XI’ Cnngnis Internntisnal d’.4oiilslsgie CInilienne cite n. 2,
pp. 2245—2253. iei pp. 2249-sniv. Ch. Bonnet et R. Perinetn Anile nsx preoness
loops cho’liens Aoste. 1986. pp.55-suiv.
Violante. “Le strnttnre organizzative della enra d’anime”. pp. 980-suiv.
r
cHRI5TIANI5ATION ET ORGANI5ATION EcOLE5IA5TIQuE 227
et d’autre dun haptistere, qui s’inscrit dans Ic cadre des “basiliques
doubles”, contrairement a l’eglise episcopale d’Aoste toute proche ;52
le modéle urbain est evident a Invillino, on l’enscmblc du Colle di
Zuca réunit une église du type “eglise-halle” courant dans la zone
d’Aquilee, sans abside et avec syntlzronos detache du mur de fond, et
unc triconque qui la flanque au nord, precede par le baptistere.53
Plus souvent l’cnsemblc est constitué par une église et le baptistere,
que ce dernier soit un edifice autonome c’est le cas de Mergozzo.51
Cureggio.52 Incino,5° Cornacchio5 qu’il soit une annexe de l’eglise
—,
elle-memc comme dans plusicurs sites du Piémont, tels Lenta,65
S. Ponso Canavese,tm3 mais aussi a Riva Ligure,2° Bedizzole (Brescia’),71
52
C. Cantino Wataghin, “Le ‘basiliehe doppie’ paleoenistiane nelI’Italia setten
trionale : la doeumentazione areheologiea”, Anliqutli Tardive 4 (1966), pp. 115—123
snr la eathedrale d’Aoste voir en dernier lien R. Perinetti, “Le nsassit occidental de
Ia cathéclrale d’Aoste”. Acnnl-nefc ci esnees d’neeaed dons l’glise entie Ic 1W ci Ic 5.’II’
slid/es. (L4//sque oilernnltsnnl, Aucerre 1999, s. p.
N’, Bierhrauer. IhIgs—Incillins in Feinnl. 2. Die sjsi’/tnnli/een and fndonillelnlterltehen
Idrehen Nltinehen, 1988; ponr une ssnthCse de la question, voir N. Duval et
f-P. Caillet. “l,a recherche sun les églises doubles depnis 1936 : historique et
blématique”. Antiqnttl Tendon 4 1996:, pp. 22 37. wi pp. 33-smv. pour la dénomi
nation cl “Cglise—halle”. voir N. Duval. “Quelques remanques sot le.s ‘Cgltses babIes”,
Aquilein nd Il’ sees/n (AntiehitI altoadriatiebe 22, Udine, 1982;, Pp. 399412.
L. Pejrani Barieeo, “Nlontorlbno di Nlergozzo, ehiesa di S. Giovanni”, Fish/cost
di esn.seivn.finne e lute/n nd .A1scnrese (Borgomanero, 1984), pp. 67—79 Ead., “Edifici
paleocristiani nella diocesi di Novara un aggionnamento”, pp. 78-suiv.
L. Pejrani Barieco, “Cureggio (NO). Battistero di S. Giovanni”, Qundernt del/n
Snjsrinlendenzn Aseheslsgien del Pieninnte 5 (1986), ,\Clizinrin, pp. 212—213 Ead., “Ediflci
palcoeristiani nebla diocesi cli Novara”, pp. 76-smi
5, Geliebi. “Il eompbesso pbchano di Ineino ; Enba_Como abba Inee dci nuovi
seavi”. Bulletin de TAssseinlisn psur lAntiquili Tone/ice 5 :1996 PP
‘
Loc. Niotta della Girata : S. Patitneci Uggeni. \\allc Pega Neeropoli presso
.
l’eeelesin hentne .lfnrine in Pods I 7ten”, .Vsli.:ie Semi. 1970, pp. 69—121 Ead.. “Aspctti
dellinsenliamento nell’area lagunare a nord di Ravenna tra tarnloantieo e alto Me
dioevo”,X,V.V (.é;sn di eu/taco in//or/c ,ncennnte e bi:nntinn Ravenna. 1983, pp.391—342.
E. Gareni Caniati, “l.a pieve di S. Stefarto di Lenta ; nota prelintinare sni
risultati dello seavo”, Arle e Storm di LenIn. il/li del (Anc/gnn di Stat/i, I.enln 1981 çVercelli,
1986), pp. 229—242 ; L. Pejrani Barieco, “Recenti seopente di areheologia enistiana
in Piernonte”, Aetes du XI’ esngris Internntisnnl d’Arehislngie (Jhrilienne (cite n. 2),
pp. 2253 2261, ici p. 2258 ; Ead.. “Chiese hattesimali in Piemonte seavi e sco
perte”, L’edi/ieis bnltesiotnle in I/n/in (cite n. l.
L. Pejnani Baricco, “San Ponso Canavese : Ia pieve antica c il hattistero”.
Bsllellinn dAne. s. NI. 64 1979’. pp. 83—96 ; Lad., “Chiese hattesimali m Piemonte”
!
cite n. 68
26
Ph. Pergola. P. Battistelli. F. Cocehini. NI. Giacohelli. EM. Loreti et R .NIar
torelli. “Noove ricerebe sub eomplesso cristiano tardoantico e altomedievale di Capo
Don a Riva Ligure”. En//eaton d’Ao’e 55 1989 pp. 45—56 .
A. Frondoni. “Riva
Ligune”, Areheslggin enislinnn in Lfionin cite n. ‘24 n 3.
,
A. Brenla et I. \‘enlnnini, “Bedizzole BS, Iocalith Pontcnovc. Indagint nd
I
228 GISELLA CANTINO WATAGHIN
Cesano Bosconc, près de Milan,72 Ragogna an Frioul73 ou encore
que la cuve soit placCe a l’intérieur de l’eglise ainsi a Finale Ligure,74
Buja (Udine).75 Si le plan de l’église est assez uniforme, la nef unique
étant le type le plus frequent, Ic haptistére est selon les cas octogo
nal (Cureggio, Castelseprio),7° carrC (memo), voire de plan lobe
(GravedonaL7’ Faute de chronologies assurées et précises. le role
éventuel quc jour le facteur temps dans ces différcnts choix archi
tccturaux n’est pas évident.m Dr méme. les données archeologiques
n’apportent pas de contribution a la question de fond, a savoir si la
fondation des Cglises haptismales répond a une forme quelconque dc
programme episcopal. ou si rile ressort au pragrnatismc. correspon
dant progressivemcnt aux dvnamiques de l’hahitat en fait. nos con
naissances sur irs installations rurales de I’Antiquite tardive et du
haut Moyen-Age sont trés rCduites, et, a i’exception du cas tout a
fait particulier de castra. le raccord des eglises connues avec l’envi
ronnemdnt demeure hypothétiquc.7° En tout cas, la distance entrc
programme et pragmatismc n’est prohablement pas aussi grande
qu’elle peut paraitre ; c’est d’un cornpromis entre les différentes corn
larea della pieve, ,Voti.iario della Sop rintendora rliiheologica della Lombardia 1995 1997.
pp. 225 227 : A. Breda. La pieve c ii haitistero di Pontenove Brescia) fra tarda
Antichita e basso \ledioevo”, L’ed4firio batiesi,nale in 1/nSa. s. p.
72
A. Ceresa Mon. Cesano Boscone 1\II Chirsa di S. Giovanni Baitista”, Bulletin
.
de l’Association pour l)Antiquité ‘Tardii’r 5 l996. pp. 48—53.
°
S. Lusuardi Siena ct L. Villa. “(.½struni Reunia (Ragogna. lidine) : gil scavi
nella chiesa di S. Pietro in Castello”, Scan methevali in Italia 1994—1995, At/i della
Prima GonJèrena Italiana di Archeoloi,’ia Slethetale. (Jassino 1995, Sd. S. Patitucci Uggeri
(Rorna-Freihurg-Wien, 1998). pp. 179--i 98 Itt., “II hattistero della pieve di San
Pietro in Castcllo a Ragogna (Udine). 1. edificio bat/es imale in Italia, s. p.
°
A. Frondoni. “Pieve dei Cappuccini cheologia cristiana in Liguria, n° 11.
°
G.C. Menis, “Ricerche archeologiche alla Pieve di Buja (Friuli). Relazione pre
liminare delle campagne 1980—1981”, Aquileta .iVostra 51 (1982). cc. 17Ja00 G.C.
Menis, “Ii hattistero altomedievale della pieve di Buja”, Memorie Storiche Forogiuliesi
75,1995, pp. 11—21.
M. Mirabclla Roherti, “Una basilica adriatica a C’aotelseprio”, Beztrdge ur
Kunstgeschichte und Archaologie des Friihmittelalters (Gras, 1965), pp 74—87.
°
M. Belloni Zecchrnelli, “Lc origini della romarnca’ S. Maria del Tiglio di
Gravedona”, II romanico. Atti del Seminario di Studi dell’I&lL, Varenna 1973 (Milano,
1975), pp. 34 1—369 ; Lad., “I battisteri quadrati palcocristiani della sponda occi
dentale dcl Lario”, Studi in snore di Fenssnte Ri/to/ore [onnsller, 2 (Como, 1980), pp. 35--63.
78
Pour une analyse dStaillée, voir Fiocchi Nicolai et Gelichi, “Battisteni e chiese
rurali in Italia”.
°
G. Cantino Wataghin, “Le chiese dci castelli’, rapport présenté au colloque
I.e fort(ficazioni del Garda tra Tardoantico e alto .lledioeno in iapporto ai sistemi di dJèsa
dell’Italia settentrionale (cite is. 11).
CHRISTIANISATION ET ORGANISATION ECCLESIASTIQUE 229
posantes de Ia presence chrétienne sur le territoire que résulte le sys
tème des paroisses le “pievi”
— qu’on voit étahli a partir du VIlE
siécle et qui, le cas échéant, intégre aux égliscs baptismales les chapelles
a l’origine privécs et irs églises funéraires.8°
La presence du monachisine
Les villes de I’Itaiie du Nord voient des experiences assez précoces
de monachisme ; autour du milieu du IVC siécle, Euséhe de Verceil
organise la vie commune de son clergé dans un monasterium clerico
rum ;8l peu de temps aprés, Ambroise et d’autres auteurs témoignent
de l’existence de monastéres d’homrnes a Milai1. Vérone, Bologne.
Aquiléc et de la diffusion de la vie consacréc de femmes, attester
—
ensuite aussi par l’épigraphie 82
Par contre, si on laisse de cOté les traditions tardives pour lesquelles
les éléments de verification font défaut, les indices solicles d’une pré
scncc de moines en dehors des villes. textuels aussi bien qu’archeo
logiques. sont assez minces et ne vont pas au delâ de formes de vie
Crémitique. On sait par Sulpice Sévére que Martin vers 359, au
cours de son itinCraire de Milan S Poitiers, s’installe pendant
courte pCriode stir File de Gallinaria, ati large d’Albenga ; du IV’
au Vc siécie, le monachisme insulaire est évoqué fréquemment par
les sources, d’Amhroise a Jerome, d’Augustin a Cassien, sans parler
de Rutilius Namatianus ;83 mais il semble avoir rcprCscntC une expéri
ence éphémére, qui en tout cas n’a laissé aucune trace archéologique.
Ennode de Pavie rappelle qu’Antoine de Lérins, arrivé en Italie du
Nord, dans la cal/is Tellinae, au cours de l’itinérairc qui dc Pannonic
A.A. Settia, “Pievi e cappelle nella dinamica del popolamento rurale”, (Jristza
nic2a.2ione e olganir.a.cione ecclesiastica delle campagne nell’alto Siedioevo npanslone e resistene.
Sc/ton. di Spoleto 28 (1980), 1, pp. 445—489 Id., Chiese, strade e /br1ee nell’Italia
mediesale (Italia Sacra 46, Roma, 1991).
°
L. Dattrino, “Ii cenohio clenicale di Eusebio”, Eusebio di Vercelli e il suo tempo
(cite is. 3), pp. 339—345 ; R. Lizzi, “Ascetismo e monachcsimo ncll’Italia tando
antica’, Godex Aquilarensis 5 (1991), pp. 53—76.
m G. Penco, Storia del monachesimo in Italia dalle orzgini al Sidle (Roma, 1961) Id.,
“Condizini e conrenti del monachesimo in Italia nd secolo VI”, Benedictina 27 (1980).
pp. 91-197 G. Picasso, “11 monachesimo nell’alto Medioevo”, Dall’remo al cenobio.
La emItS nionastica in Italia dalle orsgini all’etS di Dante (Milano. 1987), pp. 5—63.
82
Sulice-Sévére, Vita S.Martinz, 6, 5, ed J. Fontaine, SC 134 1963) 1, pp.
266—267 et 2, pp. 599—602 ; J. Bianne, “Martin et l’Snémétisme insulaine aux IVC
et V siécles. Bulletin de l’Association pour l’Antiquiti Tardine 5 (1966), pp. 30—32.
230 GI5ELLA CANTIN0 WATAGHIN
‘a l’amener a File oil ii termincra son existence, elegit secessum hand
proud a beati martins Fit/elms sepulchro. a l’extrémité septentrionale du
lac de Come, on déjà deux vieux ermites s’étaient installés depuis
des années ;84 la question de Ia sépulture du martyr est complexe,
d’autant plus que ses restes ont été ensuite transférés a COme. et
qu’on ne dispose pas encore details des fouilles récentcs qui. a
Samolaco, auraient mis au jour des restes d’installations paléochre
tiennes.°5 A Sarezzano, prés de Tortonc, la tradition bagiographique
relative a dcux saints ermites, Rnfin et \7énance, qui auraient vécu
dans la vallée a l’epoqne de Charlemagne, a été confirmee et en
méme temps corrigéc par la decouverte de l’inscription funéraire de
Refines abbas, datée du VP siécle ; le site de l’ermitage demeure
inconnu, car il ne faut pas l’identifier avec la ‘pieve’ de Sarezzano,
dans l’abside de laquclle l’inscription est remployCe et oil, selon la
tradition, les rcstcs des deux saints auraient été transferes d’un pre
mier lieu de sepulture.°6 Un lieu de culte rupestre Longare, prés
de Vicenza, auquel unc aire cimetériale est associée (VI°VII°
siécles), pent tirer son origine de la presence d’nn ascéte vénéré ;87
pour l’heure, c’est la seule constatation snr le terrain d’nne pratique
qui avait sans doute une certaine diffusion. dont lc souvenir est encore
patent dans les rCgles cenohitiques des VIP—VIlE siécles. qui admet
tent la vie en ermites des moines plus Ogés et Cprouvés dans l’exer
cice de la vertu, mais qui n’a pas laissé de traces matCriellcs ct qui
est impossible a recenser en fait, c’est grOce aux mentions qucn
font les auteurs GrCgoire le Grand le premier ct, le cas Cchéant.
a Ia pcrsistancc des fondations au haut Moven-Age qu’un certain
nombrc d’installations monastiques dc 1’Antiqnité tardive sont con—
84
Ennodius, Dc Vita Beau Jntoni, bd. F. Vogel. AIGH.AA 7, pJ 185—191 ; voir
A. Codagliengo, “Antonio di l.brins”, Bibliotheca Sanctocurn, II Roma, 1962), c. 151,
et, poor l’idnéraire. Sannazaro, La cristzanzz.raziane delle acee rurali della Laiobardia (cite
n. 20), P. 132, note 151.
n Picard, Le saaveair des iviques, pp. 599-sob’. Sannazaro, La cristiaaizzariane delle
acee rurali della Loazbardia, pp. 44-sub. Les rCsultats des fouilles, menées par la
Soprintendenza Arcbeologiea della Lombardia, ont été prbsenths par V. Mariotti
en 1993 5 Cassino an VII Congrhs national d’arcbéologie chréticonc, dont leo aetes
soot encore sons presse.
°°
G. Mennella, “S. Rufino cremita e abate in una nuova iscrizione da Sarezzano”,
Rendicsati deil’Jstituts Latabaido. Ciccoe di Lettere, 115 (1981), pp. 275—287 td., Jascriptiones
christiasiae Italiac septiaia saeeuls antiqiosses. 7. Regia IX. Dertona. Libaoia. Fsooa Ialii
Jciensiioo Ban. 1 990j. pp. 11 l—suiv.. n° 109.
G.P. Brogiolo. N. Simeone. E. Possenti. N. Ciové Manchioli. “La chiesa ropcstrc
di S. Cassiano (Lomignano cli Longare—Vicenza “.Accheologia .llechoale 23 1996:,
pp. 243—273.
CHRISTIANISATION ET ORGANISATION ECCLESIASTIQUE 231
nues en Italie centrale et méridionale.°° Au nord. le VP siécle. avec
la guerre grCco-gothique et l’invasion lombarde. entraine la fin de
ce premier monachisme : les fondations qui vont suivre, partir du a
VIP siécle, ne montrent aucun lien de continuité avee ce qui pent
s’étre passé dans cc domaine pendant l’Antiquité tardive étant
donnC qu’au contraire les églises et les oratoires dans l’ensemhle ne
portent aucune trace significative de cette periode de troubles. on
pent supposer que les installations eventuelles manquaient d’en
racinement dans le territoire, voire d’un lien organique avec le peu
plement il est done vraisemblable qu’elles n’ont jouC aneun rOle
dans la christianisation, a la difference de ce qui se passe avec les
premieres fondations lombardes.°°
La geographic des monastéres lombards n’est connue que d’une
maniére approximative ; aux fondations attcstCes par des documents
authentiques s’ajoutent celles, trés nombreuses, que des traditions
souvent tardives attribuent a la piCtC d’un roi on d’une reine, de
preference Didier on ThCodelinde.°° Bien que légendaires mais
S. Marie de Torha montre que ce n’est pas toujours le eas°’ ces ,
traditions reflCtent l’articulation en deux phases distinctes des fon
dations lomhardes : la premiere voit se constituer an debut du VIP
L. Pani Ennini. “Cli insediamenti monastici nd ducato di Spoleto lino al
secolo IX. II Dacato di Spoleto. Atti del IX Gsngcesss oitecna.ionale di studi sull’alta Sic
diacco. Spaleta 1982 Spolcto. 1983 pp. 541 -577 Lad.. “All’onigine degli insedia
,
mcmi eremitici e monastici sul \lontcluco”. Sianteluco e i .\isati Sacci._Itti dell’incsntra
di studio. .5/oleto 1993 Spolem. 1995;, pp. 149—169 voir aussi C. Pcnco. “Le on
gini del monachesimo in l.iguria”. Benedictoia 9 (1955 pp. 15—30 Id.. “Coodizioni
.
e correuti del monachesimo in Italia nd sccolo \‘l cite o. 82.
°°
Poor Ia situation an Fnool, uS leo traditions aunihuent S l’époquc palCocbrC—
tienne des foodatiooo qoi ne soot attestées qti’á one epoque plus tardive, voir
CC. Menis, “Vita monastica in F’riuli doraotc lcpoca caroliogia e ottooiaoa”, Studia
Pataciaa 17 (l970(. pp. 69 99 poor one hypothCsc contraire, qoi attrihue on rOle
important daos 1e conversion des paysaos aox moines et crmites, voir G. Cracco,
“Chieoa c cristiaoitS nurale oell’Italia di Gregorio Mlagoo”, 1liedioeca curate, Cd.
V. Fumagalli et C. Rosoctti (Bologna, 1980), pp. 361 379. avec le commeutaire dc
Violantc, “Cc stnottorc organizzativc della cuna d’aniinc ncllc campagoe”, p. 1013
et note 86.
°
C. Cantioo \Vataghin. “,Monastcni di eta longohanda spooti per uoa ricerca”,
Raceaaa e l’Italia Jèa Coti e Loagahardi, XXX VI (.‘siso di cultuia sull’arte racenoate e bzzaa
tina (Ravenoa, 1989i pp. 73 100. ici pp. 57-ouiv.
5i
Cc monastCnc nest pas meotioooC avant Ia moitiC do XL siècle ; one légeude
connue an XIV siècle Ic dit fondC par on Galdi de Tuihiger, Roj de lsiabaro
G. Rotondi, “Un passo di Gals auo Fiamma e il monasteno di Tonha”, Archaoo
otaoca lsohardo 49 [1922). pp. 119—114;. Poor les phases do haot Marco-Age de Ia
toor do monastCne et dc l’Cglise Samte—btanic voisioc voir bibliographic daos Cantino
\Vataghin. “7ilooastcni di etS longohanda”, p. 80 vow aussi Lastel .Sepns. stooa e
 232 GISELLA CANTIXO WATAGHIN
siècle Ic monastère de Bohhio°2 et peut-étre celui de S. Dalmazzo
de Pedona,°3 la seconde qui commence a Ia fin du VTF-début du
HP siècle, quand, après des décennies d’interruption, les initiatives,
tant royales qu’aristocratiques, recommencent et se multiplient. Les
unes comme les autres s’inscrivent dans le cadre de l’histoire religieuse
des Lombards et, de manière diffèrente, dans une problèmatique de
contrôle et de gestion du tcrritoire. Si les fondations de Thèodelinde
font suite a sa conversion et en mème temps a l’intérèt pour deux
routes de premiere importance entre la plaine du Pô d’un côté et
la Ligurie byzantine et la Provence mérovingienne de l’autre, celles
de la phase suivante marquent certes la conversion definitive, mais
plus encore la consolidation achevée des patrimoines fonciers de
l’aristocratie : elle s’est produite au cours du VIP siècle, quand la
presence des nouveaux propriètaires se manifeste par leur adoption
de formes de rituels funèraires propres a la tradition romaine, tels
les mausolèes/chapelles dans le cadre des domaines.°5 Le rapport des
monumenti, ed. PG. Sironi (Tradate, 1987). pp. 1 37-suiv. C. Bertelli, “Pittura di
eta carolingia nell’Italia settentrionale e a Castelseprio”, Castelseprzo 1297 pnma e dopo.
Atti del Convegno Internaionale, Casfelseprio 1987 (Castel Seprio, 1990), pp. 81--92
G.P. Brogiolo et S. Gelichi, .iore ricerche Sn, casfrlli altoniedietali in Italia settentrionale
(Firenze, 1996), p. 139.
92
V. Polonio, 1/ inonastero di S. C.31o,nbano di Bobhio dalla fondadone all’epoca carolin
w (Genova. 1962 M. Tosi, “L’antica basilica “S. Petri” restaurata da S. Colombano”.
Columba 2 1964, pp. 11—17 Id.. “Un progetto di ricerche e di ripristini per Ia
basilica di S. Colombano”, P,esen,ca benedettina nel Piaceniino. Atti deile giornate di studio.
Bobbw-Chiararalle della Coloniba 1981 Bohhio. 1982 pp. 11—62 : l’archéologie du
.
monastère. dans son cadre territorial. est le sujet d’une these de Dottorato di ricerca
en ‘Archeologia e Antichith post-classiche lI1—X1 sec.” de l’Université de Rome
“La Sapienza” que prepare E. Dcstefanis.
°
La chronologie de la fondation est discutèe. son attribution au debut du \‘IL
siècle n’ètant attestèe que par Un document puhlié par \Ievranesio. faussaire bien
connu du XVIW siècle ‘A. Giaccaria, I.e AntichilC ro,nane in Piernonte nelia cultura storico
geogrca del hettecento [Cuneo-Vercelli, l994j, pp. 88-suiv.) ; pour leo différentes posi
tions voir AM. Riheri, San Dalrnazo di Pedona e Ia sua abbaia Boigo San Dahnazo)
con docuinenti mcdiii Biblioteca della SocietS Storica Subalpina 110, Torino, 1929
C:antino ‘iVataghin. ‘Monasteri di etS longobarda”, pp. 82-suiv. Ead., “Monasteri
in Piemonte dalla tarda Antichith al \1ec1ioevo’. .lrcheologia in Piernonte. Ii ,Iedioezo,
éd. L. Mercando et E. \licbcletto ‘Torino. 1988. pp 161—185. ici pp. 162-suiv.
C. Tosco. San Dalma.zo di Pedonci un ½hba,ia nd/a forinazi’one storica del territorio dalla
fonsta.ione paleocristiana az restauci seltecentesthi “Cuneo. 1996 les premiers résultats des
recherches archéologiques rnenées par là Soprintendenza Archeologica del Piemonte.
qui confirment la presence d’un lieu de culte d’èpoque lombarde. sont présentés
par E. Micheletto. ‘La chiesa di San Dalmazzo e Ia sua cripta. L’intervento archeo
logico e lo studio degli alzati”. La chic3a di San Dalmao di Pedona.Jrc/ieoiogia e restauro,
éd. E. Micheletto Cuneo, I999, pp. 43—105.
‘°
S. Lusuardi Siena, “Insediarnenti god e longohardi in Italia settentrionale,
Rarenna e l’Italiafta Got, Longohardi cite n. 90), pp. 191--226, ici pp. 214-suiv. ; Ead..
CHRISTIANISATIOX ET ORGANISATION ECCLESJASTIQUE 233
monastéres avec les grands axes de communications reste evident,
dans le cadre pourtant de l’exploitation du territoire ; aux deux
extrémités de Ia region, on peut Cvoqucr a cc propos les deux cas
de Saint-Michel di Luccdio, prés de Verceil, et de Sainte-Marie de
Sesto al Reghena, a proximitC de Concordia, Saint-Michel est fondé
in sua propria facultate par un Gauderis inonachus dans les premieres
années du VIIP siècle, en marge de la route qui relic Milan et Pavie
aux principaux cols des Alpes occidcntales, au moment oii des reliques
de 1’Archangc sont transfèrCes du Monte Gargano au Mont-Saint
Michel, mais aussi dans une zone de silvae, que la tradition veut
dèsertèes, mais qui sont au contraire une ressource importante dans
le cadre de l’économie sylvo-pastorale du haut Moyen-Age.° Sainte
Marie de Sesto, fondée en 762 en mème temps que le monastére
féminin de Salt, occupe une position clef dans le rèseau routier du
nord-est, le long duquel sont situées ses proprietés ;96 leur nature
trés différenciCe la charte de fondation pane de campis, pratis, vineis,
suns astalariis, pascuis atque paludibus
. . . fournit le tableau d’un sys
tème intCgré d’exploitation des ressources naturciles, clans le sillage de
‘Alcune riflessioni sulla “ideologia funeraria” longobarda alla luce del reuente scavo
nell,, necropoli di S. Martino a l’rczzo sullAdda”, I,’Iiaha cenlro—seitcniiionalc in etC
loig’oharc/a comme note 54). pp. 365—375 : voir aussi G,P. Brogiolo, “Le sepolture
a Brescia tra tarda AntichitS e prima eta longoharda cx I\’-\’II “, ibid.. pp. 413—424.
ici pp. 422 suiv.
P. Cancian. L’ahhai’a di .5. Genuario di Lucedu, i’ Ia sue peigamenc Bihlioeca Storica
Subalpina 193, ‘i’orino, 1975 E. Valentini. ‘Labbazia di S. Genuario di Luccdio,
Bcnedictina 25 1978. pp. 79—108 Cantino Vataghin. ‘Fonti archeologiche per Ia
.
storia della Chiesa vercellese”. Eusehio di J7rccll, e il .100 tempo ‘cite iS. 3 , pp. 23 61.
wi pp. 45—suiv. ; Ead.. ‘.\Ionasteri in Piemonte dalla tarda .-\ntirhitC al Medioevo’.
.lrcheologia in Pieinonte. II .lIed,oezo. ed, I.. \lercando et E. Micheletto Torino. 1988
pp. 1 61- 185, ici pp. 1 67—suiv. : pour Ic transfert des reliques dc I’Archangc. voir
C. Otranto, “Ii santuario tra Oriente e Occidente”, II santiiario di .S.,llichela .‘lrcangclc
sul Gai4’ano, daile ongm al X secolo, éd, G. Otranto et C. Carletti Ban, 1990). pp. 3—76,
ci pp 57-suiv .;d’autre part. voir G. Traina, “7sluratori c Ia ‘barbaric palustre.
Fondamenti e fortuna di un topos”. L’ambiente stories 7 9 ‘1987’, pp. 13—25 ; Id.,
Paludi a bonifiche nd moods antics Roma. 1988. C. \Vickharn. “Pastoralism and
Underdevelopment in the Early Middle Ages”, L’uomo di fronte al mondo aniinale
ne//alto ,lledioero. .S’ettim. di .Soleio 31 (1983. 1. pp. 401—451 Id.. European
Forests in the Early )\Iiddle Ages. Lanclscape and Land Clearance”, L’amh,enle
regetale neIl’alio .lledioero. .S’ettini. di .5oleto 37 1989,, 2, pp. 479545.
‘0
G. Cantino Wataghin. ‘Aritichith e alto \ledioevo tra Livenza e Tagliamento”,
Aniichiià e a/ti, ,lIcd,oeto Ira Liren.a e Tggliamento. Contributo per una /eltura della carta arches
logica della Prorinria di Pordenone. Cd. G. Cantino Vataghin Pordenone. 1999
pp. 105—115 Ead., “Monaotern,m . . . in toes qui iocatur Saris. L’archeologia per Ia
storia dell’ahhazia di S. Maria di Sesto”, Lahbaia di .5 liania di Sesto.Archeologia,
storm, arte. ed. CC. Menis et A. Tilatti (Fiume Veneto, 1999’, pp. 3—51.
234 GISELLA CANTINO WATAGHIN
l’organisation romaine du territoire.97 Le méme lien, sans que cela
signifie que le cadre du peuplement n’a pas subi de modifications
depuis l’Antiquité tardive, est suggéré par une antre fondation de la
region oceidentale, celle de Pagno : le monastére Saint-Pierre, dont
les origines sont attribuées par le Chronicon noralicense au roi Astoiphe
(749—756), se trouve dans la zone des latjfztndia, les grands domaines
évoqués ci-dessus, et e’est précisément là qu’a été retrouvée l’épi
taphe de Regina.08
La fondation du monastére de Bobbio par Colomban projette sur
l’initiative l’image du programme missionnaire propre au saint et
plus généralement au monachisme irlandais : elle serait justifiée par
les conditions d’abandon et de depopulation de la region du \7al
Trebbia, attestées par le délabrement de la basilica sancti Fetri don
née a Colomban par Agilulphe, les foréts épaisses qui recouvrent la
zone, densa sal/us, la precision de Jonas dans la Vita que le monastCre
se place in solitudine ruribus Appenninis.9° En fait, le tableau est vrai
semblablement moms sombre que la rhCtorique hagiographique le
pretend ; il n’empéche que le cénobitisme peut avoir joué un role
important dans le processus d’affermissement d’un christianisme rural
dans lequel les pratiques palennes avaient encore leur place.’°° Les
monastéres des VIFVIIF siécles s’inscrivcnt au contraire dans le
cadre d’un réseau de paroisses rurales établi dans ses grandes lignes
ils n’entrent donc que d’une maniére detournee dans le systéme de
la cura aniinarunz.
°
E. Destefanis, I beni del/c abhaie di Sesto at Reghena e di Salt net donunentn det 762.
Uno studio storico-tenitoriate (Opuscoli Sestensi 3, Portogruaro, 1997).
\/oir plus haut, note 28 et, pour ie monasthre, Cantino Wataghin, “Monasteri
di cC longobarda” (cite n. 90), pp. 79-ouiv. Ead., “Monasteri in Piemonte dalla
tarda Antichith a! Mcdioevo” (cite n. 93), p. 167.
90
P.L. Dall’Aglio, “Uomo e amhiente tra tardoantico e alto Medioevo : comb
nuith nella diversitS”, Artheologia veneta 15 (1992), pp. 73—83 Jonas, Vitae Gntnoibani
abbatis disbntnrninqne ems libri dun, Cd. B. Krusch, MGLJ, SRAI 4, pp. 1—152, ici I,
29, p. 107 ; pour une edition rCcente voir Jonas de Bohhio, Vie de saint (]otnmban
et de ses discsbles, introduction, traduction et notes par A. de Vogue, en collabora
tion avec P. Sangiani (Bellefontaine, 1988).
Du rapport Ctroit qui lie le monastCre an terdtoire témoigne an XE siècle
son rang d’évCché ; our le problCme de la presence éventuelle d’un haptistére dans
one périodc précCdente voir S. Uggé, “I hattisteri in ambito monastico nella tarda
AntichitS e nell’alto Medioevo”, L2d171os baaesimale in Ito/ia (cite n. 1).
MONASTERIES, TOWNS AND THE COUNTRYSIDE:
RECIPROCAL RELATIONSHIPS IN THE ARCHDIOCESE
OF MILAN, 614—814
Ross Balzaretti
The old debate about the nature of town life in early medieval north
ern Italy has been brought back to life by recent archaeological
work.’ Excavations at the intramural monastic site of San Salvatore
in Brescia, and those associated with the new underground rail sys
tem in Milan, suggest a spectacular collapse of urban culture between
the fifth and eighth centuries.2 And yet the mid eighth-century cul
tural revival, which the existence of charters has alone long testified
to,3 has now been observed archaeologically,° and there is now
sufficient evidence to consider the hypothesis that the monastic foun
dations which are recorded in the charters actually caused the urban
revival.3 The fact that San Salvatore received substantial donations
of rural properties in the fifteen years after its foundation° necessi
tates an analytical link between monastery, town and countryside in
any discussion of the nature of urban life at this time. The archae
ology of the countryside, which has historically lagged far behind
B. Ward-Perkins,” Continuitists, Catastrophists, and the Towns of Post-Roman
Northern Italy”, Papers of the British School at Rome 65 (1997), pp. 157—176.
2
G.P. Brogiolo, “La citth longobarda nd periodo della conquista”, La stona del
l’attn Aledinero italians (VI--X sec.) al/a lnce detl’arrheolngia, edo. R. Francovich and
C. Noyé (Florence, 1994), pp. 555—566.
Gndice Dijistninatico Isingnbardo III (CDL III), ed. C. Bruhl (Rome, 1973), nos. 31,
33, 37, 38, 39, 40, 41, 42, 44. K.F. Drew, “The Italian monasteries of Nonantola,
San Salvatore and Santa Maria Teodota in the eighth and ninth centuries”, Mannscnpta
9 (1965), pp. 13 1—154; S.F. Wemple, “S. Salvatore/S. Ciulia: A Case Study in the
Endowment and Patronage of a Major Female Monastery in Northern Italy”, tVnmen
of the Medieval lVnrld, eds.J. Kirschner and S.F. Wemple (Oxford, 1985), pp. 85-102.
OP. Brogiolo, Bre.via altnnsedievale. Urbanistica ed edilfia dat IV at IX secolo (Mantua,
1993).
R. Balzaretti, “Cities, Emporia and Monasteries: Local Economies in the Po
Valley, c. AD 700 -875”, Towns in Transition, eds. N. Christie and S. Losehy (Aldershot,
1996), pp. 213—234.
6
0. Pasquali, “Gestione economico e controllo sociale di S. Salvatore-S. Giulia
dall’epoca longoharda all’eth communalc”, Santa Gin/ia di Brescia. Archeolsgia, arte, sto
i-ia di un mnna3tero regin dai Longnbardi at Barbarassa, eds. C. Stella and G. Brentagni
(Brcscia, 1992), pp. 131—145, at pp. 133—136.
236 ROSS RALZARETTI
that of the towns, has made great progress recently, enabling more
coherent conclusions to he drawn.7 Nevertheless the role of monas
tic communities in the revival of town life in the eighth century is
still underplayed and it is the purpose of this chapter to redress this
imbalance8
Bobbin and Milan
Bobbio was the first monastic foundation of the Lombard period.9
It was instituted by Columbanus with the help of King Agilulf in
613 (or 614) and Agilulf’s grant, the oldest surviving Lombard royal
diploma,’0 was issued from lVIilan (Data Mediolanio in palatio), his cap
ital and the place where his son Adaloald was greeted as king in
the old circus, in a late example of the old Roman adventus cere
mony.” What Milanese society was like at this time is open to spec
ulation but we do know that the bishop and his clergy had been
exiled in Genoa since 569 as a result of the conquest of Milan by
pagan and Arian Lombards, and the ensuing Three Chapters dis
pute.’2 These special circumstances provide the context for the pro
duction of Agilulf’s diploma, a controversial document which its most
recent editor Carlrichard Brühl, after a full rehearsal of the diplo
made arguments. regards as having a genuine core.’3 This was not.
strictly speaking, a foundation document because it mentions neither
G. Cantino XVataghin and G.P. Brogirlo. “Tardoantico e alto Xtedioevo nd
terntorio padano”. La stooa (tel/a//U ,lIee/moo ,ta/ia,,o (1714 secolo) a//a lure del/are/ic
ologia. pp. 141—158. G.P. Brogiolo and L. Castelletti.Arr/ieo/sgia a _lIoo,te Barrs Lecco.
1991; G.P. Brogiolo. S. Lnsnarrli Siena and P. Sesino. Rirerehe si Sirinione Lanyobarda
Florence. 1989!; La neeropo/t /sngobare,a di Decco sul/’Adda. ccl. E. Roffia Florence.
1986).
As noted b’ D. Harrison. The Faa/i State and I/ic Tsav,s. &oits of Jiteç’reitisn itt
Lombard Ito/i, AD 568—774 I.ond. 1993 pp. 73—82, 177—178.
.
tor late antique monastic practice in hal’ until the death of Oregon the Great
see J. ,Jenal, I/a/ia aseetira et monastirei. Dos As/eden— nnd ilone/,t,in, it, Ito/ceo, con den
.1g/i/ogeo bis .ttir .eit der Langobarden (ro. /50/250—604). 2 vols. Stuttgart, 1995 and . 2 ‘1999.
R.A. Markus. Gregsr.r dte Great and ho 1l’or/d .Caihridge. 1997 pp. 68 72. .
‘ GIlL IlL 1. pp. 6—7.
° M. MacCormick. Eteo,a/ Ueto’ ‘Cambridge. 1986,. pp. 292-295.
12
Markus. Gregsq’ the Great. pp. 133 142.
2
CDL III. pp. 3—5. M. Tosi, “Bobbio e Ia valle del Trebhia”. Storia di Fiaeeaza,
I. Dat/c oogini a//’annn out//c. ed. F. Ghizzoni iPiacenza. 1990), pp. 393—499 at pp.
430—436, reaches similar conclusions. I am most grateful to Ntark Pearce (Department
of Archaeology. University of Nottingham) for the loan of this volume.
MONASTERtES. TON5 AND THE COUNTRYSIDE 237
monks nor monastic rules; instead it simply cleared the ground for
the creation of a monastic community. Agilulf granted Columhanus
the ownership (literally “permission to live and to possess”, lzcentza
habitandi ac possedendi) of an existing basilica dedicated to St. Peter,
and use of a well which the king had previously granted to a cer
tain Sundarit. Additionally, the document grants exemption from
interference by dukes, counts, gastalds and other royal agents, a
process happening in Francia at much the same time.’4 In the light
of what we know about Columbanus’ other monastic foundations,’5
the state of early Lombard “literacy”,’6 and our slim knowledge of
Milanese society in the early seventh century, it seems likely that it
was made at the request of Columbanus rather than the king or his
wife Theodelinda.’7 Confirmations by Adaloald (61 6—626), the son
of Agilulf and Theodelinda, were issued from Pavia to Abbot Attala
in 624’s and Abbot Bertulf in 625—626.’ Again, although neither
document is to be trusted in details, the fact that the grants were
made has found general acceptance.
Confirmation of Agilulf’s grant is provided by Jonas of Bobbio’s
account of the monastery’s foundation in his biography of Columbanus
and his successors, written c. 639643.25 Jonas concludes his account
with our first reference to a inonas/erin,n on the site:
°
IN. Wood. The .tlerocingian loins.,’dou,s. 450—751 London. 1994’. pp. 193—194.
2
Our knowledge is based largely on hagiographical sources: Nierovingian diplo
mata in favour of monastic foundations are concentrated in the generation after
Columbanus Vood. The /tlerocingian Iisngdoo,s. pp. 184—194 and P. Fouracre and
R.A. Gerherding, Late ,‘ilaaesngoan France. History and Hagiography. 640—720. Nlanchester.
1996. pp. 144—147).
A. Petrucci, “The Lombard Problem”, II )riterc and Readers in ,lfedieca/ Jta/y.
English translation by CXI. Radding ‘Yale. 1995’, pp. 43—58. at pp.52—54. and
A. Dc Prisco, 1/ Latino tardoantico e a/too,edie,’a/e Rouse, 1991). pp. 161— l73.A more
positive view of early Lombard literacy is taken by NC. Everett in his important
doctoral thesis Literary in Lonibard lia/y, 568—774 AD Cambridge PhD, 1997).
°
0. Tabacco. “Milano in eta longobarda”, .‘ili/ans e i .lIi/ane,ri prima de/ Mi//c
VJlJ—.V see.). Atti del 10 Gongresso Inteoia.yiona/e di Studi sio//’a/ts .lledioeco ‘Spoleto. 1986),
pp. 119—43, at pp. 29—31. I have discussed this further in “Theodelinda. ‘most glo
rious queen’, Gender and Power in Lombard Italy”. The .lledieca/ History ,j’onrna/ 2,
CDL IlL pp. 10—12. This diploma is so heavily interpolated as to render it
highly suspect.
CDL IlL pp. 1415.
20
Jonas of Bohhio, [5/a C’o/uonbani diseijsu/oriioaque aus, ed. B. Krusch, SIGH. .S’R..lI
4, pp. 61—152. and the Lift of St. Gohioiban. partial English translation of Patro/ogia
Latiaa edition by D.C. Munro (Philadelphia, 1895, reprinted Felinfach. 1993. IN.
Wood, “The [‘i/a Co/uonhani and Merovingian Hagiograph”, Peistia 1 (1982), pp.
63—80, is essential.
238 ROSS BALZARETTI
Videns ilaque vir Dci tanti auxilli supplimentum, suos hortatur, ut arreptum opus
laeti peijiciant, ariimoque roboraii, eo consistere in heremo studeant; Dei in hoc vol
un/a/is esse ad,/orinat. Teda i/a que temple culmina, miirorum res/aurat rutnas ce/er
aque, quaeque aa’ inonasteri neo’ssztatem pertinent. cons/ruere palm’.2’
This appears to he the earliest authentic use of the word monasterium
in a doeirnent referring to a religious community in this part of
Lombard Italy. From the rest of Jonas’ text it is also transparent
that inonasiermrn is used to mean an ascetic community, following a
rule and led by an abbot.22 Gisella Cantino Wataghin has properly
pointed out that what type of institution is indicated by the word
monasteriurn in Lombard documents is open to speculation.25 We shall
explore Jonas’ reading further below.
At the end of the eighth century Paul the Deacon vaguely asso
ciates Bohhio’s foundation with Agilulf, Adaloald and Theodelinda,
suggesting ignorance of Jonas’ account.24 He writes:
Circa haec tempora beatos Caluinbanus es Scottaruin genere oriundus. pactquam
in Gal/ia in loco qui Luxooiu,n dtcitur inonasterium consiruxerat, in Italiam ten iens,
a L.angobardorum rege gratan/er cxceptus ect. coenobiu,nque quod Bobium appel
latur in Alpibus C3ttus aedficacit. quod quadraginlo milibus ab urbe thctditur
Ticinensi. Q,uo in loco et mu//ac poscessiones a singultc princibibits sire Iiugobardis
laigliac .cieni, ci magna ibi Jacta est congregahio moncirhorum.25
Paul’s iHformation is nonetheless valuable both for the impression it
gives of a large community in his own day and because he con-
21
Jonas of Bobhio, Vita Goluinhani. 1,30, p. 107: “The man of God, seeing that
he was receiving so great aid, urged his companions to finish joyfully the work they
had begun, and to remain in the wilderness with renewed courage, affirming that
this was Gods will. Therefore he restored the roof of the church and the ruined
ivalls, and provided whatever else was necessary for a monastei-s.”
This is important in view of recent dehates about the meaning of inonasteuiu,n
in eighth—century Britain: Pastoral (ths Before the Paris/i. eds. J. Blair and R. Sharpe
Leicester. 1992 pp. lOl—103. 214—216 and j. Blair: ‘Ecclesiastical organization
.
and pastoral care in Anglo—Saxon England”, Early .lledirral Europe 4 1995 pp.
193--212. -
\1onastrn di etS longoharda: spunti per una ricerca” .V.\’JI (.orso di cu/bra
sull’arbe rarennate p hrantina: Raiscna p lItalia/ra (50 e LraUsharc/j Ravenna. 1989 1l•
73—100 at 76—77, note 10. ‘Ibis important article surveys the whole range of evidence.
24
Paulus Diaconus, Hot. Lang I\’,4 1. The republication of this edition with Italian
translation by I.. Capo. Stoda dci Lsngobaidi (Vicenza, 1992’. has a moot useful coin
mentary.
25
“About tIns time the blessed Columbanus. Irish by birth, having already built
in Gaul a monastery in the place called Luxeuil, came to Italy, where he was well
received by the Lombard king. Ann he built a monastery in the Cottian Alps ai a
place called Bobbio. forty miles distant from the city of Pavia. ‘lo this place indi
vidual princes and Lombards donaied many properties, and there was made a large
congregation of monks” (my translation:.
MONASTERIES, TOWNS AND THE COUNTRYSIDE 239
ceptualises Bobbio in relation to Pavia, a link supported by the evi
dence of inscriptions.26
Even if the relationship between the new monastic community and
the royal family seems to have brought the monks in the generation
after Columbanus into contact with local urban cultures, Bohhio
remained famously independent of local episcopal control. Episcopal
jurisdiction in a remote place like Bohhio was never likely to mean
much in real terms at this time and this part of the Trebbia valley
was in any case at the margins of several dioceses: Milan/Genoa,
Piacenza, Tortona and Pavia all had some claim to the area.27 But
the symbolic power of exemption from episcopal control granted by
Pope Honorius I in 628 was enormous and highly influential north
of the Alps.28 Within Italy, however, Bobbio was always an atypical
institution. Founded by an outsider, at a time of ecclesiastical schism
and remote on various levels, its influence on the development of
Italian monastic practice in the first two centuries of its existence
has undoubtedly been exaggerated.29 Its great library was never quite
replicated elsewhere and the diffusion of Columbanus’ rule was appar
cmlv restricted in northern Italy, probably being followed only at
daughter foundations, notably Brugnato in the lower Val di Vara
Liguria). We thus have to look elsewhere for monasteries which pro
voked urban revival.
Urban Monastic Coenmunities: The Charter Evidence
Bobbio, somewhat surprisingly, lacks “private” charters for the eighth
century. A few fragmentary sentences, apparently recording purchases
of land from locals, were written imo an eighth-century hook of the
sermons of St. Eucherius of’ Lyons and are all that remain of such
R. C;assanelli. )‘slateriali lapidei altomedioevah deeorati e iscritli nellabbazia
di Sal) Colomba,:o a Bohbio. S/nSa di Piacena. 1. Dalle brie5ni alLa,,,,ii ,i,,/ic. ed
F. Ghizzoni Piaeenza, 1990), pp. 501 533. Everett, Li/nary in Ln,nhard Ita(y, is now
the best general treatment of this subject in English. J. Mitchell, “Ihe display of
script and rises of painting in Lombard Italy”, Set/in,. di Spo/eto 41(1994), PP 87— 1,
is also important.
27
Harrison, 7/ic Ear(y State and the Tswns, pp. 76—77, on disputes between Milan
and Pavia andJ.-C. Picard, I.e souren,r des irc2ques (Rome, 1988), especially pp. 74—92
on Milan.
25
Jonas of Bohhio, Vita (‘oluinbani, 11,23.
2’)
For example. by P. Riché. Education and ()uituse in the Ba,ia,an I Vest (London,
1978). jp. 342—354.
240 ROSS BALZARETTI
transactions.3° What happened to these documents, assuming they
ever existed, is unclear. It is certainly possible that Bohbio never had
any eighth-century charters because charter writing elsewhere in
north-western Italy at that time was primarily carried out in towns,
by specialist notaries at the request of urban inhabitants; Bohbio was
thus outside such networks.3’ Other ecclesiastical institutions sited in
towns have preserved charters, although many of these are spurious.
Gisella Cantino Wataghin has shown that the general assigning of
Lombard origins to many such monasteries is incorrect32 In what
follows I shall consider only charters which can be regarded as
authentic.33 Twenty-six have survived in Milanese archives for the
period 712—799 and, as we shall see, the fact that these deal with
the period before and after the monaster of Sant’Ambrogio was
founded in the 780s is of particular value.35 Pavia’s earliest charters
are lost or heavily interpolated, which is a great pity as they would
help to fill out Paul the Deacon’s account of early Pavese commu
nities.35 There are twenty-seven documents from Brescia between 759
and 781, associated with the monastery of San Salvatore.3° Bergamo
has only nine between 740 and 806. Taken as a whole this evi
dence shows that religious communities of all types developed much
more frequently at urban than at rural sites in the course of the
eighth century and that urban monastic practice was far more char-
31)
Biblioteca Arnbrosiana 1.10 Sup.. Codice Diplomatico th S. C’olomhano di Bohb,o.
ccl. C. Cipolla Rome, 1918 document XXX. pp. 134—135.
.
G. Costarnagna sith \1. Amclotti .115’ origzni del notariato italians Rome, 1975
. genuine form and the next foundation was, like both Bobbio and
32
In our area S. Giorgio di Coronate Cornate d’Addw. S. Pietro in Ciel d’Oro.
Pavia. S. Simpliciano. Milan. S. Michele di Bergamo Cantino \Vataghin. Monasteri
di etS longoharda”, pp. 77 and 79.
Ihere is not space here to demonstrate the authenticity of each charter I have
cited. In general I have accepted the opinions expressed in the most recent edi
tions, which generally survey the whole range of possibilities.
°
II Museo Diplomatic-o dell’Archivio di Stats di Milano, ed. AR. Natale (Milan, c.
1970), nos. 5, 6, 8, 11, 12, 15—26, 29—35. This is by far the best edition of Milanese
charters although both the C’odex Dzplomalicus Langobardiae, ed. G. Porro-Lamhertenghi
(Turin, 1873), and the C’odice Diploinatics Longobardo, ed. L. Schiaparelli (Rome, 1933),
are still serviceable.
D.A. Bullough, “Urban change in early medieval Italy: the example of Pavia”,
Papers of the British School at Rome 34 (1966) pp. 82—130.
See note 4 above, and Csdice Diplomatico Longs/weds, ed L. Sehiaparelli, nos.
137 l1 1a2 1a3 h’l la 188 212 217 223 220 228 Th7 271 Ccdi
Diplomaticos Langohardiae. ed. G. Porro-L.ambertenghi. nos 26. 48 and 58.
Ii perganiene degli ,-1,ih,ri di Beigamo. a. 740—1000. ed. SI. Cnrtesi Bergarno,
1988, supersedes all earlier editions. The relevant documents are numbers 1. 2. 3.
4. 5, 6. 7. 8 and 193.
MONASTERIES TOWNS AND THE COUNTRYSIDE 241
acteristic of this area (as it was of Provence. Aquitaine and Bur
gundv)°’ than the culturally foreign Bobbio model. The contrast with
central Italy. most obviously Farfa, San Vincenzo al \7olturno and
Monte Amiata, is also very marked.
A consideration of the charter evidence alone would suggest that
Bobhio was the only self-consciously “monastic” community in this
part of Italy until the early eighth century. Then things rapidly
changed. Around the year 707 a grant issued from Pavia was made
by King Aripert 11(701—712) to Bishop Emilianus of Vercelli (from
where coins were issued in Aripert’s name).39 It records that a
monastery (monasterium) dedicated to Saint Michael was already in
existence in the countryside near Vercclli at Luccdio.43 Aripert’s
diploma confirmed the existing monastic foundation, which had been
instituted by Gauderio monachus, and granted some land (terra inca/ta
,thi est cerredailum’ to the community in return for their prayers, to
be said day and night on behalf of himself and the whole Lombard
people.5’ However, unlike Bobbio, this monastery was definitely sub
ject to the direct control (sub tue diocesi constitutam) of the bishop of
Vercelli. In this instance a rural monastery was part of the urban
community jurisdictionally as well as culturally.
In 712 Aripert II was succeeded as king briefly by Ansprand and
then by his son Liutprand. Liutprand’s reign has been given partic
ular importance in the history of Lombard monasticism because of
the evidence of Paul the Deacon and Liutprand’s own laws, which
will he considered below. However, none of his charters survive in
Lucedio. not initiated by a king. In 714 a nunnery dedicated to
Mary was founded by Senator and his wife Theodelinda for their
daughter Sindelinda at their own domus in Pavia knovn as Santa
Maria ‘Senatoris’(.42 The charter terms it monasteriwn, referring to the
°
Wood, The Mersvingian Kingdoms, p. 185.
°
Harrison. The Ear/ State and the Towns, pp. 120—121.
00
CDL III, 8, pp. 29-34. The text survives in a late tenth-century copy (Vercelli,
Archivio capitolare, Diplomi. cartella I, n. I) and was significantly reworked at that
period çCantino Wataghin. “Monasteri di etS longobarda”, p. 85).
The precise svorcling of this clause is tenth—century hut I would argue that its
sentiments are consistent with an eighth—century date.
02
ODL III. 18, PP. 5 1—60, a twelfth-century cop\’ Milan. rlrchww di Stats. Muses
Diplomatico. Atti pagensi, sec. Jill BrOhi. after an exhaustive discussion, pronounced
.
it basically genuine. For Senator see CJ. Wickham. Earl3’ Medieval Italy London and
Basingstoke. 1981), p. 71.
242 ROSS BALZARETTI
nuns as Dci famularam congregatio and to their characteristic dress,
monachico habitu. This community was small, physically enclosed within
a claustrum and endowed with only a little property (a dependent
oraculum near Voghera and the basilica of St. Gregory in Pavia itself).
It was an archetypal aristocratic female urban community, appar
ently hardly different in intent from that of Caesarius in sixth-cen
tury Arles, about whose we are much better informed.43
The remaining charters are concentrated at Brescia and Milan.
In 745 there may have been a monasterium attached to the ecciesia of
St. Stephen in Vimercate. Around 759 the nunnery San Salvatore,
termed monasterium in the text, was founded by Ansa and Desiderius
in Brescia and endowed with many properties which the abbess,
their daughter Anselperga, had begun to organise in exchanges with
the Bishop of Lodi and other aristocrats as early as 76l. In 789 a
male community (also monasterium) explicitly following the Rule of
Benedict was founded adjacent to the old suburban basilica of
Sant’Ambrogio in Milan by Archbishop Peter.43 This foundation was
confirmed, at Peter’s request, the following year by Charlemagne.46
It was the first monastery to receive Carolingian acknowledgment in
this part of Italy and later the recipient of considerable patronage.
However, it was at this stage a relatively small community. A feel
ing for life there comes from a grant made to Abbot Arigausus by
Archbishop Odelpert of Milan in 806, the only wholly authentic
episcopal charter from Milan in this period.47 In this grant, of his
estate at Prata with its tenants’ renders and the oratory dedicated
to Saint Vincent there, Odelpert speaks of monasterium nostri and
requires that the abbot ensure the singing of the divine office (versi)
day and night.
°
W. Klingshern, “Caesarius’ monastery for women in Arles and the composi
tion and function of the ‘Vita Caesarii’”, Re1ue Binédoctine 100 (1990), pp. 441—481;
D. Hochstetlcr, “1he meaning of monastic cloister for women according to C’aesarius
of Aries”, Religion, Sociely and Ca/tare in the Early Middle Ages, edo. T.F.X. Noble and
Jj. Contreni Michigan, 1987), pp. 27—40 and Loseby, “Arles in Late Antiquity:
Gal/ala Roina Are/as and Urbs Genesoi”, Towns in Transition. eds. N. Christie and
S. I.oseby (1996), pp. 45—70, at p. 60.
°
Note 3 above.
°
II Museo Diploinatico dellArchirio di Stato di Milano, no. 30.
46
J/ IIuseo Diplornatico dell’Archirio di Stato di ‘vIilano, no. 31 (MGH, DipI. Karol., I,
ed. E.Mühlhacher. Berlin, 1906, no. 164).
II AIuseo Diplornatico dell’Archivio di Stato di Milano, no. 38. L.F. Zagni, “Gli atti
arcivescovili Milancsi dci secc. VIII—X”, Studi di Storia e Diglo?natica Medievale 2 (1977),
pp. 5—45.
MONASTERIES, TOWNS AND THE COUNTRYSIDE 243
The charter evidence demonstrates that monastic communities
were once more being founded in towns from the early eighth cen
tury and, although communities such as Bobbio and Santa Maria
‘Senatoris’ were obviously on a very different scale and must have
followed different rules, they were always termed monasterium in these
texts, with the occasional use of coenobiutn possibly indicating larger
groupings. Even from texts which were primarily made to record
property arrangements, we can see that monastic life was defined by
continuous prayer (die que noctu at Bobbio, Lucedio and Sant’Arnbrogio)
and, in the case of women, enclosure and distinctive dress. However,
apart from Sant’Ambrogio, there is no mention of the Rule of
Benedict being followed. With the exception of San Salvatore in
Brescia, the patrimonies of these communities were not especially
large in the eighth century and yet all communities did have some
property, including in some instances dependent churches and fully
functioning estate centres. Finally, although most founders were non-
royal aristocrats, most communities quickly developed close rela
tionships with kings and queens or dukes whereas relationships with
bishops were rather slower to materialise—a rather different picture
from contemporary Francia.
.)Von-Monastic Religious Communities
Although distinctions between various types of religious communities
are not always entirely clear in the charters, some non-monastic reli
gious communities clearly existed in towns. The whole question of
terminology needs thorough reconsideration but here we may pre
sume that non-monastic institutions are identified in charters by the
words basilica and oratorium in association with reference to a custo
dian, who was usually a priest. For the maintenance of buildings
and pastoral care of the population, these churches were probably
staffed by small communities of clerics; but this is only an assump
tion and cannot be proved.48 The word monasterium is not applied to
these institutions. Examples can be found at Bergamo in 740 and
40
C. \/iolante, “Le strutture organizzative della cura d’anime nelle campagne
dell’Italia centrosettentrionale (secoli V- X)”, Gristianizzaione ed organizaione ecclesi
aslica del/c caiopagne nell’alto Medioevo: espansione e resistene. Settino. di Spoleto 28 (1980),
2, pp. 9631 102, especially pp. 1012—1057.
244 ROSS BALZARETTI
774, at Milan 765° and 777, at Monza in 768 and 769, and at
in
Campione ncar Lake Lugano also in 769. These churches were gen
erally the recipients of small gifts of land in return for the religious
services summed up in the recurrent phrase pro inissa et ltnninaria (for
masses and lighting) and occasionally the divine office (i\ionza in
769’;. It is an important point that none of these communities seem
to have been the recipients of royal patronage in this period; this
was perhaps something which distinguished them from monastic
communities. Otherwisc, as far as we can tell, the two types of com
munity may have functioned in qtute similar ways. But the major
ity were old, some very old, urban and suburban churches and their
land holding may also have been ancient. Relationships between
these existing clerical communities and the new monasteries remain
very unclear, although it is likely, in my view, that some monaster
ies developed from earlier groupings of clergy at the old urban
basilicas.
Cam/done and the Monastery of Sant’ Ambrogio in Milan
It is not possible to trace the social and economic histories of these
monastic communities in much depth in the eighth century because
the number of reliable chartcrs is in most cases relatively small.
However, there is at least one important exception to this, namely
the eighth-century material preserved by the monastery of Sant’
Ambrogio in Milan and relating to the period before its Carolingian
foundation. An example is the estate of Campione. on the eastern
shore of Lake Lugano, documented almost entirely from original
charters in what is the best run of such documents in the whole
area, before and after the foundation of the monastery of Sant’
Ambrogio in 789, which acquired it in 835.° In the eighth century
a family known to historians as the da Campione lived there in a house
which was the focus for an estate and a church dedicated to Saint
Zeno.5’ This church is termed both basilica and oracula in the char
Possihlv as early as 742 hut the charter is very rlodgv indeed.
This section is hased on my doctoral thesis The Lands oft’!. ;lmbrsse: The Arqaio/zon.
Giganisatian and lZx/doitatinn ci Landed Property in .Abrt/i- Il ‘es/eon Lnmhnrdj bj tire .lInnastep
of SantAinhrogss Milan, c. 780— 1000 (PhD, University uf London, 1989), pp. 205—219.
A revised version is forthcoming as The Lands of Satnt Ambrose. Msnlss and Sneiqy in
c’nrslingian Milan (Turnhout, 2000).
SI
G. Rossetti, “t ceti proprietari e professionali: status soctale, funzioni e presti
MONASTERIES. TOWNS AND THE COUNTRYSIDE 245
ters and first documented in 756 as the recipient of a gift of an olive
grove from one of the women in the family, Walderata, a widow.52
The text of this document is as follows:
In the name of the Lord. During the rule of our lord Aistulf most
excellent man [and] king. in the eighth year of his rule in the name
of God, the eighth day from the kalends of November, 1w the tenth
indiction; gladly. To the basilica of Saint Zeno sited in the Jisndos of
Campione. I \Valderata, widow of a certain Arochis of Ar/men, with
my son Agelmund consenting, give and cede )donn adejue cedo); I the
above \Valderata to the oratory of Saint Zeno for illumination and for
the sake of the soul of Arochis of good memory, my olive grove in
the fondos of Campione in the place known as de Gnndnald, my share
appertaining to me from amongst my sister and nieces by the laws;
adjacent: on one side and on two ends, the ohves and vines of Arochis
my brother, on the fourth side the olive grove of my sister Germana.
This share from this day I give and cede (dnnn adqne ceulrt the afore
mentioned olive grove which has six olive trees, as I said above, to
the oratory of Saint Zeno and to its custodian for illumination and
for the sake of our souls, that xve shall he redeemed and in future
centuries for all time by my most generous gift dx mm plentssiino largt
totem). And anyone who seeks to break (disnanpere) this titing done by
me shall have judgement with us before the tribunal of God and the
saviour of the world and the holy Saint Zeno. Enacted in Campione,
on the day, regnal year and indiction above; gladly.
The sign + of the hand of Walderata, who asked for this donation
(donatto) to be redacted, she made [her] sign.
+ Agelmundus I subscribe to this charter of donation with my consent.
Arochis I subscribe to this charter of donation asked by my sister
—
Qualderata with my consent and xvitness.
+ Gautpert I subscribe to this charter of donation asked h Ijualderata
and with the consent of Agelmund a witness.
The sign + of the hand of Honoratus son of a certain \/italianus of
Bissonc crc derotos witness,
+ I Ursus writer wrote and subscribed to this donation asked by
Uualderata and with the consent of Agelmund, and after transfer I
completed it and gave it [over].
gin a Stilano nei secoli \‘ItI—X. L’ctb longobarda”. Sfdans e i .llitnnesi prioza det
.1 litte JJLL—X see.5 A//i del 10 Gngoscn Lnternarionale di Studi snll’AOo Medinero (Spolcto,
1986. pp. 165- 208 and ibid., “Ii ninnastero di S Amhrogio nei primi due secoli
.
di vita: i fondamentali patrinsoniali e politici della sua fortuna”. Li .lLonasters di
Soot Arnhrogin nd .lLedinero, Coniregno di audi net XII eentenario, 784-/MI Milan, 1984,
pp.ss 20-34.
Li Musen Diploma/zen dett’Arehiczo di Stats di Mitnnn. no. 16. The invasion of Pippin
III in 755 (Wickham, Ear(y Mediecat fiaty. pp. 45- 46) which prompted Aistulf to
ionic laws related to donation (see below p. 250) may he reflected in this charter.
246 ROSS BALZARETTI
With the consent of her son Agelmund, ‘4Valderata made explicit the
power of the saint she venerated in the sanction appended to her
grant (et qui hunc mecum facturn disrumpere requeszerit nobiscurn aveat iudi
cium ante tribunal Dei et Salvatori mundi et beati sancti Tenoni). Another
widow’s gift is recorded in a charter of 769, made by Magnerata,
Waldcrata’s niece and ancilla Dci. From this we learn that the church
was built before 736 by Magnerata’s parents and had a resident cus
todian (custos) who was to deal with its property according to the
canons çwhatever this means!). After 804 it disappears from the record
for 50 years hut it must have passed out of the family’s control
around 810, following the death of Toto of Campione, Walderata’s
nephew and Magnerata’s first cousin, for at that point jurisdiction
over the church and the associated house and estate passed to the
archbishop of Milan and his successors, as the result of a testa
mentary bequest drawn up for Toto in 777. In 835 the whole estate
was given by Archbishop Angilhert II to the abbot and monks of
Sant’Arnhrogio in Milan. It was probably at this point that the fam
ily archive was ceded to the monastery. Henceforth the character of
the documentation changes markedly. The first text preserved after
835 records an acrimonious dispute with a local lay owner. A char
ter of 854 records for the first time that the church is now a cella
with its own preposilus who was a monk-priest, under the direct juris
diction of the monastery of Sant’Ambrogio. Whether there was a
community of monks or other clerics on site we do not know and
it is unclear if pastoral care of the local population was administered
from this building. Other charters record further disputes and agree
ments with other, mostly lay, owners in the area as the monks tried
to increase their land holdings. Other ecclesiastics were apparently
far from happy. In 874 the bishop of Como tried to expel the monks
of SanfAmhrogio from the church of S. Zeno whilst they were
officiating there!
These charters allow us to construct a narrative of the transfer of
power over this estate and its church from the da Gainpwne family
via the archbishop to the monastery. Similar, although rather less
detailed narratives, exist, for other places in the vicinity of Milan
and, to a lesser extent at this period, for Bergamo, Brescia and Pavia.
However, there is rather more to them than a simple change of
ownership. We can explore this from two related perspectives: the
nature of written culture and the nature of ownership itself
MONASTERIES. TOWNS AND THE COUNTRYSIDE 247
Once the monastery took over, the number of charters made in
Milan increases very significantly and their type changes. The da
Campione documented their business dealings using only a small num
ber of different types of charter, particularly charters of gift (cartula
donationis) and sale (cartula venditionis). They seem to have followed the
lead given by the Lombard kings at Pavia, especially Liutprand who,
between 721 and 734. emphasised the desirability of correctly writ
ten instruments to document ownership of land and people. Family
members employed poorly educated local scribes who wrote their char
ters up locally in Campione, Trevano, Arogno and “Sossonno”. At
least one of these, Alfrit writing in 769, seems to have been a friend
(amicus) of the family, alerting us to the social realities sometimes
concealed by a charter’s formulaic nature. Only occasionally did the
family go to Milan and other towns for scribes, with more gram
matical and assured results (5 of 16 were written in Milan, Piacenza
and Como). By contrast Sant’Arnhrogio used urban notaries and
none of their charters was made in Campione. The monks, having
taken over from Toto and his family the habit of documenting their
business transactions in writing, introduced charters into areas where
these might have been uncommon or possibly unknown before and,
in areas where charters were being used, introduced several basic
changes in recording practice. The monastery used a wider range
of document types than Toto had, in particular records described
as notitiae and convenientiae. In this way Campionese society was being
drawn more surely into the written culture of Milanese urban soci
etv and the social networks which this culture supported.
\Iost of the earliest charters concern the legal status of servants,
especially females (Austruda in 716. Scholastica in 735, Hermedruda
in 771: Toto’s ancillae in 777;. Later ones document the family’s deal
ings in land, largely purchases and gifts, with those of apparently
similar social status to themselves. From these we know that their
estate centre at Campione produced wine and especially olive oil for
liturgical and memorialising use (as luminaria) in the Zeno chapel as
well as food for the family’s use. There were resident servants, some
of whom worked the land, whilst others lived further away and did
occasional work for the estate. especially at harvest time .A fairly
wide range of Latin terms is employed to describe the servile: seivus
716 789 nfantohs seibi 807 puei 72 mancipia (73D aldia 771
massatius 777 ancillae 777 aldius 777 78Q 804 hoimius 777 anulla
248 ROSS BALZAREFI
(e. 810). All this was taken over systematically by the monks—but
it was a struggle.
The monastic charters cover a wider geographical area than Toto’s,
recording expansion into new areas. These charters often wear their
credentials rather more on their sleeves than before. They advertise
that they exist to keep memory alive (breve pro mernotia retinenda, breve
inemoratormm) and to record successfully resolved disputes. However,
one document type which is common in the collection from the early
ninth century for places near Milan—the carlo/a commutationis (deed
of exchange)—is not found at all here, reflecting more than simple
differences in recording practice. Apparently there were fewer own
ers in this area and bigger, less fragmented estates for the monks to
deal with, thus making exchange difficult. It may even indicate that
charters of exchange, documents necessary in societies where land
ownership is highly fragmented. were regarded with suspicion. The
monastery had most of its charters written in ‘sIilan, which, in addi
tion to making the recording process seem more remote than before.
enabled the monks to keep a closer eye on charter redaction. This
meant that social relationships with locals in the city were cemented
through the often cosy act of standing witness to transfers of rural
property. Power over the recording process reflected the real social
power of townspeople over the peasantry.
This brief exposition of the Campione material serves to flesh out
the more general narrative based on the charters with which I began
and, hopefully. shows how the foundation of a monastic community
alongside the basilica of Ambrose in Milan brought urban residents
into contact with people who lived in the country and vice versa
with increasing regularity- as the ninth century progressed.
Monasteries in the Lombard Laws
In the second half of this chapter we need to compare the charter
evidence with the Lombard laws31 and Paul the Deacon’s Historia
Langobardorum. The proximity of the places already discussed to Pavia,
w .1 he most convenient modern edition of these laws çwith Italian translation) is
Le leggi dei Longobardi. S/ode, ineinoria e dint/s di on popoto gentneoucn. eds. C. Azzara and
S. Gasparri (Milan, 1992). The text, while not progressing much beyond those of
Bluhme (Leges Langohacdonion, MGH, Leges 4, 1868) and Beyerle (Leges Langobardooon,
643—866, Withanoen, l962), does incorporate some modifications based on new
A
MONASTERIES. TOWNS AND THE COUNTRYSIDE 249
fi’om where the laws were issued, suggests that their provisions were
likely to have been known by, and therefore relevant to, some of
the inhabitants of the area under consideration here. This sugges
tion is supported by the survival of two eighth-century manuscripts
which might have been available in otir area. The oldest, preserv
ing Rothari’s Edict of 643 only, is Sanga//eniis 730, dating to e. 700
and possibly produced at Bohhio.S* The other, Verce//ensis 188, con
tains the laws of Rothari, Grimoald and those of Liutprand, and
must therefore date after 744. It can be dated palaeographieally to
the second half of the eighth century.55 Importantly, knowledge of
these laws is apparent in many eighth-century charters and indeed,
as Claudio Azzara has recently pointed out, these snippets them
selves provide important early evidence of the legal texts.5° The long
edict of Rothari, an Arian, contains no mention of monasteria and
little enough notice of Christianity. This significant absence suggests
that the foundation of Bohhio made little impact upon the king and
his advisers by the time that the edict was being drawn tip and pro
vides as well a good argument against the view that Saitga//ensis 730
is a Bobbio product. Bohhio appears to have remained an isolated
phenomenon until at least Rothari’s time.
The later laws, parallelling the charters of the same period, reveal
rather more about monastic life. Liutprand’s laws still approached
religious communities in a tangential fashion, emphasising their social
and economic roles as much as any more strictly religious ones.. Two
issues predominated. First, the question of how property could be
alienated to churches and, second, what was the relationship between
women and the religious life. Alienation to churches was dealt with
by Liutprand on two main occasions in 713 and 72l. The upshot
consideration of the eadiest manuscripts (pp. xxxv xxxvi). ‘there is also a conve
nient, if often inaccurate, English translation, The Lenohard Laws, traosl. K.F. Drew
(Philadelphia, 1973).
54
(‘odices Latin? Jntiqoiores, ed. L.A. Lowe, 7 (Oxford. 1956), no. 949, uncial later
seventh century, “Written presmssablv in the Lomha]’d kingdom, and probably not
far from Bobhio”.
(odices In/on .lntiqioones. ed. L.A. Lowe, 4 ‘Oxford. l948. no. 471, uncial mid-
eighth century, “Origin uncertain, probably North Italy”. It formed the basis of the
edinon of C. Bandi cIa Vesme. Ethctei Regnin Lanusbanclsrnoi Historiac Patriae )slonomema
8. l’urin. 1855
Azzara and Gasparri. To liggi dci Lsogsbacdi. p. xxxvii, and the examples dis
cussed by R. Balzaretti, “‘These are things that men do, not ss’omen’: the social
regulation of female violence in Langobard Italy”, Violence and Society in the Eartj
Medieval West, ed. C. Halsall (Woodbridge, 1998), Pl 175—192, at p. 181.
‘
Leg. Lang., Lin/prandi leges 6 and 19.
250 ROSS BALZARE’TII
was that a legally competent individual (man over 19) could bequeath
property pro ani;na sun zuclicandi z’e/ clispensandi de rebus suis (“bequeath
ing or disposing of his things for his soul”) and habeat licentiam de
rebus suis pro animam sunin in sanctis locis, causa pietatis, vel in senedochio
iudicare, quod voluerit (“He has permission, for his soul, to dispose of
his property for pious reasons to holy places or to a hospital, as he
wishes”). Very importantly, such a bequest could not be challenged
later, a provision taken up quite quickly to the direct benefit of
churches, for example in wills made in 745, 774 and 777. Yet it
was not all plain sailing. Aistulf came back to this issue in 755 in
an angry chapter complaining that some men acted against the wishes
of their dead relatives and stopped pro anima grants.58 Aistulf insisted
that such grants were irrevocable:
If any Lombard, whether in sickness or in health, arranged by char
ter (per cartolo) that holy places (inca e’enerabiiia) shall have his property
and that the household servants by whom that property is served are
to be free in order that they may make a return to those holy places
(re4giosis locis), these things shall be observed to all time (omrn in tern-
pore) by a man’s heirs as was established.
This was reiterated and amplified in chapter 16 in which Aistulf
stated without ambiguity that any property agreement made with a
bishop, abbot or any other custodian of a church or xenedochiurn with
the consent of the heirs and suitable witnesses could not he revoked
by the heirs All these injunctions can he related also to the various
provisions in the laws beginning with Edictuin Rot/tori 227. stressing
the need to record property transfer in writing. \Vomen were at the
heart of this question. As they were legally incompetent it was dou
bly difficult for them to endow religious communities directly and
because of pressures to marry and produce legitimate heirs it was
hard for them, unlike some contemporary kings, including Ratchis
in 749, to ‘opt out’.59 In spite of these difficulties the laws suggest
that some women did exactly this. In a long code about women
who adopted the religionis habitu ant restern rnonastiga “the religious
habit or monastic dress”), Liutprand argued—I stress oigned—that
they should be allowed to do this provided that they remained chaste
58
Lgg. Lang.. .iistn/fi iege.e 12.
C. Stancliffe, “Kings who Opted Out”. Ideal and Reality in [monkish ond Anglo-
Saxon Soczi3y. eds. P. Wormald with D. Bullough and R. Collins “Oxford, 1933), pp.
154—176.
MONASTERIES. TON5 AND THE COUNTRYSIDE 251
and unmarried.59 There were heavy penalties imposed on women
who broke their vows, penalties reinforced in 726 in a chapter which
dealt harshly with men who had sex with a religiosa ,frmina or sancti
mania/is, the two terms suggesting different types of religious prac
tice.61 Two years later the king and his advisers provided that widows
could not take up the veil (velare ant monachico /iabitu) until a full year
had passed after the deaths of their husbands.62 They also dealt with
the thorny question of the religious woman’s (rnniier re/igionis) prop
erty.63 If she had any children of either sex she could take a third
of her property to the monastery, which kept it on her death, but
if childless she could take a half of her property and the monastery
again kept it (unless she wished otherwise—perhaps a concession to
family pressure). But most interesting is the final provision:
If she remains at home (in dornnrn perenonserzt, she may have the right
to dispose of a third part of her property either for the benefit of her
soul or to anyone whom she wishes. Two thirds of her property will
pass to the possession of him who holds her rnundznni.
From this chapter we learn that women could be holy not only by
entering a monastic institution but also by wearing the veil at home
and remaining both unmarried and chaste. This seems to take us
straight hack to Rome in the time of Jeron’ie and Paula when holi
ness for aristocratic women was most definitely an urban phenom
enon.64
Liutprand and Aistulf appear particularly concerned with the social
consequences which women’s adoption of the holy life had for aris
tocratic families and are perhaps surprisingly uninterested in monas
tic rules, male chastity and episcopal oppression. The Italian laws of
Charlemagne and Pippin, in quite deliberate continuation and devel
opment of the earlier codes, provide exactly these provisiom. Typical
is the Capita/are cam episcopis langobardicis deliberatani issued e. 780—790
in which priests and clerics are instructed to live by a rule, as are
monks and nuns (inonac/zi quarn monachas egulariter rilam degani. Such
provisions show that Charlemagne was interested in regularising,
Leg. Lang.. Liutprondi leges 30. issued in 723.
Litoprondt leges 76.
Loitprnndt leges 11)0.
Lun’prondi tegee 101.
C. Clark, II stnen in Late .lntzqnitr. Peqon and Chostion Lifestrlee Oxford. 1993).
pp. 102—105.
252 ROSS BALZARETTI
literally, the monastic life in Italy, for whatever reasons. It is in this
context that the foundation of the monastery at Sant’Amhrogio should
he seen. The choice of this ancient urban Cult site for a new Benedictine
community was hardly arbitrary. It was a sign of things to come.
In my view the Lomhard laws and charters combine to show that
a regulated monastic life was siow to emerge in this part of Italy.
Further they do not suggest that royal involvement in the develop
ment of monasticism was all that great.65 However, they do provide
some evidence of attempts to regulate the social consequences of the
eighth-century fashion for founding monasteries in this area. They
are, of course, another example of the written culture of the towns
impinging on the countryside.
The Ecidence of Paul the Deacon
At last we arrive at Paul the Deacon (e. 720/730—790s), writing his
His/aria Larigobardorum at the end of the eighth century.66 This posi
tioning is deliberate because treatments of seventh- and eighth-cen
tury Lombard monasticism normally begin with him and tend to be
led (or rather misled!) by him.67 By virtue of his life at Montecassino
Paul can be presumed to have been well acquainted with central
Italian monastic life and so it is certainly worth looking carefully at
his comments on monasteries more generally. The most important
monastic communities mentioned by Paul are: ?slontecassino:1% Bobhio;”5
San Vincenzo al Volturno;7° Sant’Agata, Pavia;7’ Sant’Anastasio.
The earliest narrative text dealing with Lombard history from a Lombard per
spective is the Oe&gs Coats f.oggsbordsnon probably written in Crimoalds reign and
its early ninth—centnrv variant the so—called Historia Longshordorton (Salters Cot/toni).
Neither it nor its variant contain any mention of monks and monasteries.
See note 24 above. tie most important modern commentaries are D.A.
Bullough, “Ethnic Histoi) and the Carolingians: an alternative reading of Panl the
Deacon’s Histsrio Longsbordsrurn”, The Inheritance of Histsriogrophy, ed. C. Holdsworth
(Exeter, 1986), pp. 85—105, XV. Coffart, The .iVanatsss of Barbarian Histsrr (Princeton,
19885 pp. 329—431 and especially XV. PohI, “Panlus Diaconos nod die ‘Historia
Langobardorum’: Text mid Tradition”, Histsnsgraphie irn frtihen A Iittelalter, eds.
A. Scharer and C. Scheibelreiter (Vienna, 19945 pp. .375406.
Particnlarly evielent ni G.P. Bognetti, L’Etd Issigobaicla. 4 vols. Milan. 1964).
Hot. Long. 1.26 and \‘1.40. the refoondatton by Petronax of Brescia about
w boos it wonld have been so nice to knorn more!
Hot. Lang. 11.16 and V1.41.
2,
Mist. Long. VI,40.
21
Mist. Leooz. V.34: inosiasteriurn quod .‘Vorion appellatur Donnns et liheratsri sun in lion—
MONASTERIES, TOWNS AND THE COUNTRYSIDE 253
Corteolona:72 San Pietro in Ciel d’Oro, Pavia;73 S. Remigio, Berceto5’
San Giorgio, Cornate d’Adda;75 and Santa Maria Theodota, Pavia.6
He omits Lueedio or Santa Maria “Senatoris”. possibly because he
did not know about them, or because they were not associated with
the main figures in this narrative, or simply because they were small.
In our area the bulk of those he mentions were in towns and are
all termed inonasteriurn. Yet they were clearly not equivalent institu
tions. Paul’s terminology closely parallels that of the charters: monas
terium, congregatio and coenobium. This is important because some scholars
have questioned his use of monasterturn to mean monastery. In view
of the charter evidence I would argue that, while it may hardly ever
indicate a Benedictine community, the term monasteriuin does indi
cate some sort of recognisahlv monastic community, probably one
regulated in some fashion, probably enclosed and defined by dis
tinctive dress and continuous praying.
Certain aspects of Paul’s information may be suspect. He evidences
early foundations for some monasteries (e.g. Leno, S. Maria d’Aurona)
which are not supported by reliable charter or any other evidence.
His rosy view of the importance of so many royal founders—Agilulf,
Theodelinda, Cuninepert and Peretarit in addition to Liutprand—
may need some qualification, although his enthusiasm for Liutprand
as monastic patron may well, in the light of the laws and charters,
he justified.77
ore sanetoe engines et snor/rrrs .4,gatliae construxit. hi quo snnltas engines adgregartt rehtoque et
direrso pariter eundesn locoot ornarnentis thteait. The founeler was King Peretarit ,Cantino
\Vaiaghin. ‘S’slonasteri in etS longoharda”, p. 88
22
Hist. Lang. VI,58 .N. Christie. The Lsnihards Oxford. 1996’. p. 162 and
C. Calderiid. “Il palazzo di Lintprando a Cortesilona, (7sntnhuti dell’Istituts di Aseheslsgia
5 1975’, pp. 174—203.
Mist. Long. VI.58 çCantino \Vataghin. “Monastert in eta lorigobarria”, p. 88).
°
Mist. Long. VI.58 çCantino \Vataghin, “Monasteri in eta longoharda”, p. 90).
°
Mist. Lang. VI, 17: in honore beau rnaryris tnnnasterinrn constmxit (Conincpert).
°
Mist. Long. V,37: quesn torn postea in ,nnnasterintn, good de illius nnrnine intro Tieinnrn
appelloturn nit, rnisit (Cunincpert).
Mist. Lang. VI,58. Liotprand’s especial piety is noted by Bede at the end of his
“Creater Chronicle” (Dc Tsnpsrton Ratisne, ed CXV. Jones. CC 123A, pp. 495- 535),
written contemporaneously in 725: “Liutprand, bearing that the Arabs had depop
ulated Sardinia and had dug op the place whither the bones of the holy bishop
Augustine had once been nsoved )on account of the ravaging of the barbarians)
and is here they had tseen honourably buried. he sent, and paving a great price for
them, he reeei’ced the hones and transported them to Pavia. and rehorted them
there with the honour due to so great a lather” Bede. The Ecclesiastical Histnrt of
the English People. The Cseater C/ironic/c. BedeS Letter to Egbert, eds. J. McClure and
R. Colliiss [Oxford. 1994]. p. 340.. Bede’s notice of bins is important evidence that
 254 ROSS BALZARETTI
Conclusions
AS is well known, a strong concept of civic identity can be perceived
in the C½nncn tie sjinodo Ticinensi of 698 and the Fèrsu,n tie Mecliolano
chile/c of 739•75 These verses Suggest that urban inhabitants had
their own saints, mostly episcopal martyrs whose bodies had sanctified
the old basilicas for three or four centuries and that cult of some of
these saints as urban patrons hegan precisely in the earlier eighth
century. ° Unfortunately, the churchcs recorded in these two texts
are far too poorly documented for us to be able to be certain about
their roles within towns or in helping to keep urban life going in
the sixth and seventh centuries.50 But once they are evidenced in the
eighth century, they certainly helped to improve the chances of sal
vation for those who arranged for luminaria et rntssae to be carried
out after their earthly demise and to keep the memory of individu
als and families alive. They may have had other pastoral roles too.
Our surviving evidence strongly suggests that it was only during
the course of the eighth century that monasteries developed in these
towns. We may be forced into this conclusion by the limited evi
dence and may therefore be wrong in detecting a new phenomenon
where there is only the monasteries’ enthusiastic adoption of char
ter documentation and archival practices. However, once the monas
tic charter evidence is compared with documentation not produced
by the monasteries themselves, such as the laws and the earlier
Campione charters, I would argue that we are witnessing a real
change. I have tried here to illustrate a few of the consequences of
this change for the relationships which existed between those who
lived in towns and those who rlid not, to show how these commu
nities integrated themselves into the existing social fabric which was
seemingly dominated by the kings at their court at Pavia and the
aristocracy. I have concluded that these represent rather different
sorts of monastic communities from the rural, isolated, contempla
Paul’s later opinion may well he correct although the extent to which Paul depended
on Bcdc needs further research’.
Carmen de snrndo Tiriaensi, in Rhttioni Lemgohordici. ed. K. Strceker. MOB. Poetar
latini acts Cain/on 4. 2. pp. 7211—731 Cumnepert presided over the meeting; modes
de ,lleel,a/aao rantatg ed. GB. Pighi Bologna. 1960).
AM. Orselli, L’idea e ii co/to del santo patrons cittadino ne//a /etteratora latina rostiana
(Bologna, 1965).
°°
Note 9 above.
MONASTERIES. TOWNS AND THE COUNTRYSIDE 255
tive and self-sufficient ones characteristic of both the Benedictine and
Colnmbanian traditions. Most urban monasteries were apparently
very small and highly aristocratic—particularly the nunneries of Pavia.
A few, such as San Salvatore and Sant’Ambrogio developed large
patrimonies over which they had real powers, although we should
he wary of exaggerating this in the eighth centnry.
Yet even if we can establish with some certainty these basic facts,
the wider social, economic and cultural impact which may have
resulted from these new foundations is less easy to generalise about.
In large part this is because very little historical or hagiographical
writing was produced in this part of Italy in the eighth and early
ninth centuries, especially by these new monastic communities, which
apparently had not developed sufficiently to reflect on their own
pasts at this period. Indeed, if I am correct, they hardly had pasts
to reflect upon. As a result, for many monasteries we do not even
have complete lists of abbots or abbesses and we can he certain that
most of their social history is forever lost. It is within this context
that the charters come into their own. These are most valuable when
we have before and after documentation, as for Campione. From
such material it is clear that each piece of land which each monas
tic community acquired had the potential to be a focus for all sorts
of social institutions and their competing loyalties.8’ Monasteries, espe
cially those founded in or near towns, had to deal in a world where
much land in the surronnding countrvsitle had lon.g been owned by
those who lived in the towns, including the clergy who serviced the
old basilica churches. Monks had to find their niche. The example
of Campione. tmlikelv to he unique, demonstrates that kin relations,
friendship bonds and hierarchical relationships of lordship held even
such small-scale societies together. Transfer of land by inheritance
was normal, parents were expected to pass the bulk of their land to
their children and alienation outside the kin group was therefore
difficult. Lintprand began to encourage it in his laws, and other
kings, such as Aripert II and Desiderins and his wife Ansa, led by
their practice. In 71 3 Liutprand made it legal for a man to give
away his property for the good of his soul in the form of a bequest
which his heirs could find it difficult to challenge.°2 In 7 14 Senator
SI
Propertj and Power in Ear/j .tIee/iera/ Eorope, edo. XV. Davies and P. Fouracre
(Cambridge, 1995), is the fundamental text.
82
Lgg. Lang., Liotprandi leges 6.
256 ROSS BALZARE’rrl MONASTERIES. TOWNS AND THE COUNTRYSIDE 257

founded the monastery of Santa Maria in Pavia in exactly this fash between town and countryside more than any other type of institu
ion. Increasingly the power to alienate property spread to the aris tion. They could do this because such links were mutually useful. If
tocracy, especially widows and prospective nuns. That this power the services monks provided for the aristocrats were often intangi
required royal sanction stresses just how strange it was: Aistulf in ble, salvation most obviously, what they consumed from those who
755 was still stressing its validity. Nevertheless, pious gift did hecome were not aristocratic, the services of specialist document writers, the
the main way in which churches ohtained land in this part of Italy labour of their tenants and the products of the soil, were certainly
in the eighth century. tangible. Monasteries are the sites above all others where reciproc
Alienation and acquisition of property was only the first stage. ity can he observed in action in eighth-century northern Italy, albeit
The monastic history of this area in the ninth century, as I have a reciprocity which was socially restricted and economically localised.ttt
shown elsewhere, is in large part one of disputes.83 Having gained
the land monks found that their right to it was far from total: to
hold onto their property churches needed to receive over and over
again royal grants and confirmations of land and immunity, although
one must rememher that the initiative here vas in as much part
monastic as royal. Read in isolation we would come away from Paul
the Deacon’s account with a skewed impression of the relationships
of monasteries, kings and towns. He does not enlighten us on how
such communities were supported or what they- did for the urhan
communities in which they were mostly sited. Nor does he help us
understand the ways in which monasteries imported urhan customs
into the countryside. However, in general terms, Paul is in line with
the other evidence.
Thus, in this chapter I have pursued two related lines of argu
ment. The first is that monastic life in north-western and north-cen
tral Italy in the Lombard period should he seen pnmaril as an
urban phenomenon. By this I do not simply mean that most monas
teries were to be found in places which contemporaries regarded as
urban, although they certainly were, but also that monks and nuns
developed mutually heneficial social and economic relationships with
urban residents who had specialised functions (e.g. notaries) and with
institutions which were overwhelmingly urban-based (e.g. the king’s
court at Pavia and legal courts in most other towns). The second
argument is that one of the most significant results of these urban
monastic foundations was that the monastic communities slowly
diffused civic habits and values throughout the mostly rural lands
which they came to control. In this respect, and particularly as new
institutions perhaps representing a new piety, they encouraged links
ss I would like to express trw thanks to Gian Pietro Broginlo for his invitation
to Isernia. to Neil Christie who read this paper on my hehalf when I was unex—
83
R. Balzarern. ‘The Monastery of Sant’Amhrogio and Dispute Settlement in peetedlv taken ill, to Arehie Dunn and to Gisella Cantiuo XVataghin lbr yen help
Early Medieval Milan”. Ear/t .1 lee/let-el Europe 3 1 994,, pp. 1—18. ful comments on an earlier written draft.
 BRINGING SAINTS TO CITIES AND MONASTERIES:
TRA]SL4TIONES IN THE MAKING OF
A SACRED GEOGRAPHY
(NINTH-TENTH CENTURIES)

Martina Caroli

Introduction

Space is a dimension of the physical environment, but the environ

ment is never a simple physical construct, its shape being composed
by a number of ancestral, psychological, or economical factors.
Between these—and other—factors, a role never to be forgotten is
that of religion and spirituality.’ For the believers, true reality is
something more than what can be seen, and places have a sacral
quality too.2
Space, at the same time, defines and is defined by the society liv
ing in it, and changes can be made either in physical or in mental
structures, whether building roads and bridges, opening markets, or
fostering a pagan or Christian cult. During the early Middle Ages,
the idea of a Christian history aimed toward its final accomplish
ment goes together with the idea of a christianization of the whole
wide world, up “to the limits of the earth”.3

See L. Pani Ermini, “Santuario e eitth fra tarda AntiehitS e alto Medioevo”,
Santi e dernoni nell’alto Medioevo occidentale (seeoli V--X. Setton. di Spoleto 36 (1988), 2,
pp. 837—879; AM. Orselli, “Santi e eitth. Sand e demoni urbani tra Tardoantieo
e alto Medioevo”, Santi e demoni, pp. 783—830; AM. Orselli, “Simboli della eittS
eristiana fra Tardoantieo e Medioevo”, La rind e ii sacro, ed. F. Cardini (Milan,
1994), pp. 42 1—450, and Ead., “Coseienza e immagini della eittd nelle fonti tra V
e IX seeolo”, Ear[y Medieval Towns in the Western Mediteossnean, Ravello 22—24 setteoi
Ire 1994, ed. G.P. Brogiolo (Mantna, 1996); L. Pani Ermini, “La eittd di Pietra:
forma, spazi, strntture”, Morfologie sociali e culturali in Europa fra tarda Antiehith e altn
Medioevo. Seltins. di Spoleto 45 (1997), pp. 211—255.
2
See L. Searaffia, “Questioni aperte”, Luoghi saeri e spai della santith, eds.
S. Boeseh Gajano and L. Searrafia (Turin, 1990), pp. 11—17 and some remarks
from M. Lee Nolan, “Shrine Locations: Ideals and Realities in Continental Europe”,
Looghi sacri, pp. 75—84. See also S. Boeseh Cajano, La santith (Rome-Ban, 1999),
pp. 28—31 and related bibliography pp. 140—141. For an interesting analysis of a
relationship between physical and mental dimension of places, see A. Carile,
“Costantinopoli Nuova Roma”, La ezttd e zl sacro, pp. 205—242.
Psalms 72,8 and 98,3 (this same idea of the eosmieal dimension of the power
260 MARTINA CAROLI
The study of written texts reporting the translationes of relics, and
thus affirming the conscious/unconsciousness of this rite, can help
in the comprehension of the efforts made in the christianization of
territories sometimes near the cities, sometimes far away from them,
up to the frontiers of the realms.
Each place and each relic has its own history and its own role in
the framework of the relationships between towns and their territo
ries, and their history and role can be recognised analytically, but
the importance of translations as a widespread instrument in the
modification of social and religious space can be highlighted in their
growing frequency during the ninth and tenth centuries.
Translationes
The beginning of a new cult must be a public event. It must have
a strong impact on people. Otherwise, no new cult could emerge.
This is altogether true for the renewal of the obsolete memory of a
saint.4 ‘When relics of the saint are available, translatio is often the
ritual chosen to obtain the renewal and/or implantation of a saint’s
cult.5 Inventio, elevatio, and translatio can be considered as three forms
of the same liturgical action: bringing the saint’s relic from secret to
public, from hidden to revealed, from darkness to light.
of the Lord is suggested by many Psalms). For some hints about the debate on
time and space in Christian thought see AM. Orselli, “Di alcuni modi e tramiti
della comunicazione con ii sacro”, Mofologie sociali, pp. 924—925.
It is impossible to present here an exhaustive panoramic on saints’ cults, so I
will refer to only a very few general and recent contributions, offering a synthesis
of hagiographical problematics and a presentation of historiographical schools:
A. Angenendt, Heiligen und Reliquien. Die Geschichte ihres Kulte2 oem fruhen Christenlum his
um Gegenwart (MCnchcn, 1994), p. 470; S. Boesch Gajano, “L’agiografia”, Moofologie
sociali e culture/i, pp. 797—843. and Ead., La santith, p. 174 (with a systematic bibli
ography); M. van Uytfanghe. “Le rernploi dans l’hagiographie: une ‘loi du genre’
qui étouffc l’originalité?”, Icleologie e pratiche del reimpiego nell’alto Medioevo, Spoleto 1998
(Spoleto, 1999), pp. 359—411.
See in particular: PJ. Gcary, Fnrta Sacra. Thçfls of Rehcs in the Central Middle Ages
(Princeton, NJ., 1978, 19902); M. Heinzelmann, Translationsberichte und andere Qjiellen
des Re/iquienkultus (Turnhout, 1979); R. Michalowski, “Le don d’amitih dans Ia société
carolingienne et leo Trans/ationes sanclorum”, Haipographie, cultures et soci/tts, IJ7’—XJJ
si/c/es. Actes du colloque organisé a ,Aanterre et a Paris, 2—5 mai 1979 (Paris, 1981), pp.
399—416; D.F. Applehy, Hagiograp/y and Ideology in the .Ninth Centuy: The ]/arralive
Description of the Translation of Relics, Ph.D. Dissertation (University of Virginia, 1989),
p. 424; F. Cardini, “Reliquie e pellegrinaggi”, Santi e demons, pp. 981—1035;
F. Lifshitz, “The Migration of Neustrian Relics in the Viking Age: Ihe Myth of
BRINGING SAINTS TO CJTIES AND MONASTERIES 261
Defined, to some extent, by canons and liturgical rituals,6 transla
tiones are performed by men of God (either clerks or monks),7 with
the agreement of the local authority, in the presence of the whole
of the people (usually from the three ordines—whatever meaning we
will tribute to these “three”°—, generally in great numbers, both
men and women, and of all ages).9
Voluntary Exodus, the Reality of Coercion and Theft”, Early Medieval Europe 4
(1995), pp. 175—192; fyI. Caroli, Le tras/aioni reliquiali dei secoli VIII—X in Occidente:
funzione della regalità carolingia.7, Tesi di Dottorato di Ricerca (Universitk di Bologna,
1998), p. 631.
See the text of old ordines edited by M. Andrieu, Les Ordines romani du haul
Mqyen Age, 4. Los Textes (Ordines XXX V—XLIX,) (Louvain, 1956), in particular the ordines
41—43 (pp. 309—413). The Ordo XLIII, Ad reliquias levandas sire deducendas seu conden
das, known also as Ordo sancli Amandi, seems to be the older one, and, while the
manuscript is from the ninth century (Paris, Bibl.Nat., Let. 974), in its older struc
ture it can be dated back to the seventh (Andrieu, Los Ordines, pp. 403—413). See
also N. Hermann-Mascard, Los reliques des saints. Formation coutumiire d’un droit (Paris,
1975).
Peculiar, from this point of view, is the second version of the elevaOo of the
bones of Germanus bishop of Paris (probably an interpolation from the first half
of the ninth century of a text written soon after the elevation, which took place
between 755—757): the only group able to perform the elevatso was that of the opts-
mates (even if on the second attempt), while neither the bishops, nor the monks
could achieve it. Translalio Gerinani intespolata saec. IX el miracula, auctore nsonacho Sancti
Germani de Pratis (BHL 3474—3475), partim ed. G. Waitz, MGH( SS 15, pp. 5—9. The
older version of the text is edited by B. Krusch, who, trying to identi9y the “orig
inal” version, also presents an analysis of the different stages of the composition of
the text: Translatio Germani vetuslissima et miracula, auctore monacho Sancli Gessnani de Pratis
(BHL 34723473), ed. B. Krusch, MGH, SRM 7. pp. 422—428.
Optimales (chosen and guided by king Pipin the Short), episcopi, and monachi are
the three institutional groups called to intervene in the Translatio Germani inteipolata
(pp. 6—7). Neither of the three could perform the task until the king fulfilled some
patrimonial request from the saint: only then did the king and the optimales take
the feretrum out, acsi nihil in se ponderis haberet (p. 7).
For an interesting discussion of the meaning of the ordmes during the reign of
Louis the Pious, see R. Savigni, Giona d’Orléans. Una ecclesiologia caro/ingia (Bologna,
1989), pp. 17—57, who underlines how Giona, bishop of Orleans (t 842—843), in
his Vita Hugherli, explicitly refers to laicus ordo, monasticus ordo, and episcopalis ordo
(p. 81 7)——-and not to the tripartite structure of laboratores, oralores, and bellatores, whose
implementation during the following centuries has been studied by Georges Duby
and Jacques Le Goff. lona episcopus Aurelianensis, Vita el Trans/also s. Hucberts epis
copi Leodiensis (BHL 3994—3995), ed. Ch. de Smedt, AA S5) .5/or. 1 (1887), pp. 806—82 1
(Jonas text was written under request of the bishop of Liege, Walcaudus, soon after
the translation of the relics of Hubert from the episcopal see of Liege to the
monastery of Saint-Hubert, in 825); G. Duhy, Los trois ordres ou l’imaginaire do féo
dalisme (Paris, 1978); J. Le Gofl “Les trois fonctions indo-européennes, l’histoire et
l’Europe féodale”, Anna/es Economic Sociétés Civi/isations 34 (1979), pp. 1187—1215.
See, for example, Einhardus, Translatio Marcel/mi et Petri (BHL 5233), ed.
G. Waitz, MGH, SS 15: the faithful came from near and far places (non so/nm de
eodem rico Aquensi et ricinis atque adiacenlibus oil/is, rerum chain de longinquiorihus loris ac
262 MARTINA CAROLI
The main “actor” of this event is the saint, since his/her virtue
is somehow present in his/her material relics’5 (relics which are qnite
different from regular human hones, in consequence of the stated
and recognised fact that, since they were part of a saint’s physical
body, they are going to participate in the eternal glory, and are
going to physically resurrect as bodies).’’ He/she is at the same time
ohject and subject of the translation, because his/her will makes the
difference between success or failure of the event, even when this
will is not as explicitly recorded as in the Vito Boa/ti, where the first
attempt to hdng the dead body of St. Bonitus hack to his episcopal
see of Clermont was abruptly stopped by the saint himseW saying:
me inejuietare modo, quia cam red/re roluero, ego maztzabo. 2 Visions are
pagis ac/es fi-equeas atque insaaais ins/tOads csngregata est) and the miracles crc shared
by sauna infennitatuin genoa . . in sinai sew et aetati ;p. 247:. The idea of the great
.
number of people is reprised many times, for example: ricinsruot nsstrsmuin oisltitudoieoi
P. 244 papa/i inultitudiae p. 245’, etc. See M. Heinzelmann. “Einhards ‘Translatio
,
Marcellini et Petri’: Eine hagingraphisehe Reformsehrift von 830”. Einliardt.Studioi
Zn Iabcn and I i’ik, Don Gedenken an He/ssut Beuoiann gaeidoiet. ccl. H. Scbeldrs Darmstadt.
1997), pp. 269—298.
5
The relationship between the saint and his community, a theme developed by
many works devoted to hagiography (see n. 1), has been outlined by the fundamental
work of AM. Orselli, L’idea e ii cu/ta del sants patrons (Bologna, 1965). See also
P. Brown, “Relics and Social Status in the Age of Gregory of Tours”, Stenton Lec
tures 1976, La sscietà e il sacrs ne/la tarda Aottelutk (London, 1982; Turin, l988, pp.
182 and 189—199 (Italian cdtlton/ The theme of the “humiliation of the saint”,
full’ developed by Patrick Gearv. is particularly important in the frame of a two
way relationship between the heavenly saint and the eartlsly community. P. Gear.
“L’humiliation des saints”, Anna/es £56’ 34 1979. pp. 2 7—42.
Relics are not the only instrument for the sliffusion of the thaumaturgical virtue
of the saint. Some interesting remarks on tbc opportunities atirl difficulties eharae
tensing the spread of a saint’s cult without a parallel spread of relics, has been
made by Frederick Paxton: Paxton underlines the liturgical role of the Mass o171’or
St. Sigismund, but mainly he emphasises the healing power recognised in that
liturgy, somehow a substitute in itself for the healing power usually recognised in
relics. Observations about the presence of the saint in different places without a
correspondent presence of his relics has been made also by Luce Pietri, in the frame
offered by the Tours of St. Martin. F. Paxton, “Liturgy and Healing in an Early
Medieval Saint’s Cult: The Mass in hsnore sancti Sigisnsundi Fir the Cure of Fevers”.
Traditts 49 1994, pp. 23-43. L. Pietri. “Lam sancta: Ia gfograpbie de Ia saintetC
dans l’lsagiographie gauloise I\” —\‘I’ siècle “. Lusg/o sari-i e spmmti c/el/a santita. pp.
23—35.
U
See C. Walker Bvnum. ‘kite Resurrection oft/ic Body in Jl’estern f./,ostianity, 200—1336
New York. 1995,; L. Canctti. “Reliquie. martirio e anatomia. Culso dci santi e
prauchc disscttone fra ‘lardoantico e primo S lcdioevo”. ‘tIicrs/ngiu 7, :1999. pp. 73—113.
See, also, the srtggestion proposed in the review article by C. Canetti, “La cittk dci
vivi e Ia citta dci morti. Rel,quie, doni c sepolture uell’alto Medioevo”. Qgadeou
stsriei 100 (1999), pp. 207—236.
°
Vita et bans/ntis Bsnitt episespi Ats-ern, (BHL 1418), ed. B. Krusch. MGH, SR/tI 6,
BRINGING SAINTS TO CITIES AND MONASTERIES 263
not required to prove the agreement of the saint, although they could
help)5 Miracles are the tangible sign of the saint’s choice, even
though their role is always shaded between the building up of faith,
the affirmation of a pre-existing faith, and the seal of a sacred action.14
Tn this sense, the distinction between Trans/at/ones and Li/sri nnrae’a/o
iota is not always feasible, because they are often so strictly con-
nected that it would he impossible to separate clearly the translation
(as the historical occasion for the miracles;, from the miracle ‘as the
sacred legitimisation for the translation). ‘
p. 135: “Do not bother me, svhen I’ll decide to come hack, I will tell you”. Bonitus
died probably in 706 while he was in Lyon, and he svas buried there. His succes
sor Nordobertus was planning to obtain the body when he saw Bonitus in vision,
clearly stating his will to stay a little longer in Lyon. Only a few years later, prob
ably tu 712, Proculus, the third successor of Bonitus and 36th bishop of Clermont,
u-as able to bring back the budx’ and the saint again stated his will in a vision to
a priest also explicitly choosing the way the proeessiott should go -pp. 135—136,.
.
St. Sebastian too was very clear in his decision to go to Soissons: Ite appeared
to a physically impaired person ‘,nt-a/,dus seated in I’ront of the main church of
Langres telling him that he was Sebastian Ego susi Sehastianus ntartrr:; he ordered
the man to go and tell Rodoinos -the envoy of Htlrlutn. who was resting in Langres
doting his trip to Rome looking for the relics of the saint pontiff Silvester) to get
instead Sebastiatt’s body from Rome. To comment on the choice of the saint the
author also puts on the mooths of sitme Roman cardinals a list of pi-evious failed
translations of St. Sebastian. Odilo monachos S. Medardi (discussed authorslsip),
Trans/ntis Sc/sastiani et Gregsrii (BHL 7545), ed. Chiffictisis, AA 85, Ian. II. p. 644. As
happens quite often iii nineteenth—eentttry editions, this passage (related as it is to
visions and/or miraeled has been skipped by the editor, Odilo moo. S. Mcdardi,
Trans/attn Schccstiasi et fiisgsoi (BHJ. 7545. ed. 0. Holder-Egger, SIGH. 55 15. pp.
379 391. For a diseussioti about the author and the cotliposition date see F’. Lifshitz,
“l’he ‘Exodris of Holy Bodies’ Reconsidered: ‘I’he Translation of the Relics of St.
Gildard of Rooen to Soissons”. Ann/emta Bs//andiana 110 1992. pp. 329 340.
See Licttolfus presbiter Moguntintts. Vita et trans/ntis Sneri c-/s. Ras-mnnatts BHL
7681 --7682 ed. I., de Heinemann, SIGH, 55 15, pp 289 293. In this text. writ
.
ten alter 856 about the tratsslatinn of Severus’ relies li-tim Ravenna to S Iaitsz slated
836. the narration of the actual theft is not introdsicesl by miracles or vision, tlse
only supernatural es-cot being the snddets horror et timsr proved by the bishop of
Vcrrlrtn Hiltus (824—847) and two csnsites while entering the room in which the
bishop of 1\Iamz, Osgantus, kept the sealed smrinia, thus affirming the astthentieity- of
the relies (p. 292).
°
Interesting remarks have been made by Soha Boeseh Gajano about the cede
siastir-al will eharaetenising the eonstrrtr-tion of the Libri stirnmulsiant, in the attempt
of eodifk- the event and its memors-. giving a public and general structure ttt inch—
s-idoal experiences Bitesels Gajano. “L’agiograha”. P. 819
- See Caroli. I.e ttns/aioni is//gain/i. pp. 45 68. ‘Ihe quantitative relationship
beiss ecu the actual history of the translation and the list of the miracles can elsangc
retuat-kablv, st) shifting the balance of she text to the unique event the trauslatiots
tin to the repetitts-e ones tlse mit-as-les:. The modern editions of these texts do not
help iii the comprehensiots of this balance, because too often the editors choose to
skip the parts of sIte text desenibittg “non-historical” facts: the nineteenth-censors-
edition of the Tans/ntis Sebastinni by Holden-Fgger (see abos-e n, 9) offers only one
264 MARTINA CAROLI
The reference to the movement of relics to new locations’5 can
be found in a whole range of written sources, primarily in the texts
described by the Bollandists as Translationes, hut also in different kinds
of narratives sources, such as annals, histories, chronicles, hagiogra
phies, biographies, and It Iirac’u/a.
References in the sources can he very different in size and impor
tance: many short items exist such as the “836. Adventus sancti Viti”
found in the Anna/es Crbeienses,’° or structured texts such as Einhard’s
Translatio Marcel/mi et Petri or the Translatio Alexandri of Rudolph and
Meginhard of Fulda,’° or even hooks for collectors of relics, such
as Rudolph of Fulda’s (again) Miracula sanctoruin in Fuldenses ecciesias
translatorum (835—838), or Sigebertus’ Vita of Theoderic of Metz.2° The
book of Angilbert, describing the possessions of the abbey of St.
third of the complete text, with only one miracle completely reported. This one
miracle (the confirmation of the faith of Ostroldus, bishop of Laon, in the reality
of the Sebastian’s translation) assumes thus greater importance than it really has in
the whole text edited (even if with a seventeenth-century attitude) by Chiffietius in
the Acta sanctorum collection (see Caroli. I.e /ras/a.tioni re/iquia/i, pp. 23--24).
The expression of sacro de/ocah&aio e ri/ocalz.s,.taio. has been used and discussed
in the same congress by Alba Maria Orselli (“Di alcuiii modi e tramiti”, p. 924),
and Sofia Boesch Gajano (Boesch Gajano. “L’agiografia”. pp. 835—837).
The research and discussion of the references to translations of relics in sources
from the eighth to the eleventh centuries has been one of the main tasks of my J7st
di Do/Iota/s di Ricerca. for which I have collected more than 1500 references spread
in some 500 sotirces. See Caroh, I.e /ras/a.tonl. pp. 3- 142 discussion of the sources
and pp. 267—331 :list of the sources, with reference to the translations mentioned
in each text. .A list of Trans/a/tones made during the Carolingian period has been
made and studied bs R. Michalowksi and published in a Polish review. Michalowski
listed only the libri of translation and invention, and his list of 66 texts from the
ninth and tenth centuries has been reprinted by H. Fros. “Liste des translations et
inventions de l’époque carolingienne”. Analecia Bollandiana 104 1986:. pp. 126—429.
‘°
Anna/es Gorbeienses, ed. G.H. Pertz SIGH. .SS 3, p. 3. Similar entries can be
found for Sebastian’s translation. \Vhilc. in the ninth century. only the monk of
Saint-Germain-l’Auxerrois. Hencus, uses the expression adrentus. Hericus monachus
S. Germani Autisiodorensis t 876/877). Anna/es breves ci calendartus (years 826 —875).
ed. G. XVaitz. SIGH, .5’S 13. p. 80.
° Einhardus. Trans/a/is Slarce//in, ci Pc/ri BHL 5233’. Rudolfus et Meginhardus
mon. Fuldenses. Trans/a/to Alexandri ,BHL 283;. ed. G.H. Pertz. SIGH, 55 2, pp.
674—681. The structure of’ this text is very peculiar, as the two authors have sub
stantially different interests: Rudolph is writing a history of the German people
showing a unique knowledge of Tacitus’ Gerinania and )sleginhard is writing the
story of a quest of Roman relics which curled in the patronage of Alexander.
Rudolfus monachus Fuldensis. .lliracu/a .,anctornrn in Fuldenses ecciestas irans/aioruni
BHL 7044. ed. G. \Vaitz, SIGH. 55’ 15, pp. 329—341: this text was previously
known as Jia Hrahant SIa,,rt. in honour of the abbot who restructured the relics’
cult and disposition in the abbey of Fulda and its possessions.
Sigebertus Gemblacensis (t 1112), 1,/a Deoderici I gb .llettensis t 984) (BHL 8055),
ed. G.H. Pertz, SIGH, 55 4, pp 461—483. The Life of Theoderic contains a see-
BRINGING SAINTS TO CITIES AND MONASTERIES 265
Riquier, hut substantially uninterested in the ways of the relics’ acqui
sition, could probably be seen as a book for a treasure of relics.2’
These sources need to be addressed as a whole, and identified as
a multiform and differentiated testimony of the use of translations
as an instrument in the building up of political and ecclesiastical ide
ologies, because in different ways they affirm the importance of mem
ory of the translationes in the construction of a community’s collective
memory.
One of the issues that can be identified is how (and even if), while
bringing the saints to cities and monasteries, the ruling class is try
ing to define a new sacral geography. Inside this geography, the
strength of the link of a patron saint with his/her people and with
his/her city is of no minor importance: such a link would need a
power both stronger and more sacred to be broken.
Notices of translations are spread all over the ‘historical’ sources
of the selected period, and they are one instrument for the con
struction of an historical and/or juridical memory.22 The actual events
are to be seen as much as an instrument for the implantation of a
new cult, as an instrument for verifying the “sacral quality” of those
who direct the translations,
While the most famous people involved in the translations are
probably the so-called relic-mongers, thieves and sellers of relics,2t
tion mainly concerning the quest for relics made during the journey to Italy. a sort
of booklet ‘probably older than the Life itself, if not contemporary to the events:
with the main information about each saint and the modal,t of its acquisition to
the patrimony of the \letz bishopric. The list of sacred bodies taken away from
Central hal is impressive: Goericus. Gregorius Spoletinus. Stephanus. Llpidtus.
Euticius. Eutice. Victorinus. \ Earo, Felicianus. Asciepiotaits. Scrcna. Gregorius.
\‘ineentius levita. Prottis. lacintus. Digna, Einerita. \incentius episcopus. E.contius.
Carpoforus. Lucia. Fortunatus, Miniatus, Quintianus, l”lorcnnus. together with St.
Peter’s chains and St. Lawrence’s gridiron.
Angilbertus abbas, Dc ecc/esta C’entu/ensi /tbe//u. ed. C. \Vaitz. SIGH. 5.5 15. pp.
I 74—1 79. Angilbert provides only a synthetic list of places from which the relics
come: relics as a whole are mainly a gift from God and the emperor ‘per audi/win
onintpoienit.s Dci ci ad/u/or/urn g/oriosi dow/ni inei magni trnperaioris. 175 and Angilbert
,
is not interested in the unicitv of each acquisition or in the authenticity of’ each
relics. ‘Ilie patrimony of relics is described as a static acquisition, and not as a
dynamic one as is usual in translation tales.
22
See Caroli. I.e /ras1azont rehquta/i. pp.33—lO and 136—142.
23
See Geary, Fur/a soda. pp. 44—55: the so-called jut/a sacra are part of a more
general tendency of re-distribution of relics in Europe, and, even with unconven
tional methods, the’ follow the outlined general rules of sacred legitimisation of the
events, as long as their services are ci’owned or not with success. See Liutolfus, ti/a
ci irans/atio Seven ep. Ravennatis; see Einhardus, Trans/a/jo .fIatse//ini ci Pc/ri.
266 MARTINA CAR0LI
another key category is the more important, namely the committentes,
patrons of the translations. These were high-ranking persons need
ing to prove their “sympathy” with the saint, and to state a clear
and institutional role for themselves and for their functions. The pos
itive will of the saint thus creates a sort of circular argument: the
potentiores alone are able to move the relics, but their own rank as
potentiores requires a sacral ratification. One possible relationship
between committentes5 negotiatores, and ecclesiastical authorities is out
lined by the author of the Translatio et miracula sancti Genesii.24 Gebahardus
comes asked some negotiatores, met in the Venetian region, if it was
possible to buy Genesius’ relics. They suggested he refer to the legit
imate authority and ask the Jerusalem patriarch for the relics. After
more than four years the relics arrived, carried by a deacon, but
the comes was already dead, and the burden of guarding the relics
to their destination was taken by the German comes of Florence, Scrôt
vir religiosus. When he asked for part of the relics, it was the dea
con’s turn to suggest he refer to the legitimate authority and ask
permission, this time, from the Pope. Scrôt obtained the permission,
and with that Genesius’ right femur, the relic which he then took
to the Reichenau abbey.25 The respect of the hierarchy is presented
here as the most convenient way to obtain the desired goods.
Reports of translationes are characterised by a very strong quest for
historical details. The authors do not aim at the construction of
hagiographic models, somehow writing history from a meta-historical
point of view;26 they want to affirm (and/or prove) that an actual
event has happened in a specific time, in a specific place, and was
performed by specific and qualified people. They want to write his
tory, even if the historical quality of these narrations does not deny
the presence of a number of topoi in the texts nor affirms the absolute
reliability of the details given by the authors.27 They want to affirm
24
Translatw Genesu ci mzracula, a.800 (BHL 3314), ed. G. Waitz, MGH, SS 15, pp.
169172: the text is only partially (probably about one third) edited. It was writ
ten by order of the Abbot of Reichenau Erlebaldus (822—338). thus in the same
years as Einhard’s text, while the events can he dated to the first years of the ninth
century. Another tradition about the transfer of Genesius’ relics to Reichenau dates
the event to 830, and connects it to Marcus’ translation, again from Venice to
Reichenau.
25
Translatio Genesii ei miracula, pp. 170—171.
25
Van Uytfanghe, “Le remploi dans l’hagiographie”, p. 362: “L’hagiographie
comme telle, en diet, n’est pas un genre littéraire, c’est plutôt un langage, une écri
ture, un discours pouvant se grefier stir plusieurs genres ou sous-genres”.
See F. Lifshitz, ‘Beyond Positivism and Genre; ‘Hagiographical’ Texts as
BRINGING SAINTS TO CITIES AND MONASTERIES 267
a status quo, describing the arrival of the relics and the tangible wit
nesses of the divine choice: a status quo often involving hierarchical
relationships not only between people but also between places.
History is one of the main concerns of the Translatio sancti Viti.25
In 836, the relics of the martyr-child Vitus, already brought from
Rome to France during the eighth century, were taken with great
honours from the Abbey of Saint-Denis to that of Corvey (Corbeia
Nova), a newly founded cloister in the recently converted Saxon
territory.29
The choice of a translation involving a child-saint makes it pos
sible to distinguish between the actual event of the translation and
the intention of proposing a hagiographic model: children are saints
of easy use/abuse, because they are no real models, but mere (but
enough!) instruments conveying the power of God, or displaying qual
ities with no real link with the personality of the saint.35 If one of
the common topoi about young saints is that of the puer senex, this
Historical Narrative”, Viator 25 (1994), pp. 95—113, also recognizing the difficulty
of identifying an “hagiographic” genre for the ninth to eleventh centuries in Francia,
and the positivistic connotation of Hagiography as “non-History”. On the oppor
tunity of combining in different proportions different topical elements in hagio
graphical sources, and on the proportional impoetance acquired by the topoi as
long as the distance from the real life of the saint grows, see van Uytfanghe, “Le
remploi dans l’hagiographie”, pp. 383—386, pp. 39 1—392 and 409.
I. Schmale-Ott, Translatio Viti maryris (Munster, 1979). The text is also edited
in the collection of the Acta Sanctsruin and of the Monumenta Germaniae Histsrica.
Translatio Viti Rorna in Francians et mdc Gorbeiam Saxsnicam, auctoribus esrundem locorum
monachis duobus, ed. D. Papebroeck, AA SS, Jun. 3 (1701; Paris-Roma, 1867), pp.
507 515. Historia translationis Viii (836(( auciore nmonacho Gorheiensi, ed. G.H. Pertz,
MGH) SS 2, pp. 576585. The importance of this text is linked also to its being
the first witness of the production of Latin literature in Saxony: W. Berschin evokes
for this text the parallel between translatio sanctorurn and translatis studiorurn, while
H. Rockelein reads it in the frame of the construction of a Saxon literature. W. Ber
schin, Bisgraphie und Epothenstil im lateinischen Mitielalter, 3. Karsiingische Bwgraploe (750—
920 n. C/mr.) (Stuttgart, 1991), pp. 325—326; H. Rockelein, “Miracle Collections of
Carolingian Saxony: Literary Tradition versus Original Creation”, Hagmographica 3
(1996), pp. 267—275.
Th. Kluppel, “Die Germania (750—950)”, Hagiographie, 2 (‘l’urnhout, 1996), pp.
16 1—209: on Corvey pp. 195—202; H. Peltier, “Corhic”, Dictionnaire dHistoire et de
Gesgraphie Ecclisiastiques 13 (Paris, 1956), pp. 809—324; A. Franzen, “Corvey”, ibid.,
pp. 922—925.
See E. Giannarelli, “Infanzia e santith: un problema della biografia cristiana
antica”, Bambini santi. Rappreseniazwni deII’i9famrsia e modelli agzograficm., eds. A. Benvenuti
Papi and E. Giannarelli (Turin, 1991), pp. 25—58. Important methodological remarks
on the opportunity offered by a young person can he found in F.E. Consolino,
“L”optirnmms princeps’ secondo sant’Ambrogio: virttm imperatorie e virtO cristiane nelle
orazioni funebri per Valentiniano e Teoclosio”, Russia Stsrmca Italians 96 (1984), pp.
1025—1045.
 -r
268 MARTINA CAROLI
topos is not to be found in the text of the Vitus’ translation, where
the saint is described not in himself, but in his relics: corpusculurn
beatissirni pueri an sacratissirni marEyri Viti.3’ Exactly the same kind of
description is provided by Meginhard of Fulda in the book about
Alexander’s translation to Fulda in 851: the saint is not here a per
son, but a body whose remains perform miracles.32 If possible this
attitude is even more emphasised in the case of young martyr saints
(as Vitus and Alexander are), unable to grow older and thus crys
tallised in the perfect shape desired by their biographers.33
The events of the Vitus translation are narrated in full by an
anonymous monk of Corvey (probably of Saxon origins and edu
cated at the abbey of Corbic), who attended to the translation.34 The
first feeling about this text is that the narration of the actual trans
lation is too short, when compared to the whole text.33 The first sec
tion deals with many topics, with the idea of Christian victory and
of conversion of all peoples to Christianity, with the military victory
of Charles the Great over the Saxons, with the political and eccle
siastical history of Adalhard, cousin of Charles and abbot of Corbie
a Translatzo Fits, p. 34. See Giannarelli, “Infanzia e santitS”,
pp. 34—38; ER.
Curtins, Letteratura eurspea e Medis Eta latins (Bern, 1948; italian translation Florence,
1992), pp. 115—1 18.
32
Rudolfus and Meginhardus. Translotio Alexoodri, p. 678: sancti Alexoadri inar5nic,
beatae Felicitatis filii, csrbus intfgrum.
Also in the ninth eentnry, another child-saint is involved in a translation of major
impact, St. Fides of Conques, a female saint whose identity is qnite obsenre nntil
her cult is renewed with the event of the translation, from Agen to Conques, of
her hones: somehow the only extant proof of her existence, personality, and holi
ness (as long as these hones perform miracles). Tsanslatis Fidei (BHL 2939 2940),
ed. J. Ghesqnierns, AA SS, Oct. 3, pp. 294—296 Traoslatis fr7dei. Rlsjt/onus (BHL 2941),
ibid., pp. 289- 292. See Geary, Forte sacra, pp. 138—141.
a F. Seorza Bareellona, “Infanzia e martirio: la testimonianza della piS antica
letteratura eristiana”, Bcmbiai santi, pp.59—83. See also \“an Uytfanghe, “Fe rem
ploi dans l’hagiographie”, pp. 400 -401. Translations of ehildrens relies are not
always easy to recognise, hecausc the aothors of this kind of text do not olien
describe their “heroes” as real hnman heings, hnt more as “instruments of God”.
‘
The relevance of this text from a historical point of view was recognised hy
editors of the Msoumeota Gerrnanzae Hsstsoco at the heginning of the nineteenth cen
tury (1829). The Translatss has, thus, been edited in the second volume of the
Scrztsres series almost in full (only the Prologue has been omitted), while the usual
attitude of the series’ editors has been to publish only the historical detail of hagio
graphical sources, mainly skipping details about liturgy, miracles, or visions. Irene
Sehmale-Ott edited this whole text in 1979 (ef. note 28 above).
Ihe reason could rest either on a different tide or on a composite text, but
the editor——and I agree——insists on the substantial unity of the text and on the
antiquity of this dde. See Sehmale-Ott, Translatzs I7zts, P.
BRINGING 5AINT5 TO CITIE5 AND MONA5TERIE5 269
in France, with the foundation, by the same Adalhard, of Convey
on the Weser, with the political role of his brother and successor
Wala, and, finally, with the history of the troubles of the years
830—833.
Only in the second part of the text does the author speak of the
translation, nearly an historical accident, linked to the temporary fall
of Hilduin of Saint-Denis, his exile at Convey, and his sudden par
don by Louis the Pious (814—840) soon after his promise to reward
the Saxonian abbey with a number of relics.36 Under pressure from
the monks, some time later, Hilduin sent to Convey the bones of St.
Vitus. Miracles happened all along the processional translation from
Saint-Denis to Convey, and even after the arrival at the abbey. Half
of the text deals with the construction of the historical framework,
the other half with miracles.
Why does the author attribute such importance to the historical
framework of this translation? First of all to affirm that it was an
historical action performed by real and known people (even if the
text was written soon after the event, it was written for building up
its memory), hut more important is to prove that this event did not
happen by chance: it was rather inscribed in the whole history of
Christianity, and was prepared by one century of history. According
to the author, God was leading history towards the implantation of
the new and true faith in Saxony, and thus He, the Lord, acted
through Pepin and Fuldrad, Charles, Louis the Pious, Adalhard,
Hilduin, Wala, Warinus; all the people involved were characters in
His great plan. As the author affirms in his Prologue:
Etsi laudanda est pietura, malts magis pictor, etsi gratanter nanes eel qualibet
eehieula, quae nobis eietum eel certe nestimen turn afferunt, suscz]iiuotur, principales
tamen gratia ci qui transmisit referzmus.37
While the image of the painter can easily be considered a topos, I
find the image of the vehicles carrying supplies extremely stimulating,
Translatzs 1/ti, p. 46: “When he knew about the desire of the abbot and of the
brothers to transfer one of the saints to their monastery for increasing the Christian
faith, he promised that, had God put himself in his previous position, with no delay
He would give them some of the saints under his jurisdiction. Suddenly, a few days
later, he was restored in his previous honour”.
a Translatzs l7ztz,
p. 30: “If we must praise the picture, far more we must praise
the painter, if \ve welcome with joy ships or carriages securing us food and clothes,
the main thanks are reserved to the one who sent us those things.” This text was
omitted by Pertz.
 -r
270 MARTINA CAROLI
since a similar action is reported by the text for the year 822. As
the first foundation of the Saxon cloister ended in a failure, abbot
Adalhard, recent!)’ restored, and knowing the desperate conditions
of the monks, ordered that inreniretur cairn onasta, ci tam annonam quani
bores comjiararent ci corn festinatione fame /aborantibns subrenitent.35
The people involved in this event belong to the highest rank of
the hierarchy, hut even among them Hilduin of Saint-Denis emerges
in the prominent role as the one who probably had the fullest con
sciousness of the opportunities given by the legitimising role of trans
lations, and the one who seems to be the real playmaker and patron
of this translation.39
The Trans/a/jo sane/i Viii shows Hilduin of Saint-Denis offering to
Corvey the bones of the child saint Vitus, a minor saint but still
strong enough to tighten the links between two parts of the Empire,
and particularly between Saint-Denis and Corvey. When, a century
later, in the middle of the Ottonian age, Widukind wrote his His
tory of the Saxons, he mentions several times this translation, still
attributing great importance to that event. Indeed, he sees in that
translation the starting point and the veev reason for the failure of
the Franks and the rise of the Saxons:4°
cx hoc res the translation of Vitus Froncoroin cnepetont oiinoi. Savnnain tern
crescere. donec i/data/ne i5so san toot rnngnitadine lahorant. itt eideioas in Geonanio
Ito/ia otqae Go//ia. sed to/afire Eiiixpa non stistinet. co/ito i/oqae tan/ant potronuin.
qao odcernen/e. Savonto er see-a Judo est tibera et es tuba/aria ota/toraoi gen—
tiaot doounn:
°
Trans/otto [ito, p. 42: “Carriages to be found, and to take there food and cows
and, urgently. to hnng help to those who were starving.”
°
Hilduin himself is linked to the first Latin version of the (b/ins Disnyszaauin,
a copy- of which was given by the Roman emperor Michael (820—829) to Louis
the Pious, and sent to Saint—Dcuis for a Latin translation: according to the Anna/is/a
Soon, during the journey of the hooks, ended on Saint-Denis’ day of year 824, 19
people were healed. [he parallel of rank between the earthly and heavenly hier
archies is of no little importance, when dealing with samts and dignitaries (the con
tent of the hook is described as de hierarrhia, id cot saris principatu). Annalista Saxo.
Chrsniesn (an. 741—1139), ed. C. Wait-c, SIGH, 55 4, p. 573.
40
‘[he reference to the role of Vitus in Saxon histors- is inserted in the narra
tion of the history of the relics from the times of Fuldrad. who brought them from
Rome to Paris. t those of Louis the Pious, who sent them to Saxony, and to the
era he was living in. so hen \itus had became a Saxon patron.
‘
\Vidukindus. Rcsgcotae .Sasnnoicne. cd. C. Waits. .IIGH. .5.5 3. pp. 408—467: 1. 34.
p. 432: “Beginning from the translation of St. \‘itos. the Franks began to diminish.
while the Saxons began to grow ‘.
In fact, having so orshipped such a great patron
saint who had arrived there. Saxuny. a slave so ho gave tribute to many peoples,
became free and took lordship oser them”.
BRtNGtNG SAINTS TO CITIES AND MONASTERIES 271
\Ve must notice that many translations occurring during the years
of Louis’ reign keep record of the emperor’s approval. Here, the
role of the Carolingian emperor seems fundamental: it is he who
grants (on earth) the final approval to any translation, while the last
word on the matter is still the heavenly one of the saint.t2
Destinations and Rates
Destinations are of no minor importance. Relies were relatively abun
dant, but the exploitation of the significant saints had to be planned
with care and intelligence, for there were never enough of them. It
is the living saint who is able to choose a place for his/her patron
age, and this choice can be different from that of the patron/client
of the translation, whose “sacral quality” is often valued on his capac
ity of interpreting the saint’s will. Einhard himself was clearly threat
ened by a vision for choosing the wrong destination for the relics:
.St non re/it ut hoots facti ineritatn ad atitirn transeat festinet en rain adiinp/ere
iasstonern.43
If in Finhard’s text it is possible to find reference to many places,
and partly- to reconstruct the journey of his envoys, significantly the
main symbolic description of a place referred to is the city of Rome,
mo/is inrnensae fabricas in inodinn inagnae euittsdam cieitatis eitructas.4° Rome
itself is a vision, and the deacon. p1olably the same Peter going to
he translated, suggests the need to look deeper in the city as the
only way to obtain the apparition of the church eontainitig the relies.55
42
See Oclilo, Trans/ntis Sehastiani (826), Eginhardus. Trans/ntis Alarce//ini et Petri
(827—828), Trans/ntis Li/i (836). 5cc Trans/ntis Geneod (800 hut written 822—838). The
most impressive source from this point of view is Rudolfus and Megiuhardus,
Trans/ntis A/coandri (pp. 677—678), where the complete text of three letters of pre
sentation is preserved.
°
Eginhardus, Trans/ntis it-farce//mi et Pr/ri, p. 244: “If you do not want someone
else to get the credit of this fact, hurry up and do svhat they ordered”.
Einhard, following his osvn will, took the relics ad /5mm iolic/a/nnstat, where lie
had build a ness church. On the same night of th c arrival, a vision stated clearly
that the saints desired another destination, Niuliuheim. See Heinzclmann, “Einhard’s
Traoslatio Nlarcellini et Petri”. pp. 284 286.
44
Egioharrlu’s Trans/ntis SIan-c//on et Peto, p. 240: “buildings of enormous size. set
op in the shape of a big cito”. She s-ision of Rome is immediately tbnctiooal to
the possibility by the envoys to recognise the church so-here “their’ relics os-crc.
°
See Orwili. “Simboli della cittS cristiana lb I ardoantico e Nlediocvo”. La cit/h
e it san-s. PP 42 1—425.
272 MARTINA CAROLI
The human ability of moving relics is always connected to the
might of irradiating power. By moving a saint from one place to
another, a double action is made to re-shape the sacred geograph
ical structure. There is a statement of authority towards the place
from which the relic comes,45 together with a statement of authority
towards the place to which the relic goes. It is the consciousness of
the saint’s positive agreemeut that transforms a mere economic and
cultural act into an action that provides the authority with a sacred
seal of legitimisation.
If cities were mainly places of departure during the Carolingian
period, cities were more often places of destination during the Ottonian
epoch, and the committentes can be distinguished into at least three
groups (partly overlapping): the Ottonian bishops, the local ecclesi
astical and lay authorities, and those who were nuder Norman pres
sure.47 But the impact on the landscape is a strong one auyway,
because it did not depend simply on the intention of the committentes,
but on the event in itself, an event able to cause the movement of
the saint’s cult.
The predominant figure of the tenth-century quest for relics is
probably Theoderic of Metz, whose journeys to Italy between 97O972
deserve to be described as grande rapina dei corpi santi.41 He fully
exploited his institutional and family role to obtain systematically all
possible bodies from Central Italy, bodies he then sent to his epis
copal see.49 Also Bruno, bishop of Koln, and Baldericus, bishop of
Utrecht, were involved in this general “movement” of relics, thus
affirming their power on peripheral regions of the Empire.5° A power
not always well accepted, but whose expression in relics was under-
Prestigious is the origin of Angilhertus’ collection of relies, which is said to be
coincident with the royal treasure constructed over years (and maybe centuries),
and then given to Saint-Riquier. Angilbertus, Dc ecctesza (Saztutensi lzbetlus, p. 175.
Annals and Chronicles present a number of translations from the ninth-tenth
century as happened under the pressure of Norman, or Danish, or Hungarian
invaders. Lifshitz, “The ‘Exodus of Holy Bodies’ rightly underlines the problems
“,
caused by the dialectic between the faith in the saint’s patronage and the fear of
the invaders, and also by the real impact of the Normans on the Northern regions,
which still needs to be reconsidered.
°
E. DuprO Theseider, “La ‘grande rapina dci eorpi santi’ dall’Italia al tempo
di Ottone I”, Festschr(/i Percy Ernst Schraoon en seinem Siebezgsten Geburtstag (\Viesbaden,
1964), pp. 420—432.
°
Sigebertus, Vzta Deaderzcz, p. 473.
The Patroelus translation, an edited text strictly linked with (part of?) the Life
of Bruno written by Ruotger, explicitly suggests the relies were obtained from the
bishop only under pressures on the local ecclesiastical authorities after a diplomatic
success.
BRINGING SAINTS TO CITIES AND MONASTERIES 273
stood by others, as remarked by the double tradition about Gaucericus
and Aubertus, patron saints of Cambrai, whose relies, according to
Sigebert, Theoderic brought to Metz. Not denying Theoderic’s claim,
the Gesta episcoporum Cameracensium affirm that Theoderic took some
bodies to Metz, but, instead of the promised saintly ones, he had
two ordinary bodies;51 this hightlights again that a body is simply a
body, but when it has proven its ability to perform miracles then it
will be recognised as a saint’s body.
Translationes were a quite flexible instrument. Their double action
on territory could be shaded to provide the exact grade of pressure
on a specific place. Summarising the evidence from the sources, it
is possible to recognise patterns in committentes and places of desti
nation of the ritual of translation.52
In late antique and Merovingian Gaul we see mainly bishops
bringing saints to episcopal sees, as a movement principally aimed
at the definition of the memory of the authority’s see, by the reor
ganisation of the presence of the episcopal authority in its bodies
and graves. This attitude can be found again and again in the fol
lowing centuries, and represents a fundamental instrument in the
construction of both episcopal and abbatial memory.53
During the Carolingian age things are slightly different. Committentes
are mainly abbots who bring relics either to their own or to new
foundations, and even bishops tend to bring relics to monasteries:5’
Transtatis Patrscli (BHL 6529), L1 SF, Ian. 2, p. 712—713. Ruotgerus, Vita Bn,noais
). Gotoniensis (t 965) (BHL 1468), ed. C. Byeus, zLi 55, Oct. 5, pp. 765 790; ed.
G.H. Pertz, SIGH, 55 4, pp. 274—275.
s Gesta Pont(ficson Gaazecacensizon usque act a. /05], ed. L.C. Bethmann, SIGH, 55 7,
p. 430.
For a wider discussion of Carolingian translations, see Caroli, Le trastaz,onz
retzquzatz, pp. 185—242.
See M. Sot, Ge’s/a e/siscoporum, gesta a/3m/urn )Turnhout, 1981), p. 112: Michel
Sot underlines the intention of the composers of ge’s/a of writing a saeral history.
Among others, an example of reconstruction of episcopal memory is provided by
the text about the bishops of Verdun (a text not structured on the model of the
Roman Liber ponnficalu), written by Bertarius, probably in the 920s; while examples
of the affirmation and organisation of the sacral foundation of an abbey can be
found in both the books that Folcuinus wrote for two different monasteries (Saint
Bertin and Lobbes) soon after the mid-tenth century.
Bertarius canonicus S. Vitoni Virdunensis, Gesta Epsscoporurn Vscdunensiurn, ed.
0. Waitz, SIGH, 55 4, pp. 39—45; Folcuinus, Gesta abbatusn Labbiensiuns (637—980),
ed. OH. Pertz, SIGH, 55 4, pp. 55—74; Folcuinus, Gesta abbaturn Saadz Per/ins Sithicassurn
(aa. 645.648—962,1, ed. 0. Holder-Egger, SIGH, 55 13, pp. 607—635.
°
This is the ease of St. Hubert, whose relies were taken in year 825 by the
274 MARTINA CAROLI
relics are mainly foreign ones, or come from qnite distant places.
Relics continue to make long distance journey into the Ottonian
Empire, but the initiative goes back to the bishops (and it might be
useful to underline the family ties between Ottonian bishops and
emperors).55
The common element of these translations is nevertheless the par
allel function of these people and places. Certainly, the arrival of a
new relic re-shaped the role of the place and the nature of the peo
ple’s authority. Sometimes we see men who are the members of the
cappella palatine, and thus part of the ruling class of the kingdom,
those who bring relics to the key-places of the realm/Empire, to
“corner stones” from which power would project; at other times we
see lower ranking authorities, but still with a local range of influence,
and thus with the opportunity, if not the voluntary intention, of re
shaping their portion of the landscape.56 As soon as someone began
to exploit the opportunity offered by the voluntary translations of
relics, many others began to follow the same path.
Translationes can thus be an instrument capable of reshaping the
sacred geography of a land in times of change, an instrument kept
in the hands of powerful people, and an instrument used to define
hierarchical relationships between places, and to (re)construct the
memory in the frame of a space deeply modified by the ongoing
diffusion of Christianity.
bishop Walcaudus (810—831) from the episcopal see of Liege to the monastery of
Saint-Hubert (see above n. 8).
‘Iheoderic, bishop of Metz (t 984), was coosio of Otto the First, while Brono,
bishop of Koln, was brother of the emperor. Useful for the comprchcosion of
the relationship, historical and sacral, inside the Ottonian family is thc hook of
P. Corhet, I.es saints sttsniens: sainteti q5nastiqne, sainteté rsyale et saintetifinsinine autnur de
l’an roil (Sigmarigen, 1986).
The Genesios translation, for example, is not immediately linked with the key
centres of the Empire, nor part of a general project of re-structuring the Eoropean
landscape, hot is still an instrument in the raising of Reichenau’s aothority.
TOWNS, LAND AND POWER:
GERMAN-ROMAN SURVIVALS AND INTERACTIONS
IN FIFTH- AND SIXTH-CENTURY PANNONIA
Neil Christie
Introduction
In discussing the question of urban survival and administrative con
tinuity in the late antique/early Byzantine/early medieval world, it
is easy to focus discussion on the former central or Mediterranean
provinces, notably Italy, Gaul and Asia Minor. For all of these
regions there is good documentation, and growing archaeological evi
dence to show a relatively strong survival of urbanism if with var
ied rates of loss of Roman attributes; for each, whilst there are
instances of failure, generally there is persistence of activity and of
location. Indeed, in the former Roman Mediterranean West, a coher
ent and accepted transition from Roman to Germanic rule is dis
played—new rulers in strongly nrbanised and well populated countries
with a desire to maintain and to incorporate most aspects of Romanitas.
But there were other former provinces too, notably those frontier
territories such as Britain, Germania, Raetia, Norieum and Pannonia,
in which the transition was weaker and generally viewed as more
destructive, thereby destabilising and fragmenting patterns of Roman
urban and rural settlement.’ Too often in discussions of urbanism
after Rome these ‘fringe’ zones are ovedooked; and yet, if we can
understand why towns faltered here then we might learn more about
their survival elsewhere, and question better the context and char
acter of subsequent re-urbanisation.2
This contribution seeks to take one key case study zone into consi
deration, namely Pannonia—modern western Hungary; the emphasis
Key collections of recent studies are The O in Late Antiquqy, ed. j. Rich (London,
1992) and Tsoins in Transitisn. Urban Evnlutisn in Late Antiqnitj and the Earlj Middle
Ages, eds. N. Christie, ST. Loseby (Aldershot, 1996).
On re-urbanisation and renewal see in particular The Rebirth of Tswns in the
West, AD 700—1050, eds. K. Hodges, B. Hobley (Council for British Archaeology
Research Report 68, London, 1988).
276 NEIL CHRISTIE
will be on the fifth and sixth centuries AD, and in particular its
occupation by thc Lombard (Longobard) tribe. The aim is to deter
mine how far Roman settlement patterns persisted, to assess the
make-up of the incoming conquerors and to study the levels of inter
action between these and the “natives”. Throughout, problems in
utilising the documentation, in particular the archaeology, will be
highlighted; here, as for many “fringe” provinces, discussion and
interpretation are hindered by the fragile database, comprising restricted
systematic urban and rural study, and fleeting documentary refer
ences; and yet sufficient data exist to allow some insights into the
continuing presence of towns. What emerges, indeed, is a varied and
intriguing image of human and settlement change.
Power and Settlement in Pannonia
From Roman Pannonia to the Hunnic Realm
So long as the Roman dominion lasted, soldiers were maintained in
many towns at the public expense to guard the limes. When this cus
tom ceased, the garrisons of soldiers and the limes were blotted out
altogether.3
In order to follow these changes a sketched historical and archaeo
logical backdrop is required.4 Roman Pannonia was a key province
charged with the control of the middle Danubian limes and guard
ing the major route of penetration towards Italy—threatened and
pierced by Mareomannie and Quadic warbands as early as the later
second century AD. Accordingly Pannonia featured an array of
legionary bases and auxiliary garrison centres spaced along the river,
progressively reinforced through watchtowers.5 Internally the province
Eugippius, Vita Severini, 20 (translation by C. Robinson, The Li/i of St. Serenn,
Harvard, 1918).
The two main syntheses remain A. Moesy, Faonnnia and L)bper Msesia (London
and Boston, 1974) and The Arehaeslsgy of Rsman Faansoia, eds. A. Lengyel and
C. Radan (Lexington, Kentucky and Budapest, 1980), the latter providing the fnller
archaeological treatment: esp. contributions by K. Póczy, “Pannonian cities”, pp.
239—274; E. Thomas, “Villa settlements”, pp. 275—322; S. Soproni, “Limes”, pp.
219—238. On the limes see V. Zsolt, A római limes Magyrasndgon (Budapest, 1989).
For neighbouring Noricum a key summary remains G. Alfoldy, .5/oneum (London
and Boston, 1974).
S. Johnson, Late Roman Fsrtzjleatzsns (London, 1983), pp. 169—195.
TOWNS, LANDS AND POWER 277
contained a healthy scattering of towns, notably Savaria, Scarabantia,
Siscia and Sopianae, whilst sizeable civilian attachments arose at
Aquineum, Sirmium and Vindobona along the frontier, feeding off
the rich river commerce. Rural exploitation focussed on the forts
and the interior in fact seems underdeveloped until the late third
century, from when imperial villas became prominent in the land
scape .
Whilst the third century generally saw contraction, fourth-century
military and provincial restructuring prompted renewed urban growth,
witnessed chiefly in the fortiflearion of key towns and the construc
tion of palaces (best excavated of these are Gorsium-Táe and Savaria
Szombathely,7 while Sopron-Scarbantia preserves good sections of its
circuit).8 Christianity also played a role, with early bishopries docu
mented at least for the more southerly centres, and with churches
and Christian cemeteries redefining the urban space.9 Many larger
villas were endowed with chapels or oratories, and most show an
opulent phase extending to the late fourth century (e.g. Parndorf,
Kekkut).’° There is also the emergence between e. 325 and 375 of
a group of large fortified complexes rearward of the Danube but
strategically sited along the main roads, of which only Sagvar, Tokod
Thomas, “Villa settlements”, pp. 285, 288, 315; few villas have seen full and
published investigation.
j. Fitz, “Forschungen in Gorsinm in den Jahren 1983/84”, Alba Regia 23 (1987),
pp. 1 79—240; J. Fitz, J. Fedak, “From Roman Gorsium to late antique Herculia: a
summary of recent work at The (NE Pannonia)”, 7surnal of Roman Arehaeslsgy 6
(1993), pp. 26 1—273. On Savaria, E. Tóth, “Late antique imperial palace in Savaria”,
Aeta Arehaeolsgiea Aeademiae Seientiarnm Hungarieae 25 (1973), pp. 117—137; 0. Sosztadts,
“Topographische Forschungen im sudlichen Teil von Savaria. Die Notgrabung auf
dem Hauptplatz von Szomhathely (199 1—92)”, and T. Szentleleky, “Ii palazzo impe
riale di Savaria”, both in La Faonsnza e l’Impero Rsmans, ed. C. Hajnoczi (Milan,
1995), pp. 233—24 1, 243—249. See also L. Barkóczi, A. Salamon, “Tendenzen der
strukturellen und organisatorischen Anderungen pannonischer Siedlungen im 5.
Jahrhundert”, Alba Regia 21 (1984), pp. 147—187.
I. Roll, “The development and topography of Sopron in the Middle Ages”,
Towns in Medieval Hungaeg, ed. L. Gerevich (Budapest, 1990), pp. 96—102.
F. Fulep, Sspianae: The Histoeg of Fees during the Rsman Era and the Froblem of the
Continuity of the Late Roman Fopulation (Archaeologia Hungarica, os. 50, Budapest,
1984); more generally, E. Thomas, “Das fruhe Christentum in Pannonien im Lichte
der archaologischen Fnnde”, Severin. Zwisehen ROmerzeit nod Vtilleerwanderung (Linz,
1982), pp. 255—293.
M. Biró, “Roman villas in Pannonia”, Aeta Arehaeologiea Aeademiae Seientiarum
Hnngarieae 26 (1974), pp. 23—57; E. Thomas, “Religion”, cop. pp. 193—204. However,
Thomas’ claim for early Christian villa-basilicas—--and for fortified towers-—is not
fully supported by the archaeology: cf. S. Palagyi, “La villa romana di Balhca: rioul
tati degli ocavi, idee per Ia ricostruzione”, La Fannonza e l’Impero Romano, pp. 265—275.
278 NEIL CHRISTIE
and Fenekpuszta-Valcum have seen detailed excavation (if limited
publication).” Whilst Mócsy views these as imperial la4fundia estates,
acting as supply bases for the annona, Soproni seeks a more specific
military role as a secondary guard, controlling inland communica
tions towards Italy: he stresses the size (380 x 360 m at Fenekpuszta
Valcum) and powerful architecture of the sites (regular projecting
towers, substantial granaries, villa-like ‘palaces’, churches). In fact the
buildings imply various functions: the granary as a central depot for
the surrounding lands, the church(es) as a focus for local farm
ers/civilians; what we might rather see here is a more formalised/
regularised version of the hill-top urban/religious seats-cum-refuges
well attested in the mountainous zones of Noricum and the Julian
Alps.’2 Significantly the Pannonian sites replace older, nearby Roman
settlements and thus denote a defensive nucleation of the land; and
it is these sites which seem to persist through the subsequent crises—
perhaps due to their rearward location or their non-reliance on the
exposed Danube.
Later Roman sources subsequently recount a series of destructive
episodes across the Danubian provinces. For Pannonia, after Adrianople
came assaults and incursions by Goths, Huns and Alans, followed
in 395 by further Hunnic and Gothic raids, along with Marcomanni;
at the very start of the fifth century Vandals and then Alaric’s
Visigoths pushed through; in 405 Radagaisus’ army marched across
northern Pannonia, apparently prompting the flight of many natives
to Italy; and the Visigoths controlled the battered province until
removing themselves to Italy in 408. Yet within this instability some
semblance of stability was proferred by the Roman cession of lands
and commands to the Visigoths. Indeed, Rome also settled and
employed federate/allied barbarians as garrisons along the limes, indi
cated chiefly in the material cultural record; these largely merged
with, if not outnumbered, remaining ‘Roman’ troops, although no
doubt with time viewed themselves also as Simultaneously,
° A. Mocsy, “Grossgrundhesitz und Kontinuität in Pannonia”, Gothsnjak 13 (1976),
pp. 321 326; Die spatromische Festung und dos Grabeifeld von Tokod, ed. A. Mócsy
(Budapest, 1931); S. Soproni, Die 1etten 7ahrehnte des Pannonischen Limes (MCncbncr
Beitrage zur Vor- und Fruhgcschichte 38, Munich, 1985).
See Johnson, Late Roman Fortifications, pp. 236—240.
°
Soproni. Die letrten Jahrzehnte des Pannonischen Limes. pp. 27 52; The Roman Fort
at Acs-Vaspusta (Hungarf on the Danubian Limes, ed. D. Gahier (BAR, Intern. Ser.
531, Oxford, 1989), suggesting Marcornannic federates. See contemporary finds from
sites and cemeteries in Noricum Ripense, summarised by H. Uhf, “Die archColo
TOWNS, LANDS A1IIJ POWER 279
we observe a deliberate scaling down of military and civilian activ
ity, perhaps forced upon the Roman authorities through human loss:
hence we can recognise a reduction in fort size (e.g. Carnuntum,
Azaum); the concomitant loss of vici (population withdrawal to the
comparative safety of central Pannonia or Italy?), deteriorating qual
ity in building work, failures to repair, blocking of streets and gates,
and even an intrusion of burials within the circuit walls (e.g. Arrabona,
Brigetio, Acs).’° Coins extend in a few cases (e.g. Carnuntum, Quadrata)
into the reign of Valentinian III (425—455), but dating of any sub
sequent activity, vague at best, is arduous.
A diverse picture cmerges for the inner fortresses such as Kornye
and Fenekpuszta, a few of which may belong to post-380; some of
these appear still active even in the sixth century on the basis of
burials and churches, with their populations an apparent mixture
of different stocks, suggestive of an intermingling of federates, natives
and incoming Germanic settlers. The probability is that some of
these sites evolved in function first into refuges and thence into power
bases for new overlords.’5 For the civilian centres, alongside the some
what slight documentary indications of a church presence into the
early fifth century, excavations are now beginning to reveal signs of
continuity, albeit of impoverished character, at least into the early
and mid-fifth century, and in some instances, into the sixth. We
should beware, however, of automatically rejecting the crudely built,
gische Erforschung der Severinsorte und das Ende der Römerzeit im Donau
Alpenraum”, Sevelsn, pp. 71 97; one major detailed cemetery study is M. Pollak,
Spatantike Grabfunde aus Favianis/Mauteis, (Mitteilungen der Prahistorischen Kommission
der Osterreichischen Akademie der Wissenschaften 28, Vienna, 1993), cop. pp.
135—138.
‘
D. Gabler, E. Szonyi, P. Tomka, “The settlement history of Gvör (Arrahona)
in the Roman period and in the Middle Ages”, Towns 171 Medzeval Hungap, pp. 9—25,
cop. 18—21; A. Kiss, “F’undc aus dem 5—6. Jh. ins Gebiet von, Brigetio”, Folio
Archaeologica, 32 (1981), pp. 191—208; Gabler, The Roman Fort at Acs-Vaspusta, pp.
188190. Such ‘running-down’ is evident also at the Norican legionary fort of
Lauriacum-Lorch: j. Haberl, C. Hawkes, “The last of Roman Noricum; St. Severin
on the Danube”, Greeks, Celts and Romans, edo. C. and S. Hawkes (London, 1973),
pp. 97--156, cop.ll3.
IS
A. Salamon, L. Barkóczi, “Archaologische Angahe zur spatrömischen Periodisation
Pannrniens (376--476)”, Mitteilungen des Archeologisehen Instituts Ungarns 8/9 (1978/79),
pp. 75-84. R. MUller, “Die spatrömische Festung Valcum am Plattensee”, Germanen,
Hunnen und Awarer,. Schdte der VCikelwanderungsreit. Die Arehaslogie des 5. und 6. .Jahrhunderts
an der mittleren Donau und der ?Stlicli-mnerowingische Reihengraberkreis, edo. XV. Mcnghin,
‘I’. Springer and E. Wamers (NUrnherg, 1987), pp. 270—276. For Tokod, no Germanic
phase was discerned: Mócsy, Die spatrOmisehe Festung und das Grdberfeld von Tokod, pp.
44-45, 184—191.
280 NEIL CHRISTIE
timber and rubble Structures of this era as reflecting a seriously dimin
ished urhanism. since these may well simply he the responses of the
latest generation of townspeople to the dire economic/mihtary straits
besetting the province; their presence instead represents a desire to
continue an urban existence. Hence at Savaria. alongside remains
of fragile or less organised settlement structunng, we find indications
of early fifth-century extensions to the late Roman palace complex.
Near the forum at Searbantia (Sopron), excavations revealed con
tinuous habitational activity into the late fifth/early sixth century,
even if the old Roman economic focus, the forum, had long since
fallen into disuse.’7 Finally, at Gorsium, the early fifth century marks
an increased population, perhaps swelled by refugees or by an “evac
uation” of suburban structures (for example, with villas given over
to burials), and ‘poor-quality’ housing emerges just within the defences.
Nonetheless, as a sign that most money now devolved onto the
Church, one of the Christian basilicas was redecorated and provided
with a new font. ‘ Insecurity thus did not denude the scarred province
of Pannonia of Romanised peoples.
Hans, Got/is and Suebes 4D 427—526,i
At the time of the death of Attila, king of the Huns. confusion reigned
in the two Pannonias and the other horderlands of the Danube.”
Information for the hundred years between the end of Roman
Pannonia and the Lombard occupation is scattered and imprecise.
We rely heavily on stray finds of Hunnie, Germanic or even Christian
character occurring near or within forts and towns like Brigetio,
Aquincum and Gorsium.2° The question here, as in later contexts,
is whether such proximity denotes a p/zysica/ presence of “barbar
Sosztarits, “Topographisehe Forsehongen im .stidl,ehen Teil von Savaria”, pp.
239—240; Szentleleky, “H palazzo imperiale di Savana”. Savaria did however suffer
severe earthquake damage in 4,56- -an event which also affected Norieum: UbI,
“Die arehaologisehe Erforsehung der Severinsorte”, pp 7 1—73, 75.
j. Gomori, “Grahungen auf dem Forum von Searhantia (1979—82)”, Ac/a
Archaestsgica Academiae S’c,ent,arum Hsogaricae 38 (1986), pp.343—396, esp. 347, 352,
365. 381.
s Fez, Fedak, “From Roman Gorsium to late antique Hereolia”,
pp. 27I272.
I]’
Eugippius. 15/a .Scs:ero,,. 1.
21’
Kiss. “1-tinde aus dem 5—6. Jh. im Gehiet von Brigetio”: I. Bona. “Die Hunnen
in Norikom und Pannonien”. hereoo. pp. 179—200: Id.. “Ungarns Volker im 5. unrl
6. Jahrhondcrt. Vine historisch—arehaologische Zosammenchau”, Germane,,. Hu,,nen
iit,d Aware,,, pp. 116—129,
TOWNS, LANDS AND POWER 281
ian”/Germanie/non-Roman gToups within the old Roman settlements.
outside their walls, or in distinct sites away from them. Furthermore
we must ask whether such associations imply the survival of a
Romanised population, with the settlements of new groups designed
to ensure control of these natives, and whether the association reflects
a desire to participate in Roman airhanism’. Possible guides to this
may be cult items denoting a Christian population and a mainte
nance of churches, as at Gorsium and Sopianae. Whilst we know
little of Hunnie attitudes to Christian natives, the Arian creed of the
Ostrogoths who followed did offer tolerance towards Catholics—
hence a native (and urban) Church could endure.2’ The contrast
here is with the Avars and Slays of the later sixth to eighth cen
turies whose arrival and settlement seems to have removed any re
sidual church organisation, requiring Carolingian restoration of both
Church and towns.22
Bdna has argued from finds distribution for a Hunnie reuse of
many fortified Pannonian centres, with burials generally sited on hills
close by. But such occupation is not directly attested bx’ arehaeol
ogv nor by the written sottrees, and Attila instead preferred the
Central Hungarian Plain, an open non-urhanised expanse. Bordering
territories stteh as Pannonia were probably given over to allied tribes
such as the Alans. Goths and Heruls, in part to act as buffers—
hence finds from the cemetery just 5 km north west of Gorsium
were predominantly of Lastern, Germanic character, merely dis
playing certain Hunnie infittenees. In other instances Roman mat
erial is also recovered from these cemeteries, suggestive of a possible
merger with former federate and Roman groups. As ever, however,
ethnic labels to specific gravcgoods is problematic and we can often
merely place items under an umbrella “Hunnie period” label. Yet
we can observe how various of the Hunnie period finds and buri
als do occur close to what were formedy key Roman military sites
and so imply some reuse.23
2]
On the emergence of the ‘Pannon,an’ Goths. P. Heather, The Cs/b (Oxford,
1996). pp. 113—117. 151—154; on Adanism pp. 312—317; H. Wolfram, The Hfosp’
sf/he Gsths (BerkeleN. 1988), pp. 248—268.
22
J, Bdna. “Die \‘erssaltong nod die Bevttlkerong des karolingisehen Pannoniens
im Spiegel ncr zeitgeoossischen Qiellen 1 lioci/ungin c/es Arc/ias/s,gischcit Ins/i/n/s t ngarns
14 (1985 pp. 119 -160. Son2marv in Christie. “iowns and peoples on she \Iidnlle
.
Danuhe”. pp. 89—91 noting apparent survival i,f she churches at Fenekpuszia ssnd
Sopianae.
22
See F. L’Ssh. “Zur Geschichse des nordpannomschem Raomes ins 5. unrl 6.
282 NEIL CHRISTIE
In the aftermath of the Hunnie Collapse ifl 455 a number of king
doms emerged, whose zones of influence are broadly understood.
For Pannonia Ostrogothie power was dominant in former Pannonia
Seeundahere settlement was sanctioned by the east Empire and
the Goths duly received annual subsidies; Heruls may have con
trolled the north-west region, while north-eastern Pannonia appears
a virtual no-man’s-land, with the Suebie kingdom largely set over
the Danube.24 After 473 when the Ostrogoths moved eastwards, Suehi
and Heruls may have extended their territories, hut the bulk of
Pannonia lacked any real guiding power and the archaeology of the
whole period up to 526 is accordingly confused. Only passing ref
erences to sites like Sirmium and Savaria give hints of continued
urbanism, whilst Suebie weapon graves and rich female burials
in north and east Pannonia (e.g. Brigetio, Kornye, Gorsium) again
provide suggestions of an apparent relationship with former Roman
sites and thus populations. Key traces are a hoard of 525 buried in
the amphitheatre at Aquincum; graves beside the larger basilica at
Gorsium; plus sunken-featured buildings at a few sites including
Fenekpuszta.25
Of relevance are the data for neighbouring Norieum Ripense in
the second half of the Fifth century, fortunately endowed with the
written account (by Eugippius in Italy e. 511) of the exploits of (saint)
Severin(us), presumed governor between e. 456 and 482. Archaeology
has done much to elucidate the character and condition of the sites
named by Eugippius.25 Here, whilst a “Roman” presence lingers, it
is a fragile presence in the midst of fluctuating Germanic powers,
suffering attacks by Alemanni, Thuringians, and Heruls, as well as
organised brigands (the Scamaroe. Yet it is a presence supported in
part by the Rugii who control sizeable areas of the trans-Danubian
Jahrhunrleri”. Die UsHer an c/er inittleren ztnd unteren Dsnau ha 5. and 6. ]alirhundert. eds.
H. Wolfram and F. Daim Osierreichisehe Akademie der \Vissensehaften Phdosophiscli
Historisehe Klasse Denksehriften 145. Vienna. 1980 pp. 93—100: A. Salamon.
.
A. SOs, “Pannonia, FiCh to ninth ceninries, 77w rluhaenlor of Roman Panacean, PP.
397—425, esp. 397—404. Generally, papers in Die ilrehas/agie c/er Vdl/ceiwandeoaigizeit
an dec mitt/eon Donna im 5. and 6. jahr/iunc/ert, eds. N Metighin & XV. POlhorn
. follow in any close detail the Gte of these settlements, although place-
(Nurnberg, 1987), and in Geonanen, Hunnen and Ateareo.
24
Wolfram, The Histsij of the Goths, PP 258—266.
25
Kiss. “Funde arm dem 5—6. fit im Gehiet. von Brigetio”, pp. 177—178; Bóna,
“Ungarns VOlker im 5. nnd 6. Jahduindert”, Pp. 120—12 1.
For references see notes 3, 13 and 14. Also: P. Stadler. “Die BevOlkernngs
stroktoren nach Engippins nod den arehaologisehen Qoellen”, Geonanen, Hannen and
,lzcaren, PP. 297—310; E,A. Thompson, Rsinans and Barbarians. ike Decline sf the Western
Empire (Wisconsin/London, l982, pp. 113 l 33.
TOWNS, LANDS AND POWER 283
lands north of Norieum and with whom the locals are in alliance;
Rugian power is inadequate, however, to assist ‘Roman’ control fur
ther west on the Raetia-Noricum border, here clearly in retreat. A
fascinating modes emend! prevails, with weekly markets both in Roman
sites and on barbarian soil, Christian exchanges, and consultations
by the Rugian king with Severin; the latter founds small monastic
cells, aids the Church and helps in the ‘accustomed’ distribution of
oil to the poor from the church at Lauriaeum-Loreh----a rare sup
ply of olive oil has been brought along the Danube by traders after
many hardships.27 Troops still view themselves as official federate
garrisons and in one instance (ch. 20) leave their fort of Batavis for
Italy to try and get extensive back pay—only to lose their lives instead
en route. The settlement units still possessed some worth and influence:
indeed, the Rugian king Fera dominated the town-forts from Favianis
to Vindohona and Fera gave Favianis to his brother (ehs. 31, 40);
the settlements had religious and economic value, and their defences
remained strong. The archaeology shows that these were small frag
mented units, perhaps more fortified strongholds with extramural
chapels or monastic churches rather than “towns”: at Favianis the
indications are that Severin founded a hermitage in an old Roman
barges; at Batavis-Passau and Quintanis his churches lay beyond the
walls. Only Favianis is claimed as a sizeable town (cioitas), with its
weekly market, garrison (under a comes), supplies from Raetia, rich
widow with private grain stores, and monastery with various relies.20
Far less is said of Lauriacum, a former fleet base, arms factory site
and bishop’s see, though limited reference in Eugippius’ text need
not indicate severe decay or contraction—although Severin’s prefer
ence for Favianis is noteworthy. Soldiery, church, trade and people
thus persist in a beleaguered frontier strip as Roman residues.
With Severin’s death, the fragile modes zicendi ruptured and conflict
between Rugian and Italian forces in the mid-480s prompted the
transfer of the saint’s body to Italy, accompanied. according to
Eugippius, by “all the provincials, who abandoned their towns along
the Danube” (ch. 44). The archaeology is, unfortunately, unable to
names at least imply a level of continuity.29
27
Vita Severini, pnaeim, esp. ehs. 5, 6, 9. 24, 27, 28, 31.
20
Vita Seeerini, 2, 1. 6, 9, 44.
Haherl, Hawkes, “The last of Roman Noncom”, PP. 144—148. Medieval and
284 NEIL CHRISTIE
Questions and Probleins
Despite the textual evidence supplied by Eugippius, one can ques
tion the character of the settlements visited and supervised by Severin
in Noricum. Are these towns or merely fortified nuclei? Can the lat
ter still bc viewed as towns if on a reduced, and greatly modified
level? Clearly the ‘natives’ still viewed them as islands of Romanitas,
even if that Romanitas was threadbare and weakly upheld by the
distant imperial court. Pannonia perhaps suffered greater levels of
disruption in the fifth century through the movements of various
powcr groups and through the lack of even a nominal Roman admin
istration. Accordingly wc can question whether any “Roman” settle
ment pattern could persist here. For this we must offer definitions:
‘Roman’ could merely denote the sites and structures left by Rome;
alternatively it requires the continuation of a ‘Romanised’ popula
tion within. What we must question is whether the physical evidence
for Germanic association with these old centres—whether within or
outside—can be seen as indicating either a continuity of population
inside or merely an exploitation of these ruinous places. But if the
latter, what type of exploitation can be envisaged? Use of materials,
shelter of its defences, or reuse of standing buildings? Whatever its
form, it could be argued that this overall indicates a continuity of
site usage, even if the nature and density of this is as yet archaco
logically unclear. Association is the key factor and, arguably, any
finds-site relationship implies some correspondencc between people
and place—i.e. between non-Roman settlers and Roman places. As
will be seen, whereas data for the period 430—520 are somewhat
dcficient, higher incidcnces of cemetery and finds evidence in the
Lombard period signify a much more tangible relationship with these
old settlement units. Even acccpting this, however, problems still
need to be overcome, notably the minimal documentary record, and
an imbalanccd archaeological record (in which burials are promi
nent, Roman fort defences over-studied, and settlement archaeology
modern occupation on the same site can be deemed as ‘continuity’ if not uninter
rupted. On Regensburg, later capital of the Bajuvarian/Bavarian dukes, and its doc
umented survivals of Roman elements (walls, Ibuntains, etc.): C. \\aldherr, Castro
J?egino-Regenshuog. From Roman L9gi000u Fortress to the Scot of the Dukes of Bavaria (I ,eicester,
1992).
TOWNS, LANDS AND POWER 285
restricted).30 Indeed, twenty-five years ago, Istvan Bóna3’ sweepingly
argued that:
As the Lombard archaeological finds indicate, these former Roman
towns no longer had a considerable Romanized population; if there
had been any previously they must have been chased away by this
time. The Lombards did not build houses in the Roman settlements;
or if they did, no trace of them are discernible in the late Roman
layer of debris.
Yet a few years later, in contrast, Póczy°2 could state that:
During the great migration period from the sixth to the ninth cen
turies, Germanic and Avar invaders ouce more made Pannonia a
stronghold for a while, providing a certain continuity by occupying
the former Roman settlements and using the same cities as adminis
trative centers.
Despite Póczy’s optimism, it can hardly be claimed that urban inves
tigations had been extensive enough by 1980 to prove or disprove
‘occupation’ or ‘continuity’ of administrative centres by Germanic
powers. Certainly no evidence was available to identify the creation
or existence of ‘palaces’ or like elite foci; and chronologies were
vague at best. His statement rather reflected the new trend to seek
continuity.
The conflicting statements quoted above match views in the ongo
ing debate regarding the continuity or otherwise of Roman towns
in sub-Roman and early Saxon England/Britain—a similar frontier
province.33 To some archaeologists here it is inconceivable that the
30
For urban archaeology see papers in Towns in Medieval Hungarj, ed. Gerevich;
on traditional approaches using burial data see 1. Bóna, The Down of the Dark Ages.
The Cepid.s and the Lomhards in the Carpathian Basin (Budapest, 1976). Pannonia-West
Hungary currently lacks rural field projects simdar to that in the Tisza Valley, sum
marised in M. Gillings, “Flood dynamics and settlement in the ‘lisza valley of north
east Hungary: GIS and the Upper Tisza Project”, Archaeology and Ceographieal Information
Sjstems: A European Perspective, eds. C. Lock & Z. Stancic (London, 1995), pp. 67—84;
or on the Koros, discussed in Cultural and Landscape Changes in South-Fast Hongaiy, 1.
Reporto on the (jysmaendrJd Pisiiect, ed. S. Bokonyi (Budapest, 1992). However, pre
liminary studies around lake FertO are underway: Gy. Cshki. F. Jerem, F. Redo,
“Data recording and GIS applications in landscape and intra-site analysis”, Archaeology
and (eographical Infoonation Systems, pp. 85—99, cop. 87—90.
The Dawn of the Dark Ages, pp. 33 34.
32
K. POczy, “Pannonian cities”, p. 246.
Compare papers by R. Reece, “The end of the city in Roman Britain”, and
P. Dixon, “The cities are not as populated as once they were ,The (fy in Late
286 NEIL CHRISTIE
Roman towns expired totally or were neglected as points of power
and administration; yet other scholars stress the non-urban origins
and hamlet/village-based tendencies of the incoming migrant groups,
the disparate nature of their forces, and the lack of desire to occupy
crumbling and depopulated urban shells. The problem is of course
that the nature of activity in the immediate post-Roman period (early
to later fifth century) is archaeologicallv fragile and thus obscure.
allowing for varied interpretations. Town usage is undoubted from
the late ninth century. with many burhs created, often within old
Roman confines: whilst this might be viewed as implying continuity
of town usage in some form since late Roman times, it might also
be argued that this renewed urbanism relates to a new and diverse
politico-military and socio-economic climate in which extant town
walls in generally Strategic locations conditioned a revamping of aban
doned or decayed sites. We can recall the famous middle Saxon
verse ‘The Ruin’ which shows how even in decay these old Roman
towns were inspiring symbols of time and power:
Wondrously ornate is the stone of this wall, shattered by fate; the
precincts of this city have crumbled and the work of giants is rotting
away. There are tumbled roofs, towers in ruins, high towers rime-
frosted, rime on the limy mortar, storm-shielding tiling scarred, scored
and collapsed, undermined by age. An earthy grasp holds the builders.
decayed and gone, the cruel grip of the ground. while a hundred gen
erations of humanity have passed away. Often has this wall. hoary
with lichen, stained with red, lasted out one kingdom after another,
left upstanding under storms
Revamping of such sites could perhaps be a conscious attempt to
borrow the past or to share in its strengths; it might even have been
a means of legitimising Saxon rule.
How clifTerent was Pannonia from Britain? \Vas there a like hia
tus in towns, or at least a period of uncertain ‘urbanism’ or living
in former towns? Or was there a greater tenacity such as witnessed
in ioncum Ripense? To consider this question of transitions of power
and of settlement systems in fifth- and sixth-century Pannonia, three
main problem areas can be highlighted:
.-Joliqiiiii. pp. 136- 169: and S. Roskams. ‘Urhan transition in earls medieval Britain:
tile case of York’. Too-ns in Transition. pp 4—16 and pp. 262—288. A useful anaiv—
sis is in K. Dark. Ciritas to Kingdom: British Political C6ntinuiti 300 --800 i Leicester.
1994. pp. 13—25.
From S. Bradley. .-inlo-Saxon Poet9- London. 1982 pp. 401—402.
TOWNS. LANDS AND POWER 287
1. Demographics and Power Structures: Some assessment of the pro
portionate levels between any “new” people (invaders) and the “old”
(i.e. indigenous/Pannonian) population is required, as well as the
make-up of the “old” population-i.e. what levels Roman/Pannonian,
Germanic (Suebic/Goth/Herul) or even federate-derived? We need
also to ask whether and how natives viewed themselves as “Roman”?
Furthermore the nature of the incomers needs clarification: was their
presence deemed permanent or transitory, “official” or “unofficial”?
These factors have implications for the levels of integration, and for
the display of power.
2. Town and Count,v: To assess the character of settlement in this
epoch, gaps or biases in the urban and rural records need to be
recognised; only then can discussion move to talk of persisting urban
ism and its relationship with the “Roman” past. We may also ask
whether there is any real structural/dimensional/functional difference
between towns and forts and refuges by this date. Can we talk of
hinterlands in this epoch or were forts and fort-towns merely part
of a wider territory? Did “Germanic” rural settlement forms reuse
or displace former Roman systems or were the latter already defunct?
And does the presence of a “Germanic” cemetery and the density
of burial around specific sites reflect activity within such centres?
3. Rehgion and Ethnicity: Finally, did religion, ethnicity or language
create harriers against co-operation between incomers and indigenes—
or, conversely, did tolerance and lack of conflict enhance the veloc
ity of acculturation? Problematic in this respect is determining “native”
and Germanic Christian items and whether a Christian presence
required town-based practice.
Lombards in Pannoma f4D 526568,l
The Lombard entry into the Middle Danube region begins in c. 489
when they displace the Rugi, recently reduced through campaigns
by the Italian king Odoacer. Settlement is claimed first across the
Danube, with subsequent occupation around 500 of lands between
the forts of Comagenis and Vindobona. As only a few years sepa
rate their arrival and Severin’s death, we must assume a concomi
tant take-over of the residual ‘Romano-Rugian’ forts and towns.
Lombard arms further secured the territory of the Heruls in mod
ern Moravia by 510; in 526 the Suehic kingdom, covering
much of
288 NEIL CHRISTIE TOWNS, LANDS AND POWER 289

northern Pannonia, likewise fell to them. Subsequently, according to

Procopius, in 547/548 the Byzantine emperor Justinian “bestowed
upon the Lomhards the towns (poleis) of Norieum and the fortresses
of Pannonia”, meaning Pannonia Savia and Secunda with a formal
recognition of their existing holds in the north.33 It is uncertain how
numerous the Lombard forces really were at this (or any other) date,
but some archaeologists argue—partly on the basis of cemetery data-
that they needed to quit their transdanuhian lands in order to con
trol Pannonia effeetively.3°
Justinian’s donation implies that both towns and costello were ongo
ing concerns, i.e. still had people in them and still nominally attached
themselves to the “Empire”. Justinian needed to count the Lombards
amongst his (paid) allies and thereby to secure the north-eastern
transalpine regions whilst his Byzantine armies sought the conquest
of Ostrogothic Italy. The treaty accordingly combined hard cash as
well as territorial recognition, with the Lombards in return also sup
plying mercenaries for both the Italian and Persian campaigns. It is
worth stressing that each of these campaigns will have shown the
Lombard troops (with noble leaders) the effectiveness of a mode of
warfare based on the possession of fortified centres. Such were already
extant in Pannonia and, on the basis of previous discussion, perhaps
in some cases still active/reusable; given that the Danube formed a
border with the non-allied Gepid kingdom, revived employment of
certain fortresses seems logical. Indeed, once the Lombards invade
and occupy northern Italy after 568, their kingdom was based around
a series of urban-based dukedoms, complemented by the main
tenance of the network of late Roman fortified sites in the Alpine
zones H37
The chief difficulty lies in demonstrating such site reuse in Pannonia:
whereas in Italy urban links and some fortress-reuse are documented
by text (notably the history of Paul the Deacon) and often by buri
als and stray finds nearby and within their walls, Pannonia has no
historical commentary and our reliance is solely on the association

Procopius, Gothic TVOC 111,33; Paul the Deacon, Hot. Lang. 1,19; A’. Bóna, The
Dawn oft/ic Dark Ages, pp. 124126.
Sb
On Longohard Pannunia see Bhna, The Dawn of the Dark Ages; W. Mcnghin,
Die Loogohoeclen. Arehootogie nod Gesehiehte (Stuttgart, 1985), pp. 21—34, 49—57;
N. Christie, ‘The Lotobards. The Ancient Longohards (Oxford, 1995), pp. 31 68.
Sec N. Christie, “The Alps as a frontier, AD 168--774”, jooroat of Roman
Archaeology 4 (1991), pp. 410 430. 5cc also Brogiolo, this volume.
290 NEIL CHRISTIE
of burial and artefactual data. Furthermore, in contrast to Gepidia,
evidence for Lombard-period Germanic-style sunken huts is lacking,
depriving us of coherent settlement evidence although, admittedly.
even in Italy such domestic traces are extremely rare—although,
potentially, this absence could be taken to signify that the Lombards
simply reused or adapted surviving Roman structures.38 Without doc
umentation, it is difficult to rely on stray finds from within cx-Roman
sites as indicators of settlement, since these may denote scavenging
or temporary usage. For example, excavations near the forum at
Scarbantia revealed a late Roman timber house, over whose destruc
tion level came a sixth-century Lombard S-brooch .And vet for this
township we have reference to a bishop in 579. implying an active
town ithough Bóna argues that Scarbantia formed part of a possi
ble enclave of ‘Romans/Pannonians’.39
Throughout Pannonia, however, a clear correspondence of Lombard
cemeteries to Roman castro and costello is apparent. Bóna has identified
three main cemetery types signifying three distinct zones, one largely
non-Lombard (Heg.rko type, north-west Pannonia), another Lombard
and datable from the 520s (Sentendre type, named after the ceme
tery located 2 km from Roman Ulcisia Castra), and a final, later
Lombard group (V&rs-Kajdacs type), dating from the 540s. As few
finds derive from Savia, Pannonia Secunda or Pannonia Prima south
of Savaria, so Bóna reckons these hlanks’ as key settlement zones
for the indigenous population. although new finds may well over
turn this, especially if we are arguing that the Lombarcls settled
strategically, i.e. in order to control such natives. The current dis
tribution of finds and cemeteries denotes a strong concentration of
activity adjoining the Danube and lakes: this conforms well with the
old Roman settlement pattern, with its ‘frontief and control of major
routes to/from Italy.1°
For early medieval clornestie structures, see Eclilizia Residenziale ira V e VIII Secolo.
4 sesninario sul Tardoantico e I’alto Medioero in Ita/ia centro-settentrionale, 1993, ed. G.P.
Brogiolo (Mantua, 1994). Also: N. Christie, “From bones to homes: looking for the
Longohards”, Accordia Research Papers 5 (1994), pp 97114.
Gimori. “Grahungen auf dem Forum von Scarbantia”, pp. 351-355; E. Tóth.
“Vigilius episeopus Seravacensis”. Acta 4rc/iaeologica Acade,niae Scientzaru,n Hungaricae 26
1974. pp. 269—275: Bóna. ‘L’ngarns Völker im 5. und 6.Jahrhundert”. PP. 125—126.
°
Bóna, “Die pannonischen Grundlagen der langohardischen Kultur im L.ieht
der neuesten Forsehungen”. Prob/esni del/a Ciziltei e del/’Econo,nia Len goharda. ed.
A. ‘l’agliaferri Milan, 1964, pp. 71—99, esp. 80—92——though here Bóna is arguing
a’ain,t reuse of Roman sites.
TOWNS. LANDS AND POWER 291
Most Lombard cemeteries generally lie within 2 km of Roman
sites, established as new, organised areas usually distinct from late
Roman graveyards. \Vhilst an extramural location might indicate
actual settlement outside of these old Roman units, conceivably it
might also denote settlement inside and a maintenance outside of “Roman”-
style funerary tradition. This cemeterial choice can be interpreted
on various levels: a reflection of an ongoing intramural native pop
ulation and a respecting of their traditions; a desire by the Longobards
to conform to native/Roman norms; a clear division of newcomers
and indigenes; or a reluctance to bury inside a “living” and func
tional space. For each interpretation the usage of the old Roman
site is implicit. Furthermore, one can note the prominent martial
character of the male burials in these cemeteries, reflective of a soci
ety under stress and displaying strength in death.41 The exploitation
of powerful defensive spaces would appear a logical progression.
A union—whether encouraged or enforced—between Lombards
and indigenes appears further supported through other evidence:
grave goods (metalwork and brooches in particular) which betray a
variety of influences or styles; taxonornic analysis, notably of cranial
types, which has been used by Kiszely42 to identify both natives and
other Germans (Suehi, Heruls, Rugii, Goths, Franco-Thuringians)
within the “Lombard” cemeteries; and documentary indications,
notably the eighth-century Lombard historian Paul the Deacon,43
whose comments that in 568 the tribe was accompanied by Saxons,
Suebi, Bulgars, Gepids, Thuringians, Sarmatians, Pannonians and
\oncans, have undoubtedly heavily influenced the noted anthropo
logical claims. Even being cautious, such data tempt us to see in
this a Lombard willingness to merge and work with different “eth
mc’ groups, in order to bolster (military) numbers, and to secure
food and other resources. Again Lombard policy in northern Italy
can he noted, whereby dislocation and disruption centred chiefly on
the rich landed elite and the high Byzantine clergy, with most natives
(and churchmen) otherwise accepting new overlords.44
G. Halsall, “The origins of the Reihengraherzivilisation: forty years on”, F1fth-
(entiut’ Gaul: A Crisis of Identtty2, eds. j. Dnnkwater and H. Elton (Cambridge, 1992),
pp. 196207.
42
Kiszely. The Anthropologi of the Loinbards :BAR. Intern. Ser. 61, Oxford, 1979.
n Hist. Lang. 11,26.
C. Wickham. Earlr .lledieral halt. Central Power and Local Society, 400- 1000
(London. 1981 pp. 64—71; N. Christie. “Invasicin or invitation) The Longohard
.
292 NEIL CHRISTIE
It can also be noted that the initial phase of conversion from
paganism to Arian Christianity had begun with the Lombard con
quest and assimilation of Rugii, Heruls and Suebi (and Goths?)
between 489530. We know little of the rate of conversion, although
the indications are chiefly of an elite take-up. Likewise we can iden
tify some strategic/diplomatic conversions at the time of Justinian’s
donation, when the emperor counted the Lombards among his
“Catholic allies”. The incorporation of Christian provincials may have
helped bolster this new image. There are no records of intolerance
or persecution, which may have related to their now “mixed” stock.
However, we have relatively few finds of clear Christian character
in sixth-century Pannonia and nothing to identify distinct Arian or
Catholic peoples; the persistence of the bishop of Scarbantia signifies
toleration, although the lack of data for other “urban” centres is prob
lematic. Nonetheless, within Italy, Lombard rule (as with the previ
ous Ostrogothic government) saw dual Catholic-Arian activity in
towns, with little known dissension.t5
Bishop Vigilius continued at Searbantia even after the documented
quitting of Pannonia by the Lombards in AD 568 in favour of Italy.
We must reject the oft-claimed perception that the incoming Avars
inherited a nearly deserted landscape, even if we have no possihil
itv of assessing the level of population remaining. Certainly the recog
nition of Avar )or rather Avar—period burials and likely houses at
Gorsium and Fenekpuszta should signify again a required/desired
relationship between ineomers and residual “natives” 46
The Role of “Tozens” in Lombard Fannonia
Whilst we can therefore identify foci of Lombard settlement in
Pannonia in the sixth eenturv, the evidence is based on burials around
or near forts and towns. The problem lies in determining the nature
occupation of northern Italy. AD 568 569’. Romanoharhariea 11 (1991:. pp 79—108,
esp. 98 99. t06.
4z
Christie. The Lsrnba,ds. pp. 55-- 58. 183- 190. On Christian artifacts Sec
E. Thomas. Die Romanitat Pannonicos n 5. nnd t3. Jahrhundcrt”. Geroianaz. Hioiaen
and Aanon. pp. 284—291.
‘ Fitz. Ferlak, From Roman Corsinm to late antique Hcrcnlia”. p 23.A. Kiss,
“Das Grahcrtcld nnd die Sicdlung der asvarcnzeitlichen gcrmanischcn BevOlkernng
von Kölked”, Föhn .lirhnes/ss/co 30 (1 979i, pp. 185 -192, argues for a resettlement
of oon—Avars xs ithin former Pannonia, perhaps as a ‘buffer’ to their heardaod.
TOWNS. LANDS AND POWER 293
of these settlements and how far we can envisage or infer reuse of
the Roman sites themselves, of their buildings, and of their former
functions. In the case of the fortresses this task is perhaps easier,
since forts were designed to give protection, to observe and to com
municate, and any reuse will have revived such ftinetions. In the
case of the ‘urban’ sites, however, roles and forms were quite diverse,
with administrative, legal and economic activities argued to be essen
tial components of an active urbanism under Rome—i.e. with elites
to control and organise, people to work and to be fed, and duties
to be performed in terms of maintenance. The presence of the
Church and its administering/overseeing of population can also be
viewed as a key component of organised settlement space in the late
Roman period. But it is debatable how many of these functions and
attributes persisted after Roman control deteriorated and how far
the Lombards could have inherited “working” urban sites. In the
absence of detailed and systematic urban excavation, activities and
populations remain vague at best for the period after c. AD 400,
but we must assume vastly modified townscapes, with ruins, open or
“ruralised” space, minimal monumental display, a reduced perma
nency of structures, and burial zones.47 In this context we must ques
tion whether a coherent definition to a post-Roman “town” existed.
Yet here we can refer hack to the donation of Justinian and the
words of the historian Procopius which explicitly refer to “towns and
fortresses” in former Noricum and Pannonia, without the suggestion
that these were abandoned shells—for if they were, why donate
them? The donation implies that the Lombards were already actively
controlling these sites and that Justinian merely sought to ratify this
situation and set it on a better footing through formal cession accord
ing to the terms of the alliance; such ratification could therefore also
have clarified the position of the residual native population, charg
ing the Lombards with their supervision. This donation need not,
however, imply that these were towns or forts active in any “real”
sense, that is in terms of sizeable populations, administrators, busy
markets, healthy Church, or military units. Instead these may rather
have been sites clinging onto the remnants of a Romanised lifestyle,
wherein the visions and senses of the inhabitants were enough to
grant the sites “active” status. Perhaps therefore we can view these
For example, Fitz, Fedak, “From Ronsan Gorsinm to late antique Hercnlia’,
pp. 272—273.
294 NEIL CHRISTIE
as “nominal” towns, or merely towns in the eyes of incomers/inhab
itants. In this context we can refer back to Eugippius’ Vita Sezerini,
which describes settlements in keeping with fortified strongholds: only
hints of “urban” activity are recognisable, namely weekly markets,
external supplies, grain stores, attached ecclesiastical structures—and
vet these are still cited as towns or ciritates. Nonetheless the indica
tions are that the new powers. the Rugii and Heruls. recognised
these as centres of “Roman” power and authority and sought to
control not to destroy them—with the person of Severin seemingly
instrumental in this. In the absence of like documentation for Pannonia,
we cannot be certain of the nature of the sites the Lombards encoun
tered and inherited and of the level of population of these, but asso
ciation throngh burial must he viewed as sufficient to show a desired
relationship and thus usage of these settlements. This could have
been a purely practical arrangement, to control natives or to pro
tect their own forces. bnt it might also have been spinbolic choice,
with the elite associating themselves with the ancient foci of Roman
authority and eontrol—the “legendary work of giants” praised in The
Ruin quoted above. Indeed in Britain we can recognise a royal usage
and control of Roman structures (e.g. palaces at Winchester; dona
tions to the Church of Saxon Shore forts). The same appears true
within Italy where towns, equally fragile in the aftermath of the
Byzantine-Gothic War, were utilised as Lombard power bases by
kings, dukes and counts, with late Roman palaces converted or at
least utilised by the new masters. The towns and forts were in any
ease a convenience of defence and an essential of control if indeed
still containing “active” populations. Furthermore, Pannonia per
formed a frontier role, in part supported by the Byzantine alliance;
in Italy a wider frontier needed to he maintained. An urban-based
Lombard kingdom in Italy thus makes an urban/fort-based Lombard
kingdom in Pannonia probable. In this regard, however. “towns”
might play a symbolic and administrative rather than economic role.
conclusions: Settlement Transitions
From this discussion some general conclusions can be drawn. But
first it should be reiterated that archaeology remains an underde
veloped and under-utilised resource for assessing Roman to medieval
transitions in the “frontier” region of Pannonia. The archaeology is
TOWNS, LANDS AN)) POWER 295
in any ease problematic, since this was a fluid zone, with an array
of peoples moving and merging, within which context elements of
Romanitas appear to persist if in mutating form; towns survive, but
in a fragmented and fragile form with reduced internal populations:
a shift from stone to timber building means that structures both
urban and rural are as yet barely perceptible. We rely instead on
stray, uneontexted finds of often uncertain appurtenance, or on larger
burial groupings. The congregating of Lombard cemeteries around
towns implies the need to settle near extant population groups,
although only in a few eases can we glean much of the residual
“natives” (e.g. within internal fort-towns such as Fenekpuszta); simi
lar necropoleis around forts should testify to a desire to re-employ
these as a river frontier against the Gepids. Rural data are too
restricted as yet to indicate any link between Lombards and former
Roman villas—in Italy too this link is not fully clear, although buri
als are known from various villas and farms.11 If towns still func
tioned then food was still required; and whilst Lombards soldiers
were also farmers, for the early occupation years in Pannonia (as in
Italy, the natives will have needed to he ‘cultivated’ to supply and
feed the Lombard forces. Villages should he envisaged in the pre
sumed “hinterlands”, but as yet these are elusive elements in the
Pannonian landscape.t°
Association with Roman structures and peoples may also be a
conscious act of legitimisation: Justinian bestowed upon the Lom
bards both towns and forts and thus the administration of the native
population; in a similar way the Visigoths at the start of the fifth
century had been allotted the military control of Pannonia; and
after 455. if not before, the Ostrogoths governed the territory. For
each this marked a prelude to permanent settlement in former hut
working and well-populated Roman provinces.
In this context, greater weight should he put on looking for and
understanding the “natives”. Using the evidence of Noricum Ripense.
exposure to threat, destruction and takeover in a frontier zone did
not easily wipe away a Roman presence: clearly the tenacity of
“provincials” was extremely strong. This is becoming increasingly
;s See discussion in Brogiolo, this volume.
The initiation of air photographic coverage will aid this search: cf. M. Godja,
“l’he contribution of aerial archaeology to European landscape studies: past achieve
ments, recent developments and future perspectives”, Journal of European Archaeology
5. 2 (1997), pp. 91-104.
296 NEIL CHRISTIE TOWNS. LANDS AND POWER 297

obvious for a province such as Britain with recognised “dark age”
usage of sites on Hadrian’s Wall, maintained trade contacts with the
Mediterranean evident from finds in western hilifort and promon
tory sites, and persistence of Latin names and titles in the south
west.5° Yet the problem remains of the archaeological “visibility” of
natives: we know they are there hut they leave insufficient material
traces of their vital role.
Booed Pannonuz
From this we should recognise a need to avoid single models for
single provinces or kingdoms: within each different levels of native
population persisted, different styles of towns existed, and there were
different strengths to church organisation; incoming German groups
could he reactive and proactive, demonstrating power yet subtlety
to create a working transition of rule. For well documented units
like Ostrogothic Italy we can observe many of these aspects at work;
hut for “frontier” territories like Pannonia, archaeology alone will
necessarily form our guide.5’

These conclusions have implications for our assessment of the Roman-

German overlap and power transition across much of former Roman
Europe. Firstly, we should view demographic considerations as para
mount for determining levels of “Roman” take-up in any given region:
where existing power and settlement structures remained prominent
the ability to disrupt and modify will have been limited as in Italy);
where weak and ill-supported disruption might have been greatest
(e.g. Britain). Secondly, religious considerations appear vital in cer
tain circumstances, as for “frontier” territories such as Noricum, where
an adequate Christian presence made for greater tenacity of “Roman”
settlement—and was part aided by the Christian leanings of the
incoming peoples. Again the contrast is with Britain where Christianity
failed to take root in the fourth century before Roman withdrawal
and where the incomers were pagan.
Next, the “desires” of the incomers require clarification: for the
Lombards in Pannonia, the status of “allies” elevated their own sen
timents and perhaps encouraged their link-up with remaining urban-
dwelling natives; the Goths in Italy and in Spain likewise sought a
working union with the extensive Roman populations; and in most
instances “official” recognition bolstered the legitimacy of German
rule.
Finally, however, town/territory strengths need to be understood
before questions of Roman-German interaction and Germanic urban
adoption can be properly tackled; town vitality has major implica
tions for rural activity; if already fragile, a Germanic arrival was
unlikely to spur revitalisation unless it was numerically strong and
centrally organised. ‘
I extend thanks to the various members of the ESF Group 2B Towns meet
ing at Isernia/San Vincenzo for valuable comments on my seminar: particutar

Dark, C,wztas fri Angdom. chs. 4—6. thanks go to Archie Dunn for his help on this printed text.
 TOWNS, FORTS AND THE COUNTRYSIDE:
ARCHAEOLOGICAL MODELS FOR NORTHERN ITALY
IN THE EARLY LOMBARD PERIOD (AD 568—650)

Gian Pietro Brogiolo

Introduction

This chapter seeks to examine variables with direct or indirect impact

on the interaction between town and hinterlands/territories in the
first period of Lombard rule in Italy. I will aim to discuss the archae
ological data within two key interlinked historiographical themes,
namely: (1) the processes of territorial fragmentation; and (2) the
modes of Lombard settlement and town-country relationships. The
data will provide a dynamic image of post-Roman and early medieval
society in which distinct and often unequal forces interact, perhaps
in more dramatic fashion here than in any other period, to create,
between the second half of the seventh and the early part of the
eighth century, a strong social and structural synthesis.
The archaeology allows partial and varied responses to these themes,
both in time (from the second half of the seventh century, the pos
sibilities of dating sequences closely are precluded by the contextual
end—due, obviously, to different and independent causes—of both
the fineware ceramics and of funerary goods), and in space (the types
of evidence and likewise the levels of research are different and var
ied within the distinct regions of northern Italy).
Thus it is not always possible to link the comments of the writ
ten sources with the images offered by archaeological research; and
it is likewise arduous to integrate the regional models into a unified
vision. Even with these limits, I believe that it is still valuable to
attempt to anchor the archaeological modelling to the specific and
often exact notices of the written texts: long-term sequences other
wise are at risk of being given exclusive and generic explanations,
to the detriment of the people and the events which together have
created the determining moments of change in history.
The reconstruction of this crucial time period cannot be tackled
300 GIAN PIETRO BROGI0LO
by a single approach, whether historical,’ anthropological,2 or soci
ological;1 rather it should, as Bognetti recognised, be the result of a
combined effort, for which stratigraphic archaeology, no longer just
the restricted horizon of burial archaeology and related artefact study,
is now beginning to provide an unequalled wealth of new data, even
if with its own structural limits.4
Before proceeding, however, it is essential to offer precise definitions
for the key words utilised in this chapter, namely “town”, “territory”.
and “Lombard”. For the first, there has been much debate on the
meaning and character of the “town” or “city” in an early medieval
context, both in terms of an ideal urban type and in terms of the
somewhat confused labels given by the contemporary sources, who
use the same expression of ciritas both for ancient towns and also
for large fortresses.5 In this paper, putting aside the indications of
the sources and making a choice anchored in an urban ideal, I will
maintain the “traditional” distinction between town and fortress.
The sources likewise allude to a plurality of “territories” and districts.
some tied to geographical settings,° others with a political or adrnin
From L,M, Hartmann. (Scsi-loch/c I/a/tens in 3litte/a/tcr Gotha. 1900—1903, to
P Deloru Ii regno longohaido Slona d I/a/ia 1 Lsnaohaidi e &antini ed
G Galasso Turin 1980 toJ J unut 6ru/nch/e dci Lan obaiden Stuttgart Berlin C ologn
and \Iainz. 1982. and S. Gasparri, “II regno longobardo in italia. Struttura e (Sin—
zionamento di uno Stato altomedievale”, Langobaidia. eds. S. Gasparri and P. Cam—
marosano (Udine. 1990), pp. 237—305.
2
R. Balzaretti. “Cities and market in the Early Middle Ages”, il//er Empire. Towards
an Ethnology of Europe(s Barbarians, ed. G. Ausenda (San Marino. 1995), pp. 113—133:
going from the presupposition that “economic transition can he very complex even
in societies where money is rare and where cities are not the dominant mode of
settlement” p. 11 6, he concludes that “the adoption of market, barter or gift
exchange may be predominantly a cultural rather than an economic choice”
eco
p. 119. But see the consments of ,‘tnscnda /pp. 139—142,: “the complexity of
nomic transaction like bartering) in a simple society and the general complexity of
societies are not comparable magnitudes”.
D. Harrison, The Early Stale and the Towns. Forms of Integration in Lestgobard Italy,
Al) 568—774 (Lund. 1993), with full bibliography.
The period under scrutiny is perhaps the most interesting for the archaeologist
who compares models constructed from the material sources with a plurality ol
processes of translbrmation. whether indicated or suggested as probable by the writ
ten sources.
On these themes, see G.P. Brogiolo, “Ideas of the town in Italy during the
transition from Antiquity to the Middle Ages”, The Idea and Ideal of the Town between
Late Antiquity and the Early Middle Ages, eds. G.P. Brogiolo and B, Ward Perkins
(Leiden, Boston, Cologne, 1999), pp. 99—126,
°
Such as the macro distinction of Lombard northern Italy in Austrasia and
Neustria; for which see Gasparri. “Il regno longobarclo in lialia”.
TOWNS, FORTS AND THE COUNTRYSIDE 301
istrative value (notably duchies or gastaldates). Here I will take a
more abstract treatment, by viewing the territory as an area of polit
ical, economic and social influence.
More problematic is the question of attribution, through archae
olog’, of specific items, manufactures and structures recovered from
and identified in Lombard-period burials and settlements.7 I will
apply the term “Lombard” here as a cultural label; but as an indi
cation of rank we face a problem: if the presence of high value goods
or those with a specific functions such as a long sword or spatha,
or a seal-ring) could he viewed as an expression of a particular
“Lombard” social level, does the absence of such objects necessar
ily mean someone of low rank and perhaps even “non-Lombard”?
Need we take it as expected that every person of high lineage, from
the end of the sixth and throughout the seventh century, had to be
buried with rich gravegoods? The problem is central to studying the
physical traces of the “Lombard” aristocracy.
The Processes of Territorial Fragmentation
Between AD 535 and 643, various zones of northern Italy were peri
odically exposed to bitter and prolonged military conflicts;8 for the
archaeologist the challenge here is two-fold: :a) on the one hand to
verify in detail, region by region, town by town and fort by fort,
the impact on both settlement and social structures of these episodes
V. Bierbrauer. “Situazione della ricerca sugli insediamenti nell’ttalia settentri
onale in epoca tardo-antica e nell’alto Medioevo V—’sII sec.). Fonti. metoclo. prospet
tive”. Archeologia .‘iIedierale 15 1988). pp.501—515, which considers an ethnic distinction
as possible. Contrast with C. La Rocca, “I materiali. Le sepolture altornedievali del
territorio di Verona”, Materiale dt eta longobarda net Veronese, eds. D. 1\todonesi and
C. La Rocca (Verona, 1989), pp. 43-185.
AD 535—553: Byzantine-Gothic ‘i/Var; 553—c. 563: local war between Byzantines,
residual Goths and Franks; 568—57 1: Lombard invasion to the conquest of Pavia:
5745 76: first phase of war between Lombards and Byzantines aided by Franks for
control of the Alpine arc: 589—590: second phase of war with conquest of the
Byzantine Alpine enclaves; 60 1—603: campaigns of Agilulf and allied Avars against
the central Po border and conquest of Padua. Cremona, Mantua and Monselice:
start of seventh century: Lombard-Byzantine conflict in the Modena zone; 639—643:
campaigns of Rothari against Oderzo and Liguria. For detailed coverage of these
events, see H. Wolfram, Storia dci Gotm (Roma, 1985), pp. 586—618; E. Zanini, I.e
Italic biantine. Territorio, insediamenti ed economia nella provincia bi.tantina d’Italia (VI— VIII
secolo,) (Ban, 1998), pp. 33—82. with bibliography; also N. Christie, The Lombards
Oxford. 1995,. pp. 73—101.
302 tHAN PIETRO BROGIOLO
recorded by the documentary sources as particularly brutal, leading
to destructions of lands and homes, to plague and massacres; (b) on
the other band, to evaluate the level of mihtarization affecting soci
ety in general consequent to the fragmentation of the north, an area
which suffered conquest (and loss) to Franks, Bvzantines. Lombards.
Bavarians/Bajuvars, and Avars.
As regards the first aspect, three specific areas can be examined,
each particularly affected by political instability and by open mili
tary confrontation: ça) the pre-Alpine territory in the timespan between
the Byzantine-Gothic War and the stabilization of Lombard power
(AD 590); (b) the so-called Padane or Po “frontier”, between the
plausible moment of its conception, i.e. during or at the end of the
Byzantine-Gothic War, and that of its cristalizatiou after the cam
paigns of the Lombard king Agilulf (AD 603); and (c) the territory
of Modena, a fierce zone of contention between Byzantines and
Lomhards at the start of the seventh century.
The period from the Byzantine-Gothic War to the final Lombard
conquest of the Alpine regions also features a somewhat confused
image of conflict between three parties, the Ostrogoths, Byzantines
and Merovingian Franks. Even beyond the claimed official conclu
sion of the War in 555, Gothic nuclei endured and indeed still con
trolled zones within the \/enetia province,9 whilst Frankish incursions,
which had started during the War, persisted with the aim of annex
ing both Alpine and Transalpine territories.
In this complex context it is probable that the effective Byzantine
frontier, since the 540s, was not on the Alps, hut rather along the
rivers Po and Adige and was controlled by fleets reinforced by a
series of key centres including Pavia, Piacenza, Cremona, Ostiglia,
Monselice. ° Such riverinc defences were employed by the Byzantines
Brescia and Verona rebelled in 563 nnder the leadership of the Ostrogothie
connt Widin: G.P. Bognetti, “La tlrescia dci Goti e dci 1ongohardi”, Stsna di I.lo’soa,
1 (Breseia. 1963), pp. 400401.
a Wolfram. S!sria dei Gob.
p. 596.
- Zanini. Li’ Pa/is /azan/ine. pp.35--36. Sneh a frontier is indicated also in the
treaty henseen the emperor and Vitigis in 537 which envisaged a Gothic kingdom
over the PC). limited to the provinces of Lignria and Venena—Histria: whilst this
treaty never came about. we can see how in 541 Totda controlled the ennre
Transpadana, with the imperial arms’ unable to Cross the river: Wolfram. .5/orb do
Go/i, pp. 597—598, 603. This hypothesis, of value sihen considering the evolution
of settlement strnctnres and the forms of Lombard occupation, as well as the
Byzantine responses, merits fnrther analysis by stndying separately events in the
Alpine zone and those of the Adige-Po frontier.
TOWNS. FORTS AND THE COUNTRYSIDE 303
along the Danube and Euphrates; their presence in north Italy would
also help explain the apparent lack of resistance to the Lombards
in their march of 568—569: following the well-known strategy of
defence-in-depth, the intruders will have been allowed to raid along
the main east-west highway, with the aim of the Byzantines being
to oppose and defeat them once their forces had become over
stretched:2 Following this relatively bloodless phase of the invasion,
there began a hitter struggle both to the north, with resistance around
lake Como for twenty years, and to the south, where Pavia was
besieged by the Lombards for three years.
The Alpine War
After 574, the war waged in the central Alpine arc, where some
Byzantine strongholds persisted, only being definitively removed
around AD 590.’ The first phase (574—576) witnessed three main
actions: (1) a Lombard incursion into the Cottian Alps;it (2) a Frankish
counter-offensive into the Trentino; (3) a Byzantine expedition led
by the general Baduarius who failed to improve the situation in any
way. The second phase (589—590) commenced with a combined
offensive between the Byzantine exarch and the Frankish king Chil
debert IIJ The Byzantines reconquered Mantua, but the Frankish
attack into the Alps failed: a few forts were destroyed in the Trentino,
but they could not eject the Lomhards who were holed up in key
strategic positions.iO Agilulf once the danger had passed, dealt with
those dukes who had sided with the enemy: thus he killed Mimulf
on the Isola di S. Ginlio and defeated the duke of Bergamo. Gaidulf,
who fled to the Isola Comacina.’7 From this moment on the Alpine
2
Hence they took, without real contest, Cividale, Treviso, Vieenza, Verona (and
thence, across the Adige, Trento and, further south, Mantua), Breseia, Bergamo,
Milan, Asti, Turin.
5
The Lombard historian Paul the Deacon documents resistance in both lake
Como and the Val di Susa (His!. Iiwg. 111.27). Elsewhere çG.P. Brogiolc.”Cootinuitb
fra tarda AntiehitS e alto Medioevo”, Utile rsioane ssl lags di Garda, ed. E. Roffia
[Brescia. 1997], pp. 299—3 13 I have argued that the northern part of lake Garda
.
may also have remained Byzantine.
Paul. His!. Lang. 111,9. The lisrtress of Anagno defected, was recaptured and
sacked by Ragilo. the count de Lsgare. who was himself killed by the Frankish duke
who captured anrl sacked Trento. The I.omharrl rltike Esvin was able in time to
recover the city.
°
Epistslae Aio1iasirae, 40,41, MGH, lip. III, pp. 145—148.
Paul, Hut. Lang. 111,31.
°
Paul, His!. Lang. IV,3.
304 GIAN PIETR0 BROGIOLO
regions were Lombard, with the exception of the Susa valley, which
had passed directly from Byzantine into Frankish hands, and the
upper Adige valley, slowly infiltrated in the seventh century by Bava
rians/Bajuvars.
The archaeological data can he neatly tied into this historical
image. A defensive system, composed of forts set along the main
communications rontes running from the Alpine passes, from Friuli
to the Bellunese, to the Adige valley, to the large sub-Alpine lakes,
to the Susa valley, had been instigated from the late fourth/early
fifth century and was successively reinforced in the Ostrogothic epoch.
and presumably also during the Byzantine-Gothic War)5 The struc
ture of these fortifications has been revealed in various examples in
the Julian Alps (present Slovenia)iO and, in northern Italy, by the
forts at Monte Barro.2° and in the Trentino/AltoAdige,Si generally
marked by sizeable circuits which gird the summits of hills, and inter
nally featuring a church and a few other buildings partly geared to
housing the gart-ison, but partly also for the local population who
would have sought temporary refuge there—a structural format totally
distinct from contemporary urban settlement.
The Lombard establishment within the main fortresses is indicated
by the warrior burials which would seem to indicate a capillary pres
ence.2 The importance of these centres, often provided with exten
Discussed in full in G.P. Brogiolo and S. Gelichi, Yuore ricerche sui caste/li a/tome—
diem/i in Itaiia settentrionale (Florence, 1996).
IS
5• C’iglenecki, Hdhenhtfestigungen nus der .eit corn 3. his 6. 75. im Ostalpenraum
Ljubljana. 1987.
.-Io/ieologia n _lfonte Baon. 1. Il grande edificio e Ic torn. edo. G.P. Brogiolo and
L. ((astellctti Lccco. 1991,: OP. Brogiolo, Societh ed economia dci castelli tardu
i
antichi: nn modello archeologico”, Atti seinoiano di Rggensbnig, 19- 20 ott. 1993, Ar/as/os/ri
Vestnik 45 (1994), pp. 187—192.
V. Biert,rauer, ‘L’insediamcnto del periodo tardo-antico e altomcdievale in
Treunno-Aloi Adige ,V-VII sccolo,’, Ita/ia Iongohardn, ed. G.C .Mcnio:Vcnice. 1991;,
pp. 121—173.
22
Lombard burials linked to these fortresses are far less common than might he
hoped, perhaps because being long abandoned and in disuse there is less chance
for chance finds. The moot sizeable cemetery is that at Sirmione with a hundred
burials P. Sesino, “La necropoli longobarda”. in G.P. Brogiolo. S. Lusuardi Siena,
and P. Sesinu, “Rieerche sn Sirmione longobarda”. RinTc/ie di nrcheslogin aitoinediet’ale
e inedietale 16 [Florence. 1989]. pp. 65—91 dating to the first invasion period. In
,
addition, seventh-century burials have emerged near the forts of C’astelvint (a noble
man’s tomb within the church of S. Lazzaro: 0. von Hessen, “La tomba di un
nobile longobaro a Castelvint”, Arrhioio Stories di Be/Inns, Fe/tre e Cnds;s’ 56 (1984),
n. 250. pp. 3—14:. Nlonselice seven inhurnations richly furnished from one of the
circuit towers: M. Dc Marehi and F. Possenti. “Rocca di Monselice (PD). Le sepol
TOWNS. FORTS AND THE COUNTRYSIDE 305
sive dependent territories, and their concurrence/rivalry with the
cities is a well discussed topic.23 For Castelseprio, Sirmione and
\Ionseliee the archaeology suggests a structural evolution whose devel
opments (notably an increase in settlement within the walled area,
the expansion of “suburban” units, the foundation of churches and
monasteries in the course of the eighth century) senT to differentiate
them from preceding models and to bring them closer to urban-type
models.2t From this point of view, the modifications to the settle
ment forms in the sub-Alpine zones were incisive and were destined
to endure long into the early Middle Ages.
The “Po Fronlier”
After the Lomhard gains of 563—S 71, Byzantine control still extended
over the territories to the south of the Po as well as to the wedge
comprising Monselice, Padua and Oderzo—vital for linking Ravenna
with Istria, still strategic land for the Empire. The Byzantines con
trolled river navigation through fleets, as indicated in the rescue of
Rosemunda and Helmiehis after their assassination of king Alhoin
at the royal palace of Verona: the two lovers were transferred from
Verona to Ravenna by an imperial ship, with the Lombards unable
to intercept this.23
ture longoharde”, .Spolttire tm IV e VIII sees/s. 70
seininario aol Tandsantics e In/tn il[edisers
in Ita/ia centln-settentusnale( (Jardsne Riviera 1996, eds. G.P. Brogiolo and G. Cantino
Wataghin [Mantua, 1998], pp. 197—231), Garda (stray burial finds: La Rocca, “1
materiali. Le scpolttire altomedicvali dcl territorio di Verona, pp. 72—75 . Monte
Briania richly—furnished burial: G.P. Brogiolo. “Ricerrhe archeolugiche su l’ardo
,Anticu e alto 7olcdiocvri tra Ticinu e ,Adda “,Aee/ien/nia del/a Rig/one iasnhn)a. Da//a
Preistsnia a//a/tn Alediners [Como, 1997], p. 69). Caotelsepriu (one burial in the walling
of the church of S. Giovanni: S. Lusuardi Sicna, “Su alcune sepolture altomcdievali
di Castelseprio”, Sthriu,n 29 [1987—88], pp. 97—114), Castelnovate (various weapon
burials known: P.M. Dc \larchi. “Modelli insediativi ‘militarizzati’ d’eth longuharda
in Lombardia’. OttS. caste/li. rainpagne no territsri di ,finntieea (seesli Ti— EYE. ed. G.P.
Brogiulu [Mantua, 1995], p. 55: Pumhia (record of burials at the church of
S. Martino: C. Venturino, “Da capoluogo di ‘ludiciaria’ a castello signorile: il
‘Castrum Plumbia’ tra storia e archeologia”, Bs//ettinn Stories Bib/rigs. Ssba/pinn 86
(1988r pp. 405—468.
23
Since F. Schneider. Die Fntste/naig cnn Burg snd Landgeineinde in Ita/ien (Berlin.
1924, and OP. Bognetti, Maria foris portas di Castelseprio e Ia Storia religiosa
dci Longobardi”, Santa lIana di (]aste/seprio, eds. OP. Bognetti, G. Chierici and
A. Dc Capitani d’Arzago (Milan, 1948), pp. 11—51, reprinted in L’eth /ongnbarda, 3
(Milan. 1966).
24
Brog-iolo and Gelichi. .Thsee rieece/ie sui caste/li.
25
Paul, HisL Lang. 11.29.
306 GLAN PIETRO BROGIOLO
The numerous and coherent archaeological finds confirm the con
solidation along this “Po frontier” of town walls and the creation of
new strongholds. However, secure and close dating of these actions
and works is not always possible, and there are three possible his
torical settings: (a) interventions hnked to phases of the Byzantine-
Gothic War; (b) initiatives undertaken in the 550s by the general
Narses to counteract the residual threat of Franks and Goths in the
north; (c) a Byzantine effort at containment in the wake of the
Lombard conquest of the Alpine and sub-Alpine centres. Potentially.
also, there may be a combination of episodes, with the anti-Lombard
line a formalization of pre-existing (if temporary) defensive units.
At Mantua, the numerous stratigraphic excavations which confirm
an early Lombard presence have not yet investigated thc walls, and
a generic late antique date is still applied to the strengthening of the
western curtain with a wall built of reused materials.26 Similarly no
firm date can he given to the traces of a massive tower on the hill
at Este, this too built with spolia.2
Excavations at the Rocca di Monselicc have recently identified a
pre-Lombard circuit wall which girded the hill’s upper level; this is
ascribed to the second half of the sixth century. Its construction fea
tures an external face of large trachite blocks set in fairly regular
courses.26 At Padua, a recent discover of a stretch of early medieval
fortification wall, built with reused marble, has no secure chrono
logical settings, bar its postdating of the Roman circuit.2” Relevant
evidence is awaited for Cremona, Brescello, Ostiglia and other early
medieval forts which, through location, size and building styles, might
well also be attributed to this epoch.
lb
AM. Tamassia. “\lantova”. Archeslsgza to/man in Lcjinbard,a. ed. G.P. Brogiolo
Modena. 1984. PP. 116—118.
27
The ehronolo- proposed by A. Moned “Este: insediamento e nasformazione
del castello, \—XtV secolo”. r1tt P (isngresss ,‘sa.,nnale di An’hcslsgia ,‘tledierale’. Fda
1998 [Florence, 1 998J. pp. 134—139,! remains insecure.
28
G.P. Brogiolo, “Ricerehe areheologiehe su 1 tonseliee hizantina e longobarda”,
itisnselzce. Storm, ru/tarn e arte di an o’ntro “inznsre” del Veneto. ed. A. Rigon (Treviso,
1994), pp. 46—63.
29
S. Tuzzato, “Urhanistica di Padova medievale. Ricerche archeologiche sul
eastello e sulle mura”, Atti del convegno ‘Ls spacis ache nih) eenete (1132—1348f
E.,/moliool orbane. tessoli dan. arthitellore (\‘erona. 1997), who eon’iders also an attri
bution to the Bvzantines: its defences were destros ed in 601. Potentially though this
episode saw the destruction of the refurbished Roman walls and the excavated
walling postrlates Agilulfs attack on the citx.
TOWNS. FORTS AND THE GOUNTRY5JDE 307
Perhaps the most interesting archaeological data concern Oderzo,
documented as destroyed by Rothari and then definitively razed by
Grimoald in the 660s, with its territory partitioned up between
Cividale, Ceneda and Treviso, and its episcopal see transferred to
Cittanova.3° This early city, quite extensive and provided with walls
demolished already in the early Empire. was reduced in size, with
the old Forum zone cut by the defences and with the western wall
line rebuilt.3’
Military events therefore had a significant impact in terms of both
frontier creation and settlement structuring: for Monseliee, height
ened in its political and military role after the Lombard conquest;32
for Oderzo, deprived of the rank of city and transformed into an ex
clusively strategic citadel; for Cremona, Mantua, Padua, first relevant
strategic centres, and then, afier the conquest, thrown into an insti
tutional crisis from which they only emerge from the ninth century.33
Yet more remarkable were the consequences for the Byzantine
area. The retreat of the eastern frontier line from the Adige to the
Po and to the lagoons of Venice and of Grado, in fact forced the
imperial authorities to redesign the settlement format within those
zones: hence, in 604, following the Lombard conquest of Padua and
A. Carile. “La forrnazione del rlucato seneziano”. Li’ sriglni di V’necia. eds.
A. Carile and C. Fedalto )Bologna. l978(, pp. 187—188.
31
Above the forum paving were finds of the late filth to sixth centtirv. the claimed
period of abandonment of the zone: )1. Tirelli. “Oderzo. Zona monumentale e
quartieri di ahitazioni di epoca romana tra via Roma e via Mazzini”, Quaderni di
Archeslo0io del Veneto, 1 (1985), pp. 31—36; M. Tirelli, “Oderzo”, 11 Veneto ne//nib rootana
(Venice, 1987), p. 363: ‘frequentazione per lomeno fino al V sec. d. C.’). ‘Fhe
S-E sector of the forum and the nearhy domus in via Mazzini were later cut by
a ditch which, following a course still traced by landholdings, took a route direcdy
followed by via Savonarola; it has been identified as the ditch of the medieval
eastello. The dating of the reconstruction of the western circtdt wall to after the
mid-sixth century is discussed in t). Castagna and ?1. Tirelli. “Evidenze areheo
logiche di Odcrzo tardoantica ed altomedievale: i risultati preliminari rh recenti
indagint”. (SttS. rat/el/i, raniJiagne. Pp. 121—134. Its retise of large marble .spshia com
pares with other Byzantine fortifications )Zanini, Li Italic hizanlieze. pp. 228—31), not
ing the varied construction techniques, often linked to local materials and traditions,
in the other few Byzantine defences in the peninsula).
A.A. Settia, “Monselice nell’alto medioevo Moose/ice. pp. 83—99.
Mantua lacks notice of the bishopric until the ninth century, despite its likely
diocese from the fifth century: C. Cantino \Vataghin, “La topografia eristiana”.
;llilano capitale dehl’Impeni omsano 1286— 402 d. C) Milan. I 99ff. 172; fiw Padna
and the presttmed flight of the bishop to the lagoon and the reconstitution of the
diocese in the ninth eenttiry, see A. Tilatti. 131i11,ciooi e calls dci san/i a Fadora Jia 17
XII sends Rome. 1997 pp. 1—27.
.
308 GIAN PIETRO BROGIOLO
Monselice, which removed control of the important communications
route from Bologna to Altino, we hear of the construction of the
eastrum of Ferrara; with the loss of Oderzo, there was the founda
tion of Cittanova/Heraclea as well as the consolidation of the forts
and bases in the Venetian lagoon.34
The il/Iodenese Frontier
The territory of Modena, analytically studied through systematic sur
vey work, reveals, more than in other zones, a strong break in pop
ulation/settlement. Characterised hy a scattered settlement pattern
in the late Republic whose numbers and form are maintained into
Late Antiquity with only a 2O°/n diminution of sites, in the early
Middle Ages a sizeable contraction of 75°/n occurs, the result of both
desertions and a concentration of settlement.33 To this context, in
the first half of the seventh century, can be set the phenomenon of
‘pozzi deposito’ (‘hoarding pits’), in which the fleeing rural peasants
buried/hid their everyday possessions. This rural abandonment, “forse
non generalizzato, certamente significativo, almeno per una gener
azione”30 has been linked with the Byzantine-Lombard military conflicts
which erupted in the first part of the seventh century along a line
matching that of the Modenese territory. Parallel to the rural set
tlement crisis is the decay of the city itself, as signalled by alluvial
deposits, postdating the first Lombard conquest.37 Striking is the ref
erence, after a break in the written documentation, to the city in
680 as semidiruta nonegpata Mutino.3°
Ostrogothic-Byzantine and then Byzantine-Lombard warfare, com
bined with the further disrupting force of the Franks, brought to an
end the unity of northern Italy. From these we see two distinct con
sequences: (i) the redesigning of the gerarchy of settlements both in
the sub-Alpine territory and along the river frontier, where forts of
older or new foundation (in the Byzantine lands) were provided with
°
Zanini, I.e Italic birantine, pp. 123—128.
N. Giordani and D. Labate, “Il terrritorio modenese tra tarda AntichitS e alto
Medioevo”, II tesoro net porro. Ford deposits e tesanrierarione nell’Emilia antiea, eds.
S. Gelichi and N. Giordani (Mndena, 1994). pp. 135—167.
36
5 Gelichi, “Pozzi-depositn e tesaurizzazinni nell’antica Regin VIlI-Aemilia”,
II tesoro net pozzo, p. 48.
n s Gelichi, “Modena e ii sun territorin neb’alto Medioevo”, Modena dalte orig
mi all’anno Mule. Studi di storia e di artheologia, 1 (Modena, 1988), pp. 551—576.
Carmen de synodo Ticinensi, MOH, SRL, p. 190.
TOWNS, FORTS AND THE COUNTRYSIDE 309
a dependent territory and were more or less removed from the over
seeing of the old towns and became nodal centres of a much modified
settlement system compared to that of Late Antiquity; (ii) the destruc
tion of the ancient population fabric, identified clearest in the third
zone of conflict, in Emilia, where the greater ruination of the late
antique settlement patterns took place, with an evolution largely
comparable to the frontier territories of central Italy, from southern
Tuscany to the Abruzzo.3° This has potential comparisons with the
Upper Adriatic region, where the Roman muniezj5ia of Concordia and
Altino were lost, denoting a clear break from or even termination
of the ancient territorial divisions.
As well as settlement/structural impact, the thirty-three years of
military combat, at the end of the sixth century, also had major socio
political consequences. Politically, these years were decisive for the
survival of the Lombard kingdom, which emerged reinforced. With
king Authari and then Agilnlf, a strong, powerful kingdom was con
solidated, overcoming the divisions which had marked the conquest
period. On the Byzantine side there now had to be recognition of
the establishment of a Lombard kingdom in the transpadane regions.
Political stability would endure for more than a century, interrupted
only by “marginal” episodes such as the conquest, loss and recon
quest of Oderzo.
On the social level, the most significant effect of these wars, on
both Lombard and Byzantine soil, was the militarization of society,
with all civil and military powers united in the hands of the gerar
chies of the exereitus. In Byzantine territory this militarization was
mitigated by the political role which, from the time of Gregory the
Great, came into the hands of the highest Church officials.4° In
Langobardia, the conflict was restricted to the power of the king and
his functionaries (the gastalds) and that of the dukes, some of whom,
such as the duke of Trento and the duke of Friuli, long managed
to maintain some degree of autonomy, whereas the others progres
sively came under royal control.5’ Conflict, when it manifested itself,
thus remained within the Lombard institutions, relegating the Romans
See XV. Kurze and C. Citter, “La Toscana”, Cittâ, castelli, campagne, pp. 159-- 186.
A. Staffa, “Una terra di frontiera: Abruzzo e Mouse fra VI e VII seeolo”, zbzd., pp.
187—238.
In general, F.S. Brown, Centlemen and Officers. Imperial Administration and Aristocratic
Punier in %zantine Italy (London, 1984).
41
See references in note 1 above.
 310 GIAN PIETRO BROGIOL0
to a limb whose outlines are only vaguely delineated by the written
sources.
The sense of deep transformation of the settlement structures which
we have highlighted for the frontier territories changes radically if
we turn our attention instead to the zones of the upper plain between
Vicenza, Verona, Brescia, Bergamo, Milan, Pavia, Asti, and Turin.
In these, firmly in Lombard hands from the first phase of conqtiest,
are concentrated those sites which most conspicuously show a stronger
level of urban continuity and which produced economic materials to
secure the survival of the Kingdom.
As in the frontier territories, so in these regions we must under
stand settlement evolution. The eighth-century charters provide a
snapshot image of their final evolution, with a political and economic
gerarchy which has as its vertex the capital of Pavia, dominating a
network of duchies based on ancient towns and a series of gastal
dates organised amongst the largest fortresses. Our oldest relevant
sources and our archaeological data seem to show, however, some
rather shadowy, intermediate stages of development which allow us
to comprehend better the eighth-century outcomes.
Modes of Lombard Settlement and Town-Country Relations
In order to sketch out a dynamic model of the “territories” of the
Lombard Kingdom, it is valuable to purstie three distinct lines of
investigation: (i) to analyse the choice of capital, a process which
took a series of stages over fifty years (AD 568—620); (ii) to under
stand the Lombard presence within the ancient towns, to be observed
through the example of Brescia, well served by recent excavation
work; (iii) to assess the forms of rural settlement in relationship to
the dislocation of the aristocratic groups/class.
The Search for a CHpital (AD 568—629j
I would argue that the military events discussed conditioned also the
choice of royal capital: Verona and Milan were the two Lombard
capitals at the end of the sixth century, not only because of their
political role during the Ostrogothie era, but also because they con
friV1 stituted, until the definitive conquest of the Alps in 590, the major
supply lines of the Lombard expansion and the focus of defence
TOWNs. FORT5 ANO THE cOtJNTRY5IDE 311
from the combined attacks of Byzantines and Franks. The initial
selection of Verona under Alboin can he explained in this perspec
tive. Its subsequent de-selection and its decay as an urban centre are
explicable not just by the destructive fire of 589 3confirmed by archae
ological evidence hut also, in my opinion. by a decline in mili
tan’ importance. Probably once king Agilulf had conquered all the
territories north of the Po, retention of capitals was no longer
two
necessary and preference then went to Milan given her late antique
tradition and significance, and given his aim to build a kingdom of
totius Italzae, both Lombard and Roman.43
The later choice of Pavia, during the first half of the seventh cen
tury, beyond that of a re-affirmation of the Lombard tradition of
an anti-Catholic and anti-Byzantine stance,44 can be tied to the shift
of the politico-military front onto the Po and to the link with Lombard
Tuscia. Its setting on the Ticino river, not far from its confluence
with the Po, put Pavia at the centre of that network of river routes
which came to be described at the start of the eighth century in the
famous treatise signed by Lintprand and by the milites of Comaeehio:45
a network of both political and commercial relations which linked
the capital to the heart of the Po plain, i.e. the cities of Piaeenza,
Parma, Mantua, Brescia, Verona (via Capo Mincio) and Milan (via
Porto d’Adda).55
Archaeology in Pavia confirms the picture of good levels of ur
hanisn3 persisting, inferable also from the written sources:’ various
Paul. I-list. Lang. 111,23; Pj. Hudson, “Contributi archeologici alla storia del—
l’insediamento urbano veneto (t\/—Xt secolof’. It Venets net Medinevo. Datta ‘l’enetia’
atta tlaica Veronese, 2, eds. A. Castagnetti and G.M. Varanini (Verona, 1989), pp.
329--348.
R. Else, “Die Agilollkrone des Schatses von Monza”, Hotsnsche Fsrscbungen für
TV Sthtesinger, ed. H. Beumann (Cologne anrl Vienna, 1974).
S. Gasparri, “Pavia longobarda”, Storm di Farm, 2 (Pavia, 1987), pp. 19—65;
G.P. Brogiolo, (fibitati e residenze regie nett’Itaiia isngobarda, forthcoming.
F.M. Hartmann, “Zor Wirtschaftsgeschichte Italiens im fruhen Mittelalters”,
Anatekten (Cotha, 1904), pp. 123—124. See, most reeendy, R. Balsaretti, “Cities.
Emprria and Monasteries: Local Economies in the Po Valley, e. 700—875”, Tsicns
in Tmnsitinn. Urban Evolution in Late Antzqnity and tile Early Middle Ages, edo. N. Christie
and S.T. Losehy Aidershot, 1996, pp. 212 234.
“
l’he role of archaeolog\ is fundamental here, having uptil now been limited
to occasional studies in sites along the rivers such as Piadena Ogho Quingentole.
,
Poviglio. etc. For Piadena: C.P. Brogiolo and A. Breda. “Piadena, bc. Castello
1984. Loni 2 e 3’ .Arrhestsgia Jlediezale 12 (1985 pp. 181—188.
.
E
Too entv years of archaeological study are summarised now in Aol eslogia urbana
a Faria, ed. H. Blake Pavia, 1995,.
312 GIAN PIETRO BROGIOLO
processes of raising of the Roman floor levels, elements of the nrban
infrastrnctnre such as the drains continuing into the modern era,
dense settlement without traces of “ruralization” and with suburban
expansion from the early Middle Ages, plus a large number of
churches built between the seventh and eighth centuries, some still
part preserved in elevation.
The Lombards within the Towns
The written sources48 indicate that, from the time of the conquest,
the towns of the Po plain formed the privileged seats of adminis
trative, juridicial and ecclesiastical activity; yet they say little on social
and economic aspects (apart from the administrators, who actually
lived in the city? did the city produce or did it merely consume
products and goods from the land?). Our eighth-century documen
tation confirms how people of high social rank, though mainly deriv
ing their wealth from landholding, largely chose the city as their
seats of residence; such suggests that the city acted as co-ordinator
for the economic activities of the territory. But was this situation also
valid for the preceding century? The archaeological data, linked to
urban settlement and burials, recommend caution in extrapolating
backwards. Though concentrated in some towns, a variety of responses
and developments can be seen, varied not just because of the still
fragmentary nature of the research. To understand this we can focus
next on three problem areas: (a) types of urban transformation; (b)
modes of Lombard settlement inside towns; and (e) trade and craft
activity.
(a) Tjpes of Urban Transformation
Archaeologists have proposed, on the basis of individual cases and
taking as reference the urban organisation, different evolutive mod
els for the Roman cities of Italy:49 (a) the “ruralized city”, with spaces
Summarised in Harrison, The Earlj State and the Tseons.
q
G.P. Brogiolo, “La cittk tra tarda Antichitk e Medioevo”, Arehestsgza urbana in
Lonsbardia, pp. 48—56, 5. Baruish, “The transformation of classical cities and the
Pirenne debate”, Aineriean]nurnat sfArrhaenlngy 2 (1989), pp. 385—400; G. Ciampoltrini,
“Cittk ‘frammentate’ e cittk fortezza. Stone urbane della Toscana centro-settentri
onale fra Teodosio e Carlo Magno”, La stnria dett’atts ivIedisevs itatians atta tune det
t’arrheslngza, eds. R. Francovich and C. Noyé (Florence, 1994), pp. 6 15—633; Zanini,
I.e Italic bdantine, pp. 104—208.
TOWNS, FORTS AND THE COUNTRYSIDE 313
within the walls destined for agricultural works;5° (b) as a variant of
the first model, a city of “islands”, with quarters of settlement activ
ity separated by abandoned or rural zones;5’ (c) a “shifted city”, with
a movement of the habitat to a new sector;52 (d) a variant on the
former, whereby we find a “fortress city”, as in the case of Oderzo and
perhaps Albintimilium;33 (e) finally, the “continuous city”, showing
no appreciable transformation in terms of Roman urban configura
tion and with a high survival of infrastructural units (roads, drains,
aqueduets)—Pavia clearly belongs to this latter category; as perhaps,
to a degree, Verona.54
This is a slightly rigid classification, which does not take into
account a series of local variants, leading to “mixed” models: hence
Brescia can be seen as a city which is partially ruralized (in its east
ern quarters), but with a new, strong focus shifted westwards of the
forum, and with a hill inserted into the defensive perimeter as an
autonomous fortified citadel. Here we can examine Brescia in some
detail to understand this mixing of models.
(b) Brescia: Case Studj of Lombard Settlement
Historico-topographical studies of the city tend generally to have a
chapter dedicated to the Lombard settlement, based chiefly on writ
ten references and placename evidence which help locate the royal
court and the ducal palace. These sources point to an occupation
of quarters separate from those of the “Roman” population.53 In most
eases it is the ducal and royal courts that are recorded and these
are understandably distinct urban units. Similarly, the episcopium
°
P. Galetti, “Struttnra materiale e fnnziooi negli insediamenti nrbani e rnrali
della Pentapoli”, Rirerehe e studi sul “Breniarium Errlesiae Ranennatis” (Codire Banarg)
(Rome, 1985).
Ciampoltnini, “Cittk’frammentate’ e città fortezza” for Tuscan sites.
52
E.g. Modena (Gelichi, “Modena e il suo territorio”).
52
For Oderzo, see above, note 31; for Albintimilium, abandoned after destruc
tion by fire, perhaps following the conquest by Rothari in 643, in favour of a
fortified hilltop site: Zanini, I.e Italic bftantzne, p. 236.
C. La Rocca Hudson, “Dark ages a Verona. Edilizia privata, aree aperte e
strutture pubbliche in nna cittk dell’Italia settentrionale”, Arrheotngia Medierate 13
(1986), pp. 31—78.
M. Cagiano Dc Azevedo, “Esistono una architettura e un’urbanistica longob
arde?”, l.a ririttb dci Langobardi in Europa, Atti del ronvegno inteoiadanate, Ronsa-Ciridate
1971 (Rome, 1974), pp. 289—329, so for Pavia, where the toponym farainannza is
considered a sign of the Lombard quarter, so for Milan (and likewise Brescia) where
Cordusio derives from rurfls dur,s, and at Bergamo, with the toponym fara in the
raised part of the town.
314 GIAN PIETRO BROGIOLO
and cathedral help make the ecclesiastical centre stand out. Less
secure, however, is the true meaning to be attributed to indications
such as Fara, farainannia, and whether these do indicate an ethnic
fragmentation of the urban space. We cannot exclude that archae
ology may contribute to this latter question—though this presupposes
an answer to what constitutes “Lomhardness”.
The main studies at Brescia,56 have covered roughly a third of the
Roman town, between the forum complex and the western walls,
occupied in the Roman period by a’ornus, the Theatre, Capitoliuin,
Forum, Basilica. South of the decumanus, the insulae appear exten
sively ruralized with agricultural soil deposited; to the north, setde
ment continues uninterrupted throughout the early Middle Ages
articulated (except in the Basilica) in three main phases: (1) a long
process of destructuralization (fifth to mid-sixth century) of Roman
private and public building, with poor structures—coherent and
planned and occasionally with good quality builds, hut generally of
decaying quality; (2) robbing episodes (yet in a context of a settle
ment which is culturally, economically and socially defined); (3) a
radical architectural and functional change in the eastern sector, cul
minating in 753 with the foundation of the monastery of S. Salvatore.
In the first Lombard phase (later sixth to mid-seventh century) a
notable homogeneity exits, as witnessed in the 1980—1997 excava
tions at S. Giulia, the Theatre and the Capitolium. as defined by
residential buildings, burials near houses, and craft activities:
• Housing In the S. Giulia complex fifteen houses were exca
—
vated, from small part-sunken wooden huts to large buildings (up to
60 sq. m.) with mixed construction; similar style houses were found
at the monumental entrance to the Theatre and in the Capitolium
north-west of the Forum.5 Rubble and architectural debris show that
robbing of materials was being undertaken.
• Burials Mainly infant, hut also adult. inhumations were dis
—
covered in all areas examined, located often near houses and gen
erally lacking related finds, perhaps to be connected to a population
of low (servile?) status. Anthropological analysis showed that “scm
‘
OP. Brogiolo. Breseth ai/oaiethserale. Urbains/ica eel edilizia dal Vat IX steals Xtantua.
1993: G.P. Brogiolo. ‘Considerazioni sulle sequenze altornedievali nella zona man
umentale defla cittk romana”. C3r/a are/iealagiea della Lambardia, 5. Brescia. la ri/tb. Saggz,
ed. F. Rossi Modena. 1996. pp. 257—263.
Rossi, (ar/a archealagica.
TowNs. FORT5 AND THE GOUNTRY5IDE 315
brerebbero riehiamare le moderne popolazioni del eentro-sud Italia”,
whilst stress malformations to the arms, feet and back indicated much
mantial labour.55
Craft actioiy Most buildings revealed signs of craft activity: for
—
example, two pottery kilns in the area of the Capitolium,5° glass-
working debris (as near Buildings XXVIII e XXIX) and hone-work
ing, lime-kilns, iron workshops (near Building )CX and on the lower
steps of the theatre), plus small weighing scales.
Whilst buildings north of the Forum and in the Forum itself saw a
dramatic destructuring, followed by new building work, the Basilica,
at the south end, strangely saw little disruption, sunriving to the pre
sent era up to its second floor; surrounding plots did witness some
decay, yet the invasive residential structures seem to have heen of
generally high quality, being mortar-bonded.
These data could indicate that this central zone helonged to the
fisc, with old state buildings falling into Lombard fiscal property.
The lands to the east of the Forum-Theatre complex and up to the
walls, seem also not be royal property in that in the mid-eighth cen
tury they were given by king Aistulf to duke Desiderius on which
to build his monastery.5°
S. Giulia excavatians 1980-1992,: five burials in the SW carirryard. near late
sixth/seventh—centui-s- honses; in Use Orraglia di S. Giulia, of like date near a house
and street line, were seven burials; and in a tomb in the road, nine individnals.
Excavations at Vieolo Deserto (area of the Theatre), piazza Labus (Basilica), palazzo
iviartinengo (tabeosa of the Forum and adjacent baths) and casa Pallaveri (Ca/si/sham)
uncovered twenty burials, from late sixth to the end of the eighth century, but com
prising thirty-two individuals, only four of which were adults.
Other finds: in via Piamarta, Ortaglia degli Artigianelli (1957). one unfurnished
‘tomba alla cappueeina; in ruhhle in the hvposcenium of the theatre 1958 in ,
contexts with Lombard pottery: in Ortaglia di S. Giulia, five tombs, three furnished
respectively a silver ring and head necklace, combs, and five-piece belt set,. South
of the deraaianus. two adults one with adolescent also coffin burials, one “alla cap
puceina” ‘OP. Brogiolo, “Le sepolture a Brescia tra tarda Antichith e prima etS
longobarda [cx IX’ -VII secolo]”, L’I/alia reatia-se//en/risnale in eth langsbaola, A//i con-
vegas Ascsli Piceaa, 6—7 s/take 1995, ed. L. Paroli [Florence, 1997], pp. 413—424,
with bibliography).
59
The first kiln was preserved almost intact, cut into the podium area; con
struction was in stone and brick fragments bonded by clay; half-buried on its north
side, its mouth was ois the south: the baking floor was parr—preserved, showing the
saspeeoarae. Only part of a second kiln was recognised: A. Guglielmctti, “Ceramica
di eth longoharda dall’area del Capitolium: analisi di una struttura produttiva”,
Cbrta arelieslagica. pp. 265—283.
Codio’ diploma/irs lsngshardo. II. ed. L. Schiaparelli Rome, I 933. doe. n. 31.
316 GIAN PIETRO BROGIOLO
If then we view this whole area as public property, we can recon
struct four distiuct operative models: (a) planned ruralization of a
vast area, presumably (if the geoarchaeological analysis is correct) to
be given over for pasture (for horses belonging to the royal court?;:;
)b) dismantling of much of the monumental public heart and of the
elite domus to houses servicing productive activities; (c) maintenance
and modifications of good architectural quality to the Basilica, per
haps for a function linked to the role of the royal court; (d) craft
productivity carried out in modest workshops near to the individual
houses of dependent workers.
(c) Graft Production
The concentration of productive operations near the court also raises
the question of the forms of trade and exchange: were they rigidly
controlled and destined for circulation within the fiscal properties or
were economic relations undertaken on the basis of a more embry
onic and restricted market? One can note in this regard that the
bulk of the craft activities were concerned with metallurgy, an activ
ity of particular “strategic” interest in early medieval Italy, which
could no longer exploit the resources of the old provinces. In this
sense we can understand the economic relevance of the mineral areas
of Tuscany and of the Alps.6’ In the case of Brescia, again the data
drawn from S. Salvatore confirm how at the end of the ninth cen
tury the mines of the Valcamonica belonged to monastic lands;’2
archaeologically, in fact, these mines were active already in the sev
enth century,63 implying that the whole cycle of iron, from recovery
and extraction in the mines to working near the S. Giulia huts, was
carried out under the rigid control of the royal fisc.
51
C. Citter, “t corredi nella Tuscia longoharda: produzione locale, dono o corn
mercio”, Sepolture tra IV e VIII .secolo, pp. 179—189.
52
C. Pasquali, “S. Ciulia di Brescia”, Inoentari attomedierati di terre, coloni e conta
dint. eds. A. Castagnetti. \1. Luzzati. C. Pasquah and .\. Vasina Rome. 1979). pp.
43—94: C. Pasquali. “Cesuone economica e eontrollo sociale di S. Salvatore -
S. Ciulia dall’epoca longoharda all’etd eomunale”. l’cheologia. stsoo e uric di un sosnas
-
(cr0 refio dai Lc,ngsbardi at Barbao,ssa. .4th del rsnregno, Bresria 1990 Brescia. 1992). pp.
131- 145.
63
C. Cucini ‘l’izzoni, “Un forno da ferro longobardo nelle Alpi italiane”, J’/stiziaris
di Artheo/sgia Medievale 65 (Aprile 1995), pp. 8-9. The mine lay in the Val Gabbia,
a side valley of the Camonica, 1500—1600 m, in be. Piazzalunga; the iron reduc
tion plant lay at be. Ponte di Val Gahh,a. The furnace was short-lived, C14 dated
to AD 590—680 to 94.6°’o prohahilitv and AD 620—660 at 6854.
TOWNS, FORTS AND THE COUNTRYSIDE 317
But were such urban activities new to the early Middle Ages and
bow far back did they go? Is Brescia typical? And what were the
non-fiscal artisanal products here as elsewhere? For the first ques
tion it is clear that some production was urban-based even in the
late Republic for marketing (ceramics at Cremona and Milan; iron-
working at Brescia), and that in Late Antiquity much production
was on behalf of the army and annona (arms factories at Pavia,
Cremona, Jvlantua, Concordia).54 Brescia is, as noted, the best inves
tigated Lombard centre, but comparable industrial production can
be recognised at Byzantine Reggio Calabria and Otranto and at
Rome.65 It is harder to determine the level of private craftwork, since
the sources are too meagre;’6 but the archaeology shows how most
early medieval urban houses were of such poor quality to survive
adequately in the urban stratigraphy that it is difficult to see indi
viduals involved in specialised tasks—they may he there, hut we can
not yet in any way discuss their organisation, role and market.
The J’/obiliEy between Town and Cbuntp
It is likewise problematic to use the current data to assess another
fundamental question: where, in the late sixth and the seventh cen
turies, did the middle and upper aristocracies—those people who
appear in the urban documentation of the eighth century—actually
live?’7 These were, after all, people whose wealth and standing was
linked both to landed possessions and to the favour and rewards of
the king. The approach to take is to analyse the buildings and buri
als which appear to reveal marks of social distinction.
64
.\OI. .Dign.. Ore. IX,24—29.
65
Zanini, Le Italic brcantine, pp. 155—160.
6
G. Rossetti, “I ceti proprietari e professionali: status sociale funzioni e presti
gio a Milano nei secoli VtIl—X, 1. L’etS longoharda”, Atti del X rsnvegris internazionale
di studi sull’alts ,‘tledisevs, Milan 1983 :Spoleto, 1986), pp. 165—207.
6?
C. Wickham. “La eiuS altomedievale. Una nota sul dibattito in eorso”. Archealo,gia
Medicrole 15 (1988. pp. 649—651, argues that urhan continuity, at least on a reduced
scale, depended on an urban aristocratic presence; more cautiously, Balzaretti. “Cities
and market” s ho states: I cannot rlemonstrate that the aristocrats still live in the
.
cities after AD 400) because there is not enough material to say that with certaiuty”
(p. 135), also saying that “from the continued hahitation in cities (incomiug rents,
consumption of luxuries) there is rio need to assume that this had a deep impact
on the countryside” (p. 123). For Brescia, one can note that Paul, Hist. Lang. V,36,
refers to Bresna as inhabited by numerous nobles——though the term is then used
generally for the whole territory.
318 GIAN PIETRO BR0GI0LO
The first parameter, which I have dealt with elsewhere.68 so far
remains to reveal the presence of a middle/high social class. In the
Lombard cities/towns only low quality houses have been excavated
but we should assume that sooner or later finer residences must
emerge which are comparable to those lately discovered at Rome in
the Forum of Nerva.°° at Classe or known from seventh-century doc
uments for Rimini and Ravenna,7°
Accordingly we must limit ourselves to considering the furnished
burials of the late sixth and the seventh centuries. One fact emerges
immediately from distribution maps of these ‘Lombard’ tombs, namely
that ‘urban’ ones, that is intramural burials, are rare. This cannot
be seen as related to imbalances in the rate of discovery, since finds
related to Roman extramural cemeteries are good—although the
often scattered nature of intramural burial may make discovery more
open to chance; plausibly. however, the numbers can he linked to
the modes of Lombard settlement.
(a) Urban Burials and Burials ,I’%’ar Towns
At Aosta, Milan, Aquileia and Verona, the suburban/extramural
cemeteries persisted until at least the eighth century (and even in
some cases, as in the eastern cemetery at Aosta, until the modern
era), though with signs of mobility which sees a development of new
funerarv areas closer to the defensive perimeter.71 To judge from the
gravegoods, the aristocratic Lombard insertion seems to assume
different forms from town to town, with a main tendency to avoid
the townscapes. At Breseia, three diverse burial strategies can be
G.P. Brogiolo. “Aspctii economici e sociali clelle citth longoharde delittalia set—
tentrionale, Ear/i ,llediera/ Towns in the II 7stern .liediteoanean. ed. G.P. Brogiolo
Nlantua. 1996,. pp. 77—88.
R. .Samangeli Valenzani. “Edihzia residenzialc e ariotocrazia urbana a Roma
nell alto /i ledioevo P (1nngresco di .loiealogia Jiedierale, Eisa 7997 Florence, 1997,
,
pp. 64—70.
°
Classe: J. Ortalli, “L’edilizia ahitativa”, Storia di Ravenna, 2. Dall’etd bizantina
all’db oaoniana (Venice. t991), pp. 167—192; Rimini and Ravenna: M. Cagiano de
Azevedo, “Fe case descritte dal Codex traditionum Ecclesiae ravennatis”, Rendoonti
Scienze morn/i 3/one/ic efi/osofiehe ddll’Aeeademia .5/azionale dci Lineci, s. VIII. vol. 27, Fasc.
5—6 ‘1972 pp. 160—181: Zanini. is’ italic hewn/ow p. 136.
.
G. Cantino XVatagbin. ‘The ideology of urban burials”, in The Idea and Ideal
oft/ic Town. pp. 147—179; C. Canuno \Vataghin and C. Larnhert. “Sepolture e cit/a.
L’Italia settentrionale Ira IV e VII secolo”, Sep/atone tm It’ e 1111 scrub. pp. 89—114.
TOWNS, FORTS AND THE COUNTRYSIDE 319
observed:2 tombs set within the walled zone; tombs near the walls
and thus presumably referable to the urban settlement; tombs set in
a band between l—3 km from the walls. The sole tombs with rich
“Lombard” furnishings come from the suburban area, characterized
by a scattered settlement pattern with farms and craft activities;
significantly, at least for three sites (at via Volta, via Codignola, via
Cardueci, continuity with/over a Roman or late Roman necropo
lis, implies (and is demonstrated at via Carducci) also a settlement
continuity. The seventh-eentui’v burials found in these contexts may
suggest that the highest social groups lived not in the town hut in
the suburbs, directly in contact with the points of production which
helped secure their rank. We can of course note a concern regard
ing ownership: were the farm- and landowners Romans who had
adopted cultural models typical of the new dominant Germanic class:
or should we directly assume Lombards inserted into or provided
with these existing properties?
A similar situation prevails at Turin, where three small graveyards
with Lombard materials were identified “a discreta distanza dalle
mura”, but which, unlike Brescia, did not overlie older funerary or
settlement sites,73 whilst groups of rich burials lay in a 5 km radius
of the town of Bergamo.74 At Trento, the main cemeteries lay out
side the city, and the most important lay around the late antique
funerary church of S. \‘igilio, with various slab and built tombs and
fifty epitaphs; extramural cemeteries extend in date to the seventh
°
century. Sporadic suburban finds—two graves with sixth—century
materials, and a third with seventh-century weapons—eould denote
family nuclei near suburban properties. There are some early Lombard
period intramural burials, though the Seven inhumations at Palazzo
Taharelli are of the indigenous population, whereas that at piazza
Pasi with its multiple belt of AD 650—700 is perhaps Lombard.
The situation at Cividale is more complex.° In the extramural
areas three diverse models emerge: (1) continuity in use of a Roman
72
Brogiolo, “Le sepolture a Brescia”.
72
E. Micheletto and L. Pc] rani Baricco, “Archeologia fun eraria e insediativa in
Piemonlc tra V e VII secolo”, L’Ita/ia centmowettcntmiona/e in c/h bongobarda, p. 305.
°
C.P. Brogiolo, “II territorio di Bergamo nell’altomedioevo”, Stona di Bemgaoio,
forthcoming.
F. Cavada. ‘Cimiteri e sepolture isolate nella cit/a di Trento :secoli V—Vu’.
Sepo/tuo’ tin IV e VIII scrub, pp. 143—160.
Th
J Ahumada Silva. “Sepolture Ira Tardoantico e alto Medioevo a Cividale del
320 GIA PIETRO BROGIOLO
necropohs (bc. Celia-San Giovanni); (2) foundation of a new necrop
ohs; (3) reuse of part of a Roman necropoiis (south of the city, set
between the churches of S. Martino and S. Pantaleone). In the sev
enth century, numerous inhumations are made within the walls,
explained as Ia contrazione del nucleo abitato” and “un nuovo
piano di utiizzazione dello spazio”. Most furnished burials lie near
churches (cathedral of S. Maria. churches of S. Pietro. S. Giovanni
in Valle), while other plots lack clear structural connections. This
stronger intramural burial presence could be explained by the town’s
frontier role—for example, Cividale was devastated during a partic
ularly vicious incursion by Avars in 6l0.
(b) Lombard Rural Burials
In the Transpadana, burials are well represented in the higher plain
zone from the Veneto across to north-west Piedmont. In the Veneto,
a sample of one hundred burial grounds, both Roman and Lombard,
indicate, as a general trend (and perhaps not unexpectedly), an inser
tion of newcomers into the pre-existing settlement network.78 Mihtary
burials occur only in the upper plain, and not in the south—those
lands still Byzantine until at least the end of the sixth century; accord
ingly here a Lombardization emerges only with annexation from the
seventh century. In Lombardy, a thick hand of burial grounds is
visible in the central zone of the upper plain from the late sixth cen
turv (Leno, Fornovo S. Giovanni, Dovera, Trezzo; which becomes
denser in the seventhH The main sites lie along the key rivers and
roads, in a manner similar to the Roman epoch, hut, as in the Veneto.
avoid Byzantine-held territories (Mantua. Cremona).
In Piedmont, burials with Lombard items are fewer and are more
strategically sited, “finalizzate al controllo di nodi strategici e delle
principali vie di comunieazione”,8° notably Tortona (linked to a likely
Ostrogothic castrum)8’ and Testona (a cemetery with 350 tombs). In
Frinli. Considerazioni e topografla aggiornata”, Sepolture tro IV e VIII secolo, pp.
143—160.
°
Paid, Hot. Lagg IV,37.
78
See C. La Rocea, “I materiali”, pp. 170—171, and the ohservations of Brogiolo
and Gelichi, ,Sfuove ricerthe sui rostelli. p. 82.
°
NI. Dc Marehi, “Calvisano e Ia neeropoli d’ambito longohardo in localeS Santi
di Sopra. La piannra tra Oglio. Mella e Chiese nell’altomedioevo”. L’Itolia sen/ru
settentnooale in eta longribardo, pp. 377—41 1.
Mieheleno and Pejrani. “Areheologia fnneraria”. p. 306.
TOWNS, FORTS AND THE COUNTRYSIDE 321
the Monferrato and in southern Piedmont “Lombards” often appear
within mixed cemeteries Along the Vercelli-Ivrea road, nobles’ tombs
.
are found at Borgo d’Ale and Borgomasino. Finally, some cemete
ries denote new settlements, as at the foot of the Torinese hill.
In Swiss Canton Ticino,7 seventh-century furnished graves are
concentrated in three formerly settled zones: Castione, Stabio and
Bellinzona. There are also numerous “Lombard” gTaves near churches
attesting either a seventh-century Christianization or a take-up of
Germanic customs by the native population.83
In some areas, particular strategic controls seem to have operated.
At Calvisano (Brescia), a necropolis of 500 tombs can probably be
linked to a sizeable settlement, whereas numerous funerary units in
the surrounding area, in open land or near old Roman rural sites,
would suggest agrarian patterns of settlement.H This compares with
the situation at Bellinzona, with burials in the hinterland, but none
documented near or at Castelgrande, a fortress-town recorded by
Paul the Deacon for an episode of 590)0
Elsewhere, a distinction in funerary areas seems linked to differing
social groups, as in the case of the three necropoleis at Carignano
(Turin;.85 High-status furnished burials can in fact he inserted into
population strategies linked to the control of pre-existing settlements,
with a predilection for Roman villas and nez. Hence at Trezzo
burials of Lombard dignitaries with seal rings were located near a
villa;87 at Palazzo Pignano, a seal ring was recovered from an early
Christian cult centre linked to a substantial hate antique villa;88 at
Arsago. burials lay near a villa, itself set near the church of SS.
81
Cf. Cassiodorus, VSriae, 1,17.
82
M. Dc Marehi, “L’alto Medioevo in Tieino. I ritrovamenti di eta longobarda”,
Archeologia della Rig/one insubrica, pp. 283—329.
°
See for example the burials and setting at Cadate: G.P. Brogiolo, C. Bellosi,
L. Doratiotto and E. Possenti, “Seqnenza di etS rornana e medievale nella Pieve
di Garlate (Leeco)’, £411/ 10 Gongresso di Archeologia ItIedieoale, Pisa 1997 (Florence,
1997), pp. 254—260.
84
Dc Marchi, “Calvisano e la necropoli”, pp. 385—386.
°
Dc Marchi, “L’alto Medioevo in Ticino”, p. 287; Paul, Hot. Lang. 111,31.
85
Micheletto and Pejrani, “Archeologia fnnerana”, pp. 309—3 10.
87
5 Lusuardi Siena, ‘La neeropoli longoharda in localitS Cascina S. Martino
nd qnadro dell’insediamento altomedioevale a Trezzo snll’Adda (Milano)”, II tern-
tons tra Tardoantico e alto ,lledioezo. Atti 3° seminar/n di studi, ,llonte Boon 1991 (Florence,
1992).
° G. Massari. E. Roffia and D. Capornsso. “La villa tardoromana di Palazzo
Pignano”. Creoisno n.onano. .4tti del Csngresso storiro-ortheologico per ii 2200° anna di
322 ClAN PIETRO BROGIOLO TOWNS, FORTS AND THE COUNTRYSIDE 323

Cosma e Damiano.°9 Other relevant finds are at Fornovo and
Calvisano, both linked to likely habitats.°° In contrast, those at Stabio
(Canton Ticino) and Borgo d’Ale have no defined settlement contexts.91
Conclusions
On the basis of the archaeological data currently available (noting
the absence of urban structures of quality and with tomb finds preva
lently in the countryside), we should conclude that the nobility based
in the peripheral/frontier duchies (Cividale/Friuli, and in part the
Trentino) and in the sub-Alpine castro established themselves in close
relation to the central places, whereas in the high plains of the
Veneto and of Lombardy, between the late sixth and seventh cen
turies, the aristocrats resided mainly in rural contexts and in sites
linked to older settlements (vici and villas).92 If valid, we could speak,
for these regions, of a dualism: the cities and towns as particular
administrative (and military) seats and productive centres controlled
by the public authorities, and the suburbs and the rural areas as the
privileged residence of the nobles, in direct control of the economic
resources. The Lombard interest in the countryside would further
suggest that in the higher plains territories a settlement model based
on vici and farms of medium dimensions was being maintained, if
in a strongly mutated form in terms of material culture and in a
context of progressive transformations, as marked by (a) the destruc
tion and abandonment of villas, vici and lesser sites;93 (b) the evolu
tion of ancient sites (as in the case of Cologno al Serio and Romano
di Lombardia, bc. Dignone, and Fornovo S. Giovanni);9t and (c) the
emergence of new sites in marginal areas, such as caves and rock-
cut sites (“insediamenti rupestri”)
For the moment the archaeology does not let us go beyond these
general considerations. However, it is possible that the landed resources
flowed into the forts and into the ducal and royal courts of the towns
of Lombard Italy. In the latter, if the example of Brescia is valid,
craft activites were undertaken to produce objects which were then
distributed within the territory—but we lack quantitative data to
determine the level of these relations, and qualitative data to clarify
the forms of distribution of these goods. The balance of trade and
money went in favour of the towns, however, where the vertices of
both lay and ecclesiastical power became focused.

fondafione di (remona, Gretnona 1982, ed. G. Pontiroli (Annali della Bihlioteca Statale
e Libreria Civica di Cremona 35, Cremona, 1985), pp. 185—259; AA.VV., “II corn
plesso di Palazzo Pignano”, Milano capitale dett’Isnpero rornono (286— 402 d. C.), pp.
266--267.
ss Dc Selarchi, “Calvisano e la necropoli”,
p. 387, argues for a Roman oseus.
Dc J’elarchi, “Calvisano e la necropoli”.
Dc Iviarchi, “L’alto Medioevo in licino”, p. 304; L. Brecciaroli Taborelli,
“Tomba longoharda da Borgo d’Ale”, Quaderni della Soprintendenza Areheslsgica del
Piemonte 1 (1982), pp. 103—123. G.P. Brogiolo, “Conclusioni”, La fine dette rule rsmane: trasJbrmaisni nelle eampagne
92
To clarify if this dualism is real or apparent, we must seek to recognise the tm tarda Antiehita e alto Medioeoo. Gardone Riviera 1995, ed. G.P. Brogiolo (Mantua,
degree to which the rural nobility freely disposed of their resources or whether they 1996).
94
were hound by the royal court; there is no easy route to answer this, not even Brogiolo, “Ii territorio di Bergamo”, forthcoming.
93
through those rare symbols (seal rings) marking the direct link with royal power, G.P. Brogiolo, N. Simeone, P. Possenti and N. Giové Macchioli, “La chiesa
as in the Trezzo burials (on these rings see 0. von Hessen, “Anelli a sigillo lou rupestre di S. Cassiano (Lumignano di Longare-Vicenza)”, Areheslogia Medieeale 23
gobardi con ritratti regali”, Quaderni Ticinesi di .Nnmismatsca e Antichith fZiassiche 11 (1996), pp. 243—273; N. Christie, “Late antique cavemen in northern and central
[1982], pp. 305—312); there remains the doubt that as well as royal functionaries, Italy”, Settlement and Ecnnoirp in Ita(y, 1500 BC to AD 1500. Papers of the Fifth Gsnference
as in the eighth century, they were also landowners. of Italian Archaeology, ed. N. Christie (Oxford. 1995), pp. 311—316.
 CONSTANTINOPLE: A CITY AND ITS
IDEOLOGICAL TERRITORY

Bryan Ward-Perkins

Cities can have many distinct territories—for instance, administra

tive territories over which they rule, or economic territories from
which they derive their food and raw materials and to which they
sell their services and manufactured goods. In our period these ter
ritories sometimes coincided—for example, the late Roman Church
set up a bishop in each administrative city (civitas) of the Empire,
with the result that the boundaries of episcopal dioceses were usu
ally the same as those of the secular urban administration. Sometimes,
however, these territories diverged from each other markedly: a city
like Roman Lena in Italy, for instance, had a vast and rich economic
territory, reached by sea, for the export of the white marble of its
quarries, but only a very restricted, poor and land-based adminis
trative territory.
In this paper, however, I wish to explore what one might rea
sonably term the “ideological” or “cultural” territory of a city, the
area that fell under its spell. This I shall do through the example
of Constantinople, and in particular through an investigation of Con
stantinopolitan ceremonial architecture and of its influence on the
West. Clearly, in the case of a great capital like Constantinople, a
city’s ideological territory could spread to the very edges of a polity,
and sometimes even beyond them, at least in the mind of its rulers
and sometimes even in the perception of neighbouring states. But,
as we shall see in the eighth and ninth centuries, an extensive ide
ological territory could also be challenged by the rival territories of
other great powers.

The Fourth to Sixth Centuries: Establishing an Ideological Hegemony

In its early years Constantinople itself grew up within the ideo

logical territory of another city, the City of the Empire, Rome. In
Constantinople, institutions were established, in particular a Senate
 BRYAN WARD-PERKINS
326
and a praefectus urbi, that closely imitated and echoed those of Rome;
and imitative monuments were also set up, like the Egyptian obelisk
of the Hippodrome (to match that of the Circus Maximus), and the
two spiral columns of Theodosius and Arcadius (to match those of
Trajan and Marcus Aurelius).’
The ideological position of Constantinople in its early days needed
very careful and expensive nurture. In practical terms its predeces
sor, Byzantium, offered an excellent site for a new imperial city—
centrally placed between the Persian and the Danube frontiers, and
on a scenic and easily-defended promontory, readily supplied from
the sea.2 For the purposes of late Roman emperors, with their need
to stay within reach of the frontiers and of the armies, it was a good
place to site a major residence. However, in ideological terms the
inheritance that Constantinople received from Byzantium was scarcely
impressive. A number of cities to the south (Athens, Corinth. Ephestts,
Antioch and Alexandria) all had much better claims, both secular
and Christian, to be great capitals than did the new foundation.
In order to adjust this cultural and ideological imbalance, emperors
holstered Constantinople’s position by ransacking the Mediterranean
for suitable monuments and relics of the classical and Christian past.
As is well known, Constantine and later emperors shipped into the
city a mass of ancient statuary, including the three entwined snakes
from Delphi, which still stand on the spine of the Hippodrome; and
by filling his new city with the works of former ages, Constantine
not only embelhshed his foundation and made it a cultural centre,
but also helped create an invented past. Constantinople was now a
city whose classical greatness was testified to by an impressive col
lection of (imported) ancient wonders.3
For the institutional and physictd development of Constantinople, see, in par
ticolar: C. Dagron. Vaio’aace dane capita/n: (.‘nostontinnpic ci ses ursula Cons de 330 3 45/
.
(‘Pane 1974); (1. .llaogs. Le direlsppenient orbain de Csnstcntinsp/e (11’— 111’ siec/es) Paris,
1983; F.A. Bauer. Stale Pla(J un1 Doukuoal in do SjsJtanuike Mainz. 1996 at pp.
113—268.
2
It was in fact sited in the only area (the Bosphorus/North Aegean) where the
economic territory of the Mediterranean, essential for the supply of a great new
city. intersecterl the emperors’ zone of military and political activity, a lanrl-hased
spine of territory along the roads hetwecn the Danuhian and Persian fi’ontiers. As
in the case of Rome, the supply of both grain ‘above all from Egypt, and water
(through an impressive system of aqueducts and cisterns) required massive impe
rial expenditure—as discussed hy J. Durliat, Dc Ia oil/c antique a Ia ri/Ic byaotine, Ic
prshliune Ic subsustance Rome, 1990(, at Pp. 185—278; and C. Mango, “The water
supply of Constantinople”, Csnstantinsp/e and its J-Iinteuland. eds. C. Mango and
C. Dagron ‘\‘ariorum. 1995’. pp. 9—18.
For the insporting of ancient statuary into Constannnople, which continued into
CONSTANTINOPLE 327
In terms of a Christian inheritance, Byzantium offered only the
bodies of txvo minor local martyrs, Mocius and Acacius. Worthy
though the)’ were, they could not provide the sacral aura needed by
a great imperial city. Without the emperor’s help, Constantinople
could not begin to measure up to the claims and pretensions of
Rome with its two great Apostles and its host of local martyrs), nor
to the nascent patriarchates of Antioch and Alexandria. nor even to
the Pauline cities of Ephesus, Athens and Corinth. Possibly under
Constantine himself’, but more probably under Constantius II in
356/35 7, the process of correcting this imbalance was begun, with
the first-ever long-distance transfer of holy bodies: those of Saints
Andrew, Luke and Timothy from Asia Minor and Greece.t This was
the Christian equivalent of moving the serpentine column from Delphi:
monuments of the secttlar, and now the Christian past were dragged
up to this obscure corner of the ancient world. Thereby the cultural
and ideological geography of the Empire was rearranged to suit the
realities of late Roman imperial power.
The movement of monuments and saints was unquestionably part
of a process of asserting Constantinople’s new, independent power,
and of mapping out its own political and ideological territory. Theo
dosius’ obelisk in the hippodrome, for instance, did not just ape Rome;
it could also he identified as a visual symbol of Constantinople’s
dominance over the ancient province of Egypt. Furthermore its base,
with can’ings of Persians and northern barharians offering’ submis
sion and tribute to the emperor (Fig. 1), illustrates the latter’s claims
to a political territory that reached out even beyond the boundaries
of the Roman state.
Similarly, in thesixth century when Justinian rebuilt the Great
Church of Constantinople (Hagia Sophia), he decorated it with multi
coloured marbles from all over the Roman world. The principal
columns arc in purple porphyry from Egypt and in the flecked green
.
marble of Thessalv; the floor- and wall-veneer included velloxv
and-red marble from Lydia, red lasian from Caria, purple-streaked
the fifth century before petering’ out: C. Mango. “Antique statuan’ and the l3v/antine
beholder”, Dunuhartsn Oaks Papo’s 17 1963). pp. 55—75. at Pp. 55—58.
C. Mango. “Constantine’s mausoleum and the translation of relics”. B,’.asntinise/ie
Zeits’hr(fl 83 (1990), pp. 51 61 & 434 As Mango argues, there were specific rea
sons for these translations; but as he also shows (e.g. on p. 53, quoting Paulinus of
Nola, late antique commentators were aware of the general need to rearrange the
Christian geography of the Empire. For Constantinople’s eventual wealth of relics.
see J. Ebersolt. Sanetuaires de Bj’zance. Recluerelues tar les anciens trlssrs des iglises de
(Jam tan/maple Paris, 1 921).

328 BRYAN WARD-PERKINS
Figure 1. The north-west face of the carved base (AD 390) of the Theodosian
obelisk in Constantinople, showing Persians (on the left) and Germanic bar
barians offering trihute to the emperor.
CONSTANTINOPLE 329
Docimian from Phrvgia. green porphyry from Laconia, green-streaked
Carvstian from Euboea, the yellow Numidian marble of Simitthus,
and the black-and-white marinor celticum of the Pyrenees. The distant
places-of-origin of these stones were well-known and were Celebrated
in the poem which Paul the Silentiary wrote about Hagia Sophia
on its second dedication in 563. Their selection may well have been
as much for their geographical variety as for their rich colouring—
in order to express in stone the full impressive extent of imperial
territory, and of imperial pretensions. Particularly striking is the pres
ence of two western marbles, from Numidia and from the Pyrenees,
both of them very rarely used in the eastern Mediterranean—they
must surely have been chosen for the Great Church in order to com
memorate, respectively, Justinian’s successful conquest of Vandal
Africa, and his imperial aspirations for a restored Empire that, one
day, would include the lost north-western provinces.6 As with the
Persians and barbarians of the Theodosian obelisk, even a region
beyond the effective control of the emperor was thus represented as
offering him and his city the products of its soil.
By the sixth century, all initial dimeulties over the status of
Constantinople had been overcome, and the city had been success
fully established as the dominant political and cultural centre of the
late antique world] Its ideological territory extended well beyond
the borders of the eastern Empire, over the former Roman territo
ries of the \Vest. not only in the aspirations of the emperors but also
in the minrls of the barbarian kings who sought to emulate it. Hence
on his death in 5 11, the Frankish king Clovis was buried in Paris
]o/tannes eon Gaza und Paulus Silentiarois. hiinstheschreihungen justoiianischei eit, ad.
P. Friedlstnder (Berlin, 1912), pp. 227--256 (the veneer is described at pp. 244—245,
lines 61 7—646). This text is conveniently presented (in English translation) in
C. Mango, The Art of the Bjzaatine Empir 312 1153. Sources and Docurnent.i (Englessood
Cliffs, New Jersey, 1972), pp. 80 96. The origin of the stones is repeatedly stressed,
even though in reality, for Egyptian porphyry and (probably) for some of the veneer,
the marble used will not at this date have been freshly quarried, but will hove
derived instead from the demobtion of older binldingo.
6
Paul’s description of these two stones (in I\Iango’s translation at p. 86) runs as
follows: “the glittering crocus-like golden stone which the Libyan sun, warming it
with its golden light, has produced on the steep flanks of the Moorish hills; that of
glittering black upon xshich the Celtic crags, deep in ice, have poured here and
there an abnndance of milk.
For this and for what follows in this paragraph. see the more detailed account
in B. Ward-Perkins. “Constantinople. imperial capital of the fifth and sixth cen
turies”. Sedes rGiae—regna barbarica, ed. J.M. Curt and C. Ripoll Barcelona. forth
coming;.
330 BRYAN WARD-PERKINS
in a church that he had built and dedicated to the Holy Apostles
(the same dedication as Constantinople’s famous imperial mausoleum
church’: in the 570s, the Visigothic Leovigild built a new ‘citv” in
honour of his son Recared. and called it Recopohs in imitation of
Constantinopolis; and in 602, the Lombard Agiluif invested his son
Adaloald in the circus of Milan, again undoubtedly in emulation of
Constantinopolitan imperial practice.°
The Eighth and J’./inth Centuries: A Challenged Hegemony
Of ceremonial architecture in the seventh century we know at pre
sent very little, and it is only from the eighth and ninth centuries
that enough evidence survives to allow us to pick up the story again.
What we find is that Constantinople continued to exercise a strong
influence on the West, but that this influence was now being chal
lenged by the rise of new polities which were beginning to assert
their own ideological power and autonomy.
During this period the popes built up the Lateran palace as a
suitable expression of their independence and of their pretensions to
universal authority: the Lateran is, for instance, described in the
forged Donation of Constantine of the eighth century as the palace
“which surpasses and takes precedence over all other palaces in
the world”.° Papal independence was largely from former Byzantine
imperial masters. However, papal palace architecture still imitated
Constantinopolitan prototypes, showing that, although the popes
achieved genuine political autonomy, they did not entirely escape
the ideological territory of Constantinople-and this despite the pres
ence in Rome of some grandiose ancient architecture offering a po
tential alternative model of how to express power through building.
The key texts are: Gregory of Tours, Htst. 11,43; John of Biclar, Chronzca, a.
578, MGH, A/I 11. p. 215: Paul the Deacon, Hisi. Lang IV,30, p. 127. The ideo
logical presence of the emperor amongst the independent barbarian kingdoms of
the \Vest is also very clear in other spheres: in particular, the coinage, where the
Frankish Theudchert I (534—548 was the first to challenge the Byzantine claim that
all gold should be issued with the name and portrait of the reigning emperor. See,
for this. Prucopius, Wars, \II.33 .5- 6 (Loch cchtion 4. pp. 438—439; Ni. Prou,
Cata/ogue des ,nonnaies Jiançaio’s c/c Ia Bibliothique \ atuinale: leo ,nonnates lnerozingieitnes
Paris. 1892 PP xxlx—xxxv & 9—lb.
.
°
quod omnihu in lois orbe terrarunt praiferiur aique peace/let pa/alto: i)as Csnstitutum
Constantini. ed. H. Fuhrrnann 3IGH. Fsnies Jun (Jet,nanici lntiqui in usuin scholaruin
. 1980 p. 121 without, how-ever, pointing out that the original C.halk/ was at the
10. Hannover. 1968,, P. 87, lines 219—220.
CONSTANTINOPLE 331
In around 801/802 Leo III (795—816) built at the Lateran a great
dining-hall (tridiniuln) (Fig. 2, no. X). This was the largest room of
the whole medieval palace (it became known as the “Sala del Concilio”),
and it survived to be recorded in paintings and drawings, before its
demolition in 1586. It was a two-storeyed building more than fifty
metres long, with an apsidal end and five apses down each side (for
the semi-circular couches on which the diners reclined), a porphyry
fountain in the middle, and direct access down a flight of steps into
the Lateran basilica behind.’0 It is impossible to prove conclusively,
but it has been argued (and it is generally accepted) that Leo built
this dining-hall in emulation of the great triclinium of the imperial
palace at Constantinople, the decanneacubita, which was named after
its nineteen couches, set almost certainly in nineteen apses (with the
imperial couch at one end, and nine down each side).’
A predecessor of Leo, Zacharias (74l—52), was also a very active
builder at the Lateran, though all of his work has since disappeared
without trace, so that we are now entirely dependent on the brief
descriptions given in the Liber Pontijicalis for our knowledge of it. His
biographer here tells us that, amongst other buildings. Zacharias
erected at the Lateran a “portico and tower. where he both set up
bronze doors and railings, and adorned it in front of the doors with
a figure of our Saviour.” The building of what seems to have been
an entrance-tower, with bronze doors and a representation of Christ,
must have been in direct imitation of the lhmous Chalké Gate into
the palace at Constantinople, which was named after its bronze
doors, and which was normally decorated with an icon of Christ.’3
However, when Zacharias built his gateway, that icon in Constanti
nople was missing, because the city was in the hands of iconoclast
I have taken its size from C. Meckscper. “Die Doppelgeschos.sigkeit der bei
den Triklinien Leo III. im Lateranpalast zu Rum”, Schloss Ttrsl. Saalbauten und Btagen
des 12. ]ahtlzundcrts in Mitteleuropa (Forschungen zu Burgcn und Schlössern 4, MCnchen,
1998), PP 119—128, at p. 121.
‘‘
The influence of the decanneacubzta on Leo’s Ira/maim is argued in R. Krautheimer.
“Die Decanneacubita in Konstantinopel: em kleiner Beitrag zur Frage Rom und
Byzanz”, Tonlulac. Studien u altchrtsilichen mind btcanlintschen Monumenien, ed. W.N.
Schumacher Romischcn Ouartalschrift. Simppl. 30. 1966). pp. 195 199.
‘ /ontmcunm
Li’ Liher Ponim/icalto, ed. L. Duchesne Paris. 1886 1 p. 432: Fecmt
, ...
atc/ue mmciii tihi ci pontas ereas atque cancel/os insdiuii et per figurant Sahatoris ante fores ornaeii.
As suggested by R. Krautheirner. Rom Profile if a City. 312—1308 Princeton,
,
time iconless.
F—

332 BRYAN WARD-PERKINS CONSTANTINOPLE 333

emperors. This important difference between the two buildings shows

that emulation is not always a mark of friendliness and respect.
Zacharias’ gateway was still dependent on a Constantinopolitan pro
totype; but, like a difficult adolescent, it was quite able to point up
its parent’s fhuhs. The Lateran gateway, with its icon in place, was
an assertion of Rome’s orthodoxy, in silent rebuke of Constantinople’s
heresy. 4
Outside Rome, the surviving Italian evidence for ceremonial archi
tecture is much more limited, but nonetheless sufficient to document
the continuing ideological strength of Constantinople. In Ravenna,
according to the reliable, early-ninth-century testimony of Agnellus,
jxa the palace where a famous mosaic of Theoderic had stood was known
as “Ad Calehi”—this too, presumably in emulation of the Constan
tinopolitan Chalké Gate.t5
CXI
More striking, because more widespread, is the documented pres
ence of Golden Gates’ in some of the new capitals of the penin
sula, in each case serving as the most elaborate gateway and probably
the main ceremonial entry-point into the city.t° In Benevento, where
the Lombard dukes also had a centrally-planned palace-chapel of
S. Sofia ‘undoubtedly built in emulation of Constantinople”. the Arch
of Trajan, incorporated into the early medieval walls as a gateway
near the palace, is documented as the “Pnrta Aurea” in 754)7 In
early-ninth-century Ravenna, Agnellus tells us that the elaborate
s—.—
Claudian gateway on the road to Rome was similarly named; and
F.— —
—

in the new Capua of 856, Count Landolf included (almost certainly

I. Baptisten. IX. Eotram Portico.
‘

II. Portico of Saiocs X. ‘Sala rh] Coocilio IS

Zacharias’ “Chalkf” as a comment on events in Cctnstanttnople is discussed
Riihoiis atid (Sec oott 7orhnio,n in greater detati in J. Haldon and B. \Vard-Perkins, “Evtdence horn Rome for the
of Leo III.
Secoodtis.
image of Christ on the Chalk& Gale in Constantinople”, Btzattttttt’ attd ilsdet’n fo’ek
III. Portico of St. Xl. ‘tsr]].
XII. Tower.
5/tidies 23 1999 pp. 286—296.
,
\i’oaotioe
IX’. t ricirtsarri. XIII. Eotratirr to the Agnellus. bIer Ponty3ca/is Eee/estae Rat’e,tttatts. 94 ,‘tIGH, .S’RL. p.33T. The text
V. Oiatisrs’ of tlte Palace talks of the ont of the palace” and of iFs first door”—perfect for a Ravennate
Hole t.ioss. XIV. Chambers. 0/ta/Ad: hut unltelpfiillv for my purposes!; seems to he saying lisa] this preetse entrance-
VI. Eorlosrri XV. First Thrltnus,n of area was known as “Sicrestum” and that it was the whole palace that was called
Com tvarrl. Leo 111. ‘Ad Calehi”: [The mosaic was] stipra par/ant at in frsnte regiae qune dicitur Ad Gale/ti
VII. Sacosn. recta Shnct,so,tn.
isttu.s eiritatts. tthi prima par/a paia/ii fuit. in lois qtti tacattir Sieresttaot. tthi eec/asia So/ca/uris
VItt. Basilica of St. XVII. Stab case.
esse otdetttr ç”above the door and on the front of the palace which is called Ad Caichi
Joho Lateran.
of this city, where the first door of the palace was, its the place which is called
Figure 2. The Lateran palace in the Middle Ages (frotn Lauer, La Palats ‘Sicrestum’, where the church of the Savtour is seen to be”).
5
For what follows I am heavily dependent on the excellent article: G. Gerola,
de La/ran [Paris, 1911], p. 311, fig. 116). No. XV is Leo III’s first
“Porta Aurea—Porta Aureola”, At/i dcl Reale Is/i/u/s Venets di Setenze, Let/era ad Ar/i 89
tricltntnm, and no. X his second. (The location of Zacharias’ gate is
(1929—1930), pp. 391—419.
unknown.)
Chrsnicsn Vu//tirnense del Monaco Gisoattni, ed. V. F’ederici (Rome, 1925), 1, p. 247:
rosa . . que posita est ad For/a Aurea. It is also referred to in the Traits/otis sane/i j’vlerrurit,
.

an eighth-century text that describes events in 768: MGLI SRL, p. 577.

334 BRYAN WARD-PERKINS
as its main gateway) yet another ‘Porta Aurea’.’5 At Pavia the evi
dence is later and ambiguous, hut the Porta Palatiensis or Palatina, the
eastern gateway into the city near the palace, which had been rebuilt
‘opere mirifico’ by King Perctarit towards the end of the seventh
century, may also have carried the name, since it is referred to as
‘portam que dicitur Aureliana atque Palatina’ in a document of 97219
It is uncertain whether all the various Italian Portae Aureae actu
ally had gilded gates; it is also possible that the immediate stimulus
behind some of them may have been local, not eastern—for exam
ple, Count Landolf could well have felt it necessary to provide Capua
with a Porta A urea because there was already one at Benevento. But,
nevertheless, there can be very little doubt that ultimately behind
the naming of them all stood the great gilt gates of Constantinople,
the famous C/ziusai Pulai or Golden Gates.2°
18
Rsenna \gnellu as cited in note 1 1 p 281 129 p 363 & 148 p 374
Capua: Chronica oancti Bincdic/i Casincnszs ..IGH, .SRL, p. 47-1-), quoting a dedicaioiv
poem: Aurea porta uocatur.
°
P.F. Kehr, Regesta Pont1Jicum Romanorum. Itaiia Psn4ficia 6,1 (Berlin, 1913), p. 221.
Porta “Aureliana” could well derive from Porta “Aurea”. For the work of Perctarit
(described as elaborate, and unquestionably designed to provide a suitable ceremo
nial entry-point into his capitafl: Paul the Deacon. Hot. Lang. \,36. p. 156: Hit
diebus rex Perctant in cicitatc Ticoiensi p111/am contiguamn pa/a/to, quac et Pa/atic,isis din/ar.
opere mniriftco construxit. In the early fourteenth century a popular tradition ru/go Jim
/ar is documented in Pavia: that the people of Ravenna had stolen from Pavia gilt
bronze gates (ostensibly in response to the Pavesi’s reputed theft of a famous eques
trian statue, the Regisole, from Ravenna). This tradition subsequently became asso
ciated with some bronze grilles (one of which survives and is now in the Musei
Civici of Pavia), and (but only in 1565) with Perctarit’s For/a Palatmensis: B. Saccus,
Dc Ila/irarum rerum carte/ate et eieç’antia libri V (Pavia, 1565), fol. I 06r: a Ramennatihus sub
/a/a Jiteruiit Cia//ira aerea P111/ac I’aiiaccnsis Papiac, quae s/ito Par//taris Rex /bre fieri titlist
opcre curaicra/. However, when first recorded at the beginning of the fourteenth-
century. the stolen gilt doors are said to have come from the north gate of the city
(near S. Pietrci in Ciel d’Oro, not from the Porta Palatiensis: JR. Berrigan, “Benzo
d’Alessandria and the cities of Northern Italy”, Studies in Medieral and Renaissance
His/op 4 (1967), pp. 127—192, at p. 169: Rasennates hos/ih/er aggressi Papiensem urhemn,
pot/as con/cc/as iaminis ercis et deauratis aput basiiicani heati Pc/ri in Cc/s Aurco in rccomnpcn
sam sire /alionem preJii/i simu/acri [= the Regisole] Ratcnnam cxportarnn/ et ibi hodie haberm
i/u-un/am-, The conflation of Pcrctarit’s work at the Pot/a Pa/a/zcwis (known only from
Paul the Deacon with this late medieval tradition is almost certainly a sixteenth—
centui scholarly invention. [All the traditions surrounding the Regisole and the
gilt gates/bronze grilles of Pavia are quoted and fully discussed in C. Saletti.
1/ Regiso/e di Paz’ia (Como, 1997).]
These were much the most famous Golden Gates of the late antique and early
medieval world, whose dedicatory inscription (OIL III, 735) already celebrated their
gold-work. However, other examples did exist in the East (at Alexandria and Aritioch).
and Sidonius Apollinaris, in acknowledging that fifth-century Narhonne did not have
golden gates aureas por/a/.. shows that the practice of gilding gates had become an
CONSTANTINOPLE 335
Moving north of the Alps, the influence of Constantinople in the
eighth and ninth centuries is less obvious, and thus almost certainly
less direct than that found in Italy. The ideological position of the
eastern emperors had undoubtedly declined from the time when the
sixth-century Franks issued coins in the imperial name and when
Clovis dedicated his burial-church to the Holy Apostles. However,
as we know from two tenth-century texts—Constantine Porphyrogenitus’
Book of C’ereinonies and Liutprand of Cremona’s Legatio—the Byzan
tines unquestionably remained masters of the art of ceremonial, and
continued to he admired for this throughout the early medieval ‘Vest.
It is therefore not surprising that there are echoes of Constantinople
in buildings like Charlemagne’s palace at Aachen (Fig. 3)21 His great
hall, over 44 metres long internally, probably owes most to the
Constantinian audience-hall at Trier, the “Basilika” (Fig. 4, A & C).
But it also has the curious feature of two lateral apses, which are
not paralleled in other Carolingian palaces, and which are thought
1 believe rightly) to he an echo of the plan of Mediterranean In-
c/in/a, even though they are unlikely to have ever contained semi
circular couches for diners.22 In this case, however, the influence (as
we shall later see) most probably was drawn from Italy and not, or
at least not directly, from Constantinople. Yet with other features of
the palace, the influence of the Byzantine capital is probably more
immediate. When Charlemagne built his great centrally-planned.
domed and galleried palace-chapel, and filled it with marble (some
of it from Italy), bronze-work and mosaic, he was departing radi
cally from previous Frankish building-practice.23 The most immedi
ate architectural model for his chapel may well have been S. Vitale
in Ravenna, which it follows quite closely in plan and elevation, and
esta[dished way ol marking out the top-ranking cities of Late Antiquity: Sidonius
Apollinaris, Oammncn 23, line 57.
The scholarly literature on Aachen is substantial. I have found two recent sur
veys (which refer ftilly to the earlier literature) particularly useful: G. Binding, Deutsche
I(?nig’spiii,-cn. [‘on Karl dent OroJ3cn his Fricdcmirh II (765—1240) Darmsiadt. l996. at
pp. 72—98. winch is a good summary of the documentary evidence and of what is now
known and thought about the palace—buildings: and V. Jacobsen. ‘Die Pfalzkonzeptiim
Karis des Grolen”. Kar/ dci Op/Jr a/s ricibcrifcncr I orfahr. ed L.E. Saurma—Jeltsch
(Sigmaringen, 1994), pp. 23—48, which discusses the ideas and influences behind
the buildings. Jacobsen stresses, rightly, that the builders of Aachen drew inspiration
from a number of loci of power, both past and present, near and far: in parti
cular Trier, Ravenna, papal and imperial Rome. and Constantinople.
ss
Jacohsen, “Die Pfalzkunzeption”, pp. 40—44.
Jacobsen. ‘Die Pfalzkonzeption’. pp. 38—39
 336 BRYAN WARD-PERKINS CONSTANTINOPLE 337

— I • —
“
A — B C D

Finre 1. Various hulk and Iriclinia compared. From left to right. in probable chronolog
ical order: A = (oilstaiitlites basilica at lrier: B Leo Ills first lrirliniuin at the Lateraii:
Figure 3. Plan of the palace-complex at Aachen (from L. Hugot, Die Pfalz Karls
C = Charlemagne’s hall at Aachen; D = Leo III’s second lricliniuin at the Lateran.
des Grofien in Aachen”, Kaivliggische Kunsi, fig. 2). A is the ball; B the raised pasage
way; C the possible entrance-gale; and D the palace-chapel todav the main core
of the cathedral of Aachen).
338 BRYAN WARD-PERKINS
to Which it 1S Similar in size.25 However, late-eighth-century Ravenna
was not a particularly important place and S. Vitale itself, despite
its famous mosaics of Justinian and Theodora, had never carried
strong connotations of regal or imperial power. There can therefore
be little doubt that, although S. Vitale provided the immediate archi
tectural precedent for the Aachen chapel, Charlemagne’s ideological
inspiration came from a different, and much more important and
impressive domed and galleried building-Hagia Sophia, the impe
rial church next to the palace in Constantinople.55
Hagia Sophia and Charlemagne’s chapel, although differing in
important details of their design, have enough essential features in
common (a galleried and domed central space, and the lavish use
of marble and mosaic), for the influence of the one upon the other
to be undisputed.2° Indeed in an important detail, full of ideological
resonances, the chapel at Aachen and the Great Church of Constan
tinople were once closer than they are today. Before 1794/1795,
when the French removed them to Paris (where they have remained),
the Aachen chapel was enriched by porphyry columns, set within
the arcades of the gallery. Purple porphyry carried with it strong
Roman and imperial overtones, and it must have been mainly for
this reason that the columns were brought to Aachen; but as used
in the gallery-arcades of the palace-chapel, the Aachen columns also
echoed the great porphyry columns of the ground-floor arcades of
Hagia Sophia.27
24
C. Baodmann, “Die Vorbilder der Aaehener Pfalzkapelle”, Karolsngssthe Kunst,
eds. W. Braunfels and H. Sehnitzlcr (lithI der Grosse. Lebensrcerk and Vachlehen, 3,
Düsseldorf 1965), pp. 424—462.
22
The three churches of Aaehen, S. Vitale and Hagia Sophia are readily com
pared in the drawings of Banister Fletcher, A Histsp’ 3fArcluterture on the (7osnparatire
Method (e.g. 17th edition, London, 1961, at pp. 231 & 285).
25The main differences between Hagia Sophia and S. Vitalc/the Aachcn chapel
are that Hagia Sophia is very much larger, and has a more complex plan and sec
tion --in particular it has two additional half domes that extend the central space
into a nave.
22
For the Aacheu columns and their history since 1794, sec K. Faynionville,
Aaehen, I. Das Munster (Düsseldorf, 1916), at pp. 68 69 & 78--79. For the Italian
origin (from Rome and Ravenna) of columns and other marhlcs at Aachen, which
it is virtually certain included these rare ‘imperial’ pieces, sec Einhard, 15/a K3rolz,
26 (MGI]) 55 rer. Genn. in usurn srholarson, p. 3D; and (for Ravenna only) Codes
Carolinas no. 81 (SIGH, Ep. 1, p. 614). [In other respects, of course, the Aacheu
chapel presently looks much more Byzantine than it ought to ---the heavily hyzan
tinisiog veneer- and mosaic-work that is visihlc today is all due to Wilhelmioc
“restoration” at the beginning of this century, for which see J. Strzygowski, Der Dons
zu Aaehen and seine Entstellung. Em buns tsoiissensrhaftlieher Protest (Leipzig, 1904).]
CONSTANTINOPLE 339
Charlemagne linked the gallery of his chapel with his hall, by
means of a raised walkway, allowing him to pass in private from
one to the other without having to brave the elements or to descend
to ground level (Fig. 3, B). This raised walkway is an unusual fea
ture; but it is one most readily paralleled at Constantinople, where
a similar raised and covered passage linked the imperial palace with
the gallery of Hagia Sophia.2° It is indeed possible that, in the details
of its layout, the Aachen walkway followed the Constantinopolitan
model very closely. The raised passage to Hagia Sophia passed by
way of the palace’s main entrance, the Chalkf Gate; while the Aachen
walkway passes through a rectangular structure that scholars have
generally interpreted as a ceremonial entrance into the palace-com
plex (Fig. 3, C).29
The chapel and the walkway at Aachen show that in the eighth
and ninth centuries the ideological territory of Constantinople re
mained extensive, reaching even to the Rhineland. However, it is also
true that, in the very same period, there are clear signs that this terri
tory was being squeezed by the emergence of new powers intent on
establishing their own ideological claims through building. Indeed
the construction of Aachen, which looked for inspiration not only to
Constantinople, but also directly to the late antique past and to papal
Rome, was a significant moment in the process of establishing new
and independent western models for others to follow. For instance,
the overall design and many details of the palace-chapel were widely
copied in later buildings north of the Alps. In these cases it is clear
that the emulators were looking, not through Aachen to the distant
20
Constantinople: C. Mango, The Brazen House. A Study of the Vestibule of the Imperial
Palace nj Constantinople (Gopenhagen, 1959), at pp. 87—91. Such raised walkways arc
not a feature of the papal palaces of Rome (since the churches which flanked the
papal palaces were not galleried, and on were entered at ground level). At Aachcu,
because the chapel is built on lower ground than the hall, the emperor certainly
entered the passage-way at gallery-level from the chapel, hut probably entered it
at ground-level from the ball.
2’)
Aachen: F. Kreusch, “Kirche, Atrium und Portikus dcr Aachencr Pfalz”, Kass
lin,gisrhe Kunat (as in note 24), pp. 463—533, at p. 530. There arc some uncertain
ties as to whether the rectangular structure really was an entrance-gate, and as to
how directly it was inspired by Constantinopolitan models: C. Mcckscpcr, “Das
“lor- und Gcrichtsgebaude’ der Pfalz Karls d. Cr. in Aachcn”, Arehitektur and Kismet
im Abendland, eds. M. Janscn and K. Winands (Rome, 1992), pp. 105-113, above
all at pp. 105 and 108—109. It may, possibly, be wishful thinking to imagine the
rectangular building as a ChalkS Gate for Aachcn.
340 BRYAN wARD-PERKINS
prototype of the Great Church of Constantinople, hut at Aachen
itself, the imperial church of a new, western line of emperors.3°
In the footsteps of Carolingian power. the ideological territory of
Aachen spread even as far as Rome, long the preserve of Constan
tinopolitan influence. Charlemagne prohahly intended his palace
and his chapel to express in stone his rule in Italy as well as over
the northern Roman world. For instance, in moving columns from
Rome and Ravenna for reuse in his palace, he was probably not
just seeking rare stones unobtainable north of the Alps, hut also ex
pressing his control over these once-great cities—rather in the way
that Justinian had earlier used marble from distant quarries to reflect
the geographical range of his power.3’
As seen ahove. papal huilders in Rome during the eighth and
early ninth centuries were still inspired by exempla in Constantinople.
But, with the building of Aachen, they may also have come to be
influenced from the north. In his biography in the Liber Pontgiealis.
Leo III (795—816) is portrayed as a pope who both enjoyed palace-
building and appreciated the impact of size. Early in his pontificate,
before building the eleven-apsed triclnutan discussed above, he built
a first trieliniwn in the Lateran (Fig. 2, no. XV), which his biogra
pher described as “larger than all other triclinia” and “of marvellous
size” 32 This first triclinnnn, with its three apses, may well have been
an inspiration behind the three-apsed plan of Charlemagne’s hall at
.Aachen Fig. 4, B & C. However, if Charlemagne was influenced
by the plan of Leo’s tneliniwn, in size he chose to exceed it :gist pos
sibly, even prompterl by an awareness that Leo had built, or was
-
A. Vcrbeek. “Die arehitekionisehe Sacldiilge der Aachcner Plalakapelle”. hart
2cr (,/osse. Dos .AiirIi/rho,, edt. W. l3ratn3fcls and P.E. Sebramni ‘lthrl 2cr fhasse.
Lrbenswerk and jVorhtrt’o,. 4, Diissetdsrf 1 967, pp. 1 13 1 56; M. Untermann, Der
,(nho/hau on tlittr/allo frooii frunktiso Vobtottot (Darmstadt 1989) pp 120—147
n
Einhard, Vito Iiisrsti. 26, p. 31, tells us specifically that the columns came from
Rome and Ravenna, so this fact must have been well-known in early-ninth-century
Aachen (and perhaps a source of some pridc(. However, the reason he gives for
obtaining them from these two cities is tlse purely pragmatic one that they were
unobtainable elsewhere: Ad coins stmctnrom rum co/ionnas et mormons otiioide /iohere osn
possel, Room otqne Rotiem,a dere/teoda curaoit. As noted above (at p. 338). these columns
were the subject of a fnrtlscr Irons/otis imposi. when tfsey were taken to Paris in
1 794/1 795. and eventually reusetl in the Louvre.
32
Liher Psnti/icolis, 2. pp. 3--4: Fecit anton ci in potriarrios Loieronen.te trirtioium maisreoi
.oeper sooies Inc/mess nomini sits mire oiagniludinis decsratioo. We know that this building
seas complete by 800. since it was used in that year by the envoys considering the
charges that had been raised against Leo: Liber Psnt1ftra/is, 2, p. 6.
CONSTANTINOPLE 341
building a trieliniam “larger than all other tficlinia” For the scale of
his hall at Aachen (and for its single-store design and the details of
its elevation:, Charlemagne was influenced not by any building in
Rome or Constantinople but probably by the massive Constantinian
audience-hall at Trier (Fig. 4, A & C).
Later in his pontificate, Leo built his second, yet larger tricliniuin,
that surpassed even Charlemagne’s hall in size (Fig. 2, no. X; Fig. 4,
C & D). As we have seen earlier, with its multiple apses and dining
couches, this tricliniurn owes nothing in plan and internal arrange
ments to the north, being inspired probably by the decannearithita of
Constantinople. But it is not impossible that it owes its great size to
a desire to compete with and exceed Charlemagne’s ball at Aachen.34
If so, a new influence had arrived in Rome, to vie with that of
Constantinople in inspiring the development of a distinctive papal
architecture of power.
The squeeze on the ideological territory over which Constantinople
had once held undisputed sway, caine not only from the Carolingians,
but also, and more powerfully, from the Caliphate in the East. The
Umayyads of the seventh and early eighth centuries had already
built in Syria a remarkable series of residences that combined Byzan
tine elements in their decoration (notably mosaic), with a tradition
of ornamental stucco-work that the Arabs very rapidly made their
own.33 But it was with the Abbasid coup in 750 and the move of the
Caliphate to Baghdad, that Arab palace-building entered a new
and spectacular phase. The palace of Baghdad itself is known to us
only from literary accounts; but a detailed impression of Abbasid
Leo’s first trirtinnio, can he qtnte closely dated to the ears between 795 and
800 see note 32. Charlemagne’s hall is not precisely datable, though Aachen was
in regular use hy him from 794/795 and there is a dendrochronological dating of
798 (+1— 6) from a timber used in the construction of the “Crannsturn3”, a build
ins, alongside the hail and apparently of the same pcriod of construction E Hollstein
/tIille/eursjsdisthe Eic/teochrooolo.gie (Trierer Grahungen und Forschungen 1 1, Mainz,
.
1980), p. 44.
°
This argument necessitates accepting a relative chronology for Charlemagne’s
hall and Leo’s second tnrtotutm that is plausible. but impossible to prove. As we
have seen in note 33, Charlemagne’s hall max’ be of the very last years of the
eighths century. The entry in the Liber Psotijicatis that describes the building of Leo’s
second toc/ouuro is datable probably to the indictsonal year 801/802 and certainly
after an earthquake in April 801 : H. Geertman. .\Isre Velenou. It Liher Pontificalis
j t’ gO er/iOn ecn/esiostici di Romo tie//a tordo Antic/nIb e nett’o/ts .lledisees Croningen. 1975:,
at pp. 37—70.
K.A.C. Creswell (revised and supplemented hyJ. Allan(. A S/toil .lrrsunt of For/c
.1 Ito/ott Arr/utenture Aldershot. 1989:, at pp. 91 216.
342 BRYAN WARD-PERKINS CONSTANTINOPLE 343

ceremonial architecture is provided by the slightly later remains at

Samarra. Here a truly extraordinary complex of palaces was laid out
along some 50 km of the Tigris, covering, with their dependent mil
itary and service-buildings, an area of at least 57 sq. km. (Fig. 5).
Most of this was built during the course of only some twenty-five
years, between 836 and 86l.
The scale of building at Samarra is so extraordinary that it is very
hard to take in. It can perhaps best be appreciated by looking in
slightly more detail at just one (and not the largest) of the many
palaces at the site (Fig. 6). This building, the Balkuwara, has a cen
tral palace-block of rectangular shape, measuring 464 x 575 m, set
within a huge outer enclosure of 1165 x 1171 m, for service-build
ings and the housing of dependants. The area of the outer enclo
sure (which admittedly was never completely filled), some 136 ha, is
the size of a large Roman town. But what is even more striking
about this palace is that it was not even the residence of a Caliph—
it was just one of three subsidiary palaces built by al-Mutawakkil for
his three sons.37
It is hardly surprising, given the size of their buildings, that Baghdad
and Samarra soon established their own wide-ranging influence and
ideological territory. This territory, not unnaturally, is most readily
identified within the Moslem world. The Umayyad rulers of Spain,
for instance, despite their rivalry with the Abbasids. built at Medina
al-Zahra a palace-complex that was unquestionably influenced by
Abbasid palatial design.38 But what is more surprising, and most ger
mane to our purposes, is the extension of Abbasid influence even to
the suburbs of Constantinople itself The history known as theophanes
Continuatus” contains the fascinating stor of how a Byzantine ambas
sador, sent to the Caliph in Baghdad in 830, retumed to Constantinople
so impressed by Abbasid buildings that he persuaded the Emperor

There is a very useful ann up-to-dale aeeounl of the palaces at Samarra. on

which I am heavily dependent. iu A Northedge, “Ihe palaces of the Abhasids at
Samarra, Samarra: Mulunlisciplinarv Approaches to ao Early Islamic City. ed.
C. Rohinson Oxford. 2000, in press. Figttre 5. Samarra. general plan. Included for comparison, is a thumh
A1—)\tntawakkil was, undouhtedlv, exceptionally devoted to palace—huilding. His nail outline of the entire walled area of the city of Constantinople. Plan
own ealiphal palace. with its subsidian huildings, covered an area of some 211 ha. of Samarra. courtesy of the Samarra Archaeological Survey.
JOe palace used hv most Caliphs at Samarra. the Dar al-Khilafts. i. at 125 ha in
area, closer in size to the Balkuwara.
For an intpressioti of this palace: R. Castejon and M. de Arizala. lied/na
Aza/iaro. P/zn Pa/ace City i/f tile Ca/i/i/is of Csrdsra I Leon, nd., translated from the
Spanish).
344 BRYAN WARD-PERKINS CONSTANTINOPLE 345

Theophilus to build near Constantinople a palace “in no way differing

from [tbe Arab palaces] either in form or decoration.” According to
the text, this palace was duly huilt—tbe only departure from the
Arab model being the inelnsion of two churches.39
It is impossible to say how reliable this story is, but at the very
least it shows that Abbasid palaces had made sufficient impact on
the imagination of one writer in Constantinople for him to interpret
an imperial Byzantine building as imitative and derivative of an Arab
structure. In other words, Baghdad had extended its cultural terri
tory even as far as the gates of Constantinople. Abhasid palace-archi
tecture was impressive enough to be able to leap not only the political
honndarv that separated the Arabs from the Bvzantines. but even
the formidable cultural divide between Islam and Christianity.
\Vith this text and the scale of the complex at Samarra in mind,
we can see that the old cnltural and ideological hegemony of Con
stantinople had been broken. Constantinople remained an impor
tant power in the 1\Iediterranean, with some excellent ideological
cards still up its sleeve; but now it had to compete with ohstreper
ous new powers in the ‘West and with the massive resources and
sophistication of the Arab Caliphate in the East and South. The
Roman world-order, and with it the ideological territories of Late
Antiquity, had well and truly disappeared.4°

0 200m
Figure 6. The main block of the Balkuwara palace at Samarra (the
outer enclosure is not shossn(. (Plan courtesy of the Samarra Archaeo
logical Survey, after E. KerzfJdH
°
i’heophanes Continuatus, ed. I. Bekker (Got/ms Scrfttoruin [hoist/ac Byaotinae 48,
Bonn, 1838), pp. 98—99; English translation in Mango, 77w Art (as note 5), p 160.
For attempts (most recently rejected) to identify remains of this palace iu the archae
ological record: A. Ricci, “The road from Baghdad to Byzantium and the case of
the Brvas palace in Istanhul”, Btantdon in i/o ,Mni/i GentuG: Dead or A/lie?, ed.
1,. Brnhaker (Variorum, I 993:. pp. 131 149.
°
I rarefullv acknowlege the generous help in preparing this article, which I
received from Jonathan Barrlill .Neil Christie. Werner Jacohsen. Sean Kingsley.
Cyril Mango. Cord Meckseper. Johm Mitchell. Alastair Northedge. and Donata
Vicusi. Errors remain my own; hut, without this help, there would have been many
more Of them.
 ARTISTIC PATRONAGE AND CULTURAL STRATEGIES
IN LOMBARD ITALY

John Mitchell

The history of European art in the eighth and ninth centuries is still
commonly constructed, as it has been since the beginning of this
century at least, around the presupposition that most of the really
important initiatives originated roughly on the Rhine-Mense axis, in
the territories around the borders of modern France and Germany,
with a significant if somewhat idiosyncratic contribution from Middle
Saxon England and from Ireland. The Asturian kingdom in north
ern Spain gets a brief mention. The peninsula of Italy, in which
some categories of production, like wall-painting and mosaic from
this period, have survived more extensively than in any other region
of Europe, is effectively ignored, with the marked exception of papal
Rome, which enjoyed a special relationship with the Frankish rulers.
Much is missing from this equation, and the purpose of this paper
is to consider briefly the situation in some of the Lombard areas of
Italy and to see how this may have related to what was happening
in Rome and in the polities north of the Alps. In Italy the focus
will be particularly on what was happening in and around cities and
central places in the various Lombard dnchies—those in the north
more or less subject to the control of the king in Pavia, those in the
south, Spoleto and Benevento, morc or less independent and
autonomous.

The A rtzstic Patronage of the Lombard Courts in the Eighth Centniy

The artistic patronage of the Lombard courts and the Lombard elite
in the century before the Carolingian annexation of northern Italy
in 77 3—7 74 was one of the most sophisticated, ambitious and refined
in Europe.’ Its role in the evolution of Carolingian court culture and

- For a svooptic accoont of Lombard material and artistic cultorc. see I Longsbardi.
cd. C.G. Mcnis (Milan, 1990).
F-
348 JOHN MITCHELL
even English Anglo-Saxon art has been seriously underestimated.2
To judge from the surviving material evidence, it was in the first
half of the eighth century that the Lombard kings and aristocracy
began to commission increasingly ambitious and impressive build
mgs and to decorate them with sculptural ornament and probably
also paintmgs of considerable technical quality and sophistication.
Inadequate archaeological data and a general lack of contextual
evidence often make it impossible to be exact over the dating of
excavated material from this period. but the surviving evidence, in
particular a range of remarkable sculptural elements from high
status sites and buildings in the north, are usually assigned to the reign
of King Liutprand (712—744). Characteristic of the sophisticated
workmanship of this production are the well-known fragment of a
transenna carved in relief with a lamb or a deer drinking from a
chalice, found on the site of Liutprand’s summer residence at
Corteolona pl. 1 ),4 the two magnificent stone screens carved with
affronted peacocks and winged sea-lions from S. Maria Teodote :della
Pusterla) in the Lombard capital at Pavia (pl. 2’:, and the fragments
2
Hoss ever, a number of authors base drawn attention to I ,otnhard sculpture of
the ear1 eighth century as a possible analogue to, and influence on, masons work
ing in Britain in the period: R. Cramp. “Mediterranean elements in the early medieval
sculpture of England”, tnion Intmtatwnale des Sciences Préhistoncjues et Pcotshotsricjzies, IXe
(]sngrès, colloque 30 (1977). pp. 263-295; idem. “Anglo-Saxon anti Italian sculpture”,
Angli e Sassoni a! di qua e al di là del mare. Sc(ttm. di .SSsIets 32 (1984), 1 pp. 125—142;
R.H.I. Jewel. “The Anglo—Saxon friezes at Breeclon—on—the—Hill, 1.eicestershire”,
Archaeologia 108 (1986), pp. 95—115, at p. 97; R.N. Bailey, England)s Earliest Sculptors
(‘l’oronto, 1996), pp. 30, 52—57; J. Mitchell. ‘Script about the cross: ‘I’hc tomb’
stones of San Vincenzo al Volturno. Roman. Runes and Otlicim: Medieval Inscristions
in the Insular World and on the continent, eds. K. Forsyth, J. Higgitt and D. Parsons
(Stamlbrd, forthcoming).
Nienis, I Longohardi, passini; and the survey of the architecture and art of the
period in A. Peroni, “L’arte nell’eth longoharda: una traccia”, Magistra barbaritas: I
barhari in Italia, cd. G.P. Carratelli (Milan, 1984), pp. 229 297, at pp. 255—292.
C. Calderini, “Ii palazzo di Liutprando a Corteolona”, (lontrihuti dell’Istituto di
Archeoloqia 5 (1975), pp. 174203. plo. XX—XXI; A. Peroni, Pavia, Musei Givici del
costello Visconteo: Musci d’Ita/ia—Meraviglie d’Italia (Bologna, 1975), pp. 26—27, cat.
120; Peroni, “L’arte nell’etS. longobarda: una traccia”, fig. 168; AM. Romanini,
“Committenza regia e pluralismo culturale nella ‘Langohardia Major’ “, Gotnmittenti
produisne artistico-letteraria nell’alto Medioevo occidentalc. Settim. di (boleto 39 (1991), pp
83 84, figs .38—39; Menis, I Longobardi, cat. V11.l9.
A. Peroni, “Il monastero altomedievale di S. Maria “Teoclote” a Pavia: ricerche
urbanistiche e architettoniche”, Studi Medievali, 5cr. 3, 12/1 (1972), PP. 1 43; Peroni,
Patio, Musei (Jivici del (Jastello Visconteo, pp. 28—29, cat. 126- 129; Peroni L’arte nd
“ tina ed a/tomedisevale di Ravenna, 2 ERome, 1968], cat. 16 and 24).
l’eth longobarda: una traccia”, figs. 166— 167; Menis, I Lnngshardi, cat. VI.24 and
VII, 16—17.
ARTISTIC PATRONAGE AND CULTURAL STRATEGIES 349
of fine architectural sculpture from the now demolished church of
S. Maria d’Aurona in Milan.6 By the middle of the eighth century
and in the decades immediately before the Frankish invasion and
the suppression of the northern Kingdom in 773—774, this fashion
for elaborate architectural commissions and for lavish decoration in
carved stone, stucco, mosaic and painting seems to have spread to
the various Longobard duchies in central and southern Italy.
The trend is very’ apparent in S. Salvatore in Brescia, the female
monastery founded by duke later king’ Desiderius and his wife Ansa
in 754. Here the sculptural decoration usually assigned to this phase
of the basilica is sophisticated in conception and extraordinarily corn
petet1t in execution. The famous peacock reliefs, from an ambo or
screen, like most Lombard sculpture of this period in northern Italy,
is based on a fifth- or sixth-century model seen at Ravenna.7 This
is the work of a craftsman who looked to late antique sculpture for
inspiration, and yet translated his model into a new idiom, more
refined and elegant even than the original. The same phenomenon.
a sculptural idiom derived from an early Byzantine tradition, is appar
ent in Pavia and Milan earlier in the century. Fragments fi’om a
slab from a Pavian church, perhaps S. Tommaso, cut for an elab
orate inlay of eolottred stone or glass paste pi. 3),8 are clearly designed
to emulate late anlique inlaid church furniture of a kind that is
known from the Byzantine capital, Constantinople, like the cob
nnettes from the ciboria of Juliana Anicia’s great early sixth-
century church of St. Polyeuktos, and the furniture from the church
°
P. Dianzani, Santa Maria d’Aurona a Milano. Fasi altomedievali çFlorcnce, 1989).
See also: S. Casartelli Novelli, “Nota sulla scultura”, I Lonqobardi e Ia Lombardia, saggi.
Ui/ano, Palao Reale dat 12 ottobre 1978 (Milan, 1978), pp. 75—101. at pp. 81-82,
figs. 10—23; Peroni, “L’arte nell’eth longoharda: una traccia”, figs. 159—161; Paolo
Diacono, Storm dei Longobardi, edo. C. Leonardi and R. Cassanelli (Milan, 1985), figs.
282—286; Menis, I Longobardi, cat. 15.
G. Panazza, “Osservazioni sui frammenti scultorei di S. Salvatore”, S. Giulia di
Brescia. Archeologia, arte, storia di tin monastero regio dai Longobardi at Barbarossa. Atti del
convegno, Boescia 1990, edo. C. Stella and G. Brentegani (Brescia, 1992), pp. 23 1—236,
figs. on pp. 240—241; Peroni, “L’arte nell’eth longobarda: una traeeia”, figs. 177—178:
M. Brozzi, C. Calderini, M. Rotili, L’Ita/ia dci Longohardi (Milan, 1987), fig. 22.
Analogous peacocks figure on various monuments from Ravenna, for instance on
the so-called sarcophagus of the Tsvelvc Apostles and on that of Archbishop Theodore,
both in S. Apollinare in Classe (G. Bovini, “Corpus” del/a scultura paleocoistiana bi.an
8
Peroni, Peoria, Museo Givici del Caste/to Visconteo, pp. 22—23, cat. 88 89; Menis, I
Lcongohardi, cat. \‘1I,20.
 350 JOHN MITCHELL
of St. Euphemia, by the Hippodrome;9 and a little fragment of the
arch of a ciborium, from King Liutprancl’s foundation of S. Maria
d’Aurona in Milan, in its use of raised script, fo11o-s a convention
common in elite churches in Byzantium (pl. 4);ID here again a com
parison can be made with St. Polyeuktos, with the great dedicatory
inscription running round the interior of the nave.’
The painted decoration of these eighth-century Lombard churches
is similarly fragmentary in its preservation, but where it does Sur
vive, as in the vast but battered scheme in San Salvatore in Brescia,
it shows artists working in a remarkably expert and refined idiom,
executing complex narratives with inventive iconographies. I 2
The situation is the same at Cividale, in S. Maria in Valle, the
so-called “Tempietto Longobardo”, a chapel which may have been
designed to serve the needs of the Gastald. the king’s officer in the
capital of the duchv of Friuli, soon after 750.13 The carefully vaulted
°
St. Polyeuctos: RAt. Harrison, Excacations at Saraçhane in Istanbul, 1 (Princeton,
1986), pp. 129—130, figs. 138-140: R.M. Harrison. A Temple/or Brantiu,n (London.
1989,, p. 78, ills. 82-83, 94; R. KrautheiIncr, Early Chthtian and Bjantine Architecture
4th edition, Harmondswortb. I 986. pp. 220—222. fig. 179 St. Euphemia:
.
R. Naurnann and H. Belting. Die Euphemia-Kirche am Hihpsclroui .ii Istanbul (Berlin,
1966), pp. 53—67, figs. 2 1—23, 25, pls. 6—8; Krautheimer, Early Chdstian and Baiitjne
Architecture, fig. 1 78.
ID
Dianzani. Santa .l[aria dAurona a Jlilano: Paolo Diacono. Stsfra dci Longohardi.
eds. C. Leonardi and R. Cassanelli (Milan, 1985L fig. 284.
Harrison. Eica,atio,is at Saraghane in Istanbul. pp. 117— 119, figs. A, B, 87—88, 91,
93—100; Harrison, A Temple for Byzantium, pp.33—34, 84, ills. 31, 86—89, 95, 96,
98, 99, 160, 168. Architectural inscriptions of this kind, with the letters carved in
raised relief, are found elsewhere in late antique buildings in the eastern Mediterranean,
for instance in the early sixth-century church of SS. Sergius and Bacchu in Istanbul
Krautheimer. Early Christian and By.antine Jisjitectio-e. fig. 1 84.
12
G. Panazza, l.a Cbicsci di San Saleatore in Brescia. Atti dell4ttac’u (Juagresso di Studi
sull’arte dell’alto Medioero, 2 (Milan, 1992); C. Bertelli, “La pittura a S. Salvatore nd
contesto carolingio”, S. Giulia di Brescia, pp. 217- 230. Recent work by G.P Brogiolo
has shown that the painted decoration of the church probably dates from the reign
of King Desiderius and not from the ninth century, as has often been argued G.P.
Brogiolo. “La sequenza altomedievale della cripta di San Salvatore in Brescia”.
11 iiadmalerei dm .hhesi .llittelaits’is: Bestana( il’Ialteclinik, Eansenieiung, ed. [. Exncr (Munich,
1998), pp. 35- -39; G.P. Brogiolo, “La nuova sequenza architcttonica e il prohiema
degli affreschi del San Salvatore di Brescia”. Arte d’Occidente: Temi e Metodi. Studi in
onore di Any°iola .Iaria Romanini Romc. 1999.
The fundamental study of S. Maria in \‘alle is H.P. L’Orange and H. Iorp.
“Il ternpio longohardo di Cividale”. .lcta ad archaeo/ogiain et artium historiani pertinentia
(Enstitiitum Romanum Norvegiae) 7, parts 1—3 (1977 and 1979). The recent bibli
ography in Italian is given in Menis, I Longobardi, cat. VIIl,3. A ninth-century date
has been ingeniously proposed by Carlo Bertelli (Traccia allo studio delle fon
dazioni medievali deliarte italiana”. ,S2ona dellarte italiana. part 11. Dal Medioezo al
.Vorece,itc,, cd. F. Zen, 5, Dal .lledioero al Qjiattrocento [Turin. 1983]. pp. 89—92.
ARTISTIC PATRONAGE AND CULTURAL STRATEGIES 331
structure with its fancy brickwork and its sumptuous scheme of dec
oration, encompassing mosaics on the vaults of the sanctuary, elab
orate figurative and ornamental stuccoes, and a programme of paintings
executed in an apparently new aulic style—in part derived from the
best Byzantine practice of the previous century—is one of the most
splendid and ambitious commissions surviving from eighth-centttry
Europe.
A similar predilection for prestige architecture existed in the
Lombard duchy of Spoleto, in the basilica of S. Salvatore, on the
outskirts of Spoleto itself, and in the so-called Tempietto sul Clitunno.
on the via Flaminia. some 20 kilometers north of the city.’5 Both
structures arguably are roughly contemporary with the chapel at
Cividale, and probably also date from the first half or middle of the
eighth century. IS The Tempietto seems to have been designed as a
funerarv oratory for a local aristocratic family, if not for the duke
himself. Both buildings are quite exceptional for the classical Roman
idiom in which they are conceived. The greater part of the carved
ornament on both is new work, rather than spolia reused from an
cient buildings, hut designed and executed so cleverly and decep
tively as to have deceived Andrea Palladio into thinking that the
Tempietto was a Roman temple and to continue to mislead and
For the Byzantine antecedents of the paintings at Cividale. see H. Torp, “II
problema della decorazione originaria del Tempietto longohardo di Cividale del
Friuli”, Quaderni della FACE 18 (January—June 1959), pp. 5—47.
°
Prominent in the older literature are F.\V. Deichmann, “Die Entstehungszeit
von Salvatorkirche und C1itumnustcmpel bei Spoleto”, Jlitteilungen des deutschen aich4ol—
oyischen Instituts. r5nische Abteilung 58 -1943 1 --2. pp. 106- 148: \l. Salmi. La basilica
,
di San Salvatore di 5holeto (Florence, 1951). More recently, E. Russo. “So S. Salvatore
di Spoleto e sul Tempietto del Clitumno”, Acta ad archaeologiam et artium historiam
pertinentia (Institutum Romanum Norvegiae. ser. altera in 8°) 8 (1992), pp. 87 --143.
Two monographic studies on San Salvatore and the Tempietto have appeared in
the last two years: Jj. Erncrick. The Tempietto del (lituno near Spo/eto Unit ersitv Park,
Pennsylvania. 1998 . and C. Jaggi. Sa,i Sa/catore in Spo/eto. Studien cur spdtantikcn and
frithnuttelalteslic/ien Architektus Italiens Wiesbaden, 1 998).
I have argued 6r a mid-eighth-century date for the Tempietto in: J. Mitchell,
“The display of script and the uses of painting in Longobard Italy”, Testo e immag
inc neWalto Meclisez-o. Settiin. di Spoleto 41 1993’. pp. 887—954, at pp. 945 -949. See
also J. Mitchell. “Ihe uses of spolia in Longobard Italy”. Antiken Spcilien in der Architek
tur des .‘tlittelalters und dci Renaissance, ed. J. Poeschke Munich. 1996 . pp. 93—115, at
.
the façade-svall of San
pp. 94—97. Carhon-l4 tests on material found recently in
Salvatore, deposited behind the entablature over the central portal, are reported to
have given a dating in the sixth or seventh century (G.P. Brogiolo, pers. comm.).
An analysis of this material and its context may throw new light on the dating of
the building.
C
352 JOHN MITCHELL
baffle scholars to this day (pls. 5 and 6;:.’ The shape of the Tempietto,
its splendid leafy columns, its ornamental mouldings and the promi
nent inscriptions on the entablatures beneath its three pediments, all
speak out to the visitor in a convincing Roman language.
Similar cultural initiatives were followed in the more or less inde
pendent southern duchy of Benevento: a related interest in prestige
architecture, complex in structure, striking in appearance and ele
gant and sophisticated in ornament and decoration. The surviving
evidence is not extensive, hut it is unequivocal. The clearest expres
sion of this is the church of S. Sophia in Benevento, one of the best
preserved and most complex structures of its time; constructed in
the 760s, as a kind of national sanctuary, by Duke Arichis II (758—787),
the son-in-law of the King in the north, Desiderius.’5 Arichis, who
was to maintain the independence of the southern duchy from
Frankish dominion, today appears a somewhat shadowy figure, yet
he must have been one of the most effective and enterprising rulers
and one of the most ambitious patrons of his day.’° He extended
his capital, Benevento, building a new quarter, the civitas nova, with
a new circuit of walls;25 and built or extended the palace, probably
with a palatine chapel dedicated to the Saviour,2’ as well as found
ing the church of S. Sophia with its attendant female monastic
house.22 The quality and pretensions of S. Sophia reside in its corn
plex centralized design and vaulted structure, in its carefully selected
reused ancient columns and capitals, and in the programme of painted
A. Palladio. L’nrclntettara dana in qua/Irs libri Venice. 1642. thesimile repro
cluetion. Milan, 1968;’, 4. PP. 98—102.
H. Belting, “Studien rum heneventanisehen Hof”, Damharlsn On/u Papers 16
‘.1962), pp. 175—193; XI. Rotili, Benerenln rnnsana e /sngobarda: /‘iininnline urbana (Naples,
1986), pp. 184—201.
On i-\riehis, see Belting, “Studien zum heneventanisehen Hof”; P. Delogu, Mi/s
di ann cit/b meridisnale (Sn/eras. sees/i VIII XI) (Naples, 1977), chapter 1; Divinnarin
Biagrajies degli Italiani 4 (Rome, 1962), pp. 7 1—78.
Delogu, Mi/n di ann cit/b oieodinnale, p. 16; Rotili, Beneventa rsnsana e lorigsbarda:
l’irnnsagine urbana, pp. 143155.
21
Belting, “Studien zum beneventanisehen Hof”, pp. 186—187; M. Cagiano dc
Azevedo, “Esistono una architettura e una urhanistica longoharde?”, La civil/b del
Lsngsbardi in Earapa: Atti del (.nnsegns internavianale sal tema, Rarna/ Cividale 1971 (Rome,
1974), pp. 289 329, at pp. 301 302; Delogu, Mi/s di ann cit/b oa’ridisnale, p. 23
vi. 43: Rotili, Benevents ramana e Isngshnida.
pp. 107—109; P. Pceluto, “Inscdiamenti
longohardi del clucato di Benevento (sece. VI—Vill)”. Langahardin. cds. S. Gasparri
and P. Cammarosano Urline, 1990;. p. 319.
22
Belting, “Studien zum benevenianisehen Hof. pp. 175—93; Ronli. Beneeents
raniana e lsngshara’n. pp. 1 84—20 1.
ARTISTIC PATRONAGE AND CULTURAL STRATEGIES 353
decoration which once covered its whole interior (pl. 7). The ded
ication also underlined the ambitions of its patron—n is recorded
that the dedication to the Holy Wisdom expressly emulated the great
est church in Constantinople,25 which, like this far smaller church in
Benevento, although not a palatine chapel proper, stood in close
proximity to the precinct of the palace. The curious structure is best
accounted for as an attempt by the best available local architect and
masons, using the means and materials at their disposal, to imitate
a famed building known to them only from verbal descriptions.
After the Carolingian annexation of the northern Kingdom and
duchies, Arichis, now having assumed the title of Prince, established
a second capital on the coast at Salerno in the 770s and 780s.54
There he constructed a new circuit of walls extending the small exist
ing settlement roughly four-fold. He also built a palace, looking out
over the water; to judge from the account given by the anonymous
tenth-century chronicler of Salerno, this was an impressive complex,
magnificently decorated, with its main public chambers carefully
designed and arranged so as to act as an effective and imposing
setting for court ccrcmomal.5 Attached to the palace was a palatine
chapel, dedicated to SS. Peter and Paul, a large, lofty structure con
structed over an old Roman thermal complex. This survives, some
what battered, with the modern name of S. Pietro a Corte çpl. 8.
Tbe chapel itself is on the upper storey, on a level with the upper
apartments of the palace—a precocious instance of a type which
was to become widespread in later centuries.1 The interior of this
chapel was airy and luminous, being lit by ranges of elegant arched
23
Belting. “Stodien zum heneventanisehen Hot”, p. 183.
24
Delogu. ,lh/s di ann cit/b ineridisnale, pp. .36—69.
Cagiano de Azevedo, “Esistono una arehiteunra e una urhanistica longoh
arde?”, pp. 302—303; Delogn, Mi/n di ann cittb ma-idinnale, p. 44; P. Pedutc,”Arcehi
II a Salerno: continnith e rinnovamento”, Rassegna s/sricn snlernitann 29, n.s. 15, 1
(1998), pp. 7—28, at pp. 12—16.
‘the construction of this lofty, two-storied, chapel by Arichis, within the confines
of the palace at Salerno, is recorded by the anonymous author of the Ohrsnicnn
Saieootanain, ed. U. \Vesterhergh (Stockholm, 1956), p. 22. See Delogu, Mi/n di ann
cit/h ineridinnale, pp. 45—50. ‘l’he chapel has heen analysed and excavated hy a team
led hy Paolo Peduto: M.P. and P. Peduto and M. Romito, “Chiesa di San Pietro
a Cone”, Paoegginte snletnitane 3 (1988), pp. 20—27; P. Pedoto, “Un accesso alla sto
na di Salerno: stratigrafie e matcriali dell’area palaziale longobarda: 1. La costi
tuzione del documento archeologico e la sua interprelazione stratigraflea”, Raoegnn
stsricn snlernitnnn, n,s. 5/2. 10 (1988), pp. 9—28: Peduto, “lnsediansunti longohardi
del dneato di Benevento ‘seec. \‘I—\’lIL”. pp. 324 326: Peduoi, “Areehi II a Salerno”.
pp. 15 17. The defininve publication of Peduto’s us estigauonc is imminent.
354 JOHN MITCHELL
windows. Paul the Deacon describes it as being gilded inside—pre
sumably in part covered in golden glass mosaic—and doubtless the
walls were painted.27 Sections of the pavement came to light during
excavations in the late 1 980s; this is of exceptionally fine quality, in
opus sectile, with distinctive configurations of red porphyry, green ser
pentine and other rare stones, as well as specially moulded rectan
gular sections of various shapes and dimensions in green glass, with
thickly gilded surfaces sandwiched beneath an upper transparent skin
of glass.28 These glass panels were found in the area of the apse.
They are quite exceptional and made it possible for gold sections to
be included in the pavement or in the revetment of the santuarv
wall. They must have helped establish an atmosphere of sumptuous
imperial splendour inside the chapel.29
An idiosyncratic feature of this building is the monumental inscrip
tion in gilded copper-alloy letters, a dedicatory text composed by
Paul the Deacon, and set up either on its exterior, or, as has recently
been argued, on its interior.5 In setting up this inscription, Arichis
was clearly reviving ancient Roman practice. Such gilded inscrip
tions on buildings were more or less totally abandoned in Late
The gilded decoration is reterred to by Paul the Deacon in the verses he com
posed for Ihe dedicatory inscription sshich sas sd up on the chapel. See K. Ned
Die Gedichte des Pan/us Dmeonus: kritische und erklarende .4togabe (Munich, 1908), p. 18.
28
Peduto, “Un accesso alla storia di Salerno’. figs. 3—6; Peduto, “Insediamenti
longobardi del ducato di Benevento”. pp. 325—326. This pavement is the subject
of a recent, splendidly illustrated, monographic study: .. Di Muro, La ctdtura artzs
tica della Langobardia minor oeII’17IJI sersis e la decorewone parimentale e parietale del/a rap-
pc/ia palatina di Arerhi II a Salerno (Naples, 1996). Di Muro argues that the gilded
sections served as wall revetmcnt, possibly in the area of the apse. See also
F. Dcll’Acqua, “Nota sui reperti vitrei del monastero di San Vincenzo al Volturno
e della cappella palatina di Arechi I a Salerno”, Rassegna Storica Salernttana 27, n.S.
14, 1 (1997), pp. 243—257; Pcduto, “Arechi II a Salerno”, pp. 23—25.
25
Di Muro effectively evokes the erstwhile splendor of the interior of the chapel
with its brilliant polychrome marble pavement, its gilded revetment and its golden
inscription (La rultura artistica del/a Laagohardia minor nell’VIII serolo, pp. 1 9--34).
30
Peduto, “Un accesso alla storia di Salerno”, pp. 13, 42—45, fig. 1; Peduto,
“Insediamcnti longohardi del ducato di Benevento”, pp. 324—325, ill, on p. 325;
P. Dclogu, “Patroni, donatori, committenti nell’Italia meridionale longobarda”,
Gommittenti e prsdudone artistirs-letteraria nell’alts st’Iedioeco scridentale. Settim. di Spsleto 39
(1991), p. 319; Mitchell, “The display of script and the uses of painting in Longohard
Italy”, pp. 895 898; Di J’vluro, La ctdtura artistira della Langobardia minor nell’VIII see
sb, pp. 32, 50—53, 55—56, fig. 35; Pcduto, “Arechi II a Salerno”, pp. 17—22. Di Muro
and Peduto argue that the inscription was set up, following a Byzantine fashion, in
the interior of the chapel. See also U. Lohhedey and H. Westphal, “Beohachtungen
zur Herrstellung der Monumentalinschrift am ‘eVestwerk zu Corvey”, Hammaburg,
N.F. 12 (1998), pp. l57—164, at p. 162.
ARTISTIC PATRONAGE AND CULTURAL STRATEGIES 355
Antiquity—one of the last in the West is that on the Arch of Cons
tantine in Rome—and they were not reintroduced until the mid-
seventeenth century in Paris, in the time of Louis XIV. Large-scale
gilded copper inscriptions had been the most prestigious type of pub
lic lettering used in Roman Antiquity; hut there are no more than
a handful of examples surviving from the entire medieval period.5t
An unusual detail of the painted decoration of Ariehis’ church of
S. Sophia, in Benevento, points in the same direction as the gilded
bronze inscription at Salerno. This is an ornamental motif employed
on the intradosses of two arches flanking the main portal, which
once ran out from the façade of the church, and must originally
have formed part of a porch or narthex.32 This is a version of a
pattern which was in common use in the Roman imperial period
and in Late Antiquity, consisting of ranks of parti-eoloured over
lapping semi-circular leaves. However, like the gilded copper inscrip
tion from Salerno, it is a motif which was almost never employed
in the Middle Ages. In fact, it is known from only one other site-
in the early ninth-century decoration of the southern Lombard
monastery of San Vineenzo al Volturno, on the northern confines
of the principality some 100 km north of Benevento.39
From the fragmentary survsving evidence, it would seem that
Ariehis, like his peers at Spoleto, was intent on creating an aulie
style of building and a court art which was distinctly and curiously
antique in tenor, But the antique citations employed are not the
same as the ones used at Spoleto, and they are not ones in com
mon use elsewhere in early medieval Europe. This would suggest
a
j, Mitchell, “Literacy displayed: the use of inscriptions at the monastery of San
\incenzo al Volturno in the early ninth century”, The Uces of Lttrrao in Earfi Medieval
Europe, cd. R. McKitterick (Cambridge, 1990), pp. 186 225, at pp. 210—213; Mitchell,
“The display of script and the uses of painting in Longobard Italy”. pp. 896—898;
J. Mitchell, “Late antique and early medieval carved inscriptions”, San Vznreno al
Cs/torso, 3. The ndsfromn the 1980—86 Excavations, eds. J. Mitchell and IL. Hansen
(Spoleto, forthcoming), pp. 84 87, 94—109.
Mitchell, “The display of script and the uses of painting in Longobard Italy”,
pp. 943—944, fig. 72; R. Hodges and J. Mitchell, The Basilica of Abbot Joshua at San
Vimxscs al t4slturno (Abbey of Monte Cassino/Monteroduni, 1996), p. 113, fig. 4:69.
‘
For discussions of the use of this motif in Antiquity and the early Ntiddlc Ages,
see Mitchell, “The display of script and the uses of painting in Longobard Italy”,
pp 943—944; J. Mitchell, “Spatial hierarchy and the uses of ornament in an early
medieval monastery”, L’ornemnent dans Ia peinture murale du Mryen Age, ad. D. Paris
Ponlain (Poitiers, 1997), pp. 35—55, at pp. 45—46. See also Hodges and Mitchell,
The Basilica of .4 hhot Joshua at San Vinrrvo al Vs/turns, pp. 83—87, 98—99, 13—14, figs.
4:26—8, 45—8.
356 JOHN MITCHELL
that the southern Lombard ruler was aiming to develop a distinC
tive visual style, with unmistakable, indeed authentic, classical Char
aCteristics, but ideosyncratically and purposefully different from other
similar initiatives in eighth-century Italy. This might be what one
would expect of a situation of peer-polity rivalry iu which neigh
bouring powers sought to promote their image and status through
the creation of eve-catching visual apparatuses, and vet wished to
appear distinct from their rivals, and indeed were determined to
outdo and surpass their rivals in invention and novelty.
San I incett.co a! I o!lttuito
Recent archaelogical discoveries at the monaster of San Vincenzo
al \‘olturno have shed further light on the nature of the artistic cul
ture of the court of Arichis. Here in the last years of the eighth cen
tury and in the first decades of the ninth, the relatively modest early
eighth-century complex was completely redesigned and rebuilt, trans
formed, under its abbot Joshua (792—8 17), and his successors, Talaricus
and Epvphanius, into a monastic city.55 The new- monastery appears
to have been laid out following an ordered, preconceived plan, and
by the second quarter of the ninth century included eight churches,
numerous conventual buildings, extensive ranges of workshops. agri
cultural buildings, barns and stores and a quarter for the lay com
munity which served the monks. The principal focus of the new
monastery was the main abbey church, S. Vincenzo Maggiore, a
huge structure, an aislcd basilica, some 63 metres long and 29 metres
wide. The churches and the residential buildings were lavishly dec
orated and equipped, most interior walls being elaborately painted;
furthermore, the excavation of the area of the workshops has shown
that the San \/incenzo monks enjoyed an exceptionally rich mater
ial culture.
There are clear connections between the artistic and material cul
ture of this monastery in the early ninth century and that of the
southern Lombard courts of the preceding generation.t3 One brief
R. Hodges. Light in the Dark ;Igex The Rise eind Fall of San I ineenco al I ‘olturao
London. 1997: R. Hodges. S. Gibson. J ..\Iitchell. The making of a mooastic
city. The architecture of San \-ince000 al Volturno in the ninth century”. Papers of
the Bntish School at Rome 65, (1997) pp 233 286.
These are discussed hyJ. Mitchell, “Arichis nod die Kunsle”, Für irthschen Rnhm
ARTISTIC PATRONAGE AND CULTURAL STRATEGIES 357
example will suffice to make the point. We know that abbot Joshua
set a large gilded copper inscription on the façade of his new basil
ica.30 Many fragments of this survive, and from the shape of the let
ters and from details of its construction, it is clear that it was directly
modelled on an inscription like the one on Duke Arichis’ chapel at
Salerno. There is nothing like them really anywhere else in Italy or
Europe.
San Vincenzo was a Lombard foundation: its principal endow
ments and benefactions throughout its history came from the Dukes
and Princes of Benevento and the local Lombard ehte, and Arichis
II himself had been a major benefactor in the third quarter of the
eighth century.37 In many ways, the artistic culture of San Vincenzo
is best understood as the adaptation in a new monastic context of
themes and motifs which had been developed in the Lombard cap
itals of Benevento and Salerno a generation or so earlier.
Nowhere is this clearer than in the painted decoration of the ring
crypt of the abbey-church, inserted into the main apse of Abbot
Joshua’s basilica, by his successor Talaricus, c. 820, probably when
the community acquired major relics of St. \/incent.5° The dados of
the lower walls are in part well preserved. These constitute a sequence
of designs which are remarkable for the brilliance of their colour,
unel hiinmlisehen Laha. Stifter noel .4uftraggeher in der mittelalterlirhen Kunst, ed. H.R. Meier.
G. jäggi, P. Buttner (Berlin, 1995), pp. 47—64 at pp. 52—54; and in Hodges and
Mitchell, The Basilica of Abbot Joshua at Saa Vineenzo al Volturno, pp. 113 116.
-a A. Pantoni, “Doe iscrizioni di S. Vinceozo a! Volturno
e ii loro contributo
alla otoria dcl cenohio”, Samnioin 35 (1962), PP. 74—84: A. Pantoni. Lx chiese e gli
edifici del iaoaastero cli San Viacenzo al Voltorno (Monte Gassino, 1980). pp. 163164.
figs. 109 and 110: ,‘\litchell. “Literacy displayed: the use of inscriptions at the
monastery of San Vincenzo al Volturno in the early ninth century”. pp. 205—2 16:
Mitchell. “The display of script and the uses of painting in Longohard ttaly”. pp.
916—918: Mitchell. “Late antique and earl medieval carved inscriptions”, pp. 84—87.
94-109.
Ghronm Vuitur-nese del Monaco Giovanni, ed. V. Federici, 1 (Rome, l925, passim;
G. Wickham, “Monastic lands and monastic patrons”, San Vinceno al Volturno, 2.
The 1880—86 Excavations, Part IL ed. R. Hodges (London, 1995), pp. 138—152.
m An initial description and analysis of Joshua’s abbey church,
of its annular
crypt and of the painted decoration of the basilica and crypt can he found in
Horlges and Mitchell. The Basilica of Abbot Joshna at San I7nis’nzo al Iolturno. It is nose
clear that the crypt was not an original feature of the basilica, but was inserted
sometime after its completion in 808, probably c. 820, under Abbot Talaricus. pos
sihls 00 the acquisition of major relics of St. Vincent. For the relics ol St. \incent
at San Vinccnzo, see J. Mitchell, L. \Vatson et al., “Gult, relics and privileged bur
ial at San Vincenzo al Volturno in the age of Ghademagne: the discovery of the
tomb of Abbot Talaricus (817—3 October 823)”, I Gongosso .Vazionale eli Archeologia
Medicvale, Pisa 1997, ed. S. Gelichi (Florence, 1997), pp. 315—321,
358 JOHN MITCHELL
their exuberant variety and sophistication of invention (pl. 9). Here
a ninth-century visitor would have been confronted by a dazzling
display of colour and pattern: large ornate rotae (discs) and complex
rectangular panels carrying perspectival compositions of great
sophistication.
This brilliant ornamental idiom has all the marks of having been
designed not for a monastic context but for a secular, courtly. set
ting. Indeed, walking through the corridors of the crypt at San
Vincenzo is probably the closest that we will ever come to walking
through the state apartments of the palaces of Duke Arichis.
The apparent origins and the general tenor of the designs seem
to support this hypothesis. In general terms, the formal vocabulary
is extraordinarily antique in appearance; indeed, some of the motifs
at San Vincenzo seem to be direct citations from ancient buildings.
For example, the frieze of perspective cubes, of so-called “tumbling
blocks”, which runs round the walls of the crypt immediately above
the dado. is a motif well-known in the Roman late Republican and
early Imperial periods (pl. lO)39—verv similar versions are to he seen
in the marble pavements of the ce/la of the Temple of Apollo at
Pompeii, in the tablinurn of the House of the Faun and elewhere.4°
But, aside from San Vincenzo, there is hardly another known use
of this motif in the early Middle Ages.
The patronage of Arichis II and the decoration of the crypt at
San Vmcenzo al Volturno well exemplify the nature and the vital
ity of Lombard court art in the second half of the eighth century,
at the time when Charlemagne was intervening in Italian affairs. In
short, it would appear that, by the middle of the century. the King.
the dukes and the elite families in the various Lombard areas of
Italy were engaging in some kind of peer-polity rivalry. They seem
to have been undertaking ambitious architectural enterprises, encour
aging masons to develop new sculptural languages, in part based on
antique models, and requiring these craftsmen to work to excep
The Roman use of this motif is discussed by: E.N1. Ntoormann and L.J.F.
Swinkels. ‘1 .ozenges in perspective”. La peintuze snurale romaine clans les provinces de
lEinpire. ed. A. Barhet BAR. Intern. Ser. 165. Oxford. 1983 pp. 239-262.
Temple of Apollo: F. Guidobaldi. ‘Pavirnenti in opus sectile di Roma e del
I’area romana: proposte per una clasificazione e criteri di datazione’, Macin! antic/u:
problemi d’iinpiego, di restauro e d’identiflcazione (Rome, 1985), p. 211, p1. 15,1; House
of the Faun: R. Ling, Roman Painting (Cambridge, 1991), fig. 15; R. Ling, Ancient
Mosaics (London, 1998), fig. 19.
ARTISTIC PATRONAGE AND CULTURAL STRATEGIES 359
tionally high levels of competence. The idiom in the various areas
differed, but the various formal dialects would all have been mutu
ally comprehensible. In a period in which the political geography of
Italy was changing, and at a time of developing trade, in which soci
eties were becoming more complex. more outward-looking and con
sequently more aware of their own images, the ruling elites were
developing showy, sometimes spectacular, cultural programmes.
in order to promote their own interests and to express their peer
tus.4
Papal Rome
In a sense, the papal State of Rome can he understood as follow
ing similar cultural strategies to those of the Lombard duchies. but
to a different rhythm. The popes, sporadically throughout the eighth
century. had built for themselves extremely richly appointed—if
small—funerarv oratories inside the basilica of Old St. Peter’s.42 For
the most part these were vaulted structures, with splendid antique
spolia incorporated into their fabric, and decorated with mosaics.
Those on the walls of the oratory of Pope John VII, one of the ear
liest of these chapels, like the arts associated with the Lombard courts,
appear to have been distinctly Byzantine in idiom.43 These oratories
were on a small scale; but Pope John also constructed an official
residence, an episcopzum. on the north flank of the Palatine Hill, over
looking the Roman Forum, and refurbished and decorated there
the church of S. Maria Antiqua, with paintings and some sculpted
On Lombard Italy in the eighth century, see G. ‘l’abacco, Egemonie sociali e
stculture del potere net lIedioevo italians (Turin, 1973), translated as Time Straggle/or Pozeier
in Medieval Ita/y (Cambridge, 1989), chapter 2; C. Wickham, Earlj Medieval Ita/y:
Central Pomer and Lücal Sociqy, 400—1000 (London, 1981% T.F.X. Noble, f/me Republic
of St. Peter: ?he Birth of time Papal State. 680 825 (Philadelphia, 1984).
I. Herklotz, “Sepulcmsm’’ e “monunmenta” del Medmoevo. Siuc/i suil’arte sepolcraie in Italia
Rome, 1 985; NI. Borgolte. Petmusnachfoige mind baiserimnitation. Die Glahlfgen dec Pimpste.
i/lie (Scnese und Traditionsbiiduag :Gottingen, 1989. pp. 94— 119; 1 Mitchell. “l’he crypt
rcappraisecl’, San Jinceno al Voltumno. 1. Time 1980—86 Excavations. Part 1. ed.
R. Hodges london, 1993 pp. 112—114.
P.J. Nordhageim. 11w Mosaics of John II. Acta ad archaeolotiasn et artiuin his—
“
toriam /ertmuentia 2 (1 965j, pp. 121—166: NI. Andaloro, “I mosaici dell’Oratorio di
Giovanni VII”, i-’)agmenta Picta: a//reschi e mnosamci staccati del A[edioevo romnano, edo.
M. Andaloro, A. Ghidoli, A. lacohini, S. Romano and A. Tomei Rome, 1989),
pp. 169—177.
360 JOHN MITCHELL
elements similarly in a generally Byzantine idiom.44 And in the mid
dle of the eighth century Pope Zacharias built a new elevated tn
clinium, an audience hall, “adorned with varieties of marble, glass
metal, mosaic and painting”, and a ceremonial portico and towered
gate-house at the Lateran Palace, apparently in imitation of struc
tures at the imperial Byzantine palace in Constantinople.45
Fifty years later, in the final years of the century, following the
demise of Lombard power in Italy, and with Frankish support, Pope
Leo III was in a position to construct new churches, and to deco
rate them with mosaic. At the Lateran Palace, his new audience hail
and banquetting hail, again in imitation of structures at the imper
ial palace at Constantinople, were perfect expressions of the ambi
tions of the papacy and its economic and political revival. Their
interiors were embellished with columns of purple porphyry and
white marble and sumptuous marble pavements, and in their prin
cipal apses grandiloquent compositions in mosaic featured portraits
of the Pope and Charlemagne.46 Similarly, at St. Peter’s, Pope Leo
built another equally splendid elevated triclinium, together with other
spacious and elegant neighbouring structures.47 These were mag
nificently appointed aulic spaces designed to proclaim the power and
authority of their Lord, the Pope. The language they speak would
have been perfectly comprehensible to the now-deposed rulers of the
Lombard polities of Italy—rich materials, accents of imperial splen
dour, with pronounced reference both to classical antiquity and to
the culture of Byzantium. This is the contemporary rhetoric of power,
with its evocations of the grandeur of Antiquity. It is not by chance
Le Liber Ponti/lcahs, cd. L. Duchesne (Paris, 1955, reprinted 1981), 1, p. 385.
For John Vii’s work at S. Maria Antiqua, see Pj. Nordhagen, “The frescoes of
John VII (AD 705—707) in S. Maria Antiqua in Rome”, Acta ad archaeologzarn et artzum
historiam pertinentia 3 (1968). See also R. Krautheimer, Rome: Profile of a Ciy, 312—1308
(Princeton, 1980), chapter 4.
°
I.e Liher Pon4/icalis, 1, p. 432 (Zacharias, ch. 18).
I.e Liber Pontficalis, 2, 11 (Leo III, ch. 10 and 39). H. Belting, “I
mosaici dell’aula Leonina come testimonianza della prima ‘renovatio’ dell’arte
medievale di Roma”, Roma e l’eth carohngia (Rome, 1976), pp. 167—182; H. Belting,
“Die heiden Palastaulen Leos III. im Lateran und die Entstehung einer papstlichen
Programmkunst”, Frühmittelalterliche Studien 12 (1978), pp. 55-83; C. 1\/Ieckseper, “Zur
Doppelgeschossigkeit der beiden Triklinien Leos III. im Lateranspalast zu Rom”,
Schloss ThaI: Saalbauten und Buigen des 12. ]ahrhunderts in Mitteleuropa (1998), pp. 119—128.
For an overview, see Krautheimer, Rome: Profile of a City, chapter 5. See also
B. Ward-Perkins, in this volume.
“
Le Liber Pontificalis, 2, p. 8 (Leo III, ch. 27).
ARTISTIC PATRONAGE AND CULTURAL STRATEGIES 361
that the subject of the apse mosaic of Leo’s Triclinium, the Mission
of the Apostles, is thoroughly late antique in idiom—unmistakably
similar in design to a late fourth-century sarcophagus from St. Peter’s
in which the mortal remains of Leo III’s namesake and great fifth-
century predecessor, Leo I, were subsequently conserved.48
The same rhetoric was evident in the magnificent churches with
which Leo and his successors set about rebuilding the city: Roma caput
orbis splendor spes aurea Roina—in the words of the inscription set up
on one of the gates in the walls with which Leo IV girt St. Peter’s
in the late 840s.4° It was voiced loudly in the spate of large basili
cas constructed along early Christian lines, and in their mosaic pro
grammes which generally followed and elaborated on late antique
patterns;50 but it was also to be heard in sophisticated borrowings
from imperial Antiquity, like the exotic frieze of bearded masks which
crowned the walls, immediately under the eaves, of the churches of
SS. Nereo ed Aehilleo, S. Prassede and S. Martino ai Monti.5’ These
imitate masks from Roman imperial buildings, like those from Aurelian’s
third-century Temple of the Sun (pl. 11).
Charlemagne and Italy
However, when Charlemagne marched down into Italy in 773 and
subdued the Lombard kingdom, it was the court culture promoted
by the Lombard elite that would have met his eyes in centres such
as Pavia, Milan and Verona. The effect of this on the Frankish ruler
must have been profound and, I suspect, far-reaching. Largely due
to the political vicissitudes of the period, Frankish court culture
seems to have been at a low ebb in the eighth century. There was
little to compare with the high culture and probably high material
standards of living which must have confronted Charlemagne and
his advisers in Italy.
°
Belting, “Die heiden Palastaulen Leos III. im Lateran”, pp. 6364, fIgs. .5—6.
799 Kunst und A5iltur der Karolingerzeit. Band 2. Latalog der Ausstellung, Paderhorn 1999,
edo. C. Stiegcmann and M. Wemhoff (Mainz. 1999), pp. 267—269.
°
P.E. Schramm, Kaiser, Ro?n und Renovatio (Darrnstadt, 1984°), p. 46; Krautheimer,
Rome: Prq,uile of a Giy, pp. 119, 346.
50
For the papal building initiatives of the first half of the ninth century, see
Krautheimer, Rome: Profile of a Cqy, chapter 5.
L. Pani Ermini, La diocesi do Roma, 1. l.a IV regoone ecclesiastica (Corpus della
sculptura altomedievale 7/1, Spoleto, 1974), pp. 114116, cat. 55—57, pls. XXII—
XXIII.
362 JOHN MITCHELL
One response to this was probably Charlemagne’s establishment
of new or grandly refurbished palaces at Paderborn, Ingelheim,
Aaehen, and elsewhere.52 Previously the Frankish kings had been
peripatetic, moving between residences. The very idea of a principal
fixed palatial seat like the one Charlemagne established at Aaehen,
in the later 780s and 790s, was a new one; but one which appears
to have been the norm for the Lombard rulers at Pavia and the
dukes in their various centres.53 As we have seen, a characteristic
feature of Lombard palaces was the presence of a palace chapel.
The first of these of which we have record is that of king Liutprand
at Pavia, in the first half of the eighth century.34 S. Maria in \7alle
at Cividale probably served an analogous function;53 and subsequently
the southern Lombard duke, Ariehis, built court-chapels in his two
residences at Benevento and Salerno.36 These palatine chapels were
splendidly appointed structures, and two of them at least appear to
have been decorated with mosaics.57 We can only guess at the pre
cise reasons why Charlemagne, in the 780s, decided to establish a
permanent capital seat at Aaehen; but when he occupied the Lombard
kingdom in 774, he would have seen the royal and dueal residences
there at first hand. His Italian experiences may well have planted
in his mind the idea of a fixed domicile and have suggested the
benefits to be had from an impressive royal chapel rising within the
palace complex. The decision to set mosaic in the cupola of the palace
chapel at Aaehen,51 and in the apse of the oratory of his adviser,
Theodulf of Orleans, on his estate at Germigny-des-Pres,35 the promi
22
G. Binding. Deutrrhe KonigspfaLen. ron Karl dna Grosn’n his F,3ednrl, 11 (765—1210)
(Darmstadt. 1996. pp. 72—130.
N liiehell. “The display of script and the uses of painting in Longoharcl Italy”.
pp. 935—936.
Paul the Deacon. Hiss. I.ang. KISS: Belting, “Studien zum beneventanisehen
HoP’, pp. 185 186.
US
H.P. L’Orange and H. Torp, “11 Tempietto longobardo di Cividale”, Aeta ad
arrhaeslrg’iarn ci artiura historian, pertinentia 7, 2 (1977), pp. 226—229.
Belting, “Stndien zum heneventaniselten Hof”, pp. 170—171, 186—187; Cagiano
de Azevedo, “Esistono una arehitettura e una nrbanistiea longoharda7’, pp. 30 1—302;
Pednto. “Insediament, longohardi del rlncato di Benevento”. pp 319. 324--326.
S. Maria in Valle at Cividale and arguably Arichis chapel of SS. Peter and
Paul aI Salerno.
°
H. Schnitzler. ‘Das Knppclmooaik tIer Aaehener Pfalzkapelle’ .Aarlieaer Jtuastbldtter
29 1964. pp. 17—41.
A. Grahar. “Leo rnosa5ques de Germignv-des-Prhs’. CSlae,s anlihologtques 7 ‘195K.
pp. 171 --if; P. Bloeh. Das Apsismosaik von Germtgnv-deo-Prho. Karl nnd der abe
ARTISTIC PATRONAGE AND CULTURAL STRATEGIES 363
nent use of a classical language of architecture at Aaehen, and the
lavish employment of carefully selected spolia, decorative elements,
such as columns and capitals, the finest taken from antique buldings
in Italy, and transported north, all speak the language of Lombard
court art. The first of Charlemagne’s grand new palaces, that at
Paderborn, was begun as early as 776.°° It is tempting to think that
here he had the Lombard royal palace in Pavia fresh in his mind;
there are even Italian trace elements in some of the earliest painted
decoration associated with this palace and the adjoining church.6’
Such precise Italian influence, on early Carolingian court archi
tecture and art, can be found in details. So there is a particular kind
of crutch capital employed at Charlemagne’s palace at Ingelheim
am-Rhein, decorated with fluting all round;62 this is characterized
also by an extremely unusual deep concave moulding at the top.
Crutch capitals of this type, with fluted and faceted decoration, and
with exactly the same moulding were employed in the late eighth
/earlv nintb-eentun’ buildings at the south Italian monasten of San
\/ineenzo al Volturno, where this particular form of moulding was
the norm on all crutch capitals.63 The capitals from Ingelheim look
like an imported Beneventan type.
Another detailed point of contact is to be found in a convention
used for the painted decoration of the dados of walls. In the Lombard
areas of Italy there was a widespread fashion for painting dados in
Bnnd”, Karohagtsrhe Kuast, edo. XV. Braunfels and H. Sehnitzler )Diisseldod, 1965).
pp. 234—261.
XV. XV,nkelmann. “Die karolingisehe Burg in Paderhorn” and “Est locus insig
isis. quo Patra et Lippa finentant”. Beitrage t,r Friihgesrhirhte II s/.faleite Gesaininelte
Atifldtce ‘Mtinster. 1990, pp. 114—117, 118—128: LZ Lohhedey. Der Paderhso,er Dsa,
‘Munich. 1990-. pp. 11-- 15; Binding. Denise/ic Jtdngspfa&en rsn Karl dna Grojcn, his
Fnedrieh II. pp. 123— 130. 799—boot and Kultur dir Karolingn:;eii. Basd I. Katalog do
Auistelluag. Padnbsnt 1999. eds. C. Sttegemann and M. Wemholf )Mainz, 1999).
pp.
116—185.
Si
The fragmentary exeavaled wall-paintings from the early phases of the palace
and cathedral at Paderhorn are disenssed by Matthias Preissler, 799--—-Kunst nod
Kit/tar der Kvoliitgetzeit. Karl der Grosse and Fapst Is’s III in Jaderhorn, Band I. Katalog,
pp. 133—143. See also j. Mitchell. “Karl der Grosse, Rom nnd das Vermaehtnis
der Langoharclen’, in the E,gdacaagshaad to the same publication.
791—Karl der (So.’oe in Franljitit aat .‘tlaia: na Kiafi his der Arbeit. eds. R. Koch
and A. Thiel ‘Sigmaringen. 1994 p. 41, eat. 1/5; R. Meyer, Frtih,aittelaltrtite/te
,
ba/site/Ic and hStnpjèr in Deutsehland Berlin. 1997 pp. 160—162. 662 Ahh. 1 and 2.
,
663 Abh. 3.
,J. Ntitchell. “Roman and early medieval sculpture’. San Cnasiss al Vol/tans. 3.
‘The Trod, front the 1980—86 Etrazs,t,o,ts. erls. J. Mitchell and IL. Hansen Spoleto..
lhrtheoming, pp. 363—369.
364 JOHN MITCHELL
imitation of panels of polished marble rCvCtmCnt, with diagonal undu
lating veins endlessly repCating in sequences of upright and inverted
ehevronsi’ At the monastery of San Vineenzo al Volturno. the vein
ing is in alternating colours, red, or red and yellow. on one panel
and in two tones of grey-blue on the next (pl. 1 2)t A similar Con
vention is to he found in the southern Lomhard ftiuerarv basilica at
Prata, near Avellino.”5 In the Carolingian north, this convention is
known from only one site, but at an early- date and in a significant
location. It was used—apparentlv part of the original scheme of dee
oration—to embellish the emhrasures of the windows of the ring-
crypt of the royal abbey-church of Saint-Denis, just to the north of
Paris—one of the traditional burial-places of Frankish rulers, built
by abbot Fulrad in the 770s.57 Again Italian influence, in a crypt
modelled on that of Old St. Peter’s in Rome, is likely.
Further points of detailed influence are apparent in the magnificent
display manuscripts of Charlemagne’s Court and Palace Schools. A
feature of the richly decorated canon tables of these Gospel Books
is the lavish use of diagonally veined marbled effects in the illu
sionistieallv painted columns. This convention is found occasionally
in late antique manuscripts, but in the Court School of Charlemagne
it is rampant (pl. 1 3).H This immediately calls to mind the diagonal
marbling in wall-painting, so beloved of Lombard patrons; and it
would not be surprising if this taste for marbled effects had been
Its widespread use in these areas is discussed by J. Mitchell, “[he painted dec
oration of tise early medieval monastcrs “. San Vinceazs nl l7sltaois: The Arthneslsgy,
Art and Tirritniy nJ an Early Alediernl teJsnnsterr. eds. R. Hodges and ,J Mitchell (BAR
.
Intern. 5cr. 252, Oxford. 1985(, pp. 125--I 76. at pp. 129 132. figs. 6:6--ID: and
N litehell. “Spattal hierarchy and tlse uses of ornament in an early medieval monasten”,
pp. 43-15.
Mitelsell. [he display of scrip? antI the uses of painting in Longohard Italy”.
--
p. 941, fig. 69: Son t’has-n.s a! I oltaots, .
The 1980 86 Eo’aentinn.t. Fart II. p. 36,
p1’e 3: 5—7. figs. 3:10 and 16: pp. 5-7. pl. 1:1. figs. 1:4. 6. 7 and 9.
The design is used on dw dados on the walls of the nave of the church and
on she inner wall of 11w ambulatory encircling the apse. This scheme of decora
tion dates from the late eighth or the eat-h ninth eeniun-.
lit1. Vietilard-Trotekonroll’, “[‘architecture en France du temps rhe Charlemagne’,
Knrslotgtsehe Iitont, eels. W. Brauisfels -and H. Sehnitzler çDtisseldorf’, 1965), pp
336—358, at p. 353, figs. 7—9; 51. itVyss, “Enduits peints du lsaut Moyen-Age nsis
an jour a Saint-Denis”, Edtftees et peintuo’.t aux 1t7’—XJ’ siieles, Aetes du C’sllsrjae CJVR.S..
Auxerre 1992, ed. C. Sapin (Auxerre, 1994), pp. 63—69, at p. 66, fig. 4-.
ss Kohler, Die katalingisehen .l-Iiniaturen, 2. Die Hsfsehule Karls des Grsssen (Berlin,
1958), plate volume, pls. 13b, 14-b, 15b, 3437, 4852, 54, 56, 5861, 67, 69,
73—79. 83, 85, 87, 99b, 100—103, 108, 110: The Larseh Csspels, facsimile with intro
duction by W. Braunl’els (New- York, 1967), passim.
ARTISTIC PATRONAGE AND CULTURAL STRATEGIES 365
picked up earlier by scribes working on deluxe manuscripts for elite
Lombard patrons. Indeed, there is a manuscript from the mid-eighth
century, a copy of the Gospels, the Codex Beneventanus. made for
an abbot of San Vineenzo al Volturno. Ato (739—60). probably- in the
southern capital, Benevento, with the same characteristic diagonal
marbling on columns of canon tables (pl. l4). Could this feature
of Carolingian Court School practice he a borrowing from deluxe
Lombard manuscript production?
Similar connections can be seen in the painting of heads, in the
types employed by the artists of Charlemagne’s Court School; for
instance, in the Soissons Gospels (Paris, Bibl. Nat. Lat. 8850),°
e. 810, and a little later in a more advanced stage of development in
the Lorseh Gospels (Alba Julia and Rome, Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana,
Ms. Pal. Lat. 50), e. 815—820.’ The derivation from Lombard court-
style, as exemplified in the paintings in S. Salvatore at Brescia, built
and decorated under Desiderius. the last Lombard king, before 773,2
and at San Vineenzo al Volturno, around 800, is clear. n Characteristic
features of this idiom are the linear conventions used for defining
the eyes and nose and the dramatic deployment of shadows and
highlights.
Connections between Italian practice and early Carolingian man
uscript painting go farther than these points of detail. Among the
most striking artistic phenomena of early Carolingian court art are
the sumptuous manuscripts produced by the so-called Court School
ss London, British Library Add. Ms. 5463. D. Wright, “The Canon tahles of the
Codex Bencventanus and related decoration”, Dtonhnrtsn Oaks Fapers 33 (1979), pp.
137-155, fig. 7: C. Bertelli, “Codiei miniati fl-a Coti, Longohardi e Franehi”, Magisttn
Bnt-haotos. fig. 476: Koch and Thiel. 794—Karl dee Gorese in Front/net am .1mm.
p. 90, cat. LV! 19. I have arrued that this hook is unlikely to Isave been produced
at San Vincenzo itself, and is more likely to have come fi-om a seriptorinm work
ing in the milieu of the southern Lomhat-d court Mitchell, “Ariehis und die KCnsse”.
-
pp. 57—59’.
Fol. 123s- -St. Luke : Kohler. Die kainhngtsrhen iliniotaeen, 2. pI. 85.
7?
Vat. Pal. Lat. 50. fol. As- St. Luke : AShIer. Die karnhngtsrhen iliniotuosi. 2, pl.
108: The Loiseh (Sos/sels, ed. Braunfels.
72
Pana-z-za, “La ehiesa di San Salvatore in Breseia”, fig. h0l:J. Huhert,j. Poreher,
W.F. Volbaeh, Etirspe of the Innasisns (New York, 1969), fig. 131; K. Koshi, “Stodien
zu den Wandnsalei-eicn der St. Georgskit-ehe von Oberzell auf den Reiehenau (XV):
stihstisehe Beobaclstungen zur Darstellung dee Kopfe als Kriterium für die Datierungs
frage”, Bulletin sf the Fneu4y sf Fine Arts, Ts4yo .JV’atisnal Universof sf Fine Arts and Alusir,
25 (1990), pp. 3—82, fig. 49. Koshi discusses this tradition in the context of the
paintings in St. Ceorg Oberzell on the Reiehenau.
Mitchell, “The painted decoration of the early medieval monastery”, pp.
125—176, figs. 6:19—24: San Vinrenzs a! Fsltaotn, 2, ph. 3:12—15, 17, 20.
 366 JOHN MITCHELL

of Charlemagne, splendid deluxe copies of the Gospels and other

liturgical texts, designed to he displayed on the altars of major
churches throughout the realm.74 There is some evidence to suggest
that the very notion of commissioning such grand books, for which
there was little Frankish precedent before Charlemagne, may have
derived from elite Lombard practice. Around 800 certain new com
positional conventions were deployed in manuscripts which are asso
ciated with a second phase of production at the Carolingian Court
School. These appear in two of the earliest surviving examples of
this group, both probably from the first decade of the ninth cen
tury: the Gospel Book in London (London, British Library, Harley
2788) and the slightly later Gospels from Soissons. These charac
teristic new elements include a richly oramented rectangular outer
frame, enclosing the inner arched setting, and the use of curtains in
the arch (pl. l5). Similar settings are present in a slightly earlier
book, a homiliary, made between 796 and 799, for Egino, bishop
of Verona (pl. 1 6)] I would like to argue that this book is one of
the few remaining examples of a Lombard tradition of deluxe man
uscript production, seen and appreciated by Charlemagne and his
advisers, and subsequently adopted for their own purposes.77 The
Codex Beneventanus could be another earlier representative of this
Lombard tradition, made in the orbit of the southern Beneventan
court, around 750. In layout and script it imitates most successfully
a deluxe late antique Gospel Book, and its splendid canon tables are

n Kohler, Die karsloigische Miniaturen, 2; F. Mütherich, “Die Buehmalerei am Hofe

Karis des Grossen”, Karolingisehe Kunst, ed. XV. Braunfels and H. Sehnitzler (Dusseldorf, Plate 1. Deer or sheep drinking from a chalice. Fragment of a marble relief, from Cor
1965), pp. 9—53; B. Brenk, “Sehriftlichkeit und Bildlichkeit in der Hofsehule Karis teolona, first half of 8th century. Pavia, Mnsei Civici del Castello Visconteo (after A.M.
d. Gr.”, Tests e inonagine oell’alto Medioers. Settiio. di Spslets 41, 1993, pp. 631—691. Romanini, “Committenza regia e pluralismo culturale nella ‘Langobardia Major’
London Gospels, fols. 13v, 71v, 108v, 161v (Kobler, Die karohngische Miniaturen, Committenti e produzione ortistico-letterario nell’ olto Medioevo oeeidentole. Settini. di Spoleto 39
2, pls. 54, 56, 58, 60); Soissons Gospels, fols. 17v, 81v, 123v, 180x’ (ibid., pls. 81, [1991], 1, pp. 57-89, tav. XXX, fig. 39).
83, 85, 87).
Berlin, Deutsche Staatshihliothek, Ms. Phillips 1676. J. Kirchner, Beschreibeode
Veszeichnisse der IV[ioiotureo-Handschoften der preussisthen Staotshihlisthek vs Berlin. 1, Die
J3loihps-Handsrhrsften (Leipzig, 1926), pp. 6—9; J. Kirchner, “Die Heimat des Egnocodex”,
Archie für Urkuodenfsrschuog 10 (1926), pp. 112 -127; Hubert, Poreher, Volbach, Eurspe
sf the Invasions, figs. 154—155; M. Camille, “Word, text, image and the early church
fathers in the Egino Codex”, Settirn. di Spslets 41, 1993, pp. 65—94, figs. 3—6.
°
Lawrence Nees, however (in a lecture at the annual conference of the College
Art Association, in Los Angeles, in February 1999), has argued that the Egino
Codex was produced in the milieu of the Court School of Charlemagne, and that
its painted decoration is by the same hand as that of the Gospel Lectionary of
Codescalc, the earliest of the Court School manuscripts (Paris, BibI. .5/at. Your. Acq.
Lot. 1203).
 T

Plate 2. Transenna with sea-lions, from S. Maria della Pusterla, Pavia, first half of eighth
century. Pavia, Musei Civici del Castello Visconteo (after Magistra Barharitas, ed. G.P.
Carratelli [1984], fig. 166). be

11
a

V CID

be
Plate 3. Fragments of transenna. with sunken settings for coloured inlay. Pavia, first half of
8th century. Pavia, Musei Civici del Castello Visconteo (after A. Peroni. Paz’ia.Musei C’ivici del
Castello ½sconleo: Musei d’Italia —Meraviglie d’Italia [1975], fig. 88).
 U

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a

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Plate 5. Tempietto sul Clitunno, Pissignano, near Spoleto. Façade (author).

 K -H riD

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Plate 7. S. Sophia, Benevento, plan (after M. Rotili, Benevento romana e a

longobarda: l’irnmagine urbana [1986], fig. 63).
 ci

DC

ci

biD C
C
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C C
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-t biD
-d C
I
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Plate 11. S. Prassecle, Rome. mask from cornice under eaves, c. 820 (after L. Pani Ermini, La diocesi di Rorna, I. La IV regione
ecciesiastica [Corpus delia scultura altouedievale7/, 1974], pl. XXIII).

Plate 12. Marbled daclo in the ‘Vestibule’, San Vincenzo al Volturno, earl ninth century (author).
 41
3

Plate 14. Canon table, Codex Beueventanus, London, British Library, Add. Ms. 5463, fol.
flaw 13. Canon table, with diagonally marbled columns, Lorseb Gospels, Mba Julia, 4v, Benevento?, 739-760 (after D. Wright, “The canon tables of the Codex Beneventauns
Ronmania, p. 24 (afterW. Braunfels, TheLorsch Gospels [1967]). and related decoration”, Dumbarton Oaks Papers 33 [1979], pp. 137-155, fig. 7).
 I

Plate 15. St. Mark, Gospels from Soissons, Paris, Bibi. Nat. Ms. Lat. 8850, fol. 81v (after Plate 16. St. Augustine dictating. Egino Codex, Berlin, Deutsche Staatsbibliothek, Ms.
Ø,T Köhler, Die horolingischen Minioturen. 2. Die Hofsehule Korls des Grossen [1958], p1. 83). Phillips 1676, fol. 18v (after J. Hubert, J. Poreher, W.F. Volbaeh, Europe of the Invasions
[1969]. fig. 154).
 ARTISTIC PATRONAGE AND CULTURAL STRATEGIES 367

a painstakingly executed, although seriously flawed, imitation of a

sixth-century exemplar, Similar to the fragmentary set of canon tables
now preserved in the Vatican Library (Rome, Bib/b/ecu Apos/olica

Vaticana, Ms. Lat. 3806)28 These two books give a tantalizing inti
mation of the spectacular artistic production of the Lombard conrts
in this period, a production which may have set new standards for
court culture in eighth-century Europe]8

Conclusion

The “Italian Question” has bedevilled students of Carolingian art

for the best part of this century. Adolf Boeckler saw Italian models
as being critical influences on the practice of the manuscript painters
of the tenth-century Reichenau scriptorium;5° Dimitri Tselos specu
lated on an Italo-Greek tradition of painting—flourishing in some
Italian centre, possibly in Rome—which informed the artists of the
Utrecht Psalter;8’ elusive Italian archetvpes figured pcominentlv in
the rigorous Te.x1tkiitik to which Boeckler and Elizabeth Rosenbaum
subjected the miniatures of Charlemagne’s Court School manuscripts;82
and Hans Belting, in a landmark article, some thirty years ago,
analysed some of the relations between early Carolingian art and
Italian painting of the eighth and ninth centuries.83 I suspect that it

Wright (“The canon tables of the Codex Beneventanus and related decora
tion” proposed that the canon tables in this hook were a reused sixth—century set.
However. F. Dc Rnbeis has reeensly argued that they are coeval with the text and
were made in the mirl-cighth century ‘The Codex Benevensanus”, San I aeeir:s al
Co/turns, 3. The Finds from the 1980—-BC Ewaratisns, edo. J. Mitchell and t.L. Hansen
[Spoleto, forthcoming], pp. 987—1011).
In a paper read at the 18th annual Canadian Cion//reoce of Medieral Art Historians.
at Toronto. in March 1998. Thc Church of San Zeno at Bardolino and the
Cardingan Court School”, John Oshorne also identified some of the antecedents
for the Cbarlcmagncs Court School in manuscripts and wall—paintings produced in
northern Italy in the decades around 800.
80
A. Boecklcr, “Bildvorlagen der Reichenau”, eitschri/2 für Kuns4geschichte 11
(1943—1944), pp. 7—29.
D. l’selos A green—italian school ol illuminatnrs and fresco painters. The Art
Bulletin 38 )195t5 pp. 1—30. eop. p. 5.
.

A. Bocekler, Die Evangclistcnbilder der Adagruppe, ,llünchaer ]ahrboch i/er

bildenden Kunst, 3. F, 3 -4 (1952—1953), pp. 121 -144; A. Boeckler, “Die Kanonhogcn
dcr Adagruppe nnd ihre Vorlagcn”, Munehner ]ahrbuch der hildenden I/host 5 (1954),
the Ada School and their
pp. 7—22: E. Rosenhaum, “The evangelist portraits of
models’, Art Bulletin 38 1956 pp. 81-90.
.

87
H. Belting. trobleme cler Kunstgeschiuhte Italiens im Frühmiuelalter”, Fri/h—
inittelalterliehe Studien 1 (1967), PP 94—143.

368 JOHN MITCHELL
was the artistic and cultural strategies and practices of the eighth-
century courts of Lombard Italy that lay behind these Carolingian
experiments which, in their turn, laid the foundations for some of
the most dynamic subsequent artistic traditions north of the Alps.
Indeed, I would argue that in many of its aspects, early Carolingian
court art followed Italian practice, in concept as well as in detail.
This was one aspect of a wave of Italian fashion which seems to
have swept up through Europe. This is perhaps best seen at every
day level in Britain in the Middle Saxon period. The extent and
significance of the cultural debt of Anglo-Saxon England to Rome
and Italy in this period was immense and is well known.14 It ranged
from the ideas and models behind the production of deluxe illumi
nated Gospel Books for the altars of episcopal and monastic churches,
down to the forms of the bronze pins which women used to fasten
their clothing. These little pins, with delicately shaped heads, found
in their thousands on sites throughout England, are directly mod
elled on Italian forms, and bear striking witness to the extent to
which Italian fashions of dress were adopted by English women in
this period.85 The extent of English contacts with Italy in this period,
at all levels of society, is nowhere more evident than in a famous
letter of St Boniface to Cuthbert, Archbishop of Canterbury, in which
the great Anglo-Saxon missionary, who brought order to the church
in the Saxon territories east of the Rhine, thunders: it would “. . .
be well and favourable for the honour and purity of your Church
and a sure protection against vice if your synod and your princes
would forbid matrons and nuns to make their frequent journeys back
84
F. Saxl and R. Vittkower, British Art and the Mediterranean (Oxford, 1948);
D. Wright, “The Italian stimulus on English art around 700,” Stil und Uberlieferung
in der Kunst des Abendlandes. Akten des 21. intern. Kongress für Kunstgeschichte, Bonn 1964
(Berlin, 1967), PP. 84-92; R. Bruce-Mitford, “The reception by the Anglo-Saxons
of Mediterranean art following their conversion from Ireland and Rome”, La con
versione al cristianesimo nell’Europa dell’alto Aledioec’o. Settim. di Spoleto 14 (1966), pp.
797-825; R. Cramp, “The Anglo-Saxons and Rome”, Transactions of the Architectural
and Archaeological Sociefy of Durham and Vorthumberland( n.s. 3 (1974), pp. 27--38; G.M.
Porru, “I rapporti fra Italia e Inghilterra nei secoli VII e VIII,” Romanobarharica 5
(Rome, 1980), pp. 117—169; R. Cramp, “Anglo-Saxon and Italian sculpture”, Settim.
di Spoleto 32 (1984), 1, pp. 125—140. CL. Neuman de Vegvar, The .SIorthumbrian
Renaissance. A Study in the Transmission of Stjde (London and Toronto, 1987); E.O.
Carraghin, The C’iy of Rome and the World of Bede, Jarrow Lecture, 1994.
85
These bronze dress-pins and their Italian analogues have been studied and
analysed by Seamus Ross (Dress Pins from Anglo-Saxon England: Their Production and
7jypo-chronological Derelopment, unpublished PhD. dissertation, University of Oxford,
1992, Pp. 365—383).
ARTISTIC PATRONAGE ANII CULTURAL STRATEGIES 369
and forth to Rome. A great part of them perish and few keep their
virtue. There are many towns in Lombardy and Gaul where there
is not a courtesan or a harlot but is of English stock. It is a scan
dal and a disgrace to the whole Church.”86 It looks as if Anglo
Saxons may have been attracted to Italy not only by the relics of
the martyrs in Rome, but also by sophisticated southern standards
of living, by the watering holes of Pavia, by contemporary high fash
ion there, and presumably also by the food and the climate, just as
Anglo-Saxon (and other!) tourists are today. And Charlemagne
himself, for all his protestations of his love of St. Peter, was pro
bably not adverse to a little sun and some sophisticated southern
company.
In a collection of papers concerned with relations between the
town and the country in Late Antiquity and the immediate post-
Roman centuries this essay may seem out of place. However, in a
very real way the issues of urbanism and town-life and the meeting
of essentially non-urban with urban societies do underlie the pat
terns of activity described here. The urban fabric of the ancient
world seems to have survived more intact in Italy than it did in the
old Roman provinces north of the Alps. Throughout the Dark Ages
Rome continued to function as a recognizable city, her old imper
ial fabric never lost completely its symbolic value and its physical
substance, and as the scat of the bishop of Rome and of the papal
court it remained a focus of interest and deference for all of west
ern Christendom. Furthermore, the Lombard kings and ruling elite
occupied the principal old Roman cities throughout the peninsula,
and early on seem to have established their courts there. It is only
in recent years that archaeologists have begun to throw some light
on what these centres actually looked like, and their nature and
importance as truly urban settlements is still intensely debated.337
However, it does seem that patterns of settlement in Italy differed
from those north of the Alps in this period. When Franks and
Anglo-Saxons travelled to Italy they encountered societies in which
The Anglo-Saxon Missionaries in Gerrnagy, ed. C.H. Talbot (London, l98l),
p. 133.
87
Recent reviews of some of these debates are to be found in Towns in Transition,
eds. N. Christie and ST. Loseby (Aldershot, 1996); B. Ward-Perkins, “Continuitists,
catastrophists, and the towns of post-Roman northern Italy”, Papers of the British
School at Rome 65 (1997), pp. 157—176; G.P. Brogiolo and S. Gelichi, La città
nell’alto Aledioevs italiano: archeologia e storia (Ban, 1998).
370 JOHN MITCHELL
political power and Cultural production was tending more and more
to be concentrated in cities and towns. The structures, the fabric
and the cultural production of these centres offered them powerful
patterns and ideas for emulation and adoption in the context of their
own more dispersed social systems. It was the urhan idea and ameni
ties of cities like Rome and Pavia, as much as the relics of the early
Christian martyrs, which proved such tempting attractions to north
ern travellers in the age of Desiderius, Arechis, Leo and Charlemagne.
CONCLUSIONS
Nancy Gauthier
Aprés avoir scruté le devenir de l’idée de ville durant l’Antiquité
tardive et le haut Moyen-Age, notre groupe de travail s’était donné
pour tâche d’analyser l’évolution de l’autre fondement du système
antique de la ‘cite’ : Ia relation organique entre Ia ville et son ter
ritoire. Pour ce faire, nous avons progressivement déplace notre prise
de vue de l’agonie du système antique (P. Diaz, M. Fixot, G. Ripoll
J. Arce, S. Gelichi, W. Brandes J. Haldon)’ a Ia misc en place dc
—
nouvelles structures (N. Christie, G.P. Brogiolo, B. Ward-Perkins,
J. Mitchell:: en passant par le role de FEglise dont l’action pérennise
l’ancien réseau de cites tout en créant de nouveaux réseaux d’in
terdépendance çN. Gauthier, 0. Cantino Wataghin, R. Balzarctti,
M. Carob). En méme temps, nous avons muhiplié les angles d’ap
proche : institutionnel, économique. religieux, ethniquc, culturel. Pour
eviter les généralisations hasardeuses, chaque analyse a été enracinée
dans un espace ct une tranche chronologique rigoureusement deli
mites. Quelles conclusions globales se degagent de toutes ces etudes
minutieuses ?
La “oté” en moa’èle pluM qu’un sthema rzgide un?fol7nenlent appliqué
Pour analyser correctement cc qui se passe a partir du IVC siècle.
encore faut-il avoir une idec claire de la situation de depart. Et cela
conduit a prendre conscience que le modéle de la ‘cite’ antique qui
nous a scM de reference n’a jamais été universellement appliqué.
Certes, dcpuis l’Athenes de Pericles, toute personne cultivee sait trés
bien comment vit un homme civilise c’cst un homme de Ia pu/is,
qui exerce ses droits politiqucs et ses devoirs religicux en ville, dans
une ville qui tire sa subsistance du territoire environnant qu’elle
domine. Avec sa classe dirigeante de riches propriétaires fonciers,
Les noms mentionnés entre parentheses renvoient aux articles inelus dans cc
volume.
372 NANCY GAUTHIER
avec ses hers monuments publics, elle est la vitrine de la cite tout
entiére, le point vers lequel Convergent les voies de communication.
Le modéle a été perfectionné a l’époqne hellénistique, oh l’idéolo
gie civique a été inscrite dans le sol par des programmes d’urba
nisme. II a ensuite été diffuse par les Romains a l’échellc de leur
Empire, an cours des deux on trois premiers siecles de notre ére.
Pourtant, des l’époque classique, les théoriciens atheniens de la cite
s’interrogeaient car la Macédoine, a plus forte raison la Thrace en
traient mal dans leurs schémas. Dans l’immense territoire du Haut
Empire romain, la diversite était encore plus grande. En Sync, de
vastes territoires échappaient a l’emprise civique. En Egypte, c’était
la quasi-totalite du pays puisqu’il n’y avait que trois cites. Dans les
Trois Gaules on en Bretagne, l’urbanisation était embryonnaire a
l’arrivée des Romains.
Or les elites hellénisées d’Orient, romanisées d’Occident, qui out
été les principaux vecteurs de cette idéologie de la cite, sont aussi
les categories sociales qui nous out laisse le plus de témoignages de
leur activité, qu’il s’agisse de textes littéraires que les copistes médié
vaux out jugé dignes d’Ctre transmis, d’inscriptions celebrant leur
activité on de constructions en pierre defiant le temps. Devant cette
abondance relativc de documents, nous avons inconsciemment ten-
dance a majorer et le nombre des membres de cette elite roma
nisée et l’influence qu’ils ont exercée sur leurs compatriotes. La plus
on moms longue survie de la “cite” dans telle on telle region depend
certainement en partie du temps dont elle a dispose pour s’cnraciner.
Dans le centre et l’ouest de la Gaule, pour ne pas parler de la
Bretagne, on a l’impression que la “greffe” urbaine n’a pas bien pris
c’est des la fin du IL siéclc, avant quelque catastrophe que cc soit,
que lcs villes, an témoignage des archeologues, donnent des signes
d’essoufflement. Ii faut donc certainement tenir comptc du substrat
pré-grec ou pré-romain pour apprécier la part de resurgence d’un
fond “indigéne” et la part d’influcnce des envahisseurs barbares dans
la transformation du monde romain a partir de l’Antiquité tardive.
A cc titre, ce que dit ici P. Diaz des Auregenses et des Aunoneses en
Galice an temps d’Hydace alimente utilement notre réfiexion.
La situation n’est pas plus figee aux deux derniers siécles de
l’Empire qu’elle ne l’était aux dcux premiers. Durant l’Antiquite tar
dive, l’urbanisme se modifie profondément, taut en Orient qu’en
Occident. L’archéologie revele un desinteret croissant des citoyens
pour des traits essentiels de la topographic urbaine classique le
CONCLUSIONS 373
forum ou d’importants batiments publics sont laissés a l’cxtérieur des
enceintes que l’on construit alors, des constructions privées empié
tent sur les espaces publics (rues et places), les thermes et les aque
ducs cessent d’Ctre entretenus. Ces faits correspondent a un changement
idéologique majeur, indépendant de toute “decadence”.2 Dc méme,
aprés avoir été si strictement rejetés hors des villes, les morts se sont
introduits intro muros dans l’indifference générale,3 cc qui montre bien
un profond cbangement de mentalité.
En d’autres termes, si l’on refuse de faire de la cite antique un
point de depart absolu, la question se pose en ces termes : l’homo
généité, an moms apparente, de la civilisation grCco-romaine n’a-t
elle été qu’une parenthese historique, un vernis fragile que les coups
assénés par les Barbares out fait sauter, laissant a decouvert le sub
strat pré-existant, ou bien l’apport des ‘grandes invasions’ a-t-il amené
un brassage culturel d’oh sont sorties des formules nouvelles P Les
cas étudiés ici par N. Christie et G.P. Brogiolo donnent a penser
que, sun la question que nous nous sommes propose d’étudier, l’his
tome evenementielle aide plus a la comprehension des phenomenes
que l’histoire culturelle. La nouvelle geographic du peuplement, les
nouveaux réseaux d’échanges ne correspondent pas a l’importation
de schCmas mentaux propres aux Goths ou aux Lombards. Ils résul
tent d’adaptations a la conjoncture abandon de regions trop exposees,
rcgroupement de la population a l’intCnicur de points fortifies anci
ennes cites on nouveaux castro , verrous stratégiques dans les zones
frontieres (par exemple entre Lombards et Byzantins), dislocation
d’anciens réseaux ternitoniaux entre nouveaux Etats nivaux, militani
sation générale de la société. Si tout le monde s’adapte a l’insCcu
rite ambiante, les Barbarcs sont si fascines par la civilisation romaine
qu’ils en adoptent rapidement les valeurs. Alors que les villes leur
étaient au depart étrangéres, on y decele partout des traces de leur
presence, mCmc si cues ne sont pas faciles a interpreter : la décon
verte de tombes barbares prés des villes implique-t-elle que celles-ci
continuaient a remplir les mémes fonctions que les anciens chefs
lieux de cite, et dans les mfmes batiments P La réponse est affirmative
pour l’Italic lombarde du VIIL siecle (G.P. Brogiolo) alors que, pour
2
Voir N. Gauthier, “La topographie chrbtienne entre idhologie et pragmatisme”,
The Idea and Ideal nf the Tnwn between Late Antiquity and the Earlj iVIiddte-Ages, éd. G.P.
Brogieilo and B. Ward-Perkins (Leiden-Boston-Koln, 1999), pp. 195—209.
G. Cantino Wataghin, “The Ideology of Urban Burials”, ibid., pp. 147—163.
 CONCLUSIONS 375
374 NANCY GAUTHIER

Certains auteurs en ont eu pleinernent conscience. Ainsi, dans le

la période pannonienne des Lombards, les données manquent
domaine religieux, il est clair que le pouvoir episcopal, sis au cmur
(N. Christie). A Trèves et a Cologne. la continuité des lieux de pou
des villes et dont la rnainrnise s’exerce dans les limites des anciennes
voir est asscz impressionnante.4 Par delà la commodité offerte par
cites. s’inscrit dans le cadre de la continuité (P. Djaz, M. Fixot,
Fexistence dc bâtiments luxueux, ii faut sans doute invoquer une
N. Gauthier). Cependant, pour juger do la permanence de sa rèalité
fonction symholicjue, le désir de s’approprier la grandeur romaine (cf.
fonctionnelle au haut Moyen-Age, ii faudrait savoir si, comme le
B. Ward-Perkins). Toutefois, dans Ia plupart des cas, seule Ia fonc
dit G. Caritino Wataghin, Ia fondation des èglises baptismales”
tion defensive est attestéc (N. Christie). Dans le domaine rural, les
appelées a fournir le maillage des paroisses rurales “rCpond a une
preuvcs se multiplient actuellement que les harhares ont occupé les
forme quelconque de programme episcopal, on si elle ressort au prag
villae romaines, méme Si certains bâtiments ont été abandonnés ou
matisme, correspondant progressivement aux dynamiques de l’hahi
ont change de fonctions (G. Ripoll J. Arce).
—

tat”. En effet, le role initial des grands propriétaires fonciers dans la

Méme en restreignant notre horizon a l’univcrs de la cite antique
christianisation des campagnes est evident. L’Eglise les chargeait
dans sa période de fonctionnement optimal, on observe donc qu’elle
explicitement de convertir leurs dépendants et l’archéologie confirme
n’a cesse d’évoluer de l’Athènes de Périclès a la Rome du IVC siècle
le role cultuel jouè par les chapeiles construites sur leurs domaines
de notre Cre. Avec l’effondrement de l’Etat romain, le système, loin
(outre les cas analyses par G. Wataghin pour 1’Italie du Nord, cf. la
de disparaItre du jour an lendemain, Sc survit longuement quoi
villa de Fortunatus, en Tarraconaise, étudièe par G. Ripoll J. Arce,
qu’au prix d’altérations majeures. Tout ccci amène a conclure quc
ofi ce qui paraIt au depart un oratoire privè devient après le milieu
l’èlèment radicalernent neuf dans la “transformation du mondc romain”
du VC siècle une èglise haptisinalej. Pour les siècles suivants, l’étude
a partir du VC siècle. c’cst que, vu de Rome, le processus d’inté minutieuse d’une documentation archèologique pourtant abondante
gration qui était en ceuvre depuis les origines s’inverse et se mue en
pour i’Italie du Nord ne permet pas de rèpondre a cette question.
processus de desintègration.
Le seul cas exploitable est celui de Centallo, dans la province de
Cuneo. oii une èglise fondèe sur les restes d’une cilia et dotèe d’une
annexe baptismale connaIt une evolution inattendue au VI siècle
Une sjnthèse prématurée ou impossible
le dispositif baptismal est èliminé et l’èglise et ses annexes progres
sivement occupées par des inhurnations. G. \Vataghin est tentée de
Ce processus de desintCgration aboutit a un morccllernent general
rapprocher cela d’une lettre du pape Pèlage (556—561) interdisant
les circuits èconomiques sont rompus, ics territoires fragmentès, lcs
de construire des baptistéres auprès d’oratoires privès. Dans ce cas,
pouvoirs atomisès. Ce constat global, nourri par toutes les etudes ici
le possessor de Centallo se serait conformè aux directives ecclésias
rassemblées, n’est pas pour surprendre. Ii ne suffit pas a expliquer
tiques et aurait laissé a l’èvèque le soin d’organiser la pastorale hap
le sentiment de frustration ressenti par le lecteur attentif, s’il s’en
tismale dans son diocese. Mais un tel exemple isolé ne suffit pas a
trouvc, en tout cas par la rédactrice de ces lignes. La difficulté rèvèlèc
fonder une hypothèse gènèrale. L’hypothèse inverse est tout aussi
par la mise en ouvre de notre projet ne reside pas tant dans
indèmontrahle : G. Ripoll et J. Arce, qui passent en revue les exem
l’hetèrogCnéitè des rCsultats obtenus selon les lieux et les temps
tcmporaire ou definitive ? de faire parler pies les plus connus d’églises construites en utilisant los murs de had
quc dans la difficultè
aussi bien textuclies qu’archéologiqucs, ments d’anciennes viiiae, trouvent rarernent la preuve d’une utilisation
les documents. Los sources,
continue.
ne rCpondent pas aux questions que nous leur posons.
Michel Fixot egalement a souligne les difficultès qu’il rencontrait
pour determiner l’emprise de la ville sur le territoire des cites du
Sud-Est cle la Gaule, malgré l’existence pour cette region de rechercbes
A Trèves, Ia aIIe cle reception de l’empereur la hasihc1ue toujours debout novatrices sur l’organisation de l’espace, les formes de l’occupatiou
a etc incorporCe au cIiteau des archeveques-clecteurs A Cologne, le pruetsruim. rCsi
dence du gouverneur de Germanie Seconde, se trouve sous 1Hôtel de yule.
des sols, les circuits cornmcrciaux. “Dans la mesure od il est dimcile
376 NANCY GAUTHIER
de determiner des Cntéres archeologlques associant objeCtivement la
yule a un territoire et a sa campagne, ii semble difficile aussi d’iden
tiller des marques de dissolution de ces liens.” S’il croit pouvoir
noter, par exemple, que le centre portuaire de Fos s’est Cmancipé
de la tutelle d’Arles et glaner quelques informations ponctuelles ici
ou là, sa conclusion est pessimiste sur Ia possihilitC de percevoir un
jour les liens entre la cite et son territoire.
Si l’on pouvait identifier les lieux de production de la céramique
la plus communément utilisée dans chaque site, on tiendrait là un
hon marqueur. Mais ce n’est pas toujours facile. Scion M. Fixot, les
villes du Sud-Est de la Gaule “dependent alors uniquement de pctits
centres de production ruraux. trés divers semhle-t-il, difficiles d’ailleurs
a identifier.” Sauro Gelichi, quant a liii, pcrçoit surtout des niveaux
de production et de consommation. Si l’on excepte les produits de
luxe, il ne voit pas la possihilité de distinguer la production urbaine
de cclle des campagnes. Ii souligne que la commercialisation de ces
produits atteint un peu partout un nivcau d’étiage extrCmement has,
une bonne partie de la fabrication se faisant an nivean domestique,
en dehors de tout circuit de distribution. Sans courant d’Cchange
perceptible entre vllle et campagne environnante, Ic marqueur dis
parait.
De la lziérarchie spa tiale C Ia Inérarchie personnelle
La difficultC a repérer l’hinterland des villes ne provient pas seule
ment de l’insufflsance de noire documentation on de nos difficultés
a l’interpréter. Un problCme insoluble est souvent un problCme mal
pose. Ii convient donc de se demander si notre questionnement est
pertinent. J’ai insistC ailleurs5 sur l’extrCme personnalisation qui carac
tense les institutions et les mentalités du Bas-Empire. Elle ne pou
vait étre que renforcée par les apports germaniqucs, od l’edifice social
reposait sur les rapports d’homme a homme. Ii faudrait en degager
les implications pour les phénomCnes qui nous occupent.
Dans la cite classique, l’elite municipale, intimement liée a sa petite
patrie pour laquelle elle depensait et se depensait sans compter, était
l’intermédiaire ineontournable entre le pouvoir central et les popula
dons. A cc role politique ci administratif se joignait un role éeonomique.
Article cite n. 2, p. 203.
CONCLUSIONS 377
Contraircment a cc qu’on a dit parfois, la ville ne vivait pas en para
site sur son territoire, elle l’organisait, lc gCrait, faisant naitre les
richesses rurales qu’elle collectait et consommait (M. Fixot, mais
ci. contra XV. Brandes J. Haldon). Ce rOle-pivot disparait, a des
moments difTerents et selon des modalités variCes en fonction des
cireonstances mais scIon tine tendanee générale qui a partout atteint
son point d’ahoutissement an seuil de la période earolingienne.
L’analvse de cette evolution passe par celle du glissement entre
euriales et potentiores. Des le TV siècle. les notables tendent a acca
parer les ponvoirs régaliens. Les euries sont rCgies non par l’ensem
ble de Ia bourgeoisie municipale mais par les plus puissants de ses
membres, les “premiers”, auxquels se joignent les membres de la
militia eivile et militaire qui gardent des attaches (notamment farni
hales) avee leur cite d’onigine on bien qui ont obtenu ees titres a titre
fietif voir, pour l’Empire hvzantin, XV. Brandes J. Haldoni. Ceux —
là se trouvaient a la tête d’immenses propriCtCs pie leurs exactions
aeeroissaient ehaque jour. us Ctaient maitres de la levee des impOts.
us pouvaient recruter des milices de plusienrs milliers d’hommes
parmi leurs dCpendants P. DIaz). Les autres euriales ont eté la
mines. soumis a des charges indues qui leur ont fait perdre leur for
tune et letir prestige. En réalitC, Ia disparition des euries est peut-étre
surtout la consequence de la dislocation de la elasse des curiales,
dont la panic Ia plus modeste est dCpossedee et eonfondue avec les
huinthores tandis que les plus riches s’agrégent aux potentiores.6
Là on quand le pouvoir central s’affaiblissait, ees derniers ou
hliaient volontiers de reverser les impOts a I’Etat on de mettre leur
milice an service de la puissance publique. C’est cc qui se passe en
Espagne wisigothique, od les possessores s’interposent entre l’Etat et la
base, usurpant les fonetions judiciaires et fiseales (P. Diaz). Dans
l’Empire byzantin oil demenre une antorité centrale eflicace, les em
pereurs contournent la diffleulte en conrt-cireuitant les elites locales
pour approvisionner lenr trésor institution du rindex par Anastase
(491—518), pnis, a partir deJnstinien (545), prélCvement direct par
pr
les fonetionnaires impérianx tandis que l’Etat prend en charge les
fonetions édilitaires on autres assumées nagnCre par les cites, enfin,
CL l’intéressant texte de Cassiodore analyse par CL Lepelley, “La snrvie de
l’idCe de cilC répnblicaine en Italic an débnt dn VV siécle. dans un edit d’Atlsalaric
rédigC par Cassiodore ( Variae, IX, 2)”, La fin de Incite antique et Ic debut de Ia citi ,nidii
raie, de Ia fin du HF dick a l’anineinent de Charlemagne, éd. Cl. Lepelley (Ban. 1996(,
pp. 7 1—83.
378 NANCY GAUTHIER
au VIP siècle, transfert de la levee des impôts au niveau du village
(W. Brandes J. Haldon).
—
Au sein de cette classe de potentiores, ii faut mettre en exergue la
figure de l’evèque qui en est souvent issu. notamment en Gaule
(N. Gauthier), et qui, partout, joue un role qui dépasse de loin ses seules
fonctions religieuses (N. Gauthier, P. DIaz, W. Brandes —J. Haldon).
Ii faut au moms souligner son rOle judiciaire (N. Gauthier) et
économique par le biais de l’immense richesse de l’Eglise (cf. les dis
positions du concile de Mèrida de 666 rappelées par P. DIaz:. Les
rois lombards legifèrent pour reguler les transferts de proprietè
en faveur de l’Eglise car c’est l’equilihre social qui est en cause
(R. Balzaretti).
Dans ces conditions, le personnage du puissant occulte tout. Quoi
qu’en disent quelques lettrés nostalgiques, ii n’y a plus de petite patric
au scm de laquelle s’insérer convivialement, il n’y a plus de cadre
civique offrant des repéres institutionnels, ii y a seulement un patron
exercant avec plus on moms de bienveillance ou de rapacité les
formes de rackctt les plus variées en echange de sa protection. Les
liens spatiaux entre ville et territoire sont devenus des liens sociaux
entre puissants et dépendants. D’ailleurs, au IV’ siècle, l’Eglise insti
tutionnelle s’était dechargee sur les possessores du soin d’evangeliser
leurs coioizi ruraux (G. Cantino \Vataghin). La puissance de ces grands
a èvidemment une assise territoriale mais, pas plus au Bas-Empire
qu’au haut IVloyen-Age, cue ne coincide avec les territoires des cites.
Chaque grande famille a son hinterland (avec ses rnonastèrcs a par
tir du VIP siècle’). Avec le temps, la fonction s’efface toujours plus
derriere l’homrne. mème dans Ic cas de l’évèque (N. Gauthiefi.
Villibrord dispose librement en faveur de l’abhaye d’Echternach,
situèe dans le diocese de Trèves, des hiens situés en Frise qui lui
ont été donnés en tant qu’èvèquc d’Utrecht. Contrairement aux pra
tiques de l’Antiquitè tardive, celui qui fonde un rnonastère au VIP
ou au VIlL siècle le met sous l’autoritè de l’Eglise qui ‘l’a nourri’,
mème si elle se trouve a plusieurs centaines de kilométres tie là.
L’ultime recours est le patron du ciel mais, là encore. le lien avcc
Ia cite s’efface progressivement. Le culte des saints èvèques on
des martyrs locaux aux VC et VP sièclcs s’enracinait dans la con
viction qu’un compatriote prendrait plus a cceur la defense de ses
concitovens (N. Gauthier) mais, dans la grande chassc aux reli
ques qui caractèrise les IXC et X siècles, l’origine geographique
souvent lointaine des saints dont on se procure les restes par tous
CONCLUSIONS 379
les moyens n’a plus aucune importance : seul compte le nombre
(M. Caroli).
Bref, Si l’on peine a trouver la trace et les etapes de la disloca
tion des liens qui unissaient la ville a son territoire. c’est parce que
ces liens s’étaient effaces des esprits avant mème de disparaltre des
institutions. Et s’ils ont survècu un pen plus longternps dans le domaine
religieux, c’est parce que l’épiscopat est longtemps restè entre les
mains des elites les plus cultivées, qui se sentaient et se voulaient
dépositaires des prestigieuses valeurs de Ia romanité classique.
La rule, Hinterland de Ia campagne ?
Un peu partout, on percoit an fil des siècles une fragmentation des
pouvoirs qui, a cOté et donc au detriment des anciens chefs-lieux de
cites. provoque l’èmergence d’agglomerations plus petites, qui se
développent en fonction de besoins spécifiques. Les guerres de tomes
sortes amènent la multiplication des points fortifies, rèpondant a des
nècessitès de defense que la pax romana avait fait disparaItre. Les
bènCficiaires de cc processus sont les agglomerations secondaires,
par exemple les castro lomhards qui logent des garnisons harbares
G.P. Brogiolo) ou les castella espagnols qui tèrnoignent des capacités
dèfensives propres de la campagne P. Diaz. Pour assurer leur sub
sistance, ccs castra s’approprient le tcrritoire environnant au dètri
ment des anciennes cites. Les centres de production ct de distribution
se multiplient ègalement par suite de l’insècurité qui règne sur les
èchanges commcrciaux (S. Gelichi. M. Fixot). L’aire d’ernprise éco
nomiquc de la ville se restreint a ses environs, sauf dans Ic cas des
capitales. Cela vaut mème pour le commerce maritime, par
exemple dans Ic Languedoc (M. Fixot). Par consequent, Ic chef-lieu
de cite s’ètiole et son hinterland économique se rètrCcit an profit
d’agglomerations secondaires. Le rOle de la cite est aussi menace par
le haut : le pouvoir central, plus proche que dans l’immense Empire
romain. peut communiquer avec son territoire sans passer par le
relais de la ville. En Italic Ct en Espagne surtout, on se tourne facile
ment vers le roi pour régler les litiges. On a vu quc, dans l’Empirc
byzantin, le village est devenu l’unité fiscale de base au cours du
VIP siècle (XV. Brandcs J. Haldon).
Cc n’est pas sculement la multiplication d’agglomCrations minus
culcs dominant un territoirc dc plus en plus restreint qui amCne
380 NANCY GAUTHIER CONCLUSIONS 381

l’effacernent des villes. c’est aussi la ruralisation pure et simple. Les peut avoir autant de vitalité éeonomique que la large voie hordee
anciennes elites, hahituCes a partager leur temps entre nile et cam de portiques. Cependant, il n’est pas faux de parler de decadence
pagne, désertent des villes privees de leur agrément et resident désor des villes des lors qu’elles se depeuplent. que les elites n’y vivent
mais sur leurs terres en permanence.’ Les nouvelles elites harbares plus, quc leur hinterland économique se rétrécit an profit d’agglo
n’ont ni l’hahitnde ni le gofit de la vie urhaine. Seul le prestige que mérations secondaires qui prennent le relais an niveau des echanges
conserve I’Empire romain aux yeux des souverains incite les rois ger éeonomiques, qu’eiles cessent de servir d’intermediaires entre Ic pou
maniques a y étahlir le ccntre de leur pouvoir. voir central et les campagnes, notamment au niveau fiscal, que le
Du cflté de l’Eglise, l’infiuencc de la yule et de l’eveque est concur monastere local supplante l’eveque pour la pastorale rurale, que l’ar
rencée par l’émergence, puis l’influence grandissante du monachisme, mée est disseminee par petits groupes pour pouvoir étre nourrie
qui en a répudié les valeurs des le depart et dont la revendication directement par la campagne environnante sans passer par le circuit
d’autonomie, étayée par une puissance économique croissante, a été monétaire. Dans l’Empire byzantin le tournant décisif se situe an
renforcée par l’apport irlandais an VIF siècle (R. Balzaretti pour VIP siècle (W. Brandes —J. Haldon). Ailleurs, les mémes phénomenes
Bobbio, N. Gauthier). Toutefois, c’est une tendance qui peut s’in surviennent un peu plus tot, un pen plus tard, les modalités de detail
verser. Dans les regions de vieille tradition romaine, le monastCre, peuvent étre différentes, mais l’aboutissement est le méme. La renais
apprivoisé avec le temps, finira par s’établir aussi en ville et en sance des villes n’interviendra pas avant le VHF siècle en Italic
relaiera les valeurs (R. Baizaretti, J. Mitchell, M. Fixot). A partir du (cf. R. Balzaretti, J. Mitchell), plus souvent le XC siècle, voire le XE
milieu du VHF siècle dans l’Italie lomharde, de grands monastCres siècle ailleurs (WT. Brandes J. Haldon pour l’Empire hyzantin). A
—

urbains eomme Saint-Arnhroise de Milan font ravonner l’influence
de la nile sur lenrs possessions rurales, v introduisant par exemple
les pratiques des notani.
Ainsi l’evolution, presque partout (la Sync eonstitue peut-ètre
longtemps une exeeption. tend vers une ruralisation glohale : du
pouvoir. de la soeièté. de Ehahitat. \Iéme dans une region aussi pro
fondément romanisée que l’Ttalie du Nord. les villes subsistantes
sauf une eapitale comme Pavie sont plus ou moms largement
ruralisées, avec des espaces abandonnés on eultivés a l’intérieur des
murs (G.P. Brogiolo). Seul le rythme diflCre d’une region a l’autre
en fonction des vicissitudes conjonctnrelles. Ccci peut sembler une
hanalité car on le disait déjà ii y a cinquante ans, mais les spécia
listes de la ville du haut Moyen-Age, depnis une quinzaine d’années,
ont tellement insisté sur le fait qu’il ne faut pas confondre decadence
et evolution des goilts qne l’arhre, aujourd’hui, aurait peut-étre ten-
dance a cacher la foret. Certes, le modCle urhain gréco-romain n’est
pas le seul possible. Certes, nne construction en bois peut Ctre aussi
raffinée et aussi luxuense qu’un edifice de pierre. Certes, le souk
cc moment-là, les institutions de la cite seront partout tombees en
désuétude et auront mCme été offciellement abolies dans l’Empire
hvzantin par une novelle de Leon VI (886—912).
Le proeessus d’évolution se poursuit jusqu’à un point si extreme
qu’à la limite. c’est la question meme de la ville qui est posée.
Comme le dit N. Christie, “we must question whether a coherent
definition to a post-Roman ‘town’ existed”. On a assurément des
terntoires mais peut-on encore dire qu’ils s’aeticulent amour de villes ?
Selon P. DIaz, la ville est devenue “an economic appendix of the
country”. Les histoniens du haut Moyen-Age interrogent les géo
graphes sun les cnitCres qui définissent Ia vile et essaient de les adapter
a leun cas de figure. Citons-en quelques-uns parmi ceux qui sont
volontiers retenus :
— une population dense, plus nombreuse que dans les autres noyaux
de peuplement de méme époqu e;
— une rationahsation de l’espace an scm d’un tissu urbain difféneneiC,
avec des espaces et des hâtiments publics, un type d’hahitat
spéeifique

CC Cassiodore, Variae. VIII. 31. commemé par Ci. Lepellev. “En éloge nos
8
talgique de la cite classiquc dans ies ‘Variae’ de Cassiodore”. Hoot dloyen-Age. Culture, CC B. Ward—Perkins. “Urban Continuity C”, Towns in Transition. Urban Evolution
education et soriiti, etudes offertes a Picnic Richi, éd. ‘s1. Sot Paris, 1990. pp. 3-H47. N. Christie et ST. Losehy Aldershot.
in Late .-inticjuity and the &r Middle Ages. éd.
Avis un peu difl’érent de G.P. Brogiolo pour 1’Italic lornharrle (dans cc volumn. 1996, pp. 4--17.
382 NANCY GAUTHIER
— une domination forte sur Ic tcrritoire pouvoirs politique, judici
aire, religieux, eConornique
— des activités eConomiques speCifiques (CommerCe, artisanat).
On peine souvent a appliquer ces critéres aux villes de l’époque.
Certains grands monastéres sont peut-ètre aussi peoples que bien des
villes. Les spécifiCitCs du tissu urhain se réduisent a nn système défen
sif colleCtif,5 générant unc opposition entre l’espace urbain et le sub
urbium, et a des espaces de sociabilite tels que les aUto des grandes
hasiliques (encore que les grands centres de pelerinages rnraux puis
sent nvaliser sur cc point). L’emprise stir le territoire environnant
s’est, comme nous lavons vu, bien reduite sauf dans le domaine
religieux (et encorc, seulement avant l’essor du monachisme irlandais).
Enfin, les villes ne constituent pas tin pole économique.
Une certitude déconle de ces analyses. Assurément, tine yule du
haut Moyen-Age n’est pas une yule antique, mémc en déclin, et de
ce point dc vue, ii faut reconnaitre que les elites de l’Cpoquc nous
ont longtemps trompCs. Dans l’Empire byzantin dcs VIP—Mill’
sieclcs, les sources littéraires appellent polis tout siege episcopal alors
que les seules “villes” an sens actuci sont Constantinople (WI. Brandes
J. Haldon, B. Ward-Perkins). Thessalonique, Ephése, Nicéc et Trébi
zondei° Si Milan est incontestablement une yule, Castclseprio, avec
les 800 m de circonfercnce de son enceinte, ses douze maisons et
son eglise, a droit au mCme titre aux yeux des contemporains.
Peut-étre ne serait-il pas faux d’admcttre que Ia façon dont une
Cpoque se perçoit a autant de valeur que la façon dont elle vit rCelle
CE C. Dagron, “Les silles dans l’Ulyricnm protohyzantm”, Villes et peupleiaent
dons I’Illjricsm prolobjzaotsn (Collection de 1’Ecole française de Rome 77, Rome-Paris,
I 984. p. 6 l’antenr estime qne, ponr les villes de l’Illyricnns oriental. ‘la demo-
graphic cC trop deficitaire on trop finctnante poor étre prise en compte, sinon se
condan-ement Ic senl critére constant est celni de Ia defense, ecu-a-dire I’existencc
de mnrailles. On pent considérer comme boorg on yule tonte enceinte permenant
Ic regronpement d’nne popnlation. qn’elle soit citadine on rnrale par son mode de
vie, nomhrense on non, rassemblée occasionnellement on en permanence, ponnne
on non d’institntions mnnieipales.” En revanche, dans “d’antres regions de l’Empire
oil la popnlation sen mienx maintenne (Syde, Cilicie et mCme Thrace)”, “on pent
reconnaitre no echelon intermCdiaire, celni de honrgades rnrales parfots pins pen
plCes qne les anciennes cites, riches don artisanat prospére. de penplement et de
cnltnre sonvcnt indigCnes”. Dc telles definitions a géomêtrie yariahle ont le mCrite
de coller an terrain mais n’aident pas a clarifier Ic dChat gCnéraL
5
W.W. Brandes, “Byzantine Cities in the seventh and eighth centnriev—Different
sonrces. different lnstortes 7”. The idea and ideal of the Thins. p. 25.
C.P. Brogiolo. “Ideas of the Town in Italy dnring the Transition from Antiqnit
to the Middle Ages”, ibid., p. 99.
CONCLUSIONS 383
ment et que, si les hommes du haut Moyen-Age se croyaient ton
jours dans Ic système de Ia cite antique, en un sens, ils y étaient
réellement, comme s’il existait une espéce d”effet placebo’ culturel.t2
Mais le raisonnement est vicie par le fait que nous ignorons tout de
la façon dont les masses (90% ? 990/a de la population ?) percevaient
le monde oO elles vivaient. On pent penser qu’elles ne partageaient
pas forcément les illusions de l’elite hellenisee ou romanisée dans la
mesure od elles n’en auraient tire aucun avantage en termes de profit
ou d’image.
Ii faut. en tout cas, changer d’echelle. Tours an haut )vloyen-Age
est incontestablement une yule l’urbs Martini comme dit Paulin de
Périgueuxt5 et mème une trés grande ville religieuse a partir du
VP siecle, alors qu’aprés x’ingt ans de fouilles assidues, les archeo
logues peinent a en retrouver la trace dans le sol. Dorestad est peut
étre Ic plus grand centre économique de l’Occident au MIll5 siècle,
et les archéologues qui l’ont minutieusement misc an jour ne yoient
pas la possibilite d’y loger plus de 1000 a 2000 habitants. Sauf,
encore une fois, quelques exceptions, la ville du haut Moyen-Age
nous paraitrait aujourd’hui un village, par sa faible population, la
—
proportion de ses habitants qui xdvent de l’agriculture, et sans doute
bien d’autres caracteristiqucs. Ce qui fait la yille an haut Moyen
Age, c’est peut-ètre l’existence d’une fonction lui assurant un rayon
nement a longue distance dons cette fonction-Id indépendamment de
tout Ic reste fonction religieuse pour one yule de pélerinage comme
Tours, fonction commerciale pour un port comme Dorestad, fonc
tion politique pour une capitale, etc. A one échelle plus modeste, la
fonction religieuse suffit a assurer la survie d’une x’ille dotee d’un
siege episcopal (cf. l’énorme proportion de Ia superficie de Cenéve
occupée par Ic groupe episcopal et ses annexes). Ia fonction militaire
a assurer Ia promotion d’un castruin dote d’une garnison (Italic du
Nord on Empire byzantin). Par cette fonction, de telles agglomCra
tions sont veritahlement urhaines, si l’on entend par Ia qu’elles accé
dent a un ni’eau d’echange regional on snpra-régional. Mais ces
“fonctions nrbaines sans yule” sont a la merci d’un aléa qni peut
tout a coup rayer un nom de Ia carte.
2
Cf. N. Chdstie dans cc volnme, S propos des villes dannbiennes attribnCes anx
Lomhards par,Jnstsnien “Perlsaps sse cats stew them as ‘nomitsal’ tossns. or merely
towns in the eyes of incomcrs/inhahitants”.
3
Vita s. Martins epsscops, V, 295, éd. M. Petschenig. CSEL 16, p. 117.
384 NANCY GAUTI-JIER
La recherche de nouveaux équilibres
Dans le réseau infiniment complexe des interactions de tous ordres
qui modiflent la relation villes-terrritoires, ii est presque impossible
de distinguer les causes ties consequences. On peut avoir le senti
ment que Ic déclin démographique entraine le déclin des villes et le
changement des circuits économiques, ou au contraire que c’est le
bouleversement des structures économiques ou autrcs qui entraine
la baisse du niveau de peuplement. La question de savoir si e’est a
Ia modification du role de 1’Etat ou a celle des situations locales
qu’il faut attribuer l’impact majeur peut aussi alimenter des discus
sions sans fin. Pour que de tels mouvements prennent une amplcur
significative, il faut sans doute qu’il y ait interaction entre plusicurs
des phénoménes considérés. l’nn renforçant l’antre et réciproque
ment. A cela s’ajoute la difficulté d’interpréter des sources qui ne
s’accordent pas. En dépouillant les textes littéraircs, on peut étre
surtout frappé par le dvnamisme des villcs. la presence de riches
elites, la sun-ivance du régime municipal jusqu’au milieu du VIE
siCcle. Alors l’archéologue demande “mais ces elites urbaines, oO
vivaient-ellcs, on sont leurs maisons ?“.
Devant cette dislocation anarchique des liens qui unissaient chaque
ville a un territoire bien defini, des tentatives trés diflbrentes de recons
truction out vu le jour. En Orient, la mainmise tentaculaire de
Constantinople a progressivernent éliminé tout relais urhain : e’est a
Constantinople que les elites. désormais. sinvestissent socialement et
flnanciérement, et non plus dans les cites provinciales. Le “territoire
idéologique” de la eapitale byzantine setend d’ailleurs hien au dela
des fi’ontiéres de l’Empire, jusqu’a la Gaule de Clovis et des rois
merovingiens, jusqu’à Ia Rome papale et aux autres capitales de
la péninsule italienne, jusqu’a Aix-la-Chapelle avec Charlemagne
(B. Ward-Perkins). En Occident, au contraire, on assiste a un émiette
ment des centres de pouvoir, a la notable exception du dornaine
religieux oO Rome met en place les rouages d’une lente ascension
qui ne trouvera son p1cm aehévement qu’au coneile de Vatican I.
Cela montre que differents modéles pouvaient paraitre viahles. En
Italic méme. on pourtant un art raffine continue a s’enraciner clans
les formules déeoratives et arehiteeturales mises an point par l’an
cienne Rome (J. Mitchell), on voit hien tout cc qui sépare les rois
goths soueieux de se couler dans le moule romain des rois lomhards
CONCLUSIONS 385
beaucoup plus novateurs, s’affranehissant du poids de valeurs qui ne
sont pas les leurs.”
S’il y a une unite du haut Moyen-Age, elle reside dans l’inco
herenee méme des tentatives mises en cruvre ponr faire émerger un
nouvel ordre des décombres de l’Empire romain, dans cc foison
nement d’initiatives concurrentes, dans cc rnouvement frénétique
d’élites déhoussolees tirant S hue et a dia. Le régime de la cite se des
agrége par eloisonnement en miero-territoires. par fragmentation
aussi des elites en eatégories soeiales fonctionnant it des échelles
différentes. Ti existe desormais différents hinterlands (administratif,
éeonomique, militaire, culturel, religieux) dont les espaees ne coin
cident pas forcement. En mCme temps, des processus de recompo
sition sont a l’uvre : de nouvelles relations commerciales voient le
jour, centrécs sur la Mer du Nord autant que sur la MCditerrranee.
les pélerinages et ies missions créent de nouveaux liens entre regions
eloignees, de nouvelles solidarites se créent, au scm du monde mo
nastique par exemple. On assiste a de multiples essais disperses de
mises en forme politiques, sociales, eulturelles. Dans cette perspective,
i’Empire carohngien ne représente nullement un aboutissement mais
un essai parmi d’autres et seul le système féodal, aprés l’an Mil,
assurera des bases relativement stables au consensus social.
B//an
Replacee dans un cadre plus général, la cite antique apparait an
fond comme un système de fonctionnement relativement court et
d’extension limitee. Dans le monde celtique comine an haut Moyen
Age, Ic pouvoir et l’activite Cconomique sont plutOt a Ia campagne.
La yule du haut Moyen-Age, e’est surtout l’illusion de la ville dans
un monde de non-yule. Ce ne sont pas les faits, c’est le modele qui a
en la vie dure, par le biais de la pérennité de la litterature classique.
Les clercs ont tenu le concept de yule a bout de bras, eontre tonte
é\’idenee. \Iais eette idée pure a joué un rOle majeur a l’heurc de
Ia resurgence dti phénomene urhain, tant clans les valeurs dont se
sont réclamés les nouveaux citadins qne dans la localisation mème
‘4
G.P. Brogiolo. “Ideas of the ‘town in ttaly dnring the Transidon”, pp. 99-126.
386 NANCY GAUTHIER

des nouveaux centres en continuité avec les anciens chefs-lieux de

cite. Nous-mémes, de renaissance carolingienne en renaissance
humaniste, nous en sommes toujours au méme point : implicitement INDEX
persuades, sans toujours en avoir conscience, que le modèle de la
yule est le meilleur, que le progrés de la civilisation va forcément
Aachen—Aix-la-Chapelle, Anatolia 152
de pair avec le mouvement vers l’urbanisation. Et nous en avons Charlemagne’s hall 335, 336—41, .-lnaunt, Anaunza 213
persuade le reste du monde. 362, 384 Ancyra 157
Abbo, Bishop of Metz 201 Andrew, Saint 327
Acacius 327 Angers, Council of 189
Acs 279 Angilbert II, Archbishop of Milan
actores 34 246, 264
adaeratio 155 Anglo-Saxons 268, 270, 291, 348, 369
Adalgiselus, dux 200 Aniane 58
Adaloald, Lombard king 236—8, 330 Anicii 196
Adige, river 213, 302, 307 Annales Crbeienses 264
Aegean 118. 151 annona 67, 154—5, 159, 278, 317
Agapitus, Pope 176 Ansbertus, Bishop of Rouen 200
Agde 47 Ansprand, Lombard king 241
Council of 189 Anthcmius. Emperor 18, 39
ager 3 Anthony. Monk of Lérins 229
Agericus, Bishop of Verdun 42, 191 Antioch 112. 151. 326, 327
Agilulf Lombard king 234, 238, 253. Antiocheia 146
303. 309. 311. 330 Antoninus of Mérida 17
diplomas of 236—7 Aosta 226—7, 318
Agnellus 333 apaiiftftis 154
Agnes, Abbess of Poitiers 179 Apameia 67, 146
Agricola, Emperor Avitus’ son 196, Aper. Sidonius’ friend 41
198 Apollinaris. Bishop of Clermont 196
Aistulf, Lombard king 250—1, 315 Apollinaris. Bishop of Valence 196
Aix-la-Chapelle see Aachen apothfke’ 164—7
Aix-en-Provence 45. 47. 60 Apt France 50. 58
Alans 103. 278, 281 Apulia 75
Alaric, Visigothic king 278 Jquae Celenis 16
Breviary of 57 .4quae Flariae 14, 16
Albenga 47, 55, 229 Aquileia 210, 229
Albintimilium 313 cemeteries 318
Alboin, Lombard king 305, 311 diocese of 214
Alemanni 282 Aquincum 277, 280, 282
Alessandria (Italy) 217, 220 Aquitaine 54, 57, 60, 241
Alexander, Martyr 213 Aquitania 86
Translaith of s. 264 .4quitania Secunda 102
Alexandria 151, 166, 326, 327 Arabs 9
Alfonso 111. Asturian king 114 conquests 147, 162
A1-Mutawakkil. Abbasid caliph 342 geographers 167
Alps 46, 58. 213. 302—5, 310 palaces 107, 341—5
Altino 307, 309 Arcadius, Bishop of Bourges 196
Ambrose. Bishop of Milan 10, 27. Ardennes France 177—8
210. 211, 215. 229 .4 regenses montes Spain 20
Amida 167 Argens. Valley of France’ 50
Ampurias 11 Argohast 195
Anastasioupohs. city of Galatia 157 argrrikfn 154
Anastasios I, Emperor 144. 160, 377 Ariberto of Intimiano 219
388 INDEX tNDEX 389

Arichis II, Lombard duke 352—8, Autun 53 Braga 11, 16—17 337—8, 347, 351, 354, 359, 361-2
362, 370 monastic xenodoc/iiuin 180 Council of 20, 31 pavements 354
Arif 146 Auxcric 44 Brescia 240, 242, 246, 310—7 peristyles 72, 75, 91
Arigausus, Abbot 242 Avars 281, 285, 292, 302 basilica 314—6 porticoes 331, 360
Aripert II, Lombard king 241, 255 At’itacus 43 cap ito/thin 314 screens 348—9
4nsitum (Gaub 47 Avitus, Bishop of Vienne 196 cathedral 314 tab/mum 358
aristocracies 14, 21, 109, 195—9, 202. Avitus. Emperor 195—6 cemetenes/nccropoli 3 14-5, 3 18—9 trichora haIls 91
See also poti’ntiores and possessores Azaum 279 churches 312 Inc/mm 331. 340—1. 360—1
Aries 7. 39—10. 44—5, 47—9. 5H3. craft acuvitv 315—7, 323 towers 88. 278, 306. 331
57. 60. 187—8. 210. 376 Baduarius 303 cloiiius 3 1 4 vaulting 350, 352
Bishops of 187. 197 Backs 11 clucal palace 313 walkways 339
Council of 178, 189 Baetica 1 1 pi.ccopwm 313 wall-painting 347
Sis. Pierre et Paul. monastery of Baghdad 341—2. 345 fbrtiuications 314 water pipes 72
180 Baldericus. Bishop of Utrecht 272 fbrurn 3 14—5 Buja Italy 228
Armentarius. Bishop of Langres 197 Balkans 1 51 housing 314 Bulgars 291
Arnulfus. Bishop of Metz 199. 200 castra I 43 S. Salvatorc. monastery of 235. biirgi 43. 97. 283
Arogno 247 de—urhanisation 115 210. 242-3. 255. 315, 319—50, 365 Burgundy 53, 241
Arrahona 279 pottery 118 suburbs 319 burial evidence 38, 279, 282
Arsago 321 towns 118 lean-c 311—5 cerneteries/necropoli iimetiires/
Arvernes 41—2 Barhegal France 52 Brescello 306 n/crops/es. 43. 84. 88—94, 96 9.
Arvkanda 146 Barcelona JO—i Bretagne 54. 372. See also Britain 103. 217, 221, 277. 281, 284,
AsSn Huesca. monastery of 33 Barrow Hills 97—9 Bngetio 279. 280 288—91. 295. 318—22
Asia Minor 151. 327 Barton Court Farm 97. 99 burial evidence 282 epitaphs 319
castro 113 Basina 180 Britain—Bretagne- Britannia 54. 85. 101, funerarv hasilicas/churches 47. 219,
cities 148. 152. 162 Batae’is-Passau 283 109. 275, 285—6. 294. 296. 372 319, 364
Persian raiding 147 Bathildis 200 Brugnato. monastery of 239 funerarv inscriptions 21 7 20
pottery 118 Bavarians/ Ba1 uvars 302, 304 Brunhild—Brunehaul.\le rovingian queen fisnerarv rituals 232
towns 148. 275 Bedizzole Italy 227 180. 184 gravegoocls 281, 299. 301. 318
Asidona 212 Bela 77 Bruno, Bishop of Cologne 272 infant/child burials 92
Aspidius 20-1 Bellinzona 321 buildings: structural elements of, inhtimations 77, 80—1, 83, 89, 94.
Asti 310 Bellunesc 301 See also churches and construction 225. 319—20, 375
Astigi 11 Benevento. duchy of 3334, 347, 357, materials intramtiral burials 279. 373
Astolphus. King 234 365 asses 331, 360—1 matisolea 83. 219—22, 232
Astorga 16—7 cOdas nova 352 areading 338 sarcophagi 217
Asturias 123 S. Sophia 352—3, 355, 362 arches 355 tombs 80, 89. 91. 187, 220—3. 230,
Asturica 13 Bergamo 240, 243, 216, 310 atria 95, 382 318—22. 373
Athanasius, Bishop of Alexandria 210 cemeteries 319 capitals 103, 352, 363 warrior burials/weapon graves 282,
Athens 326—7, 371, 374 Berre 51 ce//ac 357 304, 319
agora 67 Bertefredus 191 colonnettes 349 Byzantines 22. 302--3. 311, 373
Attica 118 Bertrand, Bishop of Bordeaux 199 columns 327, 338, 340, 352, 363 army 150—1, 153
Attila, Hunnic king 280—1 Bertrand, Bishop of Le Mans 86, 199 corridors 77 Church 169, 291
Auhertus, Saint 273 Bertulfus 181 clados 363 -4 clergy 291
Audentia 196 Besson 43 domes 338 economy 152—3
Audoenus, Bishop of Rouen 200—1 BOziers 47, 178—9 doors 331 Empire 1, 167-8, 377, 381—2, 383
Augustine, saint 65, 229 Bilbilis 10 fana 81 Gothic War 302, 304, 306
Aunoneses 15, 372 Bohbio, monastery of 181, 232, 234, friezes 361 Italy 302-6
Atsregenses 15, 372 236—41, 243, 249, 252 galleries 338-9 pottery 135
Aurelianus, Bishop of Arles 197 Bologna 229, 308 gatehouses 360 provincial governors 170 1
aurum coronarium 155 Bonitus. l’ita of s. 262 hearths 74, 93 society 148
Ausonius 10, 39, 40, 42, 45, 49, 60, Bordeaux 39, 45 onp/uvia 95 taxes/taxation 141--I 72
83 Borgo d’Alc 321—2 inscriptions 103, 354—5, 357 towns 150—1, 169, 172
Auspicius, Bishop of Toul 195 Borgomasino 321 intradosses 355 villages 148, 379
Austrasia 200 Osaka 155 mortar floors 220 Byzantion—Bvzantium—By:ance see
Authari, Loinbard king 309 Bracara 13 mosaics 72, 75, 77, 91, 103—4, Constantinople
390 INDEX INDEX 391

Cabasse 50 335—4l, 358, 369—70, 384 34, 47, 74, 175, 177—8, 182—7, naves 77, 220, 223, 350
Caesarea Maritima 146 court and palace schools 364—7 189, 194, 210, 378 nunneries 241, 255
Gaesaraugusta 14 palaces 360—7 dioceses 8, 13, 23, 27, 30, 32, 38, oratories 77, 110, 177, 222—4, 231,
(Siesaraugustana regis 1 7 Charles Martel 200, 202 40, 47, 55—8, 111, 186—7, 201—3, 243, 351—2, 359, 362, 375. See
Caesarius—Césairp. Bishop of Aries 44. Chartres I France( 185 209—34, 325, 375, 378 also chapels
52. 55. 57. 176. 180. 188, 194—5. Chateaudun France’: 185 episcopal residences 224 porches 355
197. 242 Cherson 147 episcopal tribunals 188—90 wall paintings 85
Calavon. Valley of 50 Childehert I, Merovingian king 60, episcopal sees 8. 13, 16, 46—8, windows 364
Calderara di Reno Jtalv. villa of 72 87, 180, 183, 185, 190 382—3 xenedochia 250
Callagurris 10 Childebert II. Merovmgian king 303 missionaries 216, 234, 368 Cilicia 146
Calvisano 3212 Childeric II, Merovingian king 51 monasticism 229—34, 380, 382 Cimiez (France) 48
Camargue (France( 52 Chilperic 1, Merovingian king 180, parishes—parochiae 110—1, 175, 177, cimetiires, see Burial, cemeteries
Cambrai (France) 273 183—5, 190, 199 209—34, 375, 381 cites, see cwitates, towns
C’arnpania, villas of 100 Chlodulfus, Bishop of Metz 199 popes 359—61 Githarzsta, Galhc bishopric 55
Campione, monasterium of 244—8. 255 Chlothar I, Merovingian king 182, priests (presby1er 26. 30, 178, 210, Cittanova 307—8
Cantaber 18—9 184 243 Cividale (Italy) 307
Cantabria 2V2 Chlothar II, Merovingian king 184, properties 267, 100, 107—11 necropoh 319—20
cappella palo/inn 274 200—1 churches. See also Buildings and S. Maria in Valle 320, 350—1, 362
Capua 333—4 Chlothar III. \Ierovingian king 51 construction materials ciritates 7, 8, 13—7, 54. 93. 102, 144,
Carcassonne France’ 47 chorae 3 abbeys 50—1, 58, 88. 180—1, 154. 156, 213. 283, 294. 300. 325.
Carignano 321 chôrza 149 259—74 Also see towns and poleis
Carnuntum 279 Chrodegang. Bishop of Nletz 200 altars 77, 222 Classe Italy 318
Carolingians 335. 347—8. 385 Chrodieldis 180 ambos/screens 349 Claudius 191
Carranque 65 Chrodohertus, Bishop of Paris 200 ambulatories 224 Claudius Postumus Darclanus 97
Carpentras (France), Council of 177 Chromatius, Bishop of Aquileia 211 annexes 220, 223 Clermont 42, 112, 183, 195, 198, 262
Carthage 105 clgysargvron 160—1 apses 77, 83, 220—4, 230, 354, Council of 194
Cassiodorus 7 Chunibertus, Bishop of Cologne 200 357, 362 Clitunno, Tempietto 351
casale 64—5 Church 2, 8, 30, 60, 67, 107—9, 148, baptisteries/baptismal churches 55, Clovis, Frankish king 184, 197,
Cassianus, Monk of Marseille 229 156, 186, 193, 199, 201—3, 209—34, 77. 81, 86, 110, 220, 224—29, 375 329—30, 335. 384
Castelgrande 321 281, 283, 293—4, 325, 369, 375, baptismal fonts 224, 280 coemptio/sjnfne 155, 159
castelia/castelh 8, 13—5, 21, 43, 47. 65, 378, 380 hasilicas 177, 199. 227. 237, coinage 70, 152—3, 161, 279, 335
102. 289—90. 379. See also forts Alexandrian 166 242—3. 248. 254, 280. 282. 349. hoards 74, 282
Castellane France 48 abbesses 179, 180. 242. 255 351. 356—7, 359. 361 csllatio lust,alis 160
Castelseprio Italy: 228, 305, 382 abbots 109, 180—1, 242, 250. 255, 273 cathedrals 43, 11, 55, 175. 314 Colic di Zuca, church of 227
Castione 321 archbishops 242, 246 cello incinoria 80, 246 Cologne Germany 374
castro 13—15. 22, 44. 47. 51, 59. 93. archdeacons 181 chancels 77 Cologno al Serio 323
97, 142, 185, 290, 308, 322, 373. Arians 109, 292 chapels 74, 80, 85, 1013, 111, 179, co/oni 65, 68, 113, 378
379, 383. See also forts Bishoprics—éoêchis 112, 150, 277, 219, 220, 226, 229, 232, 277, 283, Columbanus 234, 236—7
Cauca 16 283, 307 335—6, 338—41, 350—2, 354, 375 Columella 64
Cavalaire, villa of (France) 95 bishops—érfques 16, 17, 21, 23—4, choirs 220 Comacchio 227, 311
Cavour 218 26, 30, 32, 34—5, 41—2, 44, 54, ciboria 77, 349—50 Comagenis 287
Cenada 307 57, 59—60, 75, 86—7, 156-7, crypts 77, 357-8. 364 comes 23, 34, 266, 283. See counts
Centallo (Italy) 224, 375 169—70, 173—207, 209—34, 236, cupolas 362 comites commerciorumn/kommerkiarisi 1 63—4,
Cercadilla, palace of 107 241—2, 250, 272—4. 290, 292, dados 357—8 168
Censv. abbey of France( 87 325, 378, 380—1 piscopia 359 comttti a sacrarumn lamgthonuni 144. 163.
Ceiredaiiuni 241 C hristianisation 29. 31, 55—6. hermitages 283 168
Cesano Boscone (Italy, 228 209—34, 259. 321 locuS 77 conimittentes 266. 273
Chaine de l’Etoile 50 Christianity 6, 23. 147. 249, 269, mar/dna 77 Como, Lake 219, 22. 230. 246—7.
Chalon 185 296. 345 mnausolea 85. 220. 330 303
Charente. river 50 clergy 169, 175. 176, 186, 222. monasteries nionasterma, 2, 24—5. 29. Complutum 11
Charibertus, Merovingian king 180 226, 229, 236, 255 3 1-2, 35, 44, 57. 58, 80, 83, 86-8, compulsor 154
Charimeris, Bishop of Verdun 200 clerks 178—9, 214, 291 108—10, 176, 178—83, 201—3, Concordia(Italy) 233, 309, 317
Charlemagne, Carolingian king, conversions 107 229—57, 259—74, 283, 305, 314—5, Conimbriga 11, 16—9
emperor 2, 199, 230, 242, 251, councils 19—21, 23, 25—7, 30—1, 349, 352, 356—9, 378, 380—2 Consentius 65
392
Constantine I, Emperor 108. 160,
326—7
Constantine III, Emperor 182
Constantine Porphyrogenitus 335
Constantinople 2, 39, 142, 147,
150—1. 170, 212, 325-45, 342—3,
345, 350, 382, 384
Byzantine palace 360
Chalkë Gate 331. 339
(Jhrusa Palm Go1den Gates 334
columns 326
decanneacubita 331
exchange 151
Great Church Hagia Sophia
327—9, 338—9, 353
Hippodrome 326
prap’ctus urbi 326
pottery 118. 135—6. 138
Senate 325
St. Euphemia 350
St. Polveuktos 349—50
Theodosian obelisk 326—9
Constantius. Emperor 102
Constantius II. Emperor 327
Constantius. Bishop of Faenza 210
construction matenals
bronze 331. 335
gilding 354—5
glass 354
glass paste 349
marble 325, 327, 329. 335. 338,
340, 360, 364
opus sectile 91, 354
opus s)gninunt 72
porphyry 327, 331, 338, 354. 360
serpentine 354
spolia 306. 351, 359
stone 349. 380
stucco-work 341, 349, 351
timber 380
(Jsntionacutn 33
conrentus pub/icus i’icinorum 1 5
Cora de Tuclmir
pottery 115, 117, 120, 122—3, 137
Corhie, abbey of 51, 58, 268
COrdoha (Spain) 11, 21—3
Corinth (Greece) 118, 326 7
corrector 4
Corre della Torre 33
Corteolona 348
Corvey, abbey of (Germany) 267—70
counts 60, 190, 237. See also comes
Crau (France) 52
Cremona (Italy) 302. 306—7, 317, 320
INDEX INDEX 393
Crete, towns of 147 Einhard 271 Fortunatus (Venantius) see Venantius
Crispinus, Bishop of Padua 210 Eligius. Bishop of Noyon 181, 201 Fos (France( 51, 52. 58. 376
Croix-clu-Sud, villa of (France) 95 elites 2. 3, 6—7. 21. 38, 45, 69, 105. Fraga — Huesca (Spain(
Crypta Balbi 130—1 136, 148, 154—8, 197, 199, 201, Franco-Thuringians 291
Cueufate, Saint 80 293, 347, 372, 380. 382, 384—5 Franks 47—8, 53, 58, 201. 270, 302,
Cuneo 224, 375 FIne 47 306. 308, 311, 335, 369
Cuninepert, Lombard king 253 Elvira, Council of 30 kings 184. 384
curator rei pub/icae 4, 8. 60 Emtlia 309 nobility 103, 202
Cureggto 227—8 Emertia Spain 11 France. Francta 117, 243. See also
curia/es 144. 155—6. 169. 377 Emertus. Bishop of Saintes 184 Ga//ta. Gaul
rariae 47. 18. 145. 155—6. 377 Emilianus. Bishop of Vercelli 211 Fredegund—Fridgondc..\ lerovingian
curcus pubhcm 1 55 e?iip/teasn 1 56 queen 183—4
Cyprus 166 Ennodius, Bishop of Pavia 229 Frbjus 50. 52
Epaone France. Council of 47. 189 Bishop of 178
Dagohert. \Ierovingian king 200 eparchs 170 Frisia 54. 378
Danube. river 276—8. 280, 282—3, Ephesus/Ephise 67. 147. 157. 326—7. Friuli 304, 309. 350
287, 289—90. 303 382 Fulda. abbey of 268
Dardanus (Claudius PostumusF. epitirêtCs 14
Praeorian prefect of Gaul 97 Espagne. Sec Hopama, Spain Gaidulf. Duke of Bergamo 303
Dark Ages’ 296 Este 306 Gatseric. Vandal king 105
Dassargues 50 Etang de l’Or 51 Galatia 157
ti//a ,-lelacianicas 114 Eucherius. Bishop of Lyon 196. 239 Gal/ia 22. 97. 99. 113. 114
clecurio 7. 169 Eulronius. Bishop of Tours 197 c;ailia ,Varhonensrs 112
c/eji’nsor cwztahs 8. 60 Eugenius. Emperor 195 Galicia/Ga//aecia 12—5. 17. 20, 372
Demenius ,lliracz,la of s. 169—70
. Eugippius 2824. 294 Galliano 219
Dcnia 10 Eulalia 25 Gal/maria. island 229
Desenzario, villa of 89—90. 92 Euphrates. river 303 Gallus. Bishop of Clermont 183, 197,
Desiclenus, Lombard king 231. 255. Euric. Visigothic king 182. 198 199
315. 349. 352, 365, 370 Eusebius, Bishop of Vercelli 210, 225, Gap 47, 53
Desiderius Dtther), Bishop of Cahors 229 Garda, Lake 100. 213—4, 220
201 cractor/exaktôr 8, 14, 154 Gargarias, Gallic bishopric 55
Deux-Jumeaux, villa of (France) 87 Exoctus, Bishop of’ Limoges 194 Garlate 221
Digne France) 47 Epeditio Persica 158—60 gastalds 309
Dijon France) 41 Gaucericus, Saint 273
Dinamius 60 Farlb, monastery of 241 Gauderio. monarhus 241
Dioclettan, Emperor 6, 154 Faro, Bishop of Meaux 199 Gaul 2, 13, 17. 31. 37-61, 173—207,
(1(1/ia 72 Faronides 199 273, 384. See also Gal/ia, France
domina 77 Farianis 283 aristocracy 11 2
clominus 34, 69, 113 Felix, Prefect 198 bishops 173-207, 378
Dorestad 383 Fcnekpuszta (Valcum) 278—9, 295 towns 275, 372. 375—6
Dovera 320 burials 292 pottery 124—5, 136—7
Draguignan (F’rance) 55 housing 282, 292 Gelasius, Pope 75, 103, 221—2, 225—6
Dumio 27 Fera, Rugian king 283 Genebaudus, Bishop of Laon 197
Ferrara 308 Genesius, Trans/atio et miracula of saint
Eberulfus 191 Ferreolus, c/arissimus vir 1 98 266
Ebroin 201 Finale Ligure 228 Geneva 83, 383
Echternach, villa of 87, 103 Flavus, Bishop of Chalon 200 Genoa 217, 236, 239
monastery of 202—3, 378 Florence 266 George of Pisidia 153, 160
Egiclius. Bishop of Rcims 190 Fhirentirts, Bishop of Geneva 197 Gepids 289, 291, 295
Egino, Bishop of Verona 366 Fornovi S. Giovanni 320, 323 Gerasa 146
Egypt 107, 327, 372 forts/citadels 87, 97, 277, 279—80, Germanus, Bishop of Paris 179
papyri 154 283, 287. 293-5, 299—323. See also Germania 275
pottery 117, 134 cat/ra and caste//a Germanic peoples 102, 199, 285
taxes 161 Fortunatianus, Bishop of Aquilcia 214 invasions of 14, 23
394 INDEX INDEX 395

Gesta episroporzon Gameracensioos 273 hsosrati 40, 112 Joho Lydus 156 Liber diamas 222
Gijón 11 Hoooratus—Hsnsrat, Bishop of Arles Joho of Biclar, Chronicle of 20—2 Liber Psntjflcalis 67, 108, 331, 340
Gisay-la-Coudre, villa of 89 44, 195, 197—8 John VII, Pope 359 Libyans 105
Glandéves (France) 47 Hooorius, Emperor 39, 49 John the Almsgiver, Vita of 167 Liguria 217, 232
Goodegiselus, Bishop of Bordeaox Hooorius I, Pope 181, 239 Jonas of Bobhio 237—8 limes, Danubian 276, 278
180 Hospitius, Hermit 44 Julian Alps 304 Lino, villa of 114
Gootrao, Meroviogiao Kiog 60, 180, Hubert, St., translatioo of 261 Joliana Aoicia 349 Lisbon 16—7
184, 199 Huesca 75 Jules and Julien, Vzta of 2 14—5 Liutprand of Cremona 335
Gospel Books 364—8 Huogariao Plaio 281 Justio II, Emperor 170 Liutprand, Lombard king 241, 247,
Gorsium (TM) 280 Huos 278 Justinian, Emperor 146, 155, 158, 249—51, 253, 255, 311, 348, 350,
burial evideoee 282, 292 Hydatius, Chrooicle of 12, 14—8, 20, 289, 292—3, 295, 327, 329, 340, 362
churches 281 22, 102, 372 377 Liuva 21
housiog 292 Hyêres (Fraoce) 52 Novels of 156 Lombards (Longobards) 2, 232, 373—4
palaces 277 4ypatos 165 burials 304, 318
Goths 22, 25, 278, 281—2, 287, Kabilia 109 chapels 350—2, 354
291—2, 296, 306, 373 Ibo Khurradadhbi, Kztáb al-Masdlzk Kairouan 135 Church 309
goveroors, provincial 7, 40, 144, 155 zca’l-Mamálik of 167 Kekkut, villa of 277 churches 349—50, 352—3, 355—6,
Grado (Italy) 307 Ibo al-Fakih, Kitâb al-buldâo of 167 kômai 149 360—1, 368
graoaries 167—8 Idanha 8 ks,n,nerkiarioi 163—4, 168—9 conquest of Milan 236
Gravedooa 228 Iluro (Mataro) 72 Konz 83, 85 courts, ducal and royal 313, 316,
Greece 215, 327 illastres 112 Kornye 279, 282 323, 347—70
Gregorius, Bishop of Laogres 197 Iocioo (Italy) 227—8 ktbtsres 170 dukes 309, 333, 347—70
Gregory I (‘the Great’), Pope 180, Ingelheim-am-Rhein (Germaoy) 362 lcoabikoularisi 162 forts 275—323
230, 309 lovillino (Italy) 227 Italy 299—323, 34770
Gregory—Grigozre, Bishop of Tours 41, Irmioa, Abbess of Oereo (Trier) 87, Lais 16 kings 309, 347—70, 378, 384
49, 65—6, 178—80, 182, 184, 189, 103, 202 Laroecu,o, diocese of 19 laws 248—5 7
190, 195—7 Isauria 146 Landolf Count 333—4 monasteries 231, 349, 352, 356—9,
Grimoald, Lombard kiog 249, 307 Isidore of Seville 24, 28—9, 65 Longs bardia 309 380
Grotte di Catullo, villa of (Italy) 91, Islam 151, 345 Languedoc 45, 47, 49, 55, 57, 59, monasticism 241
93, 97, 101 Isola Comacioa (Italy) 303 379 in Pannonia 275—97, 374
Isola di S. Giulio (Italy) 216, 303 pottery production 124 towns 275—323
Hadriao’s Wall 296 Istria 305 Latium 132 troops 289
Heliodorus, Jerome’s frieod 43 Italica 10, 18 Lattes 47 warrior burials 304
Heraclius, Emperor 166—7, 184 Italy 2, 9, 10, 272, 276, 278—9, Lauoacuo2/Lorch 283 Lombardy 219, 322
campaigos 158 282—3, 289—92, 296—7, 335, 375, Lemica 16 Longare (Italy) 230
Histo1y af 167 379, 383—4 Leno 320 Louis the Pious, Carolingian king 269,
taxes 159—63 churches 75, 256 Lenta 227 271
Hermericus 14 countryside 299—323 Leo, Bishop of Sens 185 Loupian (France) 55
Heros, Bishop of Ades 182 forts 299—323 Leo I, Pope 56, 361 Lu (Italy) 220
Heruls 281—2, 287, 291—2, 294 Lombard 299—323, 347—70, 373 Leo III, Pope 331, 340—1, 360—1 Lucca 109, 132
Hesychius, Bishop of Vieooe 196 monasteries 180, 252, 257, 380 Leo IV, Pope 361 Lucedio (Italy), monastery of 241,
Hiberia 196 pottery 125—38 Leo VI, Byzantine emperor 381 243, 253
Hilary—Hzlazre, Bishop of Arles 56, rural Church orgaoisatioo 209-34 Ieón-Orense 21 Lucilios, Bishop of Verona 210
195, 197 rural estates 113 Leontius, Bishop of Bordeaux 184, Lucas Augusti 1 3
Hilduio, Abbot of Saiot-Deois towos 147, 229, 275, 294, 196 Lugduoensis 103
269—70 299—323, 333—4, 380—1 Ieontius, Bishop of Neapolis 166 Lugo 15—7
Hilerda 65 villas 87, 89, 97 Leotwinus, Bishop of Trier—Trires Luke, Saint 327
Hzspalzs/Seville 11 index 34 200, 202 Lullingstooe (Britain), villa of 85
Hispania 3—35, 114. See also Spaio luliobriga 11 Leovigild, Visigothic king 20—3, 330 Luoa 325
Muslims 107 Lérida 10, 16—7, 65 Lund, villa of 96
rural communities 113 Jerome 10, 43, 214, 229 Lérins (France), abbey of 44, 178 Luoel-Vieil (France) 61
villas 65, 75, 99, 109 Jerusalem 146 Leubovera, Abbess 180 Lupus, Bishop of Soissons 197
Historia Laogsbardsruns 248, 252—3 Joho Chrysostom, Bishop of Lex saltas 27 Lusidius 17—8
hsoestiores 7 Coostantioople 212 Lex Visigsthorum 334 Lusitania 12, 17, 19, 26
396 INDEX INDEX 397

Lyon 42. 41, 53 Midi France ,ss. 57. See also Norieum 275. 278, 282—4, 286, Pannonia 2, 229, 275—97
bishops of 196 Provenee 289—291. 293. 296 bishops/hishoprics 277, 290
cathedral 43 Mienne-Madjoné. villa of 103—4 Normandy 81, 86. 89 burial evidence 277, 279—82. 284.
coinage 53 Milan 7, 210, 218—9, 229, 233, 242, North Africa 11 287-92, 295
Conneil of 182 244. 246, 310—1. 361. 380. 382 aristocrats 112 churches 277, 279—81
archdiocese of 235—57 Church 109-10 defences 276—7
Macedonia 372 cemeteries 318 cities 147 forts 279-80. 287, 289, 292—3
Macon France 185 circus 330 kanonerkiariss. seals of 168 imperial villas 277
Nladaha 116 links with Bohhio 2369 pottery 135 palaces 277, 279. 280. 285
Magnelonne (France) 17 pottery production 317 sakellarisi, seals of 168 towns 275—97
Mamertins, Bishop of Vienne 41 S. Maria d’Aurona 253, 349—50 Timgad 157 villages 295
Manerha (Italy) 223 Milo, Bishop of Trier—Trèses 200, Vandal settlement 105—6 weapon graves 282
mansus 64, 66 202 villa estates 105—6, 109 Pardigon. villa of 95
Mantua 303, 306—7, 311, 317, 320 Mimulf 303 Vstitia Galliarion 13 Paris 329
Mareellinns, Translation of saint 264 .)‘tIiracula sanctsrum in Fuldenses eeelesias Notre-Dame-du-Bruse (France) Council of 185
Mareomanni 278 translatsruns 264 Nova Ligure (Italy; 55 Parma 311
IVlareull) Formulary of 51 Miroeles, Bishop of Milan 210 Novalese (Italy) 58 Parndorf. villa of 277
Marmoutier 44 Mocius 327 Novara (Italy) 214—215 Fansquiale Suerum 16. 19
Marovfe, Bishop of Poitiers 179 Modena 308 Parthenins 191
Marseille 17, 50, 54, 60 Mondeville (France) 81 Odelpert, Archbishop of Milan 242 Pascentius 17
bishop of 58 Monferrato 321 Oderzo 305. 307—9, 313 Patiens, Bishop of Lyon 42
Bourse 49 Monselice 302, 305—8 Odoaeer, Barharian king 221, 287 Paties Eeientenses (Vitae ss.) 25, 110
hronzeworking 53 Monte Amiata, monastery of 241 Odrang (CermatiyF, villa of 97 patrikiss 165
coinage 534 Monte Barro (Italy; 304 sikftsres 170 Patroeulns—Patraele, Bishop of ArIes 56.
pottery production 125 Montecassino, monastery of 252 Olbia 52 182. 187
Saint-Cassien. monastery of 180 Monte Gargano. monastery of 233 Olvmpiodorns 67 Paolinns. Bishop of PCriueox 383
Saint-Victor. monastery of 57—9 Monte Gelato 136 Ommatios. Bishop of Tours 196 Paulinus. Bishop of Nola 10. 86
\lartyrins. Martyr 212—3 \Iontnsaurin France’. villa of 94—5 s5prna 47 Paul the Deacon 238. 240—1. 248.
Martin, Bishop of Tours 56. 194. \Iontréal-du-Gers : France’ 81 Optatianae 157 252—3. 256, 289. 291, 321. 354
229 \Iont-Saint-Miehel France.. monastery Oriolo 219 Paul the Silentiary 329
Mary. Saint 241 of 233 Orleans. Council of 177, 183 Paultis. Bishop of Verdun 201
Nlasona. Bishop of Mérida 26 Monza. ,nsnasteriuni of 244 f)rds Queronnniae 3 1 Pavia 219, 233, 239—41, 246, 248.
massae 109 Moravia 287 Orosiu’, 113 302 3. 310—1, 313. 361, 363. 370.
Mauritania 109 Moselle. river 42—3. 83 Orospeda 21—2 380
Nlaximus. Bishop of Turin 211. 225 Xlouzon 177 Orta. lake 214 arms factories 317
Mazzano Romano 136 inunieipia 8. 9. 16, 213, 309 Ossneio 222 Lombard kings 247, 254. 256. 347.
Medina al-Zabra 342 niunus 154 Ostia 67 362
Mediterranean Sea 49. 115—139, 296, Muslims, see Arabs Ostiglia 302. 306 nunneries 255
326 Mzez 168 Ostrogoths 53. 281, 295, 302 Psrta Palatiensis/Palatina 334
Meginhard of Fulda 268 Othia, pres4yter 1 79 S. Maria ‘leodote (della Pusterla)
Melania the Younger 109 Naples 134 Otranto 317 253. 348
Melantius, Bishop of Rouen 184 Narbonne 13, 40—1, 49 S. Tommaso 349
Melon (France) 185 J’farbsnnensis, provinces 46, 187 Paderhorn (Germany) 362—3 Pedrosa de la Vega 65
Menander Protector 157 Narses 306 Padna 305 7 Pelagins I, Pope 224—5, 375
Mergozzo 227 neerspsle, see Burials, cemeteries pagi 59 Pella 146
Mérida 7, 8, 11, 16, 18, 23, 25 negotiatsres 266 Pagno 218, 234 Pericles 371, 374
Council of 19, 25—7, 34, 378 Neustriens 201 Palazzo Pignanr 223—4, Peretarit, Lombard king 253, 334
Merovingian, see Franks Nieaea/,Mcée 171, 382 321 Persians 158, 326—7, 329
)\ lesopotamia 147 Nice 44, 48, 52 Palencia 25, 65 wars 148
Metdach (Germany). monastery of Nicetius, Bishop (if Vi, on 189, 197 Palestine, cities of 146—7 Perti 217
202 Nieetius, Bishop of Trier 182, 183 Pallarlius 64 pertica 3
Xletz 42. 190 Nieetas 166 Pallantlu 1(3—7 Philagrios 162
\Ieuse. river 54 Nicomedeia 157 Palogorins 20 Piacenza 239. 247, 302. 311
Michael. Saint 241 Nimes 47—8 Pamplona 10 Piadena Italy 128
 INDEX 399
398 INDEX

Remi. Bishop of Rheims 177, 197 St. Euphemia. church of

Piedmont 218, 225, 227. 320 red slipped 127,134, 135
res pritata 144, 156 Constantinople 350
Pinianus 224 sgraffito 118 Revello 218 Saint-Gervais, church of Fos
Pippin Senior, dire 200 Spanish 120—3, 131. 136
Rhone. river 40, 42, 50—1, 51. 83, France 51
Pippin the Short—F4in Le Bssf Sparse Glazed 129, 132
96 San Giorgio. monastery of 253
Carolingian King 200 Syrian 134—5
Rimini 318 San Giovanni, church of Niediliano
Pippin II. Aquitainian king 2 02—3, 251 tablewares 116—8 Riva Lignre 227 220
Pisa Italy 132 terra sigillata hispanica 11. 18 Rssnasotas 284, 295 St. Gregory. basilica of 242
Pistoia 132 tiles 135 Romano de Lombardia 323 Saint-Guilhem France). abbey of
Plassac, villa of France) 86 Tnrkish 117—9 Romanns. Bishop of Laon 197 58
plebs 18 Lmmayad Caliphate 138 Rome 2, 3, 7, 39. 67, 108, 112, 270, Saint-Jean d’Angbly )Franee), abbey
Po, river 232, 302, 305—8, 311 Vetrina Pesante 129, 132
293, 317. 325, 327, 339—40, 347, of 50
Poggihonsi 132 workshops 18, 121. 134, 136
369—70, 374. 384 Saint-Jean Baptiste, church of
Poitiers, 179—80, 229 Fraefeetus urbi 326 Arch of Constantine 355 Cesano Boscone 220
psleis/polis 3, 154, 289, 371. 382 praefectura praetsris—po(Jèeture c/u pr/wire 7,
Forum of Nerva 318 Santa Maria, monastery of Torba
Polemius, Praetorian prefect of Gaul 144, 155, 168, 170 Lateran palace 330—3, 337 231
199 Praetextatus, Bishop of Rouen 183—4, popes 359—61 Santa Maria Antiqua, church of
Pontius Leontius 43 190 Old St. Peter’s 359—6 1, 364 Rome 359
popes, see Church Fraetoriuoz 64 pottery 129, 132—3, 135 Santa Maria d’Aurona, monastery of
Portugal 77 praktor 154 See of 180, 187—8, 210, 222 Milan 253, 349—50
psssessores 7, 11, 27, 30, 40, 68, 107, Prata 242, 364
S. Maria Antiqua 359 Santa Maria del Pernone 220
211, 217—8, 225, 377, 378 Preignac 43
Rothari, Lombard king 249, 307 Santa Maria de Sesto al Reghena,
Posto, villa of 100 Prisnulsarusn villa of (France) 86, 110
Rudolf of Fulda 264 monastery of 233
Postumus (Clandius DardanuE 97 princskales 112 Rufinus, Hermit 230 Santa Maria in VaOe 320, 350—1,
potentioo’s 266, 377—8. See also Principins, Bishop of Soissons 197
Rngii 282, 287, 29l2, 294 362
aristocracies and possessnies Priseillian 65
‘Ruin, The’, poem 286, 294 Santa Maria ‘Senatoris’, monastery
pottery 11, 40, 49. 70. 103, 115—139, Proeopius 51. 105—6. l556. 289, 293 Rule of St. Benedict 242—3 of Pavia 241, 243, 253
317. 376 Proculus. Bishop of Marseille 55
Ruricius, Bishop of Limoges 188, Santa Maria Theodata—Tesdste,
African 11. 49 Prosper Tiro, f7/irsnica of 102 l957 monastery of Pavia 253, 348
African Red Slip \Vare 115—6. protectores 157 Rusguoiae 109 Saint-Martin, basilica of Tours 191
118, 134—5 Provence 49—51, 53. 56, 58, 232. oistici 5. 21. 215 Saint-Martin, church of Verton
amphorae 115—6, 118 241. See also Midi Rnstiens. Bishop of Narhonne 179 (France) 87
Berher 121 potte 124. 126
Rutilins Namatianus 229 Saint-Maximin France’ 55
Cahphal 120. 136 Psalmodi 58
Saint-Nliehel di Lneedio Italy.
Carolingian 135, 138 Saar \‘alley 83 monastery of 233
cerasnique loisante 124 Quadrata 279 Sabaria 21—2 Saint-Pierre di Pagno (Italy),
coarse wares 122—3, 128 Quintanis 283
Saeerdos. Bishop of Lyon 183, 196—7 monastery of 234
Constantinople 118, 135—6, 138
Sagvar çHungarv) 277 SS. Peter & Paul, church of Salerno
containers 116 Radagaisus 278 Saint (Saint. Sainte. Sasi, Sant Santa), 353—5, 357, 362
cooking pots 118, 125. 127 Radegnnd—Radi(gsnde, 1\ lerovingian
churches Saints-Pierre-et-Paul, monastery of
dérivées des sigillées palesrltrétiennes 1 24 queen 179
Sant’Agata, monastery of 252 ArIes 180
Egyptian 134 Raetia 275, 283
Sant’Ambrogio. nunnery of 240, San Pietro in Ciel d’Oro, monastery
fineware 299 Ragogna 228
242, 244—8, 252, 255 of Pavia 253
Forum Ware 129, 132—4, 136 Ratehis, Lombard king 250
Sant’Anastasio, monastery of San Pietro di Roma 359—6 1, 364
French 124—5, 136—7 Ravenna 7, 41, 109. 210, 305, 313, Corteolona 252 St. Polyeuktos, church of
glazed 121, 127, 129, 135, 138 318, 333, 340, 349
Saint-Cassien, monastery of Constantinople 349—50
glazed polyehrome 135 S. Vitale 335—6
Marseille 180 San Remigio, monastery of 253
Glazed White Ware 118—9, 134 Reehiarius, Suevic king 17
Saint Cucufate 801 St. Riquier, abbey of 265
hand-made 127 Recopolis 330
San Dalmazzo de Pedona, San Salvatore, nunnery of Brescia
Italian 125—38 Reggio Calabria 317
monastery of 232 235. 240. 242—3, 255, 315,
kilns 138, 315 Regnum Frasscoruoi 184
Saint-Denis, abbey of 58, 267, 364 349—50, 365
Ligurian 49 Reiehenau, abbey of 266
Saint-Denis, church of Lillehonne 81 S. Salvatore, church of Spoleto 351
Lombard 127 relics 2, 35. 77. 109. 233, 259—274,
Saint-Etienne. church of Appiano San Sisinnius e Sant’Agata. church
oriental 49 3a,
Gentile 221. See also Stephen of Ossneeio 222
red p aimed 138 translationes of 259—74
400 INDEX INDEX 401

Santo Stefano. church of Garlate Seine-Maritime france 81 susie-pIer 1 54 Toulouse 40, 60

221 Senator, monastery founder 241. 255 Symeon, Stylite 17$ kingdom of 40
St. Stephen, Vimercate. ecciesia of Senez 47, 48 sj’nOne, see coemptu) Tours 44, 194, 197, 383
242. Sec also Etienne Serdicca, Council of 210 S)nopsis chronikf/Synopnc Sathas 162 Saint-Martin 191
S. Tommaso, church of Pavia 349 Sergius, Patriarch 161 synteleslOs 154 towns (sullies, chef iieux de cites). See also
Saint-Valery, church of Etretat 81 Seven Provinces (Gaul) 13, 40 Syria 107, 372, 380 urhes
Saint-Victor, monastery of Marseille Severin(us), Saint 282—4, 287, 294 cities 146—7 apot/iOkai 164—9
57—9 Vita s. Sets nfl 294 palaces 341--S aqueducts 48, 105. 313. 373
S. Vitale. church of Ravenna Severus, Bishop of Ravenna 210 pottery 117. 134—5 amphitheatres 282
335—6 Séviac (France,, villa of 81—2 arches 41
San Vincenzo. church of Galliano Seville 16. 25. 27 ‘l’acite 199 arms factories 317
219—20 Sicily 109 Thrraco/Tarragona 7. 10. II, 24 audience-balls 335. 341
San Vincenzo a! Volturno. towns of 147 Tairaconensto 19, 65, 72, 75, 375 hasihcas 331. 382
monastery of 88, 136, 241, 252, Sidonius Apollinaris, Bishop of taxes/taxation 4. 6, 9. 23, 32, 33, baths 41, 1 05--6, 114, 373
355—9, 363—5 Clermont 39—43, 19, 112, 195—6, 35. 68, 112, 141-172 bridges 41
Saint-Pierre, villa of 96 198 ‘l’etricus, Bishop of 1angres 197 capitols 41, 314
sakellarioi 162, 168 Siena 132 Teudi 20 circuses 106, 236, 330
Salamanca 8 Sigebert 1, Merovingian king 1845. Theoderic, Gothic king 17, 20, crab workshops 8, 315—7
Salonica 118 199. 200 333 de-urhanisation I 45-6
Salonius, Bishop of Geneva 196 Sigehertus. Monk 264 Theoderic. Bishop of Metz 272—3 doinus 645. 67, 74. 112—3. 241.
Salt, nunnery 233 Simplicianus, Bishop of Milan 212 [‘Ito of 264 314
Samarra 342—5 Simplicius. Bishop of Bourges 196, Theodnhnda, Lombard queen 231—2. drains 313
Samolaco 230 198 237—8. 233 f’ora 11, II, 280, 290. 314—5, 372
San Giulio cl’Orta, Island of 216 Sindelinda 241 ‘l’heoc{ore. Bishop of Aquileia 2 10 lhrtifications/defences 10, 17. 22,
San Ponso Canavese (Italy) 227 Sirmionc 93, 97, 305 ‘I’heodore. Bishop of Marseille 60 24, 40, 42—4, 102, 194, 96. 277,
Sant’Agata, village of 129 --30 Sirmium 277, 281 Theodore of Sykeon, Bishop of 279- 80, 306, 352—3, 373, 382
Sant’Albano Stura (Italy) 218 Siscia 277 Anastasioupolis 157 fountains 40-- 1
Saint-ClCment-La-Bichhre (France), Sisinnius 212—3 Theodosian Code 30, 57 garrisons 283
villa of 74 Si,steron !France 47. 97 ‘l’hcodosius— ilienulose 1. Emperor 195. gates/gateways 279. 331 -4
Sanzeno Italy 213 sit-iA-on 154 215 glassworking 315
Sao Cuculkie ‘Portugal1, villa of 77, sitolsgos 154 Theoduif of Orleans 362 granaries 41. 167—8, 278, 283, 294
79: 94 Sizzano ‘Italy 223 Theoplimlus. Byzantine emperor 343 harbours 142
Saône, river 43 Skvthopolis 146 77zuspuli.v Gaul 97 hintcrlandc 141—172. 293. 379—83
Sappi 22 Slays 281 Thcssalonjka/ ‘Tlieoalonique/’l ‘hessaloniki hippodromes 105, 326
Saraçhane, Istanbul 116—7 Solignac (France), abbe)’ of 181 147, 169, 382 horrea 165—7
pottery imports 117—9 Sopianae 277 eparchs of 170- 1 housing 11, 67, 280, 285, 290,
Sarca, valley 220 churches 281 Thcudchert Théodebert I, Merovingian 292, 314, 316—7, 382
Saragossa 10. 16, 25 Sora 221 king 185, 194 kwnrnerlcianioi 16$
Sardis 146 Spain--Espagne 2, 296, 379. See also ‘fheudericus—’T/ne7’ I. 1\Ierovingian markets 41, 283, 293-4
Sarezzano 230 Hispania king 183 obelisks 326—9
Sarmatians 291 potter 120—3, 134. 136—7 Thoramc France 48 palace-chapels 33(3.333 6. 338—41,
Satignv iSuisse., villa of 83—4 Visigothic 377 Thrace 372 353—5. 362
Sat’aria/Szomhathely 277, 279—80, Spinena \Iarengo 217 Thunnsans 282. 291 palaces 2. 42. 107. 114. 277—9.
282 Spolcto 200, 347, 355 1 cmno, river 311 294, 303, 313, 335-45. 352—5,
Savia 290 S. Sakatore 351 Canton 321 360, 362-3
Savoy 124 Stahio 32 1—2 Timgad 157—8 palaces (episcopal) 23, 330—3
Saxon Shore, forts 294 Stennius, Bishop of Rimini 210 Timothy, Saint 327 populations 381
Saxony 269 Stephanus 182 Tokod 277 porticoes 41
Scalabis 16 Sueves 8, 13, 16—20, 103, 282, Toledo 16, 21, 27 ports 49, (383
Scamarae 282 287—8, 29 1—2 Council of 21. 27, 30. 34. 74 shops 4]
Scarbantia/Sopron 280, 290. 292 Sulpicius, Bishop of Bourges 201 court of 25 streets systems 279. 313, 373
scholarioi 157 Sulpicius Severus 55, 86, 194, 229 Torre Llauder, villa of 72—3 suburbs 2, 24—5. 59, 72, 280. 305,
Sebeos. Armenian historian 167 villa of 86. 110 Tortona 230. 239, 320 319, 322, 382
Seille. river 42 Susa Valley 304 loulon France 47, 52 sunken-featured buildings 282. 290
402 INDEX INDEX 403
territories 3, 8, 12, 15, 23, 32, king of I 05-6 Jana 81 Visigoths 21 2, 40, 47 8, 295
34-5, 37 61, 77, 203, 260, 325, Pannonian raiding 278 fortifìcation of 87, 97 Aquitania Secunda, ceding of to 102
378-9 Vandreuvres, villa of (France) 83 Frankish occupation of 103 Church 13
theatres 11, 41, I 05-6, 314-5 Vannes (France), Council of 189 glass production 72 kingdom 35, 57
tric/inia I 06, 340 I Var (France) 50, 95 grain drying 74 laws 33
warehouses 165 pottery production 125 hearths 74, 93 Pannonian raiding 278
Toxandria 203 Varone 220 medieval occupation, focus of 96-7 S;ain 377
Transpadana 320 Vascones 21 2 metal smelting 72, 74 urban administration 23
Trebizonde 382 Vatican 384 monasteries in/conversion to 80, Vitus, Saint 267 9
Trentino 303 Venasque (France) 53 86-8, 108-10 Translatio of 270
Trento 213, 319 Venantius, Hermit 230 pagan temples in 80, 95 Viviers 53
duke of 309 Venantius Fortunatus, Bishop of pars rustica 64, 74, 80, 89, 94, 103, Voghera 219
Trevano 247 Poitiers 41, 43, 194, 198-9, 375 112 Voncq 177
Treviso 307 Veneto {Italy) 322 pars urbana 64, 74, 94, 96, 112 Vouillé (France) 47
Trezzo 320-1 Veranus, Bishop of Vence 196 reception rooms 71, 75 Vuadalde 58
Trier-Trèves 7, 41, 183, 187, 195, Vercelli Verceil I O, 233 residential quarters 71-2 Vulfìlaicus, Stylite 178
200, 374 Verdun 42 shifting location of 95-6
Basilika 335, 337 Vérégine (France) 43 squatter occupation of I 00 \Vidukind 270
churches 87 Verona (Italy) 210, 229, 310-1, 313, storerooms 73 \Villibrord, Bishop of Utrecht 87,
ecclesiastica! province/ diocese of 361 ' Villeneuve 226 7 202-3, 378
191, 202, 378 cemeteries 318 uilles, see Towns Winchester 294
monasteries 87 royal palace 305 Villicus, Bishop of Metz 42 \Voevre (France) 19 I
territorium 87 Vettius Epagathus 199 uindices 144-5 Zacharias, Pope 331, 360
Triferus 185 Vicenza (Italy) 230, 31O Vindobona 277, 283, 287 Zenon, Bishop of Verona 211
Tunisia 135 vici 8, 13, 30, 69, 149, 279, 321 3. Ventimiglia-Vinlimille 47, 52, 55 Zosimus, Pope 56, 187*
Turin 310 See also villages
cemeteries 319 Victoriacum 22
Council of 56, 187 Vidourle (France) 51
diocese of 218, 225 Vienne (France) 44, 53, 195
Tyrrhéniemie (mer) 40 bishops of I 87
Tyriasso 16 l'iennensis ( Viennoise), Gallic province
46, 187
Ummayad Caliphate 117. 138, 341-5 Vigilius, Bishop of Scarbantia 292
urbanitas 5 Vigilius, Bishop of Trento 21 l -3
urbes 16, 21. See civitates, towns Vigor, Bishop of Bayeux 87
urbs episcopalis 8 vilici 65
Urbino 109 villa Fortunatus 75-6, 78, 94
Ursicinus, Bishop of Brescia 21O villages 55, 113-4, 148-50, 168, 295,
Ursio 191 378 9. See also uici
Utrecht 203, 378 uillaelvillas 2, 3, 11, 22, 31. 43, 45,
Uzès (France) 47, 53 63-114, 223 4, 277, 280, 295,
321 3, 374 5
Vaison (France), Council of 47, 175 abandonment of 94-5
Val de Non (ltaly) 211 baths 72, 80, 82, 89
Valcamonica 316 burials in/associated with 77, 80-l ,
Valencia 10 83, 88-94, 96 9. 280, 321-3, 375
Valentinian L Emperor 83 chapels in/conversion to 80, 85,
Valentinian II, Emperor 195 108, 277
Valentinian III, Emperor 279 churches in/convcrsion to 74,
Valerie of Bierzo 3 I 76-8, 80-4, 86, 94, 103, I 08.
Valen"i Severi 224 11O, 223, 375
Vallis Tellinae 229 domestic quarters 75
Vandals 103, 329 dominus 96
African villas, occupation of I 05-6 factories, conversion to 72
* lndex compilcd by Roger Kipling and Marie-Pierre Terrien