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5/28/23, 7:02 PM Where Are the Women in Pakistan’s Politics?

  – The Diplomat

Where Are the Women in Pakistan’s Politics?


thediplomat.com/2023/05/where-are-the-women-in-pakistans-politics

By Mariyam Suleman Anees

When I was in fourth grade, Zubaida Jalal, then Pakistan’s federal


minister for education, visited our school in Pakistan’s southwestern
port town of Gwadar. It was my first time meeting a politician, that too a
female politician. Her visit, questions to the students in Balochi (the
native language) and the traditional Baloch dress inspired my little self.
I wanted to become as empowered as she was, and maybe run for
office someday. I had never seen a woman in my family working
outside the home, let alone becoming a politician. 

As I grew older, the rampant corruption, misogyny, and constant


political instability in Pakistan – and especially political unrest in my
home province of Balochistan – made me realize how challenging it
was to be a politician and I was no longer interested in becoming one. I
came to prefer community service and writing. However, the political
dynamics for women in Pakistan have always interested me, and I
have often written about and interviewed female politicians. 

Most of these interviews began with a discussion of how difficult it is for


women to become politicians in the first place, especially for those not
necessarily from elite and dynastic political backgrounds. And they
often concluded by talking about how challenging it was for any woman
– whether or not from a dynastic background – once she achieved
political office. 

For example, being the daughter of a former president and prime


minister, Benazir Bhutto – the first and so far the only woman prime
minister of Pakistan (in office from 1988 to 1990 and again from 1993
to 1996) – may have had an easier path entering into an otherwise

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male-dominated political establishment. But she ended up being


assassinated in 2007 during her electoral campaign for a third term as
prime minister. 

In Pakistan, a fear of terrorist attacks and political violence often exists


irrespective of gender. But women in particular face additional
challenges: sexism, misogyny, lack of opportunities, and limited
education and training avenues. Even from within their own parties,
female politicians face prejudice from the grassroots to the federal
level. Women may be assigned membership in assemblies without
being given specific portfolios, which limits their power. They face an
uphill climb when competing for nominations, decision-making, and
leadership positions.

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Women in Pakistan make up almost half of the population (49 percent),


yet they have a small share of senior, executive, or legislative roles –
only 4.5 percent, one of the lowest in the world. Only two in every 10
Pakistani women participate in the labor force, again one of the lowest
rates in the region. Even in terms of civic participation, women’s
political engagement is limited; during the 2018 elections, of the 46
million women that were registered to vote, only 40 percent voted.  

It is well established that women in Pakistan do not make up significant


numbers, whether as voters, candidates, or members of political
parties. To address this, Pakistan’s Constitution has reserved quotas
for women: 17 percent of the seats in both the National Assembly and
the Senate.

In 2000, the controversial military regime of dictator Pervez Musharraf


introduced the “Devolution of Power Plan” to address the gender
imbalance. 

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5/28/23, 7:03 PM Where Are the Women in Pakistan’s Politics?  – The Diplomat

“Although people might not agree, the dictator government encouraged


women to participate in politics,” said Zubaida Jalal, who has
previously served as federal minister for education (2002 to 2007) and
federal minister for defense production (2018 to 2022), “The plan
through a new system of local government allotted 33 percent of the
local seats to women. This helped women from the grassroots to
participate in the local political body.”

Jalal is originally from Mand, a small town in the Balochistan province,


near the Iranian border. So far, she is the only woman ever elected
from the Makran division. Despite “never planning to enter politics,” she
said, “I ended up making this conscious decision in 2002 to implement
reforms in the education sector, my life-long passion.”

Whether or not Jalal succeeded in bringing any reforms is often


debated, and her choice to serve as a politician under a dictatorship did
not win her much favor in her own region. She was not alone in joining
hands with the Musharraf regime; many male politicians did as well.
However, in this as in many other areas, women face a heavier burden
of criticism.

Religious and cultural patriarchy are deeply rooted in Pakistan’s social


and political system. As a result, women politicians are frequently
belittled and critiqued for things like their appearance, and receive little
recognition at home if and when they make some notable
contributions. 

For example, Sherry Rehman, Pakistan’s climate minister, was recently


featured in Time Magazine’s list of the 100 most influential people of
2023. At COP27, the U.N. climate summit held in Egypt last November,
she advocated for the underdeveloped countries that are most
vulnerable to climate change, despite being least responsible for it.

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Efforts by Rehman and others resulted in a historic decision where the


world leaders agreed to establish a new loss and damage funding to
support the most affected countries. 

Despite what female politicians can do, “considering politics as a


career is still unusual” for women in Pakistan, Tahira Khurshid, a former
local district councilor who is now preparing for much-debated
upcoming elections in October 2023, told The Diplomat.

“Women as voters and candidates have always been fewer. Issues


with mobility, security and patriarchy have limited opportunities,” she
explained. “Entering public life in Pakistan one has been mentally
prepared to confront situations where police and forces can drag you
on the roads. During protests or political chaos, women are not spared
by the forces. 

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“Other times, you would hear how women should be respected, but
that ‘respect’ is only for the women who stay at home and do not
participate in politics. whether as activists, party workers or politicians,’’
she says. 

For example, women were not spared during the chaos after the former
Prime Minister Imran Khan was arrested on May 9. Although he was
soon granted bail, his party workers took to the streets in widespread
and deadly protests throughout the country. Paramilitary troops and
police were deployed in all major cities, with internet and mobile
services restricted by the Ministry of Interior and the Pakistan
Telecommunications Authority. 

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Women rights activists remained divided over Khan’s female party


workers and supporters being dragged by the police, and the arrests of
women politicians like Shireen Mazari, the former federal minister for
human rights.

While many, like the independent group Women Democratic Front,


condemned police violence against female protesters, many pointed
out that Khan’s Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf (PTI) had hardly stood for
women’s rights, and the party itself had belittled its own female
politicians. 

For example, when the PTI awarded party tickets in 2018, female party
workers were dissatisfied, claiming the tickets were allotted without
considering merit and work. But this phenomenon is widespread across
political parties. When tickets are not awarded through merit, more
opaque selection criteria benefit men in a patriarchal society. More
concerning, legislation is often not a strong point among selected
candidates. 

“Not all the time but often parties only allot tickets [to women] because
the law mandates them to, in other words, ‘fill the gender quota.’ If
seats were allotted on the basis of merit, a lot of legislation in favor of
women would have been a reality,” Fareeha Hassan, a lawyer in
Lahore, told The Diplomat. 

Tahira Khurshid, who belongs to the National Party in Balochistan,


agrees with the argument. “I was twice nominated by my party for a
women’s reserved seat in the Provincial Assembly of Balochistan and
once in the country’s upper house, the Senate. Unfortunately, all three
times, I could not make it. But this did not influence my decision to try
again,” she said. 

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5/28/23, 7:03 PM Where Are the Women in Pakistan’s Politics?  – The Diplomat

“Not all parties nominate women members. For outsiders, not from a
political family, it is still difficult to make it to the provincial and federal
assembly or Senate,” she says.

With some exceptions, political power in Pakistan is undeniably


overwhelmingly the domain of men. Where increased numbers are
necessary to bolster gender inclusion, that is not the only important
metric. Tracking legislation by women, their implementation, and
ministerial positions over time are a few key indicators to measure their
political empowerment. In that regard, women still have a long way to
go and the upcoming elections of October are yet another test of the
gender dynamics in Pakistan’s political field.

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