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Summary
 PROJECT REPORT

ON

UNTOUCHABILITY
17
Submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the award of the degree of

BACHELOR OF BUSINESS ADMINISTRATION

to

Chhatrapati Sahu Ji Maharaj University, Kanpur

Under the Guidance of Submitted by

Dr. Nidhi Sengar Nitika Hirwani
Designation Sem: BBA-2nd
Roll No. 22014001526

Session 2022-23

10
PSIT College of Higher Education, Kanpur
Bhauti Kanpur

1
 DECLARATION

I hereby declare that the Project Report entitled “…………………………………”

submitted to PSIT College of Higher Education, Kanpur in partial fulfillment of Degree
of Bachelor of Business Administration is the original work conducted by me. The
information and data given in the report is authentic to the best of my knowledge.

This Project Report is not being submitted to any other University for award of any other
Degree, Diploma and Fellowship.

Place: Kanpur (Nitika Hirwani):

Date Roll No:22014001526

2
 Acknowledgement

8
I would like to express my special thanks of gratitude to
who gave me golden opportunity to complete my project report and also provided
support in completing my social progress report.
10
I would also like to extend my gratitude to our for providing me
with all the facilities required

Nitika Hirwani

BBA 1-D

3
4
 Index

Introduction 5-7

Origin of untouchability 8-9

1
The continuous practice of untouchability in India patterns and mitigating influence 10-25

Untouchability : Overview 26

The beginnings of affirmative action 27-28

Untouchability during British rule 29-30

30
Gandhi’s Approach to Caste and

Untouchability: A Reappraisal 31-39

Current Status of Untouchables India 40

Gandhi's dream was never realised because untouchability still exists. 41-43

According to Caste Survey Results, untouchability is still widely practised in India.44-49

What are ways to remove untouchability? 50-52

Steps taken by government to eradicate untouchability 53-57

Refarances 58

5
 TO STUDY IMPACT OF
UNTOUCHABILITY

6
 INTRODUCTION

7
 UNTOUCHABILITY

Untouchability is a type of social institution that authorises and enforces

discriminatory, humiliating, exclusionary, and exploitative practices against members
of particular social classes.

Casteism's aggressive social nature, with its emphasis on purity and contamination to
feed untouchability.
Dalits are often considered to be the lowest caste members and so dirty.
Dalits are only permitted to work in unclean jobs, and in many cases, dalits are not
permitted to work at all.
The word "hand scavenging" refers to tasks such as picking up human waste, hauling,
skimming, mending shoes, and washing clothing.

They are required to live somewhere else in order to keep their physical presence from
contaminating the real village. They are not only restricted by space, but their
residences will be of less high-quality.

8
9
 Origin of untouchability

15
Nripendra Kumar Dutt, a history professor, hypothesised that the concept of
untouchability arose from the early Dravidians'
15
"pariah"-like treatment of India's
indigenous people, and that it was inherited15by the Indo-Aryans from the Dravidians.
Scholars such as R. S. Sharma have argued that there is no evidence that Dravidians
practised untouchability prior to contact with the Indo-Aryans.

There are many numerous theories on the beginnings of the caste and consequently
untouchables caste . B.R Ambedhkar (1891-1956) a leader of untouchables had beliefs
on both.
On contrary to what he claimed the caste system arose with Brahminical interest of
endogamy to maintain purity and then went to the lower caste. He thought that when
brahmnism took hold in the 4th century or so the untouchables were driven out and
disliked Buddhists. His significance is important because it inspired him to become
Buddhists and because it demonstrates the need6 for all untouchables to legalize their
situation. Nearly no one assumes that previous karma of terrible deeds has resulted in
an untouchable caste; instead, most untouchable castes have an origin story that
typically incorporates a cosmic illusion

10
 1
The Continuing Practice of Untouchability in India Patterns and Mitigating
Influence
1
The Practice of Reported Untouchability The household schedule of the 2011–12 IHDS
posed the following question to the primary respondent of each of the enumerated survey
households: “Do some members practice untouchability in your household?” The
respondent’s answer was recorded as a “Yes/No” response. In case the response was a
“No,” it was followed by the second question: “Would there be a problem if someone who
is a Scheduled Caste were to enter your kitchen or share utensils?” again seeking a
“Yes/No” response. Any household that responded in the affirmative to both or either of
the two questions was regarded as practicing untouchability. One must bear in mind that
these responses are given by the primary respondent in the household. Untouchability is
a sensitive issue, and one must realize that it may be difficult to obtain honest responses
on it. The prejudices and biases nurtured by people are highly likely to shape their
responses. Figure 1 depicts the share of households across India that gave positive
responses to the questions on untouchability, by rural and urban areas. In rural areas,
30% of the households reported practicing untouchability, while in urban areas, the
corresponding figure was lower at 20%. These findings highlight that either the practice
of untouchability is truly more prevalent in rural areas as opposed to urban areas, or that
the rural respondents are comfortable about sharing their behavioral information with
the interviewers, both of which point towards the existence of a more traditional and
conservative mindset of the rural population, as compared to their urban counterparts.
Social Groups Since untouchability is practiced against members of the lower caste
communities, it would be appropriate to analyze the breakup of the households practising
it by their social groups or caste identities. Figure 2 illustrates the share of households
that, in a face-to-face survey, accepted to practising untouchability, and are presented
here by their social belongings (groups). These social groups are classified a little
differently than the official categories (that is, SC, ST, OBC, and Others). The general
category of “others” is split into the Brahmin and forward castes. The “others” here fall
into that category of people who did not mention any social group. In Figure 2, the social
categories include the SCs (Dalits), the STs (Adivasis), the OBCs, the forward castes
(Kshatriyas and Vaishyas), the Brahmins (priests) and others, who did not identify
themselves as falling into any of the four previously mentioned categories. Strictly
speaking, the Brahmins and members of the forward and other castes and groups are
clubbed under “others,” both constitutionally and in the literature. The IHDS, however,
also asked the households to provide a breakup of the constituents of the “others”
category, which we report here. We find that the largest share of those practicing
untouchability from amongst these groups belongs to Brahmins, with 52% of them
accepting that they follow this practice. Interestingly, we find that it is the OBCs and not
the forward castes (24%) who account for the second largest share of those adhering to
this practice. Traditionally, since the forward castes (Kshatriyas and Vaishyas) are next
in the hierarchy, below the Brahmins but above the remaining groups that are
constitution ally protected, one would expect them to indulge more in the practice than
the OBCs, who have more recently been awarded reservation in educational institutes
and public sector employment. This could be indicative of what M N Srinivas (1952)
termed as “Sanskritization,” wherein the low or middle caste groups emulate the rituals

11
and practices of the upper castes in order to be accepted by the latter and to be able to
rise up in the social hierarchy. This could also be refl ective of the increasing competition
between the OBCs and the SCs for gaining access to land and other resources, which is
being observed in the increasing incidence of violence against the SCs in India in recent
times (Hindu 2010).

Interestingly, we also find that 22% of the SCs and 15% of the STs too admit to following
this practice. As mentioned earlier, there are numerous jatis within each broad varna
category, and amongst the SCs, those who constitute the fifth varna or, more precisely,
the avarnas (that is, those falling outside the fourfold classification). There are a number
of sub-castes which are also placed hierarchically with respect to each other. These could
be the higher sub-castes practicing untouchability against the lower sub-castes,
particularly those working as cleaners, sweepers and others engaged in similar
occupations. An alternate and more credible explanation could be that the SCs, who have
been treated as untouchables for probably more than 10,000 years, have internalized the
idea to such an extent that when asked if any member of their family practices
untouchability, their natural response is to agree, as they are bound by religious law,
which stipulates that they must adhere to certain social norms of behavior. For example,
they are clearly told not to draw water from certain wells or ponds, not to walk on certain
streets, and not to enter temples and certain public places, among other such tenets. Thus,
they do practice untouchability! One way to test this hypothesis is to examine the
responses to the two questions on untouchability separately. Table 1 provides the break-
up of households that responded in the affirmative to the first question pertaining to
discrimination for all India and by broad social groups. It can be seen from the table that
11% of the SCs agree to practising untouchability

12
We can determine the extent to which this is indicative of the respondent admitting to the
practice of untouchability as a victim or as a perpetrator, by assessing the responses of
the SC households to the second question listed in Table 2. We find that only 5% of the
SC households responded in the affirmative to this question. Perhaps, these households
belong to the somewhat higher sub-castes within the SCs, who discriminate against their
counterparts from the lower sub-castes, possibly in an attempt to emulate upper-caste
behavior.

13
The Adivasis, on the other hand, have always been outside the Hindu varna system and
thus do not fall into any caste (jati) hierarchies. The tribes have always owned land and
even functioned as independent kingdoms. They would, therefore, understandably
consider themselves as being superior to the lowest of the castes, who have no rights
whatsoever. The level of education amongst the tribals is the lowest across any group.
The only exception is the group of tribes in the northeastern regions of India, who have
converted to Christianity
1
Religious Groups Across religious groups, we surprisingly find that the Jains account
for the largest share of discriminators (Figure 3). However, they comprise an extremely
small community and a closed one, whose members marry within their religion, and it is
hard for outsiders to join their religious fold (N = 107 in IHDS-II). Although Jainism is
a breakaway religion from Hindu religion, it has survived, and Jains have prospered
enough to become economically and educationally the most progressive group in India,
having seemingly settled into an understanding with the Hindu 1ideology. Under the
Hindu rubric, Lord Mahavira, the founder of the Jain religion, is seen as one of the
incarnations of the Hindu god Vishnu, just as Buddha is also considered by the Hindus
as an incarnation. However, the difference between the Jains and Buddhists is that the
14
former have accepted this version and thus found favors with the Hindus, whereas the
Buddhists have opposed this and consequently have been marginalized in India. This
assimilation of Hindu tenets within the Jain religion is apparent from the fact that the
religious days and festivals celebrated by Jains and Hindus often coincide and are quite
similar to each other. An additional reason for the high incidence of the practice of
untouchability among the Jains could also be that they are strictly vegetarian and would
not be comfortable entertaining non-vegetarians in their homes and kitchens. In fact,
Jains even avoid using onion and garlic in their food and might not even like
vegetarians, who consume these two items, entering their kitchen. Next to the Jains are
the Hindus, with one-third of their population practising untouchability. Sikhism, on
the other hand, is a monotheistic religion and a relatively new one, which broke out of
the Hindu fold precisely because of the unequal inherent structure of Hinduism.
However, Sikhs seem to still carry on the practice of untouchability, with 23% of them
responding positively to the question of whether they follow this practice. Many of the
ex-untouchables are also known to have converted to Sikhism, but they are known and
identified as Mazhabi Sikhs and even have separate gurudwaras (Sikh houses of
worship) in Punjab. The state of Punjab, in fact, has the highest share of the SC
population across all states in India.

15
The lowest shares of the practice are seen amongst the tribals, Christians and
Buddhists. The Buddhists predominantly comprise of three groups, including the tribals
in North East India, the Tibetan refugees in the north, and the neo-Buddhists,7 largely
consisting of the ex-untouchables, 6,00,000 of whom publicly converted to Buddhism on
14 October 1956, at Deekshabhoomi, Nagpur, in Maharashtra after heeding to a call
from Ambedkar. Social Networks We began with the hypothesis that households that
know more people well, especially outside of their own community, are less likely to
practise untouchability. Figure 4 compares the share of households that practise
untouchability by the number of their contacts within and outside the community. We
find that the incidence of untouchability falls with a rise in the number of contacts.
However, the practice of untouchability is seen to be higher in the case of households
that have a large number of contacts outside the community. This finding is contrary to
our supposition. One would have expected lesser adherence to social norms in
households with more outside contact and relations. In the following section, we will
explore these associations in detail and see if this also holds true when sufficient controls
are added.

16
1
Social Networks
We began with the hypothesis that households that know more people well, especially
outside of their own community, are less likely to practise untouchability. Figure 4
compares the share of households that practise untouchability by the number of their
contacts within and outside the community. We find that the incidence of untouchability
falls with a rise in the number of contacts. However, the practice of untouchability is
seen to be higher in the case of households that have a large number of contacts outside
the community. This finding is contrary to our supposition. One would have expected
lesser adherence to social norms in households with more outside contact and relations.
In the following section, we will explore these associations in detail and see if this also
holds true when sufficient controls are added.

Education seems to have a negative effect on the practice of untouchability. Figure 5

shows the incidence of the practice by the highest level of adult education in the
household. The percentage of households practising untouchability is seen to fall with a
rise in the level of adult education. We observe a 6 % point drop in the incidence of the
17
practice of untouchability between households with no education, and those with an
adult who has acquired education up to the graduation level or above. Significantly,
education seems to have much more of a negative impact on the practice of
untouchability for the Brahmins and the OBCs, the two communities that report the
highest incidence of untouchability.

Figure 6 shows a sharp fall in the percentage of households indulging in the practice
with a rise in the level of education of adults in the household. Thus, we see a fall of 15%
and 16% in the practice, among Brahmins and OBCs, respectively, between the
illiterates and those with education up to the graduate level or above. However, we also
find that across all social groups, the incidence of untouchability seems to rise among
households with graduation or higher level of adult education. This is similar to the
findings of studies examining the effect of education on racial attitudes with respect to
Whites, Asians, Hispanics and Blacks. G T Wodtke (2012) finds that neither the
perspectives on racial enlightenment (for details, see Hyman and Sheatsley 1956;
McClelland and Linnander 2006), nor those on ideological refinement (Jackman and
Muha 1984; Schuman et al 1997) are able to clearly explain the different group
conceptualizations of racial hierarchy and group interests. Groups lying in between the
dominant groups (like the Whites) and the lowest subordinate groups (like the Blacks)
become acutely aware of their position and the accruing advantages and disadvantages,
after acquiring a certain level of education.

18
1
Figure 6 clearly highlights the idea of superiority (that is, the concept of a particular
caste being purer than a lower-caste group), as is inherent in caste hierarchies. At the
same time, we find that beyond the graduate and higher level of education, the
incidence of untouchability rises across all groups, except the SCs.

19
 Income seems to have some effect on reducing the incidence of untouchability. Among
the poorest households, 33% admitted to following the practice. On the other hand,
among the richest percentile of respondents, only 23% of the total respondents reported
the practice. Therefore, there is a 10% drop in the incidence of untouchability from the
poorest to the richest percentile.
11
Since the practice of untouchability is a part of the religious and traditional mindset of
the society at large, it also varies with the strength and level of entrenchment of these
mindsets, which too vary across different regions of the country. It denotes the level of
untouchability practised across broad regions of the country. The practice seems to be
the most prevalent in the central plains of India, where nearly half of all the households
interviewed (49%) admitted to the practice.

20
Summary 1
Our initial analysis sheds light on the nature of the untouchable experience in India.
The first and foremost difference that is proven in the study is the rural-urban divide. It
is clear that the urban space is more homogenous
1
and, as the migrants concentrate on
work and living spaces that are tighter, it forces
1
them to relax their traditional behavior
and adopt a modern concept that includes public and private spaces. Also, as a stranger
to a new urban area, people can choose to hide their identity or adopt a new one. On the
other hand, rural areas still maintain 1
ancient traditions. Age norms remain unchanged
from generation to generation until they seem to be the state of nature. However, as
villages become more connected to small and large cities and witness more migration,
rural areas also seem to experience slower life changes than those in cities. In both rural
and urban areas, this practice appears to be more common among Brahmins, who feel
the need to adhere to a more ritualistic concept of cleanliness and personal hygiene than
other social groups,
1
as these concepts are also deeply held. associated with his identity, it
connects with a sense of pride and
1
a sense of social dominance. The next two social
groups that show adherence to this practice are the OBCs 1
and the forward castes. This
practice prevails among STs and SCs, though less than other social groups. Preliminary
analysis shows an inverse relationship between the size of the home network and the
incidence of inaccessibility. This is true for households that are connected both within
and outside their community. However, the occurrence of this 1
practice is considered
lower among families with more contact in their community as opposed to outside their
community. The role of education seems to be important in changing attitudes and

21
ultimately reducing inaccessibility. A 6% decrease occurred in the gap between adults
with no1 education and adults with a bachelor's degree or diploma. Education has a
strong negative effect on the retention of experience among Brahmins and OBCs, the
two communities reporting the highest1
levels of underachievement. Household income is
also inversely related to experience. While 33% of the poor admitted to the practice,
only 23% of the richest indicated a 10% reduction in the practice.

1
Rural–urban differences: The following results can be witnessed. First, urban residents
are 24% less likely to practise untouchability than their rural counterparts. The
compulsions of a modern urban life clearly compel households to rethink social customs
and to cohabit freely with members of the other castes. In the urban areas, there are
hardly any social costs of non-compliance with the notions of untouchability, unlike in
the rural regions, where the households fl outing social norms may face ostracism and
penalties from both—members of their own communities as well as the village council

Social groups: Akin to the rural–urban differences, the variations across caste groups
are also significant and telling. With reference to the SCs, the Brahmins are 6.5 times
22
more likely to practise untouchability, recording the highest incidence of the practice
for any group. They are followed by the forward castes and the OBCs, who are,
respectively, 2.8 and 2.2 times more likely to indulge in the practice

Religious groups: Although caste is typically a phenomenon associated with the Hindu
religion, it is also visible in more muted and varied forms in other religions, which were
introduced into the Indian subcontinent, such as Islam and Christianity, as well as
among those that emerged at home, such as Jainism and Sikhism. The coefficients for
Muslims and Christians are nearly equal and signifi can’t, and these two groups are less
likely to practise untouchability by 58% and 56%, respectively, as compared to the
Hindus. The odds of the Sikhs practising untouchability are 14% lower than those of
the Hindus, but not significant. Some of the lowest and most signifcant coefficients are
seen among the STs and other groups who record 78% and 98% lower odds,
respectively, of practising untouchability. However, since the samples for these groups
are small, the results are not conclusive, but merely indicative.

Adult education: Higher education is seen to negatively affect the practice of

untouchability. As compared to a household with no literate members, a household with
an adult having acquired education up to the 10th or 11th standard has 14% lesser odds
of practising untouchability. As the level of education rises to the higher
secondary/college and graduation/diploma levels, the odds of practising fall by 23% and
24%, respectively. Education is thus clearly one of the critical factors that lead to a
change in conservative and orthodox mindsets.

Community networks: It is evident that social networks play an important role in

determining the level of interaction that a particular community has with members of
another community. This would, in turn, dictate if any member of the household
practises untouchability or not. One is likely to find many households wherein the
younger members do not indulge in the practice, though the older family members or
grandparents may continue to harbor traditional mindsets. One would also expect
households with larger social networks outside their communities to practise lower
levels of untouchability. On the other hand, one could say that households that practise
untouchability are likely to have fewer contacts outside the community and more
contacts within the community. Our earlier fi ndings (delineated in Figure 4) suggest
that households with more community networks outside the community indulge more in
the practice. However, our regression coefficient suggests that households with outside
networks are 4% less likely to practise untouchability. On the other hand, households
with contacts within the community are 1.6% more likely to practise untouchability,
but these results are not significant.

Occupation type: Across occupation types, the coefficient for those involved in farming
(cultivation/animal husbandry/ managing agricultural property) is seen to be positive
and significant. Thus, cultivators are 32% more likely to practise untouchability as
compared to salaried professionals. Income: Figure 4 shows that the practice of
untouchability falls by 10 percentage points from the poorest to the richest quintile. The
regression results indicate that the coeffi cient is positive for all quintiles except for the
middle quintile, which shows a marginal negative relationship. However, the results are

23
significant for the fourth quintile, indicating a 15% higher likelihood of the pursuit of
untouchability.

Our results show that the reported incidences of untouchability are trivial. In fact, the
under-reporting of the practice is more likely to be the norm. Overall, 27% of the
households admitted to practising untouchability. The incidence of untouchability is
higher in rural areas at 30%, as compared to a corresponding figure of 20% in urban
areas. A breakup of the households that practise untouchability by their social
affiliations reveals that within particular groups, the incidence of the practice is highest
amongst the Brahmins, with half of the households in this group reportedly practising
untouchability. The next two groups comprising the second and third largest shares of
the households practising untouchability are the OBCs and the forward castes. The
lowest shares of the incidence are seen among the STs and SCs. Thus, group differences
vary across broad caste and ethnic identities. A surprising result is the involvement of
entire SC households in the practice. Across religious groups, the Jains record the
highest share of households indulging in this practice, though these results are not
conclusive as they are based on a small sample of the respondents. They are followed by
Hindu, Sikh and Muslim households, recording progressively falling shares of
households practising untouchability. Community networks also account for a
significant factor in influencing household behavior. The larger the size of a household’s
network outside its own community, the higher are the chances of the household
refraining from the practice. Conversely, the higher the spread of their in-community
network, the higher are the chances of households practising untouchability. Education
shows up as having a direct and a negative impact on the inclination of the household
members to follow the practice. Households with adults having acquired education up
to the 10th standard or higher are less likely to follow the practice, and the strength of
this negative association increases with a rise in the level of education. In addition, the
negative effect of education seems to be more pronounced among the Brahmins and the
OBCs, two groups recording the highest shares of households practising untouchability.
The economic standing of households in terms of their income levels seems to have a
marginal effect on their inclination, or as Becker (2010) would call it, the “taste” for
following untouchability. Higher income levels, in fact, seem to encourage the practice
somewhat, though the effect is more or less similar across all quintiles, except the
poorest. Lastly, the regional spread of the practice indicates that the incidences are
lower in the southern, eastern and western parts of the country, whereas they are
higher in the central, northern and hill regions. This fi nding is also reiterated by a map
(Figure 9), which indicates the level of the practice in the districts

24
25
A first glance at the family level act of unapproachability in India would presumably
start with the ID of those rehearsing distance by suggesting the conversation starter
regarding who among them are rehearsing distance and who are probable This is a
locale level guide. The most obscure variety demonstrates that more than half of
families practice unapproachability. As the variety degree falls, so does the portion of
families practice unapproachability. *HH alludes to families.
Source: In light of the IHDS-II informational collection, produced by Reeve
Vanneman, College of Maryland. Figure 9: Region wise Guide of the Portion of
Families Rehearsing Unapproachability % HH rehearsing 0% to rehearse it. Further
examination would 1include a nearer investigation of the practices by the sub-ranks
inside every station in the families.
Since the SCs and STs are themselves seen to rehearse distance, it would be fascinating
to test the statement that it is the higher sub-positions among the SCs and certain clans
that believe themselves to be high up in the social progressive system or more the most
minimal positioned classifications among the SCs. The thoughts of "virtue and
contamination" are thoughts that, in spite of the spread of training and the appearance
of present day ways of life, will generally stick and go after our strict and social
weaknesses.
Social change is constantly sluggish and requires an adjustment of the political,
monetary, social and social climate.
1
This, thus, requires the social brain research of the
majority to change after some time. The monetary, social and social advancement of the
Indian scene has seen large numbers of its practices shrinking ceaselessly or confronting
relentless opposition from innovation and judiciousness. Despite the probability of
under-announcing of the act of distance, 70% of the populace revealed not enjoying this
training. This is an boosting sign.

26
 Untouchability : Overview

One of the final sonnets of the Apparatus Veda, the oldest of the Hindu sacred books, co
ntained a crucial idea on social assembly.
According to this legendary account, which was probably written quite some time ago, t
he primordial man 6
was sacrificed in order to produce the varnas (stations), with the Bra
hmans emerging from his head, the Kshatriyas from his arms, the Vaishyas from his thi
ghs, and the Shudras from his feet.
It is obvious that there is some positioning here, but the whole order based on6 purity an
d taint levels developed later, and inaccessible tiers were eventually classified as avarnas
, without varna, most likely after the fourth century c.e.
A development of this idea can be seen in the Dharmashastras, which date from 300 BC
E to 200 CE.

6
The first three varnas, known as the "two times conceived," are made up of
Brahman clergy and guides, champions and rulers, and shippers. Each of these individuals
served in some capacity during their formative years, elevating them to positions of
prominence. Shudras—generally any rank that performed manual labor—were relegated
to a labourer role and denied the honour of focusing on the Vedas. Untouchables were and
still are considered inferior to Shudras in all positions, are viewed as unclean by everyone,
and are typically assigned to work that is repulsive or demeaning to the public.
We come across allusions to consuming ghat labourers in both the law texts and the
legends, people who mostly toiled in the consuming ghats with
considered as messy, carcasses.
Shudraka's play Mrichcha katika (The Little Dirt Truck), written about the fifth centur
y c.e., has two murderers who are completely cunning, humorous, but in any event unap
proachable.
Two of the jobs that are actually seen as the dirtiest are killing and consuming ghat wor
kers.
The prospect of contaminating individuals was nearly instantly present, but later on, th
e peculiarity of dirtying standings increased.
The jatis, which stand for "by birth" and are also understood to be positions, are arran
ged beside the varnas and outside sacred text.
An endogamous group, known as a jati, usually resides in a single language region and s
hares a variety of customs and customarily a profession.
Given that untouchables were avarna and that there were numerous jatis inside each va
rna, it is important to note that they were members of the explicit jati community.

27
 The beginnings of affirmative action
24
Separate electorates for the "depressed classes" were permitted by the British rule when the
future of Indian government was announced in 1932 following the Round Table Conferences in
England.
6 6
In spite of demands for separate constituencies from all other minorities, the untouchable
representatives, B. R. Ambedkar from the province of Bombay and Rao Bahadur Rettamalle
Srinivasan from
6
Madras—the two most active areas of reform—insisted on this clause because
they thought that proper elected representatives could only be chosen by untouchables
themselves.

When Mohandas K. Gandhi was imprisoned at the time for engaging in anti-government activities
in the name of independence, he began a "fast unto death" in protest of what he believed to be
the extreme polarisation caused by separate electorates. Ambedkar gave in but negotiated on
behalf of the untouchables
6 6
In spite of demands for separate constituencies from all other minorities, the untouchable
representatives, B. R. Ambedkar from the province of Bombay and Rao Bahadur Rettamalle
Srinivasan from
6
Madras—the two most active areas of reform—insisted on this clause because
they thought that proper elected representatives could only be chosen by untouchables
themselves.

Mohandas K. Gandhi started a "fast unto death" in protest of what he saw as

the excessive polarisation brought on by separate electorates when he was
imprisoned at the time for engaging in anti-government actions in the name of
independence. While agreeing,
6
Ambedkar convinced the government to give
untouchables special seats in all elected bodies, to be chosen by the general
voter. Gandhi then founded the Harijan Sevak Sangh (Organisation for the
Service of the People of).

In protest of what he saw as the excessive polarisation brought on by separate

electorates, Mohandas K. Gandhi began a "fast unto death" when he was in
prison at the time for engaging in anti-government activities in the pursuit of
independence. Although Ambedkar agreed, he urged the administration

6
Gandhi then founded the Harijan Sevak Sangh (Organisation for the Service of
the People of God) with the goal of raising public awareness of untouchability.
6
Ambedkar and other politically astute untouchables believed the word to be
demeaning and useless. The main difference was between those who believed
that people could change their thoughts and others who believed that people
could defend human rights via the use of law and politics.

In order to establish who would particularly be eligible for the limited seats as
well as for economic and educational advantages, it was evident by 1935 that
untouchable castes needed to be divided into discrete categories. The list was
not included because some castes in certain localities were not permitted to
28
use their civil rights to access public their religious freedom to enter temples,
as well as the spaces and wells. There are several ways to identify someone as
an untouchable, hence the adjective "specific" was required. Employment is
not typically a good indicator. Dhobis, or barbers and laundrymen, may be
viewed as untouchables in some parts of the north, but not in Maharashtra.
429 castes were given a new name: scheduled castes, or castes on a list.
6
The new name for castes who were included on a list or 6
schedule was
scheduled castes. (The number was reported as 4,635 in a survey carried out
by K. S. Singh in 1993 using the same criteria but accentuating previously
unknown subcastes and minor castes.)

These concessions, which were potentially the earliest instances of

"affirmative action" in recorded history,

It was founded on untouchables' own movements, which were particularly

significant in Madras
6
and Bombay, two provinces that made it a rule in the
early 20th century that "depressed classes" should be represented in
legislative bodies and that public spaces should be accessible to all. Different
human rights movements had a large number of leaders.

But compared to the late 1920s, B. R. Ambedkar has been a crucial person and
has continued to be important
45
in the first decade of the twenty-first century.
Throughout countless struggles for human rights and dignity, there have been
numerous leaders.

29
30
Untouchability in India during British Rule
12
During the British rule in India, the caste system was not defined but was implemented
as a law by the British Government.13
The men who administered India for the East India company were more inclined towards
profiteering than to establish an effective government. By the starting of the 19th century,
this attitude had started to change.
A series of conquests expanded the country held by the British and the idea of responsible
trusteeship began to sneak into the thinking of the individuals charged with governing
British India.
After the British left the rule from India, the caste system changed its ideology towards
the dominance of untouchability, and this dominance turned into hard core classification
which is still in existence even after constitutionally abolished.
9
Although untouchability was abolished in 1950 from the text of Indian Constitution but
the repercussions of being discriminated by the upper castes over centuries still exists.
Discrimination is still practiced
9
in many parts of the Indian society, segregating Dalits
based on their appearance, from the rest of the population from everyday activities of
eating, entering places of worship and even in homes of upper caste Hindus.
A large population of Dalit has been reported living below the poverty line. Despite
reservations provided by the constitution to enable equal opportunity, people belonging
to the Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes has become a political identity over the
decades of independent
9
India. The rise of Hindutva has led Dalits to convert to other
religion such as Islam, Buddhism or Christianity for better opportunities in education
and securing jobs for them.

31
32
7
Gandhi’s Approach to Caste and

Untouchability: A Reappraisal
5
Gandhi’s ideas on caste and untouchability have created much misunderstanding in
scholarly circles. Gandhi has been attacked for ambiguity and inconsistency on this
issue and accused of excessive deference to Hindu orthodoxy.

1 Critics have focused on Gandhi’s alleged ‘specious’ distinction between varnashram

dharma and the caste system.

2 Others, sympathetic interpreters, see Gandhi undergoing a rational evolution, ranging

from an all out orthodox stance in the early years to a liberal one by the 1930s.

3 Such interpretations reflect an oversimplified understanding of a complex reality.

4 This paper examines the different positions of attack or defense of Gandhi’s treatment
of the question of caste and untouchability, an issue to which Gandhi devoted a large
amount of time and energy.

The removal of untouchability was one of Gandhi’s central concerns. In both words and
actions, Gandhi attacked untouchability in ways that were radical for a ‘caste Hindu’.
Despite being a ‘caste Hindu’ himself, Gandhi identified himself with the
‘Untouchables’. He said on 2nd February 1934, ‘as a savarna Hindu, when I see that
there are some Hindus called avarnas, it offends my sense of justice and truth (…)’ and
‘if I discover that Hindu shastras really countenance untouchability as it is seen today, I
will renounce and denounce Hinduism.’

5 Writing in Young India in April 1921, Gandhi boldly described the practice of
‘untouchability’ as ‘a blot on Hinduism’ and characterized it as an excrescence.

6 As early as 3rd May 1915, he had said, ‘if it were proved to me that this is an essential
part of Hinduism, I for one would declare myself an open rebel against Hinduism itself.’

7 According to him, ‘there was nothing so bad’ as the practice of untouchability in

Hinduism ‘in all the world.’

8 ‘This religion,’ he said in 1917, ‘if it can be called such, stinks in my nostrils. This
certainly cannot be the Hindu religion.’

9 These were strong words, but the passion behind them sprang from Gandhi’s soul’s
agony. ‘And yet,’ Gandhi wrote in 1933, ‘I cannot leave religion and5 therefore
Hinduism. My life would be a burden to me, if Hinduism failed me. Take it away and
nothing remains for me.’

10 But Gandhi was ‘eager to live and commit untouchability to the flames.’ To live with
untouchability was ‘like a cup of poison’ to him.

33
 7
Gandhi stated: "There reigns just one varna today, that is, of Shudras, or you may call i
t, Ati- 7
'Shudras,' or 'Harijans,' or 'Untouchables' in a new foreword to an old Gujarati langua
ge compilation of writings on the issue in 1945. I am certain that everything I say is true.
All of our internal disputes will be resolved if I can persuade Hindu society to accept my
viewpoint.118
Anil Nauriya7
claims that when Gandhi reversed his previous view on untouchability an
d asserted that "castes must go if we want to root out untouchability," his opposition to
the four-varna system grew 7
more vehement and similar to Ambedkar's.120
He continued by saying that it was preferable for the Untouchables to fight the "caste H
indus." I am certain that everything I say is true.
All of our internal disputes will be resolved if I can persuade Hindu society to accept my
viewpoint.118
Anil Nauriya7
claims that when Gandhi reversed his previous view on untouchability an
d asserted that "castes must go if we want to root out untouchability," his opposition to
the four-varna system grew more vehement and similar to Ambedkar's.120
He continued by saying that fighting the "caste Hindus" was preferable to living as "wr
etched slaves" for 7
them.121
Gandhi added, "If this kind of untouchability were an essential component of sanatan d
harma, that religion has no use for me." as a more crucial point.122
He essentially endorsed Ambedkar's alternative while 7
doing so.
Gandhi, however, went one step farther, declaring in May 1946, "I myself have become
a "Harijan" by choice."The Hindus were pushed to "become Ati-
Shudras not merely in name but in thought, word, and deed," according to verse 123.12
4 7
He7
added that the distinction between "Harijans" and caste Hindus would vanish if "th
e caste Hindus would 7
become Bhangis of their own free will."125
Then, in a speech in July 7
1946, he endorsed unions of 'Harijans' and others.
According to Nauriya, Gandhi had stripped the varna of both its sociological significanc
e and its original connotation of established castes of mankind determined by birth by t
he years 1945–1946.126
35
The renowned Indian social reformer G. Ramachandra Rao, known as "Gora," was full
y aware of Gandhi's philosophy and method: "
Varna dharma was a problem when (Gandhi) initially started working to end untoucha
bility.
Even back then, it was simple to understand intellectually that caste needed to disappea
r totally if untouchability was to be fully abolished.
However, caste was not a pressing issue at the time from a practical standpoint.
The eradication of untouchability was the only issue.
So, despite the fact that he personally did not observe caste even then, he allowed it to e
ndure.
As a result, the early stages of the work to end untouchability were completed without r
unning afoul of the caste system's inconsistencies or encountering any complications fro
m individuals who would oppose the caste system's elimination.
When he reached the point where he realised that caste was a significant barrier to his a
bility to advance,
Gandhi advised that caste should be eradicated from root to branch and suggested inter
-marriages as well as inter-dining as a solution.
34
A purely intellectual person might see contradiction between (Gandhi's) previous accept
ance of caste and his subsequent condemnation of it.
However, these are not rules of contradiction, but rather steps of advancement to a prac
tical man of nonviolent faith.
7
Gandhi considered untouchability to be the worst human practise, the biggest stain on
Hinduism, and a cup of poison. He desired to sacrifice invulnerability to the fire.
Gandhi7 had already surpassed caste prejudices when, at the age of twelve, he first argue
d with his mother that Hinduism did not condone untouchability.
At the age of 18, he rejected caste to travel overseas, then endured his brother's fury as
he reprimanded him. He then braved the risk of social backlash by accepting "Untouch
ables" in his ashrams on an equal footing, engaged in filthy labour himself, and pledged
and strove to end untouchability.
He declared that if untouchability was not eliminated, he would openly revolt against Hi
7
nduism.
Above all, he made the elimination of untouchability a crucial tenet of Indian politics.
7
Gandhi considered untouchability to be the worst human practise, the biggest stain on
Hinduism, and a cup of poison. He desired to sacrifice invulnerability to the fire.
Gandhi7 had already surpassed caste prejudices when, at the age of twelve, he first argue
d with his mother that Hinduism did not condone untouchability.
At the age of 18, he rejected caste to travel overseas, then endured his brother's fury as
he reprimanded him. He then braved the risk of social backlash by accepting "Untouch
ables" in his ashrams on an equal footing, engaged in filthy labour himself, and pledged
and strove to end untouchability.
He declared that if untouchability was not eliminated, he would openly revolt against Hi
7
nduism.
Above all, he made the elimination of untouchability a crucial tenet of Indian politics.
to obtain swaraj.
Gandhi even offered a revolutionary critique of the varna order, which emerged throug
h time, as a "caste Hindu."
Gandhi's
7
attitude towards untouchability was uncompromising, but his perspective on c
aste and varna changed over time.
Gandhi
7
transitioned from being a cautious reformer to a more daring attitude before ta
king a revolutionary stance.
Gandhi's overall objective of equity remained the same, but how it was to be carried out
inevitably
5
varied in response to the shifting conditions over time and across place, as wi
tnessed in the cases of South Africa and India.

The 'high castes' make up the privileged segments of society,

2
while the 'lower castes'
make up the disadvantaged segments. The institution of caste "can be seen as the
institution that has been structuring and maintaining relations of power among
different communities for centuries, and seeks to legitimise these power relations by
dispensing mixes of economic and cultural assets/opportunities and deprivations to
different communities."

4 Numerous people have remarked on the resilience of the caste system, which "has
survived in South Asian societies in one form or another, despite the fundamental
ideological and structural changes that have occurred through the spread of religions
35
like Islam and Christianity as well as of model secular and egalitarian ideologues, all of
whom were opposed to the very idea of hierarchyacquired statuses.
38
5 The Dalits, who are at the bottom of this hierarchy and are referred to as
"untouchables," are at the centre of an ingrained kind of prejudice because of their
status as "downtrodden" or "oppressed." This specific
2
occurrence causes people from
other castes to find it socially unacceptable to use the same food2 and utensils, get their
water from the same source, or visit the same shrines. Only the37highest caste, the
Brahmins, consistently fare better throughout the nation, with the caste system being
distinct to different states and areas in India. The hierarchy between the various castes
may alter depending on the locality, in addition to the names of the castes themselves.
However, historically oppressed castes.

Untouchability-based discrimination has been identified,

46
listed, and included in the
2
Constitution's "schedule" as it was a component of the caste system throughout India.
The social and religious hardship experienced by a caste as a result of untouchability, or
being at the bottom of the social order, is the implied requirement for inclusion on the
Schedule Caste list.
39
Although Dalits currently make up 16.2% of India's population, they have just a
negligible 5% control over the nation's resources. Nearly 50% of Dalit people are
unemployed, and a larger percentage (62%) are illiterate. The majority of Dalit42
agricultural labourers are either completely or virtually completely
2
landless. In 1998,
the Dalit average household income was only 17,465 rupees, or 68% of the national
average. Less than 10% of Dalit households can afford power, running water, and
toilets, which speaks volumes about their appalling social
41
situation. Furthermore, Dalits
outweigh other groups in society in terms of everyday victims of the worst crimes and
atrocities. virtually all of these.
36
Due to widespread fear, the vast majority of these crimes go unreported, and those that
are recorded31are frequently overlooked by authorities or languish in the backlog of the
legal system. A total of 334,459 cases of crimes against Scheduled
44
Castes were reported
to the police nationwide between 1992 and 2000. India is still severely affected by the
caste system's cancer more than 60 years after earning its independence. Dalits continue
to be the nation's most defenceless, marginalised, and attacked population.

.
2
Village Survey Results (Human Rights Watch 2007)

 37.8% of village schools force Dalit children to sit separately

 27% of Dalits not able to go to the police  33% of public health workers refuse to go
to Dalit homes

 12% of villages reported preventing Dalits from voting

 48% of villages stopped Dalits from drinking from water sources

36
 64% villages prevented Dalits from entering temples

 70% of villages do not allow Dalits to eat with non-Dalits

The practice of caste-based discrimination is one based on descent; and falls clearly
under the (Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination)
CERD’s definition of racial discrimination. India’s continued exclusionary stand
regarding its millions of lower caste citizens is a violation of their rights and its own
responsibility to them. Even after prime minister Manmohan Singh acknowledged the
abysmal status of the country’s Dalits in December 2006--the first leader to do so--the
country continues to lag behind in improving the lot of Dalits. The most acute
manifestations of caste discrimination are the systematic denial of the rights to food,
health, education, freedom from bonded labor and ultimately, the denial of the right to
justice. This denial includes the refusal to provide redress, which is an international
obligation under the common article 2 of both the ICCPR and ICESCR.  Impunity
and non-implementation of laws for the protection of Dalits as noted by the UN Special
Rapporteur on Human Rights Defenders in her 2012 mission report, impunity for
atrocities against Dalits is a chronic problem in India. Though there are series of laws in
place, the conviction rates of the SC/ST (Prevention of Atrocities) Act 1989, which aim
to eliminate atrocities against SCs, are shockingly low. Moreover, special provisions are
not implemented properly by the state machinery. For example, while the Special
Component Plan did bring in benefits to SCs, the overall record based on factual
findings found that many states had failed to allocate funds as per the normative SC
population percentage.vi There is an urgent need to check whether these laws ensure
the protection and promotive aspects of Dalits, and to amend it where necessary. 
Exclusion in access to basic services and extreme poverty Exclusion, segregation, and
discrimination against Dalits in the education and health sector remain a widespread
problem in India (e.g., access to adequate housing, water and sanitation, and land). Out
of India’s 37.2 % poor population (323 mio people), the majority of them are Dalits
(47.2% in rural areas and 39.9% in urban centers). 48 Journal of Social Welfare and
Human Rights, Vol. 2(1), March 2014  Diversion of economic benefits allocated for
Dalits: Allocations for Special Component Plan for SCs has been inadequate at national
level and that many states have failed to allocate as per the normative SC population
percentage. The amount denied to SCs from 2005 to 2009 amounts to US $ 20.8 billion.
This means that annually around US $ 5.2 billion have been denied through non-
implementation as per the policy requirements of the Special Component Plan for SCs.
 Lack of Political Participation Dalits are often limited from equal and meaningful
political participation. While legal mechanisms to protect Dalits are in place,
implementation remains very weak.  Dalit Women, Trafficking and Forced
Prostitution A significant proportion of India’s Dalit women suffer multiple forms of
discrimination, incl. verbal abuse, physical assault, sexual harassment and assault,
domestic violence, naked parading, and rape. Some young Dalit girls are even exposed
to a form of forced prostitution in temples, serving as sex workers for men from
dominant castes.  Manual Scavenging and Bonded Labour An estimated 1.3 million
Dalits in India make their living through the inhuman and outlawed practice of manual
scavenging (the job of cleaning human excrement from dry toilets with bare hands).
The use and abuse of Dalit bonded labourers remains endemic within a range of

37
occupations. In this aspect, Dalit children are particularly vulnerable.  Disaster Risk
Reduction and Dalits During disasters, Dalits are systematically excluded in
rehabilitation measures. The existing laws, policies and guidelines of the national and
state governments are not comprehensive enough to capture the sensitive issue of caste-
based discrimination in emergencies. Sailajananda Saikia 49  Discrimination in
Education 50% of all SC children, and 64% of girl students drop out due to
discrimination being practiced against them in school. The difference in dropout rates
between SC youth and all Indian youth has actually grown from 4.39 % in 1989 to 16.21
% in 2008.  Crime Against Dalits Statistics compiled by India's National Crime
Records Bureau indicate that in the year 2000, the last year for which figures are
available, 25,455 crimes were committed against Dalits. Every hour two Dalits are
assaulted; every day three Dalit women are raped, two Dalits are murdered, and two
Dalit homes are torched. No one believes these numbers are anywhere close to the
reality of crimes committed against Dalits. Because the police, village councils, and
government officials often support the caste system, which is based on the religious
teachings of Hinduism, many crimes go unreported due to fear of reprisal, intimidation
by police, inability to pay bribes demanded by police, or simply the knowledge that the
police will do nothing. That same year, 68,160 complaints were filed against the police
for activities ranging from murder, torture, and collusion in acts of atrocity, to refusal
to file a complaint. Sixty two percent of the cases were dismissed as unsubstantiated; 26
police officers were convicted in court. Despite the fact that untouchability was officially
banned when India adopted its constitution in 1950, discrimination against Dalits
remained so pervasive that in 1989 the government passed legislation known as The
Prevention of Atrocities Act. The act specifically made it illegal to parade people naked
through the streets, force them to eat feces, take away their land, foul their water,
interfere with their right to vote, and burn down their homes. 50 Journal of Social
Welfare and Human Rights, Vol. 2(1), March 2014  Lack of Enforcement, Not Laws
Enforcement of laws designed to protect Dalits is lax if not non-existent in many regions
of India. The practice of untouchability is strongest in rural areas, where 80 percent of
the country's population resides. There, the underlying religious principles of Hinduism
dominate. Untouchables are literally outcastes; a fifth group that is so unworthy it
doesn't fall within the caste system. Although based on religious principles practiced for
some 1,500 years, the system persists today for economic as much as religious reasons.
Because they are considered impure from birth, Untouchables perform jobs that are
traditionally considered "unclean" or exceedingly menial, and for very little pay. One
million Dalits work as manual scavengers, cleaning latrines and sewers by hand and
clearing away dead animals. Millions more are agricultural workers trapped in an
inescapable cycle of extreme poverty, illiteracy, and oppression. Although illegal, 40
million people in India, most of them Dalits, are bonded workers, many working to pay
off debts that were incurred generations ago, according to a report by Human Rights
Watch published in 1999. These people, 15 million of whom are children, work under
slave-like conditions hauling rocks, or working in fields or factories for less than U.S. $1
day. Conclusion The caste system as a social organization of Hindu Society is based on
highly unequal entitlements to economic and social rights. This inequality involves the
historic exclusion and discrimination, in terms of denial of rights, of certain groups and
castes, particularly the SCs in multiple societal relations economic, social, political and
cultural. Scheduled Castes (SCs) Constitutes about 16.2 per cent of Indian population.

38
In spite of sustained and consistent efforts on the part of government to ameliorate the
conditions of SCs, this social group continues to be categorized amongst the poorest and
most subordinate in Indian society by any measure of human development. More than
half the SC population is concentrated in five states of Uttar Pradesh, West Bengal,
Bihar, Tamil Nadu and Andhra Pradesh. Sailajananda Saikia 51 Dalits are subjected to
violence, especially in rural areas, their women raped, and their land stolen. Dalits
perform the most dangerous and odious forms of labour in Indian society including that
of manual scavenging (removing human or animal waste) or performing low-end ‘dirty’
wage labour in tanneries. Dalits are poorly represented in the professions, business,
media, and the higher levels of the government including the police, the army, and the
judiciary. Recent studies based on available data indicate, for example, that 47 per cent
of the Chief Justices of India have been Brahmins (who constitute 6.4 per cent of the
population) as have been 40 per cent of all the other judges. There is also rampant social
discrimination against Dalits, how to end caste discrimination against Dalits is a
profound issue because its roots go to the structural importance of caste for the
operation of Indian society and the economy itself. While the Indian Constitution
outlawed untouchability and caste discrimination, it did not abolish caste itself. This
was realized by Dr. B.R. Ambedkar, the father of the Indian Constitution, who called
for the ‘annihilation of caste’ itself. A study done by National Dalit Movement for
Justice (NDMJ), part of the National Campaign for Dalit Human Rights (NCDHR),
showed that between 1992 and 2007 only 33 per cent of the atrocity cases were
registered under the S.C. /S.T. Act. The majority of the cases were registered under IPC
sections and 1 per cent under the PCRA. It also showed that the conviction rate of cases
under the S.C. /S.T. Act was just 3.3 per cent for the Country as a whole. Although
India has made measurable progress in terms of the protections afforded to Dalits since
independence, Dalits still suffer invidious discrimination and mistreatment at the hands
of upper caste members and law enforcement officials. Such mistreatment is
inexcusable under both India’s domestic laws and its obligations under international
law. Although the Indian government denies the problem of mistreatment of Dalits and
points to extensive legal protections evidencing compliance with international
standards, the numerous reports of violence and discrimination indicate that Dalits
remain India’s “broken people.” Until the atrocities against Dalits end, the international
community ought to continue to publicize the conditions of India’s disenfranchised
population and encourage India to live up to the standards established in its domestic
laws and international obligations.

39
40
 Current Status of Untouchables India
In India, the situation with Dalits is similar to how it was in the past, but the reality is th
at more Dalits are being hurt and exploited today than there were in the past, and the st
ories are more varied.
There are places where this bias is not practised, but even in those places, people tend to
view the presence of others of lesser rank in the same way.
The instruction is in effect as though the law genuinely exists in articulation, despite the
fact that it is inherently cancelled by the law of distance.
The Dalits are the most notable victim of the cultural harm and are exploited as a result
, as people's attitudes towards the lower status of the general population have never cha
nged.

However, the Dalits are also being singled out by the neighbourhood as a group who
commit mis-behaviour. According to the NCRB19 report from 2019, the state of Uttar
Pradesh reported 11,829 incidents of discrimination against Dalits, followed by the
states of Rajasthan with 6,794 cases and Bihar with 6,544 occurrences.
In the public disputes, the Dalit women are being used as a target for retaliation.

41
 Gandhi's dream was never realised because untouchability still exists.
26
It was Mahatma Gandhi’s aim to eradicate ‘untouchability’ from India’s
caste system.
Prasanna Heggodu, a playwright, Gandhian, and the creator of the Charaka, Desi,
and Gramme Seva Sangha, asserts, "Creating laws and institutions to protect Dalits
has occurred. But I'm not sure if they're working the way they should be. Institutions
are also limited to formal labour, and nothing will really change until this is combined
with social activity on the ground.
"The social revolution is taking place, but Dalit organisations are mostly responsible.
These problems are better handled by a social movement that is wider than just the
Dalit movement. There needs to be a platform for negotiation that can engage in
confrontation and conflict but ultimately sit across the table and negotiate, according
to him. The BJP has become so hostile and untrustworthy in politics that they do not
rather than expressing themselves, they pounce on everyone. Almost every other
institution can say the same. This kind of conduct is unworkable in society. When
Gandhi tried to bargain with Ambedkar, he tried to do that. However, Ambedkar was
justifiably enraged. Gandhi was attempting to convey the idea that, despite
untouchability, there are two opposing viewpoints: one that wants to be touched and
the other that does not; as a result, we must establish an environment in which the
two can interact. But regrettably, it did not occur and was met with hostility and
mistrust. Now, this has multiplied beyond all recognition," he says.
Untouchability is still prevalent today, according to Dalit Sangharsha Samiti
Convener Bettaiah Kote, from Kashmir to Kanyakumari. Untouchability and other
societal ills were once said to be eradicated by education, according to one of our
teachers. Ironically, though, it's the educated who employ this more. Casteism
permeates even universities, he claims..

42
TNIE checks what is the status in different districts
It would be incorrect, according to UDUPI Dalit leader Shyamraj Birth, to think that th
ere is no untouchability in the city.
At Nandikoor near Padubidri, incidents of Dalits being denied access to wells belonging
to families from other underprivileged communities have been reported.
He claims that in Badagudde, wealthy people forbid the Koraga tribe from entering thei
r front yards.
Untouchability affects members of the Mugera, Mundala, Adi Dravida (all considered D
alits) clans and the Koraga tribe.
However, despite being ST community, the Samagara and Marathi Naik communities d
o not have the problem.
People still discriminate at Kittur, Bailhongal, and a few other villages around Nandaga
d in the Khanapur taluk.
Dalits' access to the Laxmi shrine has been restricted by Chikmannavalli villagers.
The police station in Nandagad received a complaint on May 27 against the temple pries
t and village chief.
Cases were also brought against a saloon owner for failing to clip Dalit customers' hair.
The Karnataka Dalit Sangharsh Samiti's (Bheemwad) general secretary, Ravi Bastwad
kar, claims that he just learned that Dalits were not permitted at the Maruti and Basava
nna temples in the Kittur taluk's Margankoppa village.
Additionally, the Dalits' access to the Laxmi shrine was being restricted by the Zunzha
wad villagers in the Khanapur taluk. GADAG
According to locals, untouchability exists in a few isolated areas of the Gadag district.
Several instances reported throughout the previous four years.
A senior SC woman fell into a lake in Huilgol village in 2018 after slipping.
Villagers began to drain the entire lake, but they were stopped when some local authorit
ies stepped in. A snake-
catcher who was drunk was allegedly denied entry into various clubs in 2019 because th
ey were Scheduled Caste members.
After SC/ST marriages took place close to few hotels in Mundargi in March 2021, those
hotels closed their doors.
Ashappa Pujar, Mundargi Tahsildar, cleaned tea cups at a motel run by a SC to raise a
wareness. SHIVAMOGGA
In May, someone is accused of harassing a married Dalit couple and attempting to sexu
ally assault the woman in the Thirthahalli taluk's Araga hamlet.
After purchasing medications for the husband, the three accused attacked the couple as
they were on their way back to the village at night.
The wife complained that the defendant began assaulting her husband, causing him to l
ose consciousness.
The accused then took her to a rubber farm, tried to sexually abuse her while stripping
her.
33
The accused ran away when she screamed.
The SC and ST Prevention of Atrocities Act, 1989's Section 3 was also used to charge th
e defendants with atrocities. KOLAR The family of a 15-year-
old Dalit boy was recently fined Rs 60,000 in Ullerahalli in the Kolar district for the reas
on that he was holding a pole attached to the village deity.
43
 Boothamma in the midst of a parade.
Village elders called a panchayat and gave the family the choice to pay the fine or leave
the community.
Contrary to expectations, Dalit families also helped build the Bhoothamma temple.
On September 8, the incident took place, but it wasn't until Sandeesh, president of the D
r. Ambedkar Seva Samithi, brought it up with the Masthi police, that it was made publi
c. Eight persons were detained, and the police filed a FIR against them.
Later, the afflicted family was given a site by the government, and the deputy commissi
oner mandated that the mother be given a position at a hostel. HASSAN
Tension was reported in the village of Dindaguru in the Channarayapatna Taluk nine m
onths ago after a guesthouse owner restricted a Dalit.
29 29
the entry of children.
Dalits and members of the upper caste were at odds, despite the fact that the incident w
as caused by a personal dispute.
It took the authorities camping in the village more than two weeks to appease the leader
s of the upper caste and Dalit communities.
A Dalit youth was allegedly beaten and mistreated by the village chief in Sakleshpur Tal
uk lately, according to another instance.
Despite protests, the victim's case received no justice from the police or the taluk official
s.
Three years ago, members of an upper caste forbade Dalits from visiting the Anjaneya t
emple at Sigaranahalli, Holenarasipur. Lastly, the
District officials found a solution by integrating upper caste individuals into confidence.
But since that time, no one from the upper caste has gone inside the shrine.

BIDAR
Given that one of the anganwadi staff in the Hatyal village in Basavakalyan taluk was a
SC, several parents forbade their kids from attending the centre.
Sumitra, the employee, claims she was surprised when students stopped visiting the ang
anwadi because of her caste.
Even after recovering her, they commanded her to be sent to Sirgapur, a nearby village.
Sharanu Salagar, a Basavakalyan MLA, persuaded the locals to abandon untouchabilit
y. The people eventually began sending their kids to the anganwadi.

44
45
Untouchability is prevalent in urban areas of Delhi, Rajasthan, and UP.

According to the survey, 39% of non-

Dalit Hindu women and 27% of men in Delhi reported that untouchability is a reality in
their homes, while 21% of the female respondents revealed that they avoided touching
members of Dalit communities despite the fact that the behaviour is illegal under decad
es-old regulations. Untouchability is practised by 35% of non-
Dalit Hindu women in urban Uttar Pradesh, compared to only 18% of the male respond
ents.

In accordance to the researchers, the 2011 India Human Development Survey, or IHDS,
revealed that untouchability was reported to be less prevalent in urban areas like Delhi
and Mumbai than it was in rural Uttar Pradesh and Rajasthan, where more than half o
f non-Dalit Hindu households practised untouchability.
They said that "roughly comparable SARI data...indicate that this fraction has not impr
oved in five years."
"Results from all of the surveys are comparable for the locations we study results, with
the exception of Delhi, where there are allegations of untouchability among.

The number of SARI respondents is nearly doubled opposed to the IHDS.

In rural Rajasthan, the survey revealed that 60% of adult respondents support laws
that forbid inter-caste marriage, contrasted with 40% in Delhi. Men in Mumbai who
support such laws are 27%. Following the passage of the Special Marriage Act in
1954, inter-caste marriage got lawful.

32
According to a survey conducted by Social28
Attitudes Research in India, or SARI,
untouchability is still practised by over two-thirds of the population in rural
Rajasthan and rural Uttar Pradesh. In these areas, about half of the populace
opposes unions of Dalits with non-Dalit Hindus.

46
According to Caste Survey Results, untouchability is still widely practised in India.

3
Living in cities, exposed to 'global' thinking and a more carnal
3
drive to survive, it's easy to
pretend to be immune to India's inner workings and societal injustices/inequalities that
you may have considered existing only in modest amounts. However, a recent survey by
The National Council of Applied Economic Research (NCAER) changed all things.
Having conducted the second Indian Human Development Survey (IHDS-2) — the largest
pan-Indian non-government household survey — the full results of this survey, which was
conducted over 42,000 Indian households3 in 2011-2012, will not be made public until next
year, but the information collected3about India's caste system shows that we still have a
long way to go towards the goal of eliminating caste-based discrimination – all this soon
after 64 years.

Here are a few shocking conclusions from the survey:

3
I. Untouchability continues to be practised by one in every four Indians.
Across the board, a stunning 27 percent of respondents stated that they3 practised untouchability in
some form or another, amounting to nearly one-quarter of all Indians admitting to the same. In
accordance to The Indian Express, surveyors asked respondents, "Does anyone in your family
practise untouchability?" and, if the answer was "No," that they asked, "Would it be okay for a
Scheduled Caste person to enter your3kitchen or use your utensils?"
II. Untouchability is still practised by more than half of 'The Hindi Heartland.'
Northern intermediate states such as Madhya
3
Pradesh, Chattisgarh, Rajasthan, and Bihar have
experienced the greatest improvements. as far as the abolition of this caste practise is concerned.
Madhya Pradesh leads the charts with 53%, while Uttarakhand has the lowest, but still ridiculously
high, figure of 40%.
III. According to the religious breakdown, Hindus and Jains are the most widespread practitioners
of Untouchability.

47
According to the survey, actually every third Hindu (33-35 percent) practises untouchability,
followed by Jains (30 percent), but researchers warn that Jains' results may not be totally true due
to a limited sample size, Muslims (18 percent), and Christians (5 percent). This is especially
3
intriguing because NCAER data reveal that untouchability is low even in religions that have never
formally been affiliated with the reality, such as Islam and Sikhism.

IV. Brahmins are are especially keen on ensuring caste3 purity.

This is the least startling of the conclusions. Over half of Brahmins agreed to using and enforcing
this system, as they have historically
3
been the most devoted with it. A brief post-analysis will reveal
that the survey's good finding is that such Brahmins tend to remain contained to the Hindi
heartland, since education appears to be driving such regressive value systems out.
3
Across the board, an unbelievable 27% of respondents stated that they indeed
exercise3untouchability in some manner, amounting to nearly one-quarter of all
Indians admitting to the same. According to The Indian Express, surveyors
questioned respondents, "Does anyone in your family practice untouchability?"
and, if the answer was "No," put a subsequent follow-up: "Would it be
permissible for a Scheduled Caste person to enter your kitchen or use your
utensils?"II. More than half of ‘The Hindi Heartland’ still practises
untouchability.

Northern middle-class states such as Madhya Pradesh, Chattisgarh,

3
Rajasthan, and Bihar
have made the least headway in eliminating this caste practise. Madhya Pradesh leads
the charts with 53%, while Uttarakhand has the lowest, but still ridiculously high, figure
of 40%. III. The religious break-up says Hindus and Jains are the widest practicers of
Untouchability

Due to the survey, practically every third Hindu (33-35 percent) practises
untouchability, followed by Jains (30 percent), but researchers warn that Jains'
results may not be totally true due to inadequate sample size, Muslims (18
percent), and Christians (5 percent). This
3
is especially intriguing because NCAER
data reveal that untouchability is low even in religions that have never formally
been affiliated with the practice, such as Islam and Sikhism.

IV. The most preoccupied with maintaining caste purity are Brahmins.
3
This is the least startling of the observations. Over half of Brahmins agreed to
using and enforcing this system, as they have historically been the most devoted
with it. A preliminary post-analysis will reveal that

48
Source: The Indian Express
3
Surprisingly, over 15% of Scheduled Castes and 22% of Scheduled Tribes
admitted to practising untouchability, indicating that higher castes are not the
only ones pushing the approach downwards. It begs the question, "Why would the
people who are most negatively affected by the bias reinforce it amongst
themselves?"
3
Many believe this is due to the fact that caste distinctions are
similar to racial and ethnic isolation, with each community feeling like a minority
grouping that must protect itself from outsiders.

likewise, 33% of OBCs agreed to the practise still being ingrained in their way of
life, most notably in Tamil Nadu, where they are the oppressors of Dalits rather
than the victims of Brahmins.

VI. Inter-caste marriages account for only 5.34 percent of all Indian weddings.
3
Surprisingly, the proportion of inter-caste marriages in both urban and rural India is
roughly the same, with the former accounting for 5.37 percent and the latter accounting
for 5.32 percent. However, in both circumstances,
3
the number is extremely small,
implying that there is considerably more bias than we previously imagined.

VII. West Bengal and Kerala look to be the most advanced, with the least level of
untouchability practised.
3
It's not unexpected that the'red states' are leading the pack in terms of
progressive attitudes. According to polls, only 1% of West Bengal's inhabitants
49
3
still practise untouchability, with Kerala coming in second with 2%. Our home
state of Maharashtra is without3 a doubt one of the better places to live, with a
population growth rate of 4%. However, a large part of this can be attributed to
the fact that Mumbai continues to make up a large part of its population, and
rarely sees expression of such practises given its ability to shelter people from so
many different castes, creeds, religions, and ethnicities all at once.

Conclusion:
After taking into consideration all factors, there are two approaches to assess the
overall effects of this study. While many people have (rightly) expressed shock at the 3
incredibly large number of Indians who continue to engage in a shameful practise, it's
important to remember that, until recently, this study would have produced almost
entirely positive results regarding the presence of similar in Indian families. So, perhaps
this isn't a basis for self-hatred (as if we needed more fuel for it right now), but it is an
opportunity to identify and analyse the true forces driving advancement (for example,
education) and to develop frameworks that explicitly and broadly adopt such reasoning.

50
51
 What are ways to remove
untouchability ?

52
 What are ways to remove untouchability?
These are some ways which should be taken to remove untouchability
which are as follows:
1) Education: Education must be given to Harijans so that they can fulfil their
responsibilities and have life in respectful way. Those who do not fall in this
category have to be awared about the situation .
4
Regardless to say for providing better education facilities to these Harijans , so
that they can fulfil their dreams and live there life peacefully and happily. It should
be double folded

2) Strict enforcement of laws: 4

These laws should be made to take strict action if a Non
4
Harijan who is not
dedicated to problems of untouchability and working in a half minded on other case
if a harijan should given a responsibility for implementation of these types
problems which arises. This could benefit to favoritism which would leads to
problems.

4
3) Improving the economic condition

The basic need is to improving economic conditions of the Harijans. This should be
done through various ways:

a) The programme for bettering the economic conditions of the Harijans should be
build.
4
b) They should be provided with assistance for agriculture,.
4
c) They should also be trained in various types of jobs.

D) Programme for propaganda against the social disabilities inflicted upon

Harijans and the evil practice of untouchability should be carried on.

It would be better if committed non-Harijans are entrusted with this task.

4) Reservation to continue:

Reservation that is existed at the present moment should be allowed to continue at

least for a decade more. This continuance would give them an opportunity to
balance the position. The Harijans have been subjected to various types of
disabilities for hundreds of years. If they are allowed to favourable treatment for
five decades, there will not be much of harm done. These reservations should
continue in the legislature, the services and the other places.

5) Propaganda against Caste System:

53
 The greatest need is to remove the wrong notions about the Caste System in fact the
Caste System has done the greatest harm to the country. It has checked economy
and social mobility. When people become conscious of the evils of the Caste System,
then automatically the untouchability shall vanish.

6) Harijans should be given protection and encouragement but the link with the
upper classes should be maintained:

Because of the lack of education, the programmes that are being launched for
eradication of untouchability are being misunderstood by the caste Hindus. They
are also suffering economically because the whole economy was based on the
exploitation of the so-called Harijans. Such a situation is likely to cause an
imbalance. This thing should be taken care of.

The programme for upliftment of Harijans should not be allowed to be

incorporated as a programme intended at weakening the caste Hindus. The links
between the two should be maintained. In this respect Arya Samaj has done a lot
and if the programme of Harijan Welfare is entrusted to the committed Arya Samaj
it can do a lot for the eradication of untouchability.

The evil practice of untouchability has beware various aspects of our society. It
shall have to be eradicated but it will take time and the only thing shall have to be
done in a very wise and tactful manner.

25
HOUSING FACILITIES
Harijans at present live
43
in worst type of slums and divided from residential areas
from high caste people. Bad housing conditions can affect their health. the
government should provide financial assistance to these houseless harijans, and
build their old houses and repair them.

Employment opportunities

Government should provide as much as employment opportunities to these harijans

to improve their standard of living. Government should also provide reservations to
these harijans so that they can works in industrial enterprise
8
Abolition of caste system

Caste system is the root cause of the origin of untouchability! Therefore,

the abolition of caste system is very essential for the removal of
untouchability.
Encouragement of inter-caste marriage

It is a very effective means for the removal of untouchability. By inter-caste marriages,

not only two persons of different castes but their families too shall be united. To destroy
age-old age gaps it should be the policy of Government to provide all types of facilities
54
to those who have married out-side their own caste. Hence, for the removal of
untouchability, inter-caste marriages, especially between the higher castes and the
untouchable castes should be encouraged by all possible meaning.
8
Contact between caste Hindus and harijans

It is necessary hat there should be an ever- increasing contact between the Harijans and
the caste Hindus. The tradition of untouchability should be destroyed and the feeling of
disgust which the superior Hindus for the untouchables as well as the sense of
inferiority of the Harijans should be eliminated.

55
 Steps taken by government
to eradicate untouchability

56
40
The Indian Constitution’s Article 17 forbids this practise. Untouchability is
imposed and causes harm, which is forbidden and punishable by law.
19
The Directive Principles of State Policy outlined in the Indian Constitution
expressly bar untouchability. 12
In several facets of public life, exceptions have been established for members of the
Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes. 16
Reserving seats at educational16
institutions, positions in the public sector, including
jobs in all departments, and seats in state and federal legislatures (state legislatures,
Lok Sabha and Rajya Sabha) are a few examples of these.
1955’s Untouchability Act
16
The Prevention of Caste Disabilities Act of 1850 forbade depriving a person of
citizenship rights solely on the grounds of caste or religion.
Untouchability was eliminated by the Constitution (Article 17), therefore nobody
can prevent Dalits from accessing public services including schools, temples, and
restrooms.
16
Furthermore, it demonstrates that a democratic government will not tolerate the
erroneous practise of untouchability. Actually, the offence of untouchability is now
punishable.
23
The Prevention of Atrocities Act of 1989 amended and strengthened the legal
regulations that criminalise acts of violence or humiliation against Dalits and
Adivasis. 22
No Indian citizen shall be subjected to discrimination on the basis of religion, race,
caste, sex, or place of birth, as stated in Article 15 of the Constitution.
18
The National Commission for Scheduled Tribes (NCST) and National Commission
for Scheduled Castes (NCSC) were created to investigate, oversee, and To
investigate, monitor, and assess any matter relevant to the protection of the
18
Scheduled Castes/Scheduled Tribes under the Constitution, the National
Commission for Scheduled Castes (NCSC) and the National Commission for
Scheduled Tribes (NCST) were founded.
Legislative Measures to End Untouchability: Article 17 declares
12
that practicing
untouchability is a serious and punished offense. In 1955, the parliament passed the
Untouchability Offences Act. It was later superseded by the Civil Rights Act of
1976.
12
Offences of untouchability under the Protection of Civil Rights Act of 1976:
12
(a) Committing any type of social injustice, such as refusing entrance to any store,
restaurant, public hospital, educational institution, or public entertainment venue.
12
(b) Preventing a person from visiting a place34of worship and praying, or from
drinking water from a public well or spring, on the basis of untouchability.
20
(c) Refusing to sell goods or give services to an untouchable person is an offence
punishable by imprisonment for six months or a fine of up to Rs. 500/-, or both.

(d) Enforcing occupational, professional, and trade impairments in the enjoyment

of any charitable trust benefit, etc.

57
 Constitutional safeguards

The Indian constitution protects and safeguards untouchables through universal

citizenship rights. The goal is to advance their socioeconomic interests and
eliminate their varied limitations.
19
The constitution contains the following provisions: Article 15(1):

The state will not discriminate against any citizen based on religion, race, caste,
gender, place of birth, or any combination of these factors.
14
Article—15(2):

No citizen shall be subjected to any limitation, restriction, or condition based solely

on religion, race, caste, sex, or place of birth, or any combination thereof.

(a) Access to stores, public eateries, hotels, and public entertainment venues

(a) The use of wells, tanks, bathing Ghats, roads, and public resorts is entirely or
partially discontinued.
Non-Governmental Efforts:
There are various non-governmental organisations in India working to eliminate
untouchability. Among them are the Depressed Classes Union, Harijan Sevak
Sangh, Scheduled Caste Federation, and others.

Mahatma Gandhi, Dr. B.R. Ambedkar, Thakkar Bapa, Swami Vivekananda, Ram
Krishna Paramhansa, Raja Rammohan Ray, and Swami Dayananda Saraswati are
among the notable individuals who have worked tirelessly to end untouchability in
India.

The practise of untouchability has nearly been abolished as a result of official and
non-governmental efforts. The untouchables are now in a better position than they
were previously. Only the Indian government's welfare initiatives make this
possible. It is hoped that untouchables will be treated equally with upper castes,
and that this problem will be resolved.

It is hoped that untouchables will be handled equitably with higher castes, and that
this problem will be eradicated from Indian society.

58
 References
• ·https://navsyarjantrust.org/what-is-untouchability/
27
• The Continuing Practice of Untouchability in India Patterns and Mitigating
Influence: [PDF] The continuing practice of untouchability in India

Article I. A Thorat, O Joshi - Economic & Political Weekly, 2020 -

socy.umd.edu
6
• https://www.encyclopedia.com/history/dictionaries-thesauruses-pictures-and-
press-releases/untouchability-overview

• [PDF] researchgate.net
24
Article II. Gandhi's Approach to Caste and Untouchability
21
Article III. [PDF] Discrimination of fundamental rights: A critical review of the
present caste based status of Dalit's in India

Article IV.

Article V. important suggestions for Removing Untouchability

Article VI. PreserveArticles.com
Article VII. https://www.preservearticles.com › sociology › certain-su...
Article VIII. https://homegrown.co.in/homegrown-explore/this-week-in-culture-a-
fetish-themed-techno-gig-cane-juice-rum-more

59
 Similarity Report ID: oid:17837:36950839

61% Overall Similarity

Top sources found in the following databases:
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TOP SOURCES
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3 5%
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statista.com
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