Work xx (20xx) x–xx 1

DOI:10.3233/WOR-203207
IOS Press

1 You better be as stressed as i am: Working

2 men’s mental health amidst workplace
expectations for busyness

f
3

roo
4 Bonnie Lashewicza,∗ , Jennifer Mitchella , Nicholas Boettchera , Erin Jonesa and JianLi Wangb
5
a University of Calgary, Department of Community Health Sciences, Calgary, Alberta, Canada
b University of Ottawa, School of Epidemiology and Public Health, Ottawa, Ontario, Canada

rP
6
9
7
8 Received 17 July 2018
Accepted 29 July 2019

Abstract.
tho
10
Au
11 BACKGROUND: In western societies, busy lifestyles that include long hours spent in paid employment are highly regarded.
12 Given the ongoing primacy of men’s roles as employees and providers, researchers need to understand men’s mental health
13 in terms of men’s relationships to paid employment and expectations for “busyness”.
14 OBJECTIVE: This study is an examination of if and how working men ascribe to workplace expectations for “busyness”
15 and what mental health impacts these expectations can entail.
d

16 METHODS: We present a secondary analysis of narrative data drawn from three focus groups and 23 individual interviews
17 with working men (n = 37) about work-related mental health.
cte

18 RESULTS: We found two themes of workplace expectations for busyness: 1) immediate manifestations and 2) background
19 manifestations. Immediate manifestations are intensity and volume of work while background manifestations include a)
20 unspoken messages and b) mixed messages. We found a third theme of 3) impacts of expectations for busyness and this
21 includes a) busyness pride/costs of being “unbusy” and b) trade-offs in self-care.
22 CONCLUSIONS: Obvious and subtle workplace expectations for busyness are abundant and may obstruct attending to
one’s mental health as well as contribute to a frame of reference where not being busy precipitates feelings of anxiety and
rre

23

24 depression.

25 Keywords: Masculinity, self-care, status, stress, job intensity

co

26 1. Introduction and address mental health needs [1, 2]. Further, the 31

stigma of mental illness can exert a distinct influence 32

Un

27 Although as many as one in five Canadians are esti- on men who are shaped by a sociocultural “code” 33

28 mated to experience a mental illness in their lifetime, that requires that men exemplify self-reliance and 34

29 the stigma of mental illness continues to pose obsta- resourcefulness [3, 4]. As such, men may hesitate 35

30 cles for research and practice efforts to understand to acknowledge and seek help for problems, particu- 36

larly problems that entail invisible symptoms [5, 6]. 37

∗ Address for correspondence: Bonnie Lashewicz, University For example, compared to women, men are less sus- 38
of Calgary, Department of Community Health Sciences, TRW
Bldg, 3280 Hospital Drive N.W., Calgary, Alberta, Canada T2N
ceptible to anxiety and depression, but men are also 39

4Z6. Tel.: +1 403 220 4980; Fax: +1 403 220 6494; E-mail: less likely to acknowledge and seek help for anxi- 40

bmlashew@ucalgary.ca. ety and depression [7]. While women continue to be 41

1051-9815/20/$35.00 © 2020 – IOS Press and the authors. All rights reserved
 2 B. Lashewicz et al. / Working men’s mental health amidst expectations for busyness

42 diagnosed with depression at higher rates than men, examination of working men’s mental health and 92

43 more men die by suicide than women; for example, we contribute an analysis that complements previ- 93

44 in 2009, the suicide rate for males was three times ous work that has profiled men as enacting neoliberal 94

45 higher than the rate for females (17.9 versus 5.3 per workplace ideals of relentless demands for employee 95

46 100,000) [1]. engagement and productivity [5, 16]. Our analysis 96

47 Researchers discuss men’s reluctance to acknowl- will complement evidence of system level ideals of 97

48 edge and seek help for mental health problems productivity which are reflected in, and perpetuated 98

49 including in terms of men’s inclinations to behave by, abundant literatures which, deriving from an eco- 99

f
50 in ways that are valued by peers or colleagues. nomic heuristic, profile costs of “lost productivity” 100

roo
51 Accordingly, researchers note the importance of owing to mental health related absenteeism and pre- 101

52 understanding men’s mental health in the context of senteeism [17, 18]. 102

53 men’s relationships to paid employment [8–10]. In

54 recent decades, socio-cultural codes have continued 1.2. The appeal of busy 103

55 to reinforce the primacy of men’s roles as employ-

rP
56 ees and providers. These codes are evolving to entail Seeking to illuminate the phenomenon of busyness 104

57 increasingly positive views of, and expectations for, at a family level, Darrah, Freeman and English- 105

58 busy lifestyles that include long hours spent in paid Lueck [19] found a pervasive “narrative of busyness” 106

59 employment [11–13]. Some theorists have presented which was less about the type of activities that filled 107

tho
60 busyness that entails long hours in paid employment one’s time and more about the fact that one’s time 108

61 as a new age “badge of honor” [14] and “status sym- was filled. Through their ethnographic study of 14 109

62 bol” [15]. In this study, we target the perspectives of middle class, dual income couples, Darrah and col- 110

63 working men to illuminate the ways in which work- leagues reported that technology driven, fast-paced 111

64 place expectations for busyness are part of men’s demands of paid employment were key to busyness, 112
Au
65 mental health experiences. Our purpose is to con- but paid employment was one part of “actively assem- 113

66 tribute to understandings of if, and in what ways, men bled” lifestyles that encompassed many dimensions, 114

67 ascribe to workplace expectations for busyness, and including intensive parenting practices and leisure 115

68 what mental health impacts expectations for busy- pursuits. Busyness entailed efforts to secure reprieve 116

69 ness can hold. We begin by theoretically anchoring from busyness, including through the hidden work 117

this study using the concept of busyness and we of planning reprieves, yet the overall busyness of
d

70 118

71 follow with a select review of literature profiling lifestyle was intentional and valued. 119
cte

72 shifts in understandings of busyness as it relates to Findings that people intentionally assemble busy 120

73 time dedicated to one’s work. We then highlight the lifestyles were supported by Gershuny [14] through 121

74 distinct meanings workplace busyness can hold for his critical analysis of existing trends and theoret- 122

75 men, and the ways in which workplace busyness may ical debates about evolving distributions of time 123

76 obstruct men’s attending to their mental health needs. spent working versus time spent in leisure. Ger- 124
rre

77 Following this, we present our secondary analysis shuny argued that “embodied capital”, or economic 125

78 of narrative data about men’s work-related mental capability, is manifested in accumulated expertise 126

79 health experiences and how workplace expectations and skills, and deployed through long hours spent 127

80 for busyness shape these experiences. in professional pursuits. This embodied capital is 128
co

“increasingly important in establishing the economic 129

81 1.1. Busyness and working men’s mental health positions of individuals who fall at the top end of 130

income distribution” [14, p. 293], and this has fueled 131

82 We focus our study using the concept of “busyness” a shift in how busyness is socially constructed. For 132
Un

83 defined by Gershuny as a subjective assessment by an example, during Victorian era England, abundant 133

84 individual about “her or his own recent or expected leisure time was constructed as prestigious, while 134

85 activity patterns in the light of current norms and today, prestige is afforded to professionals who are 135

86 expectations” [14, p. 298]. We align with Gershuny’s perceived as busy and sought after. Gershuny noted 136

87 claim that the ways individuals represent their states that while busyness can be measured objectively in 137

88 of busyness is part of how individuals establish social terms of number, duration, and intensity of activities, 138

89 standing. People aspire to busyness and the privi- the more important phenomenon is the individual’s 139

90 leged lifestyles with which they associate busyness subjective assessment of his or her busyness rela- 140

91 [14]. We use the concept of busyness to guide our tive to norms of busyness. Subjective assessments are 141
 B. Lashewicz et al. / Working men’s mental health amidst expectations for busyness 3

142 shaped by the desirability of busyness, and long hours attention. For example, Robinson and Godbey [21] 194

143 of work are a point of pride given that busyness that backgrounded their study by pointing out that that 195

144 includes long hours of work is “now a characteristic some researchers hold unsympathetic views of time 196

145 of the best-placed individuals in the society” [14, p. scarcity as merely the elite concerns of those with 197

146 311–312]. high incomes and limited time for spending these 198

147 The association between long hours of work and incomes (i.e. Hamermesh & Lee, 2003 cited in 199

148 being among the “best-placed” in society was sup- 21). Robinson and Godbey examined mental health 200

149 ported by Kuhn and Lozano [12], who analyzed men’s correlates of time scarcity using U.S. survey and 201

f
150 wages and hours of work reported in U.S. census and time diary data to highlight a connection between 202

roo
151 population survey data. Kuhn and Lozano pointed to time scarcity and employment demands [21]. These 203

152 a reversal in the relationship between hourly wages researchers found employees aged 29–44 reported 204

153 and hours of work between 1979 and 2006. Kuhn and having the least free time while employees aged 205

154 Lozano noted that “in 1979, the worst-paid 20% of 35–44 reported the highest levels of stress. Reports of 206

155 workers were more likely to put in long work hours stress levels were significantly lower for those aged 207

rP
156 than the top 20%; by 2006, the top 20% were twice 54 and over who may have opted for early retire- 208

157 as likely to work long hours than the bottom 20%” ment or reduced work hours [21]. Correspondingly, 209

158 [12, p. 319]. While in recent decades, employed men Richert-Kazmierska and Stankiewicz [22] studied 210

159 are increasingly likely to work 50 or more hours the relationship between age and work life balance 211

tho
160 per week, this shift is “strongly concentrated among among a sample of employees in Northern Europe 212

161 skilled, salaried men” [12, p. 341]. Sullivan [13] and found older employees were more likely to 213

162 added support for the association between long hours report having achieved work life balance. Despite the 214

163 of work and being among the best-placed in society apparent easing of time scarcity as employees grow 215

164 through a critical analysis of trends in employment older, Robinson and Godbey underlined the persistent 216
Au
165 wages and hours of work described in the literature. and escalating connection between time scarcity and 217

166 Sullivan drew on the works of Jacobs and Gerson [20] employment demands by reminding that in 2003, the 218

167 as well as Robinson and Godbey [21] to conclude U.S. National Institute for Occupational Health and 219

168 that increased workloads over the past half century Safety found that 45% of adults reported feeling more 220

169 are largely a feature of “those who are more highly stressed compared with five years earlier [21]. Robin- 221

educated, in higher-status jobs and in dual career son and Godbey distinguished this National Institute
d

170 222

171 households” [12, p.7]. for Occupational Health and Safety finding as having 223
cte

172 Aligning with the idea of busyness as characteris- propelled many policy initiatives aimed at reducing 224

173 tic of the well off, Bellezza, Paharia and Keinan [15] workplace stress [21]. 225

174 argued that busy and indeed, “overworked”, lifestyles Driven by what Cross [23] characterized as obses- 226

175 have become a status symbol. Through a series of sion with a “doctrine of an endlessly expanding 227

176 studies of responses to hypothetical scenarios col- standard of living”, modern workplaces reinforce, 228
rre

177 lected using Twitter and Facebook, these researchers and in fact, demand busyness (p. 278). Hoggett [11] 229

178 provided evidence of busy people being perceived as argued that manifestations of workplace busyness, 230

179 possessing “human capital” in the form of character- which he called performativity, are part of neoliberal 231

180 istics such as competence and ambition [15]. Bellezza ideals under which employees are pushed to achieve 232
co

181 and colleagues added dimension to status associated targets through performance that is continually mon- 233

182 with busyness in their report that time saving tech- itored and measured. Performativity is increasingly 234

183 nologies, such as Bluetooth devices, have become tied to technology which facilitates monitoring and 235

184 visible signals of one’s busyness and corresponding measuring and affords means for completing work 236
Un

185 status as someone who is “in demand” [15]. Bellezza outside work hours. After hours use of technology 237

186 and colleagues concluded that in “the context of a has been found to contribute to employee stress [24] 238

187 mobile society where status can be earned, busyness and interrupt employee’s non-work activities [25]. 239

188 may be seen as an effective path to climb the social Many men reflect ideals of “performativ- 240

189 ladder” [15, p. 122]. ity”/busyness by defining themselves in terms of 241

190 Accompanying the accumulating evidence of the their occupational titles and how much they earn [10]. 242

191 association between busyness and status, concern Men tend to be rewarded for behaviors or attitudes 243

192 for the mental health costs of busyness, particularly in the workplace that align with busyness-oriented 244

193 workplace busyness, continue to compel researchers’ ideals of resilience, strength and independence, such 245
 4 B. Lashewicz et al. / Working men’s mental health amidst expectations for busyness

246 as being the last to leave work, working evenings, not 2.3. Recruitment 291

247 taking breaks, and using technology to manage work

248 in non-work hours [23, 24]. Given workplace ideals In our call for participants, we targeted working 292

249 of busyness, and the distinct meanings busyness men, managers and human resources representatives 293

250 ideals can hold for men, men’s perceptions of and who were over the age of 18 and employed full-time, 294

251 responses to expectations arising from these ideals part-time or temporarily in any occupation. Partic- 295

252 warrant illumination. ipants were recruited through a number of avenues 296

including Kijiji advertisements posted in major cities 297

f
across Canada, and emails to companies operat- 298

roo
253 2. Methods ing in male-dominated sectors, such as energy, law 299

enforcement, and forestry. Telephone and email invi- 300

254 2.1. Broader study context tations were also extended to previous participants 301

from the fifth author’s population-based longitudinal 302

This secondary analysis of narrative data is part study of relationships between mental health and job 303

rP
255

256 of a broader, three year (2014-2017) mixed-methods performance. Additional participants were recruited 304

257 project titled “Early detection and prevention of through collaboration with Canadian Immigration 305

258 depression in working men” aimed at understand- Services in an endeavor to include participants who 306

259 ing mental health challenges and solutions facing are newcomers to Canada. Finally, our call for par- 307

tho
260 working men in Canada. Two methods of data collec- ticipants was part of the website developed for our 308

261 tion were employed: 1- a national telephone survey broader project (“Project Title”, www.project website 309

262 through which we collected primarily quantitative ant title omitted for blind review) 310

263 data about men’s mental health status and life stres- Interested participants contacted the project coor- 311

264 sors, and 2 - semi-structured individual and focus dinator/fourth author by email or telephone to obtain 312
Au
265 group interviews through which we collected men’s further information including about informed con- 313

266 qualitative accounts of their mental health challenges sent, and to ensure they met the inclusion criteria. 314

267 and solutions. The broader study was led by 16 Participants could choose to take part in either 1) a 315

268 researchers from across Canada who were guided focus group interview that included other participants 316

269 by a Stakeholder Advisory Committee comprised of from their workplace, or 2) an individual interview. 317

Focus group interviews were scheduled in advance

d

318
270 working professionals and employed men living with
271 mental illness. Together, the research team and Stake- and conducted at participants’ place of employment 319
cte

272 holder Advisory Committee represent five Canadian or in a conference room at the authors’ university. 320

273 provinces, six Canadian universities and 16 organiza- Individual interviews were conducted at a time and 321

274 tions including private health and safety companies location of participant’s choosing and also in a format 322

275 and employee and family assistance organizations. – either in-person or by telephone – of participant’s 323

This study was approved by the Conjoint Health choosing. 324

rre

276

277 Research Ethics Review Board of the authors’ uni-

278 versity. 2.4. Sample description 325

For this secondary analysis, we use data collected 326

2.2. Narrative approach
co

279 from 37 working men who participated in either 327

focus group (three focus groups, total N = 13) or 328

280 This study is a secondary analysis of a qualitative individual interviews (N = 24). Given our focus on 329
281 component of our broader project in which we used working men’s experiences, we removed data col- 330
Un

282 a narrative approach. Narrative research is rooted in lected from two women who worked in occupational 331
283 the belief that through stories, or consequential link- health (one focus group participant and one indi- 332
284 ings of events and ideas, people give others access vidual interview participant). All 37 working men 333
285 to the richness of their experiences [26]. As such, participants were employed full-time and while we 334
286 we collected stories of working men’s mental health did not inquire about ethnic background, the major- 335
287 challenges and solutions. From these narrative data, ity appeared to be Caucasian. While our inclusion 336
288 we conducted a secondary analysis to examine evi- criteria did not require participants to have a formal 337
289 dence of workplace expectations for busyness, and mental health diagnoses such as depression, some 338
290 the implications of busyness for mental health. participants revealed they had mental health diag- 339
 B. Lashewicz et al. / Working men’s mental health amidst expectations for busyness 5

Table 1 sition of workforces, nature and schedule of work 365

List of quoted participants performed), as well as sources of stress, availability 366

Participant Age Employment sector Interview and use of employee and family assistance programs, 367
and/or position format
and preferred resources and approaches for support- 368
Brett Energy, IT Manger Focus group ing men’s mental health. While we used the interview 369
Taylor Energy, Risk Manager Focus group
Jeremy 43 Energy, Marketing Individual guide to gather information, views and stories about 370

Mitch 49 Energy, Director Focus group pre-determined topics, we also followed up topics ini- 371

Dustin 50 Energy, Legal Focus group tiated by participants. Our interview guide is provided 372

f
Adam 47 Automotive, Manager Individual
in Table 2. 373

roo
Calvin 43 Law Enforcement Individual
Gerald 39 Corporate Finance Individual The focus groups and individual interviews were 374

Lloyd Energy, Manager Focus group led by the first and/or second author and co-facilitated 375
Mason Energy, Trainer Individual by the project coordinator/fourth author. Consistent 376
Drew 55 Energy, Engineer Individual
Paul Law Enforcement,
with Arendell’s discussion [27], we caution that our 377

Human resources Focus group female team of interviewers may have posed limits 378

rP
Walter 47 Trades, Retail Individual given potential for male participants to perceive a 379
Boris Energy, Quality lack of shared frames of reference; at the same time, 380
Assurance Focus group
Reese 34 Energy, Manager Focus group
female interviewers may have presented a strength 381

Russell Law Enforcement Focus group by potentially having supported men to speak openly 382

tho
Tom 32 Career services Individual and experience less pressure to “perform” that can 383
Stewart Law Enforcement Individual accompany speaking in the presence of other men 384
Ron 55 Grounds-keeping Individual
[27]. Yet we also note that for participants opting to 385

take part in focus group interviews, speaking in front 386

340 noses while other participants spoke generally about of, and in interaction with, their male colleagues were 387
Au
341 the stress they and/or their co-workers experienced. central during data collection. 388

Interviewers took field notes during interviews. 389

342 2.4.1. Focus group participants Interviews were audio recorded and the first wave 390

343 Our focus group samples were comprised of: of interviews, specifically, interviews conducted dur- 391

ing the 2015 calendar year, consistent with broader 392

1. Three employees from a law enforcement orga- project timelines and budget, were transcribed ver-
d

344 393
345 nization. batim. Interviews conducted during the first quarter 394
2. Six employees from an energy company
cte

346 of 2016 are also included in this secondary anal- 395

347 3. Four employees from a second energy company ysis and these interviews were audio recorded but 396

not transcribed. Thus, we have field notes, audio 397

348 2.4.2. Individual interview participants recordings and verbatim transcripts for data from one 398

349 Individual interview participants included 23 men; focus group interview (N = 3) and 11 individual inter- 399
rre

350 most were employed in the energy sector while others views. For the remaining two focus group interviews 400

351 were employed in law enforcement, transportation, (N = 10) and 13 individual interviews, we have field 401

352 finance, automotive repair, retail, landscaping and notes and audio recordings. 402

353 career counseling.

co

354 In Table 1, we provide a list of participants quoted 2.6. Data analysis 403

355 in our findings. Participants are listed by pseudonym,

356 age (if provided), employment sector and/or position, We began data analysis with familiarization 404

357 and the interview format in which they participated. through repeated reading of our field notes and lis- 405
Un

358 Our list is sequenced to follow the order in which tening and re-listening to corresponding audio files. 406

359 participants are quoted in our findings. We also read and re-read verbatim transcripts as 407

available. As we listened and read, we looked for 408

360 2.5. Data collection expressions of distinct and/or recurring ideas as 409

initial themes. We defined initial themes as units 410

361 For both focus group and individual interviews, of meaning derived from participants’ descriptions 411

362 we used a semi-structured interview guide devel- of thoughts, feelings and experiences about mental 412

363 oped by the broader project team to include questions health (for examples, stress and anxiety) in rela- 413

364 about work settings (size of organizations, compo- tion to their workplace structures and processes (for 414
 6 B. Lashewicz et al. / Working men’s mental health amidst expectations for busyness

Table 2
Guiding Interview Questions
1. Please share some information about the nature of your business/organization.
a. Purpose, main tasks, hours of operation/shift work, nature of work, degree of isolation, ethnic diversity
b. What is the percentage of men in your workplace?
c. Unionized?
2. Is depression and/or stress related problems in men an important issue in your workplace? Does it differ depending worksite (i.e. office,
field, on-site, etc.)? If so, how is this evident?
3. What are the issues in the workplace that make you or your co-workers stressed?

f
4. What are the issues outside of workplaces that make you or your co-workers stressed?

roo
5. To what extent, does your work interfere with your family and personal life? If so, in what way?
6. Who do men turn to for help with stress and work-related stress/issues?
7. Does your company take steps to prevent stress/depression related problems?
a. What are the existing programs your company has for promoting physical and mental health?
b. Does your company offer EFAP (Employee & Family Assistance Program) to employees? If so, how does your company promote
EFAP use?
c. Does your company track EFAP utilization? If so, how?

rP
d. Do you use or recommend any online health assistance products?
8. What is your view on the effectiveness of seeking information and help from internet or mobile applications when dealing with stress
and/or depressive symptoms?
9. What is your view on taking preventive approaches to reduce the risk of having depression?
10. From your perspective, what are the effective/best ways to help men prevent stress or depression?

tho
415 example, workplace policy about work-life balance). experiences, and perhaps this occurred as part of 447

416 Following Berg [28, p. 268], themes were cho- group processes that accompanied speaking in front 448

417 sen to “reflect all relevant aspects of the messages of, and with, co-workers. In focus groups, mental 449
Au
418 and retain, as much as possible, the exact wording health problems, such as depression or high levels 450

419 used in the statements.” Our analysis was focused of stress, tended to be spoken about in third person 451

420 by our sensitizing concept of workplace expecta- or in reference to “others” who were not present. 452

421 tions for “busyness” and we looked for evidence Comparatively, individual interviews included more 453

422 of participants describing themselves and others as self-disclosure of mental health struggles including 454

ascribing to expectations for busyness. Our analysis issues such as depression. These differences align
d

423 455

424 followed the interpretive practice of constant com- with discussion by Moezzi [29] who found focus 456
cte

425 parison to uncover patterns both within and between group interviews useful for capturing a range of 457

426 interviews/participants. Our aim was to generate participants’ experiences while individual interviews 458

427 themes which bring together components of partic- augment data about a range of experience by illumi- 459

428 ipants’ stories to provide a comprehensive picture nating detailed personal experiences. Finally, because 460

429 of participants’ collective descriptions. For exam- our focus in this secondary analysis is on how men 461
rre

430 ple, participants’ descriptions of their day to day perceive and are impacted by workplace expectations 462

431 work were coded with words or phrases such as for busyness, we did not analyze the data provided by 463

432 “fast paced” or “long hours”. Descriptions of manag- the one female focus group interview participant and 464

433 ing workplace expectations for busyness were coded the one female individual interview participant. 465
co

434 with words or phrases such as “policy messages” and

435 “pride in busyness“.” Authors then met to share and 2.7. Trustworthiness measures 466

436 arrange codes into more encompassing themes.

437 In our analysis, we used both focus groups and indi- We enhanced the trustworthiness of this secondary 467
Un

438 vidual interview data without distinguishing between analysis by triangulating investigators and members 468

439 the two methods with which these data had been checking. Triangulation of investigators was prac- 469

440 collected. Yet when we identified a theme that had ticed throughout this study beginning with the first 470

441 emerged during a focus group discussion and which and last authors having collaborated on the purpose 471

442 had yielded agreement between focus group partici- and design of the broader project. We went on to trian- 472

443 pants, we note this in our presentation of findings. At gulate investigators during data collection by having 473

444 a broader level, we observed that focus group partic- at least two researchers present at each focus group 474

445 ipants tended to speak more in terms of workplace and individual interview. Preliminary analysis, which 475

446 structures and processes, as opposed to individual began during interviews, was discussed, elaborated 476
 B. Lashewicz et al. / Working men’s mental health amidst expectations for busyness 7

477 and refined by the researchers immediately follow- the beginning of a focus group interview that included 524

478 ing interviews and in subsequent analysis meetings. six male employees from an energy company, Brett, 525

479 Authors one, two and four, who collected data, met an information technology manager, set the tone by 526

480 with author three (on four occasions) and with the referring to his workplace in matter of fact terms 527

481 broader project research team (on two occasions) to as a “high performance culture”. Ensuing conver- 528

482 present and invite input into our evolving analyses sation included a quick consensus about the “sheer 529

483 and resolve confusing interpretations and differences volume of work”. Taylor, a risk manager, spoke in 530

484 of opinions. Finally, our findings were peer-debriefed terms of, at times, feeling “so busy I can’t even get 531

f
485 through presentations and discussions during the first started” and pointed to the stress that accompanies 532

roo
486 author’s monthly research team meetings that include “knowing there are 96 things in the cue”. In an indi- 533

487 social scientists studying a range of topics related to vidual interview, Jeremy, a marketing professional at 534

488 human health and well-being. this same energy company, depicted how the stress 535

489 With the aims of confirming and clarifying our associated with work that is intense and high vol- 536

490 interpretations of participant views, our members- ume can manifest in leaders’ explicit expectations 537

rP
491 checking efforts were focused on paraphrasing for employees. Specifically, Jeremy recalled his boss 538

492 what participants shared during interviews and having told him: “I better be as stressed as she was”. 539

493 inviting participant clarification and elaboration. The intensity of high performance culture was echoed 540

494 Having multiple researchers conduct interviews in a focus group interview with four male employ- 541

tho
495 enhanced members checking efforts by increasing ees at another energy company. Mitch, a director of 542

496 the likelihood that topics important to partici- accounting, described the rapidly changing nature of 543

497 pants were immediately followed up and clearly his work: “the world we live in is fast paced and it’s 544

498 understood. complicated . . . it becomes more complex over time, 545

and the stakes are high when you mess up on cer- 546
Au
tain things”. During the same focus group, Dustin, 547

499 3. Results a manager of regulatory affairs, pointed out stress 548

that arises when “someone isn’t working quickly 549

500 We generated two main themes of evidence of enough”. 550

501 how workplace structures and processes promote Evidence of intense and high volume work was 551

and reinforce expectations for busyness which we not unique to the energy sector. Adam, who works
d

502 552

503 distinguish as 1) immediate manifestations and 2) in the head office of an automotive repair com- 553
cte

504 background manifestations. Our third main theme pany, characterized his work environment in terms 554

505 reflects evidence of how workplace expectations for of having limited time: “ . . . and you know we don’t 555

506 busyness are reflected in men’s mental health experi- have two minutes to rub together during a day”. 556

507 ences which we called 3) impacts. Our first theme Calvin, a law enforcement officer, spoke of “stress 557

508 of “immediate manifestations” of expectations for on the streets” that accompanied getting “over- 558
rre

509 busyness is straightforward and centered on partici- worked . . . totally overloaded sometimes”. At the 559

510 pant descriptions of day to day intensity and volume. same time, Calvin pointed to law enforcement dis- 560

511 Our second theme of “background manifestations” tricts that were busier than his own claiming he “can’t 561

512 reflects participant descriptions of more subtle evi- imagine how they do it”. Gerald, who works in cor- 562
co

513 dence of expectations for busyness in two sub themes porate finance, described sometimes working “16 563

514 of: a) unspoken messages and b) mixed messages. hour days” particularly as part of the travel demands 564

515 Our third theme of “impacts” of expectations for his work entailed. Gerald noted waking up at 5 am 565

516 busyness was evident in two sub themes which we to respond to email; Gerald later elaborated with a 566
Un

517 term a) “busyness pride”/costs of being unbusy and description of stress associated with managing email: 567

518 b) trade-offs in self-care. “I don’t like leaving town and not taking my cell 568

phone with me because then I come home, I’ll get up 569

519 3.1. Immediate manifestations: Intensity and to 80 to 100 emails a day, so I come home after like 570

520 volume of work seven days and that’s you know, 400 emails you got 571

to go through”. Gerald’s report of email volume was 572

521 Workplace expectations for busyness were evident echoed during the focus group with six energy com- 573

522 in participant accounts of the immediate manifesta- pany employees who agreed they were “saturated” 574

523 tions of day-to-day work intensity and volume. Near with emails. Participants spoke of receiving 90-00 575
 8 B. Lashewicz et al. / Working men’s mental health amidst expectations for busyness

576 emails per day and feeling stressed when emails are ager, you’re willing to put the most hours cause you’re 625

577 unread. Lloyd, a records manager, described efforts to just paying your dues”. Outside the energy sector, 626

578 focus on major tasks while being “bombarded” with Paul, who works in the human resources department 627

579 emails about details that demand attention. Focus of law enforcement, spoke in terms of the intensity 628

580 group participants went on to discuss strategies they of the process of earning a promotion: “we put peo- 629

581 had learned during company provided workshops ple on this stage and it’s a lot of work. It’s a lot 630

582 dedicated to helping employees manage email effi- of stress.” 631

583 ciently (including using strategies of making quick Thus, participants seemed keenly aware of unspo- 632

f
584 decisions about emails and not reading emails on ken expectations that in order to get ahead in one’s 633

roo
585 which one is copied). organization, long hours were required, and those 634

586 In all, participants quoted above presented the in leadership roles modeled expectations for long 635

587 intensity and volume of their day-to-day work as hours and/or frequent connections to remain abreast 636

588 accepted practice. They noted the corresponding of workplace developments. 637

589 stress and described strategies for carefully tracking

rP
590 and responding to day to day demands. 3.2.2. Mixed messages 638

Participants described ways in which official work- 639

591 3.2. Background manifestations: Unspoken and place messages differed from day to day workplace 640

592 mixed messages practices. Walter, who works for a large consumer 641

tho
goods company, claimed that while leaders in his 642

593 In our theme of background manifestations of organization officially promote employee self-care 643

594 workplace expectations for busyness, we present and openness about mental health struggles, day to 644

595 evidence of less obvious workplace messages that day practices do not correspond: “It’s fine to sit at 645

596 shore up high volume and intensity work demands as the top levels and say, ‘well this is what we should 646
Au
597 accepted practice. Our two sub-themes of evidence do’, but no, it’s not happening. It’s just not happen- 647

598 of background manifestations are: a. unspoken mes- ing.” Similarly, Drew, (an energy company engineer) 648

599 sages, and b. mixed messages. pointed out: “So if I work extra hours I do not get 649

paid for them. Theoretically I get time off in lieu. But 650

600 3.2.1. Unspoken messages that never occurs.” 651

Unspoken messages about workplace expectations Participants were critical of workplace policies that
d

601 652

602 for busyness were evident in participants’ descrip- promote work-life balance. Gerald, (who works in 653
cte

603 tions of colleagues who occupy senior leadership corporate finance) claimed: 654

604 positions or are eligible for promotion to senior lead-

“ . . . the biggest catch phrase that that our busi- 655
605 ership positions. Jeremy (a marketing professional
ness line and everybody uses now is work-life 656
606 at an energy company) pointed to the relationship
balance. And like they all say that but then say 657
607 between being a senior manager and working long
‘can you be in another city next week?’ Like
rre

658
608 hours: “Senior managers are senior because they
yeah, sure, that really helps the work-life balance, 659
609 work hard, they come in on Saturday and Sunday”.
so . . . ” 660
610 The long hours worked by senior managers were
611 described as shaping these managers’ expectations Jeremy (a marketing professional at an energy 661
co

612 for those they supervise. Jeremy noted: “they’ll work company) also characterized work-life balance as a 662

613 12 hours a day and their demands and expectations catch-phrase. Jeremy invoked the image of speaking 663

614 follow” and Mason, who works in technical train- out of both sides of one’s mouth as he claimed work- 664

615 ing at the same energy company, called attention life balance messages are delivered “out of one side of 665
Un

616 to expectations that accompany email: “ . . . they are their mouth while delivering a different expectation 666

617 sending emails all hours of the night and you know, I out of the other side . . . we want you to have work- 667

618 think there is an expectation that you’re always check- life balance but we need you to come in on Sunday.”’ 668

619 ing in and looking at emails and staying on top of Mason (a technical trainer at an energy company) 669

620 things”. Drew, an engineer at this same energy com- offered this summary: “We talk a lot about work-life 670

621 pany, expressed sentiments similar to those of Jeremy balance and they offer a lot of things to kinda edu- 671

622 and Mason as he noted perceptions of employee suit- cate people on that but in practical terms, it doesn’t 672

623 ability for promotion as tied to long work hours: “If really work”. Jeremy (marketing professional at an 673

624 you think you’re going to be the next refinery man- energy company) offered a specific illustration of 674
 B. Lashewicz et al. / Working men’s mental health amidst expectations for busyness 9

675 mixed messages about work-life balance by describ- ety and depression kicks in when I’m at home and not 724

676 ing a colleague, David. Jeremy said David “spent way busy-minded”. Brett (an IT manager with an energy 725

677 too many hours at the office” to the extent that these company) spoke of “strings of time . . . where you are 726

678 long hours “resulted” in David’s marriage ending. somehow not able to be a contributor to the degree 727

679 David was called in to discuss work-life balance with you want to be, and not necessarily by any fault of 728

680 senior leaders who “sat him down” and told David your own” as “mentally exhausting.” Correspond- 729

681 “you don’t need to put in so many hours”. Yet not ingly, Russell, a law enforcement officer, pointed out 730

682 long after, David was awarded a promotion. that while intense law enforcement shifts are stress- 731

f
683 In all, participants quoted above were critical of ful, so are quiet shifts where law enforcement officers 732

roo
684 gaps they perceive between their organizations’ prin- feel as if they are “driving in circles”. 733

685 ciples and what transpired in the day to day activities Participants also drew out the pressures that can 734

686 of work. accompany feeling the need to justify themselves 735

when they do not appear to be busy. Tom, who works 736

687 3.3. Impacts of workplace expectations for in career services at a university, talked about having 737

rP
688 busyness been away from work to manage his depression: “If 738

you take some time off there’s always the thing in the 739

689 In this final theme, we profile evidence of partic- back of the mind where if someone sees you at the 740

690 ipants’ descriptions of how workplace expectations coffee shop it’s like, ‘well, I thought you were sick 741

tho
691 for busyness were part of their mental health expe- today?”’ Tom compared this with the more appar- 742

692 riences. Under our first sub-theme of pride in ent justification that accompanies a physical ailment: 743

693 busyness/stress of being “unbusy”, we depict work- “They look at it and they’re like, oh Tim broke his 744

694 place busyness as one part of participants’ ways of leg, so yeah, of course he’s getting time off, but Bob’s 745

695 living that may simultaneously contribute to, and be taking time because he’s sad . . . ?” 746
Au
696 driven by, the pride participants take in busyness and Workplace expectations for busyness seemed to be 747

697 the stress they experience when they are not busy. mirrored in other parts of life to the extent that men 748

698 In our second sub-theme of trade-offs in self-care, felt stressed by lapses in busyness as well as self- 749

699 we illustrate men’s uptake of busyness demands, conscious about times when mental health needs took 750

700 including how these demands intersect with work- priority over maintaining busyness. 751

place norms of masculinity and how, in the face of

d

701

702 demands, mental health needs may be compromised. 3.3.2. Trade-offs in self-care 752
cte

Workplace expectations for busyness contributed 753

703 3.3.1. Pride in busy/stress of being “unbusy” to participants avoiding or postponing getting support 754

704 Pride in their abilities to manage high workload for their mental health needs. Drew (an energy com- 755

705 intensities and volumes was evident in participants’ pany engineer) noted that in times of high stress, he 756

706 lighthearted or unapologetic descriptions of how their would find counseling sessions helpful and, although 757
rre

707 schedules were perceived by others. Gerald (who a certain number of sessions were available to him 758

708 works in corporate finance) noted: “ . . . everybody as part of his employee benefits, Drew was deterred 759

709 laughs about that right. I have the money to go on by the time involved: “So the cost isn’t really a fac- 760

710 vacation but not the time.” Boris, a quality assurance tor . . . .[it’s] getting the time to go and do it.” Gerald 761
co

711 coordinator at an energy company, is matter of fact (who works in corporate finances) conveyed being 762

712 in his claim that he “can’t remember the last time I similarly deterred by the time counseling required, 763

713 took a break”. Boris reported instructing those who particularly if counseling services are located “off- 764

714 report to him to “don’t follow my lead, take your site” and travel time is needed. Gerald elaborated 765
Un

715 breaks.” as he reflected on taking about time off for any 766

716 Reciprocally, participants’ described stress asso- reason: “there is no advantage to taking the time 767

717 ciated with times when they are not busy. Reese a off, even for sick days . . . missing work . . . for any 768

718 manager at an energy company, noted that spend- reason of sickness whether it’s physical or mental 769

719 ing time on low priority work “increases anxiety and challenges you’re not, it’s now it’s two days I got 770

720 makes self-worth up for scrutiny.” Taylor (a risk engi- to catch up.” 771

721 neer with an energy company) described managing Adding dimension to findings about how self-care 772

722 high volumes of work in terms of perseverance and can be compromised amidst busyness driven work- 773

723 contrasted this with times when he is not busy: “anxi- place practices, Stewart, a law enforcement officer, 774
 10 B. Lashewicz et al. / Working men’s mental health amidst expectations for busyness

775 pointed to the influence of norms of masculinity ness of the preventative mental health benefits of 824

776 amidst fast paced work environments: “I think we’re balance, yet feel constrained by a work culture that 825

777 kind of hush hush around everything. Because every- frames the workplace primarily as a sphere of endless 826

778 one tries to put on the whole macho image . . . ” Tom(a activity and demands. 827

779 career counsellor at a university) also pointed to mas- Given the increased public awareness surrounding 828

780 culine norms as he spoke of putting on a brave face mental health and work-life balance, we expected 829

781 at work despite his experience with depression: “ . . . to hear participants’ stories of resistance to busy- 830

782 once you start adding the male dynamic into it, is ness “rat race” dynamics. Instead, beyond evidence 831

f
783 that show up to work and you kind of put the face of adherence to expectations for busyness, we heard 832

roo
784 on, like I’ve gotta look like I’m okay, I’ve gotta be stories of resignation to practices such as responding 833

785 able to do this. I guess it’s that you don’t want to to emails at 5 am. We also heard cynical reflec- 834

786 look weak right?”. Jeremy (a marketing professional tions about workplace gaps between what is officially 835

787 at an energy company) reflected on the tough exterior stated and what actually occurs in relation to work- 836

788 men often present: “With guys, there’s shake it off, life balance. Perhaps definitive evidence of resistance 837

rP
789 grab a beer, don’t be a pussy.” Male employee use of to workplace expectations for busyness will be found 838

790 alcohol was also discussed by Ron, a groundskeeper, in future studies using samples of men who have left, 839

791 who spoke of his weather dependent work as entailing or changed, jobs. 840

792 periods of intense activity (e.g. snow removal during Our sample of men who are, on the whole, towing 841

tho
793 periods of heavy snowfall) versus periods of “down the company line, may serve as a stark reminder of 842

794 time” where little work needed to be done. Each of the gravity of responsibility that men may carry in 843

795 these extremes entail high stress and Ron estimated adhering to workplace expectations for busyness that 844

796 that 40 percent of men in his workplace were using includes avoiding demonstrations of vulnerability. 845

797 alcohol or drugs. We consider this reminder important in an era where 846
Au
798 Workplace expectations for busyness can leave much research and professional practice discourse 847

799 participants reluctant to attend to mental health needs surrounding gender and work is aimed at under- 848

800 if such attending entails breaking their workplace standing and supporting women’s experience. We 849

801 busyness stride. Participants, and their male col- acknowledge that workplace expectations for busy- 850

802 leagues, are also image conscious and may avoid ness may be as arduous for women as for men, and 851

showing vulnerability and use alcohol to manage their further, that managing family needs outside work can
d

803 852

804 stress. be distinctly challenging for women. Perhaps we have 853

cte

a glimpse of this in Jeremy’s female boss remarking 854

that Jeremy better be sharing in her extreme level of 855

805 4. Discussion stress. Yet researchers consistently report that women 856

are more likely than men to engage in help-seeking 857

806 Our findings illustrate some of the ways in which behaviors from physicians and mental health profes- 858
rre

807 workplace expectations for busyness are part of men’s sionals and also with social support networks (e.g., 859

808 mental health experiences. Workplace busyness is 6) thus we argue for continued efforts to target men’s 860

809 abundantly evident in the sheer intensity and vol- work-related mental health experiences and needs. 861

810 ume of work men face most workdays and reinforced Our findings of adherence to workplace expec- 862
co

811 by unspoken and mixed messages circulating in the tations for busyness perpetuate what McRuer 863

812 background. Workload, combined with background [30] termed “compulsory ablebodiedness” which is 864

813 messages, contribute to norms of busyness where 100 anchored in neoliberal conceptions of competence in 865

814 daily emails are treated as part and parcel of work- which normative material bodies and states of mind 866
Un

815 place success, and workshops about how to manage are privileged over dis/abled or non-normative bod- 867

816 heavy email loads become part of employer pro- ies and minds (e.g., 28). Employees are expected to 868

817 vided supports. Moreover, while employee adherence demonstrate their ablebodiedness through days that 869

818 to norms of busyness may contribute to employee include 100 emails and can be 16 hours long. Work 870

819 mental health struggles, employees understand men- demands may leave employees seeing no advantage 871

820 tal health struggles as something to be managed with to taking time off given that the consequences of 872

821 minimal disruption to workplace busyness. Men such time off is facing a pile up of work upon return. 873

822 as Gerald and Tom express preferences for a more Indeed, working relentlessly is simply part of pay- 874

823 moderate work-life balance and demonstrate aware- ing one’s dues if earning a promotion is an end goal. 875
 B. Lashewicz et al. / Working men’s mental health amidst expectations for busyness 11

876 We are concerned that this relentlessness is part of the collection did not include questions specific to work- 926

877 busyness culture that may obstruct attending to one’s place expectations for busyness and the mental health 927

878 mental health as well as contribute to a frame of refer- impacts of such expectations. As a result, we relied 928

879 ence where not being “busy-minded” can precipitate on evidence about these topics that was initiated by 929

880 feelings of anxiety and depression. participants. Accordingly, we relied on slightly more 930

881 In all, workplace scholarship, policy and practice than half our sample for this evidence (19 of 37 931

882 should account for the pervasiveness of expectations participants were quoted). Yet, we offer a distinct 932

883 for busyness. We recommend such accounting target illumination of how workplace expectations for busy- 933

f
884 more fully understanding and responding to harmful ness are part of men’s mental health experiences, and 934

roo
885 incarnations of busyness such as reluctance to show our findings can comprise part of the groundwork for 935
936
886 vulnerability and inclination to neglect one’s men- continued study and practice in these topics.
887 tal health needs. Such developments may generate
888 scholarship and corresponding resources for nudg-
889 ing workplaces away from practices that perpetuate Conflict of interest 937

rP
890 intensely stress laden experiences such as those evi-
891 dent in remarks from Jeremy’s boss who seemed None to report. 938

892 intent on ensuring that the stress she was under was
893 shared/that none of her employees be untouched by References 939

tho
894 the stress.
[1] Statistics Canada. Canadian community health survey: 940
895 4.1. Limitations Mental health 2012. Available from: http://www.statcan. 941
gc.ca/daily-quotidien/130918/dq130918a-eng.htm 942

896 While our research team made strides to recruit [2] Szeto A, Dobson KS. Reducing the stigma of mental dis- 943
orders at work: A review of current workplace anti-stigma 944
Au
897 a diverse sample of men from across Canada for intervention programs. Applied and Preventive Psychology. 945
898 the broader project, the sample comprising this sec- 2010;14:41-56. 946

899 ondary analysis was quite homogeneous. While we [3] Coles T. Negotiating the field of masculinity: the 947
production and reproduction of multiple dominant mas- 948
900 did not ask about racial identity, the majority or our
culinities. Men and Masculinities. 2007;12(1):30-44, 949
901 sample appeared to be Caucasian. The majority of our doi:10.1177/1097184x07309502 950
sample also appeared to be of middle to upper socioe-
d

902 [4] Piccinelli M. Gender differences in depression: Critical 951

903 conomic status given the workplace positions they review. The British Journal of Psychiatry. 2000;177(6):486- 952
492, doi:10.1192/bjp.177.6.486 953
cte

904 occupied. We are unable to comment on the experi-

[5] Johnson JL, Oliffe J, Kelly MT, Galdas PM, Ogrod- 954
905 ences of men of lower socioeconomic status and men niczuk JS. Men’s discourses of help-seeking in the 955
906 from culturally diverse backgrounds. Our findings are context of depression. Sociology of Health and Illness. 956

907 also limited by self-selection bias that yielded partic- 2012;34(3):345-361. 957
[6] Branney P, White A. Big boys don’t cry: Depression and 958
908 ipants who are articulate and believe mental health is men. Advances in Psychiatric Treatment. 2008;14(4):256-
rre

959
909 an important topic. Further, our sample were all work- 262, doi: 10.1192/apt.bp.106.003467 960

910 ing full time and had control over their schedules/time [7] Addis M, Mahalik JR. Men, masculinity, and the contexts 961

911 available to participate in an interview. Thus, we can- of help seeking. American Psychologist. 2003;58:5-14. 962
[8] Coen S, Oliffe J, Johnson J, Kelly M. Looking for Mr.PG: 963
912 not comment on experiences of “working men” who Masculinities and men’s depression in a northern resource- 964
co

913 are employed part-time, seasonal or precarious work based Canadian community. Health and Place. 2013;21:94- 965

914 or who have significant mental health or disability 101, doi: 10.1016/j.heathplace.2013.01.011 966

915 diagnoses. [9] O’Brien R, Hunt K, Hart G. ‘It’s caveman stuff, but that is to 967
a certain extent how guys still operate’: Men’s accounts of 968
916 Moreover, our sample is skewed towards represen- masculinity and help seeking. Social Science & Medicine.
Un

969
917 tation from the energy sector, partly a function of the 2005;61:503–516. 970

918 geographic location of the lead qualitative investiga- [10] Oliffe JL, Han C. Beyond workers compensation: Men’s 971
mental health in and out of work. American Journal of Men’s 972
919 tor and data collection team for the broader project.
Health. 2014;8:45-53, doi: 10.1177/1557988313490786 973
920 We qualify that the energy sector likely exempli- [11] Hoggett P. Shame and performativity: Thoughts on the 974
921 fies a distinctly busyness-driven set of expectations. psychology of neoliberalism. Psychoanalysis, Culture & 975

922 We also recognize that we did not address specific Society. 2017;22:364–382, doi:10.1057/s41282-017-0050- 976
3 977
923 mental health issues that participants mentioned in
[12] Kuhn P, Lozano F. The expanding workweek? Understand- 978
924 terms of stress, depression, and anxiety. Finally, given ing trends in long work hours among U.S. men,1979–2006. 979
925 the secondary analysis design of this study, our data Journal of Labor Economics. 2008;26(2):311-343. 980
 12 B. Lashewicz et al. / Working men’s mental health amidst expectations for busyness

981 [13] Sullivan O. Busyness, status distinction and consumption [22] Richert-Kazmierska, A, Stankiewicz, K. Work-life balance: 1013
982 strategies of the income rich, time poor. Time & Society. Does age matter? Work: a Journal of Prevention, Assess- 1014
983 2008;17(1): doi: 10.1177/0961463X07086307 ment, and Rehabilitation. 2016;55(3):679-688. 1015
984 [14] Gershuny J. Busyness as the badge of honor for the new [23] Cross G. A right to be lazy: Busyness in retrospective. Social 1016
985 superordinate working class. Social Research. 2005;72:297- Research. 2005;72(2):263-286. 1017
986 314. [24] Boettcher NK, Mitchell JL. Lashewicz BM, Jones E, Micha- 1018
987 [15] Bellezza S, Paharia N, Keinan A. Conspicuous consumption lak E, Gundu S, Marchand A, Lam R, Wang JL. Men’s 1019
988 of time: When busyness and lack of leisure time become a work-related stress and mental health: Illustrating the work- 1020
989 status symbol. Journal of Consumer Research. 2016;44:118- ings of masculine role norms. American Journal of Men’s 1021
990 138. Health. In press. 1022

f
991 [16] Ely R, Padavic I. A feminist analysis of organi- [25] Jostell D, Hemlin S. After hours teleworking and bound- 1023

roo
992 zational research on sex differences. The Academy ary management: Effects on work-family conflict. Work: 1024
993 of Management Review. 2007;32(4):1121-1143, doi: a Journal of Prevention, Assessment, and Rehabilitation. 1025
994 10.5465/AMR.2007.26585842 2018;60(3):475-483. 1026
995 [17] Ferrari AJ, Charlson FJ, Norman RE, Patten SB, Freedman [26] Lal S, Suto M, Ungar M. Examining the potential of combin- 1027
996 G, Murray CJ, Vos, T, Whiteford HA. Burden of depres- ing the methods of grounded theory and narrative inquiry: 1028
997 sive disorders by country, sex, age, and year: findings from A comparative analysis. The Qualitative Report. 2012;17:1- 1029

rP
998 the global burden of disease study 2010. PLOS Medicine. 22. 1030
999 2013;10(11); doi: 10.1371/journal.pmed.1001547 [27] Arendell T. Reflections on the researcher-researched 1031
1000 [18] Wang JL, Patten S, Lam R, Ho K, Schmitz N, Marchand relationship: A woman interviewing men. Qualitative Soci- 1032
1001 A, Lashewicz BM. The effects of e-mental health pro- ology. 1997;21:341-368. 1033
1002 gram and job coaching on the risk of major depression [28] Berg B. Qualitative Research Methods for the Social Sci- 1034
1003 and productivity in Canadian male workers: Protocol for ences. Boston: Pearson Education; 2004. 1035

tho
1004 a randomized controlled trial. Journal of Medical Internet [29] Moezzi S. Combining personal perspectives and women’s 1036
1005 Research. 2016;5(4):e218. knowledge: Combining focus group and semi-structured 1037
1006 [19] Darrah CN, Freeman JM, English-Lueck JA. Busier Than interviews. 2007; Poster presented at the 8th International, 1038
1007 Ever: Why American Families Can’t Slow Down. Redwood, Interdisciplinary Advances in Qualitative Methods Confer- 1039
1008 CA: Stanford University Press; 2007. ence, Banff, Canada. 1040
1009 [20] Jacobs JA, Gerson K. The Time Divide: Work, Family and [30] McRuer, R. Crip theory: Cultural signs of queerness and 1041
Au
1010 Gender Inequality. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University disability. NYU Press; 2006. 1042
1011 Press; 2005.
1012 [21] Robinson, JP, Godbey G. ‘Busyness as Usual’. Social
Research. 2005;72(2):407–26.
d
cte
rre
co
Un