India's Foreign Policy Shifts and the Calculus of Power

Author(s): Kamal Mitra Chenoy and Anuradha M. Chenoy

Source: Economic and Political Weekly , Sep. 1 - 7, 2007, Vol. 42, No. 35 (Sep. 1 - 7,
2007), pp. 3547-3554
Published by: Economic and Political Weekly

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 Perspectives

They want "freedom to operate in all

India's Foreign Policy domains" with a set of alliances with

other strong partners. India is seen as

Shifts and the Calculus

one such potential strategic partner.2 It is
for this that the US has decided to make
India into a "great power".

of Power
(2) The US has decided to "dehyphenate"
their relation and no longer "balance"
India with Pakistan. US still needs Pakistan
in Afghanistan and in its anti-terrorism
India's foreign policy is witnessing dramatic shifts. The traditional policy but is dissatisfied with the results
practice of non-alignment and the multipolar concept are being on Al Qaida, its record on proliferation,
replaced by new agreements that will lead to military alignments its shortcomings as a democracy, etc.
with the United States. India is moving away from the large (3) The US sees China and India as the
new major emerging powers. The national
formations of the non-aligned movement to smaller alliances like
security strategy of the US, both in 2002
the India-Brazil-South Africa alliance. This would completely and 2005, cautions China "to mend its
shift the strategic environment of the south Asian region and ways" and argues that China's capabili-
have a global impact. The Indo-US Defence Framework and the ties threaten the region.3 US differences
with China include the issue of Taiwan,
123 Agreements are steps in this direction. These agreements
North Korea, human rights, democracy,
curb India 's independent foreign policy and entail increased
proliferation, etc. US policymakers empha-
militarisation, greater threat perceptions and instability. sise on the "containment" of China and
the need to "balance" its power through
Kamal Mitra Chenoy, power. India's strategic thinkers have countervailing forces.4 The Republican
Anuradha M Chenoy argued that non-alignment is "irrelevant" neocon project states that China's re-
and not in "national interest". They gional leadership is "increasingly at the
is a shift in India's foreign advocate that alignment with the sole expense of the US" and advocates a
policy from non-alignment to superpower is in the interest of making new NATO-like organisation for Asia.5
alignment; from the goal of creat- India a great power. In this article, we India is seen as the potential ally in this
ing a multipolar world to endorsing the analyse the context of this shift and its military alliance. The Chinese are com-
US concept of a unipolar world. The implications for India. mitted towards a multipolar world along
strategic environment is being altered with the Russians.
by a slew of agreements between India US Interest in India (4) The US views Russia as a state that
and the US where military engagement has failed in its reform. US-Russia rela-
is being privileged. The shifts are also US interest in India is recent and based tions lack common vision on most issues,
evident with changes in India's foreign on a reassessment on their interests in theincluding: the domination and eastward ex-
policy conceptualisations and relations 21st century. Pakistan has been the majorpansion of NATO; US critique of Russian
with traditional allies. The national con-
US ally in south Asia and has the statusdemocracy; US support to regime change
sensus that existed around non-alignment as a major non-NATO (North Atlantic in the countries of the Commonwealth
has broken down as changes in India's Treaty Organisation) ally. In contrast,of Independent States*, Russian anxiety
strategic thinking are made and articulated India's policies of non-alignment and over US bases in central Asia; US direct
by a small foreign policy elite in and domestic policies have been dismissed intervention in Georgia, Azerbaijan,
around the government. This exclusive by the US through its history on vari-Ukraine; and US control of pipelines
domain is actuated because it is not ous counts. They have however shiftedthat bypass Russia. Differences on Iran,
mandatory for the Indian Parliament toperceptions since 2002 because of aIraq and Kosovo persist, and the Sino-
number of reasons:
discuss or ratify international treaties or Russian strategic partnership and Shanghai
policy shifts. (1) The US national security and defence Cooperation Organisation (SCO) provide
The changes in Indian foreign policy department envisage US military domi- an alternate forum for the two.
are based on India's aspirations for great nance, termed as "full spectrum domi- (5) The US has had different percep-
power status and coincide with, or at least nance". This is to be done with: "the abi- tions from the European Union (EU) on
follow the Indian economic reforms since lity of US forces, operating unilaterally their occupation of Iraq; differences on
the 1990s. The argument is that India's or in combination with multinational the International Criminal Court; Kyoto
rising gross domestic product (GDP), and interagency partners, to defeat any Protocol; agriculture subsidies; the World
its large middle class, its military and adversary and control any situation across Trade Organisation; handling terrorism and
nuclear capability make it a potential the full range of military operations".1 weapons of mass destruction (WMDs).

Economic and Political Weekly September 1, 2007 3547

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Slow European economic growth has led be able to effectively compete to be that a of China. Further, US analysts see
to stagnation in trade. nuclear power and fuel supplier, gaining India as a good contrast and "balancer" to
It is in this context that the US wants billions of dollars and jobs for US work- China. India, similarly, began to see the US
new allies and an expanded security struc- ers, but they might be able to wean away as a benign power since the 1990s when
ture of which India can become an integral India from the Iran gas pipeline that India they initiated privatisation programmes.
part if they make the required changes in speaks of as the peace pipeline. The argument that non-alignment was
their policy. US interest in India is based (4) The large and influential group of irrelevant became part of the discourse of
on the following assumptions: Indian Americans that impact on US security strategists. India was one of the
(1) India's economic growth, the large foreign policy. first countries to welcome the US ballistic
middle class and opening markets, where missile defence in 2001, a programme
(5) India's policy elite have an aspiration for
India and US have significant trade, but "great power" status that will help India that is designed to control space and as
the US wants greater market access. globalise. They calculate this on the basis a part of the effort of containment of
(2) India's increasing military imports of of India's fast GDP growth, technology China and Russia.
which US expects a greater share. Since base, middle class and military /nuclear
2005 a number of such contracts have capability. There is thus a convergence Indo-US Entanglements
been proposed. For example, in a note of US strategic, economic and military
to the Congress, Pentagon officials said interests in India. In June 2004, Bush and Vajpayee signed
that India is likely to purchase $ 5 billionUS interest in India was endorsed by the 'Next Step for Strategic Partnership '
worth of conventional weapons, includ- US policy, first in the 2002 'National(NSSP) after a series of talks between the
ing platforms that could be "useful for Security Strategy for the US', which states two countries that had been initiated by
monitoring the Chinese military".6 The that US national interest requires "strong the National Democratic Alliance (NDA)
US would like to become the favoured relations with India".7 The same document government. The US government waived
defence provider to India and in the argued that by pursuing advanced military the nuclear-related sanctions on India in
capabilities China was "threatening its
process partner India to pressurise China 2001 and allowed exports to the Indian
for US interests. Space Research Organisation (ISRO) in
neighbours in the Asia Pacific". Ironically,
(3) India's need for energy where US the US believes that its own or its allies2004 as the basis for the NSSP. This
strategy was outlined in their document:
militarisation is non-threatening, unlike
officials argue that not only will the US

NACDOR-II: Vision and Voices of New Dalits

National Conference of Dalit Organisations (NACDOR) and Centre for Alternative Dalit Media will organize Second National C
of Dalit Organisations or the NACDOR-II from 5-10 December 2007 in New Delhi. More than thousand Dalit Organisations
over India will participate in this conference. NACDOR-II will begin with a traditional Dalit March to Parliament on 5 Decem
World Dignity Day *- International Day of Dalits' Struggle. About 10 thousand Dalits from different parts of India will particip
March. The Conference will end with NACDOR's tradition of lighting 1000 lights of Dignity at India Gate on 10 Decembe
As a prelude to this, Centre for Alternative Dalit Media and National Conference of Dalit Organisations (NACDOR) wil
Round Tables on five critical issues in New Delhi from 2-4 November 2007. Each will cover one specific theme and on
issue. The five issues of Round Tables are:

i. Social Exclusion and Discrimination: Towards Inclusive Society

ii. Dalits: Opportunities for Socially Responsible Organisations
iii. Feminism: Understanding Twin Dimension of Exclusion
iv. Dignity: Mainstreaming Dalits, Excluded and Marginalised
v. Governance: Rigfif Based Model

We aim at bringing Dalit intelligentsia, progressive thinkers, researchers, ideologues and social activists to discuss and d
and their issues in the current context. Deliberations and conclusions of Round Tables would be shared with the commu
society organisations, organisations of business and industry and of course peoples' representatives from Panchayat to P
These deliberations will help us in evolving New Dalit Agenda.
We invite discussion papers from Dalit intelligentsia, independent scholars, progressive thinkers, researchers, ideologue
activists on any of the five issues. Each paper accepted will receive an honorarium of Rs. 5000/- and the person wil
to present the paper to the Round Tables in New Delhi. The papers will be the part of NACDOR-M proceedings an
published on the occasion of NACDOR-II.
Deadline for submission of the papers: 10 October 2007
Mailing address for applications:
Ashok Bharti
National Convener
National Conference of Dalit Organisations (NACDOR)
M-3/22, Model Town-Ill, Delhi 110009
Email: nacdor2@gmail.com

3548 Economic and Political Weekly September 1, 2007

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'India as a Global Power: An Action framework supports the Access and Cross latter under International Atomic Energy
Agenda for the United States,' July Servicing
14, Agreement (Logistics Support Agency (IAEA) safeguards, maintain a
2005, which stated that the US will Agreement) that gives US ships access moratorium on testing and work with
to Indian naval facilities for maintenance
make India into a "great power". This the US to conclude the Fissile Material •
was unveiled in the Bush administration
and repairs. This essentially means that Cut Off Treaty.14
warships
strategy paper 'A New Strategy for South can practically use Indian
Asia', March 2005, where the US invited facilities without a formal base. Regular Democracy as Intervention?
India to collaborate with it militarily joint
andnaval exercises are part of these
economically in exchange for this "great agreements. With this clause, India by The Defence Framework was followed
power" status.8 proxy becomes part of the US, Japan and by the Manmohan Singh's and president
The Indian government under prime Australia axis that seeks to dominate the Bush's July 18, 2005 resolve to create a
minister Manmohan Singh welcomedhigh thisseas in the region. Indo-US "Global Partnership" and agree-
alliance with the belief that India will US strategists argue that India's ments on the Global Democracy Initiative,
now become a great power both at the naval capability is superior to that of where the two would be committed to
regional level and internationally. Two the Association of South-East Asian promoting democracy in third countries
agreements between India and the US Nations (ASEAN) countries. Indiaoncan a global scale. Both countries dedicated
in June and July 2005 tie India with the thus provide the US easy access$ to 10 million a year to promote democracy
US with the intent "to transform Indo-US the entire region and can be used globally. for The question is do both countries
relations" stating that: "The leaders of our the US Proliferation Security Initiative have the same vision on democracy? The
two countries are building a US-India (PSI). The Defence Framework make US believes that Russia and Venezuela are
strategic partnership in pursuit of these no direct mention of the US-sponsored not democracies; they believe that Hamas
principles and interests".9 PSI or the Container Security Initiative is a "terrorist organisation" and do not
(CSI). These initiatives give the USrecognise
and it, despite its electoral victory.
Military Links other members the right to apprehend The
anyUS is the mainstay of Israel's policies
ship/ container that they believe may in Palestine.
be India has long critiqued the
A number of military links between carrying WMDs or nuclear material. ideaIn
of international intervention on the
India and the US have been entered other words, just like Iraq was attacked grounds
on of human rights, democracy or
into and a number of others are await-the suspicion of the existence of WMDs, any other social clause. Does the Global
ing approval. The new framework for a similar attack could be carried out on Democracy Initiative bind India to this
any container/ship in international waters.vision? Is India going to participate
India-US defence relationship, June
2005, states that (1) the two countriesIndia's linkage with these initiatives andwith the US in spreading democracy to
shall conductjointly exercises and ex- US military exercises binds the countrycentral Asia, Pakistan and Iraq? If not,
to these operations. But the scope of the why do they need a common fund and
changes, (2) collaborate on multilateral
operations, (3) strengthen capabilitiesDefence
to Framework and later agreementsinitiative?
is
defeat terrorism, (4) expand interaction so wide that it can be indirectly used The Indo-US Knowledge Initiative on
to promote regional global peace and for the PSI. The Framework thus allows Agriculture brings the US agricultural
stability, (5) enhance capabilities to complete access of the US military to multinational companies and products into
combat the proliferation of weaponsIndian
of military assets of and facilities to Indian agriculture that Indian agricultural
advance its hegemonic agenda in Asia and scientists argue are based on unequal
mass destruction, (6) expand the two-way
Africa. Indian strategists who want a "Blue access. As opposed to this, India's inter-
defence trade between the two countries,
Water" navy are willing to be part of the est in becoming a member of the UN
(7) build greater understanding between
our defence establishments, (8) conduct US naval adventures in exchange. This Security Council, in its bid to become
peacekeeping operations, etc.10 is in sharp contrast to India's traditional a great power, is not mentioned in any
This agreement is comprehensive, position of the Indian Ocean as a zone Indo-US document.15 The Hyde Act and
allowing India to become a base for US of peace safeguarded by India. the 123 Agreements have to be placed in
military activities on a wide scale. This As Rashid and Pervovich state, in this context.
sanctions naval exercises in the Straits 2005 and 2006 there were 21 Indo-US
of Malacca, Alaska, Bay of Bengal and meetings on issues ranging from defence 123 Agreement
the Indian Ocean, as also military ex- procurement, military service to service,
ercises in Mizoram and elsewhere. The trade and commerce, etc to establish a The 123 Agreement is more than just
Pentagon argues that collaborations comprehensive
or and long-term strategic an agreement on nuclear supplies and
partnership between the US and India.
inter-operatability with the Indian military should be viewed in the broader context
will help the US military agenda related And
to further that "the president has ap- of this new alignment. The Hyde Act of
proached the new relationship with India
counter terrorism, countering proliferation, the US forms the perpetual framework
peacekeeping, anti-narcotics operations, with a clear vision of the geopoliticalfor this Treaty. It is a US National Act in
etc. Suggestions to deepen cooperation challenges likely to confront the US in keeping with nuclear non-proliferation and
in the Indian Ocean are proposed.11 the In 21st century".13 By July 2006 prime the Missile Technology Control Regime
2006, India and the US agreed to signministera Manmohan Singh had already (MTCR).16 The Hyde Act makes spe-
military logistics support and maritime promised that in exchange for nuclear cial changes to enable the US to supply
support agreement to ensure and secure supplies India would separate its military nuclear fuel and technologies to India
the maritime environment.12 The defence and civilian nuclear facilities, place the as an exception, in return for safeguards

Economic and Political Weekly September 1, 2007 3549

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and inspections by the (IAEA) and also
certifications by the US president to the
US Congress on India's overall foreign
policy positions. The next step for India
to operationalise this agreement would be
to sign similar agreements with the IAEA
and the Nuclear Suppliers' Group.
The Hyde Act states that while export-
ing nuclear fuel or technology to India
the US has to abide by the following:
The American president will report and
certify annually to the US Congress if
India's foreign policy is "congruent to
that of the US" and more specifically
on India joining US efforts in isolating
and even sanctioning Iran.17 The US will
cease nuclear cooperation if India con-
ducts a test. And all materials including
reprocessed material will be returned.18
This Act demands that India participate
and ultimately support the PSI that we
mentioned above, which enables the US
to intercept ships in international seas. 19
This Act wants to bind India into vari-
ous US initiated treaties and regimesisofopen to divergent interpretations. Butpeaceful purposes". This Article 2 can
this ambiguity will remain only until the
which India is not part of, including the
MTCR, Fissile Material Cut off Treaty, 1 23 Agreement has been operationalised.deny or disapprove nuclear supplies and to
Once through, the US can interpret this
etc.20 The advisory in the Hyde Act points
to its convenience. It should be remem-
to specific issues that the US wants India
to do. These include that India sign the bered that as an act of the US Congress,
FMCT, and the PSI, that India sign up the Hyde Act is a national law which is
to the Australia group and the Wassenar binding on the US in the 123 Agreement.
Arrangement, and that India "dissuade, This will have serious implications when
isolate, sanction and contain" Iran. The India
US spends billions of dollars for some
seven per cent of its energy require-
would pressurise India on all these issues
and eventually as India gets more bound, ments, ties itself to US defence imports
violations on these counts would lead to and has to mortgage its foreign policy
suspension of the agreement and a returnin perpetuity.
of the nuclear technology and fuels. The argument by the Indian foreign
The text of the 123 Agreement was kept minister that India is not bound by the
a secret until the Indian union cabinet Hyde Act is at best partial because the US
cleared it and it became binding. Public which is party to the agreement is bound
and parliamentary discussion followed by it. The Hyde Act functions as "national
only after it became irreversible. Thelaw" which binds the US. There is no
123 Agreement has been reworked byambiguity in the agreement on this at all.
Indian and US negotiators to make it
Article 2 of the 123 Agreement states that
more palatable since the Indian political
the parties to the agreement "shall imple-
ment this Agreement in accordance with
class outside the ruling, United Progres-
sive Alliance (UPA) found the Hyde Act the respective applicable treaties, national
highly discriminatory. Thus some of itslaws, regulations, and licence requirements
concerning the use of nuclear energy for
provisions remain ambiguous and the text
be used by the US at any time to delay,

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3550 Economic and Political Weekly September 1, 2007

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therefore pressurise India on any foreign supplier because of the strategic partner- development, democracy and markets,
policy or domestic policy decision. India's ; ship. Congressional reports, for example, coexistence of multiple cultures, etc. It
independent decision-making gets curtailed show that General Electric will be the is supported by Russia, China, France
in this Agreement in perpetuity. There can main US company to gain from this.22 and many other countries. India has
be no doubt that the 123 Agreement is Scientists have calculated that for import- seen it as an extension of the idea of
bound by the Hyde Act. ing 30,000 M W e of power reactors, the non-alignment.
While there is much debate on the fine capital investments will be at least about US policymakers reject the idea of both
print of this text, as far as the strategic Rs 1 2,00,000 crore.23 Other scientists havenon-alignment and the multipolar concept
shift in foreign policy is concerned several argued that the "much hyped promise of and have launched a campaign to convince
things are clear: nuclear technology doesn't translate to India about these. For example: secretary
( 1 ) The 1 23 Agreement is discriminatory. much in real terms. Long years of isola-of state, CondoleezzaRice, who announced
It imposes a test ban, and more (the rea- tion have made us self-sufficient...." 24in March 2005, that it was US policy to
sons for terminating the Agreement are Questions are thus raised whether India "help" India become a world power, said
deliberately ambiguous) without similar can afford disruptions of fuel supply and in June 2005 that New Delhi would have
commitments by the US.21 This is a more important, as former prime minister to abandon "old ways of thinking and
virtual acceptance of the Comprehensive V P Singh questioned, can India afford old ways of acting".25 Speaking to the
Test Ban Treaty (CTBT) rejected by the so much for the sake of such a strategic US-India Business Council, she said: "I
US, without any reference to global and tie up? Besides this, there are other keyknow there are some that still talk about
regional disarmament, that makes the deal questions, like the safety and disposal ofnon-alignment in foreign policy
not only unequal but directed towards nuclear waste, alternate sources of energy, lost its meaning".26 She has repea
capping India's nuclear deterrence. US like thorium, and its future that remain in different words, asking India
under secretary of state Nicholas Burns unanswered. non-alignment and join instead "t
has categorically stated that India's (4) It is crystal clear that this constitutes tion of democracies" led by the U
nuclear reprocessing facilities would in a drastic shift in India's strategic course, Talbott, former deputy national
fact come under IAEA safeguards in by tying India to the US and making it advisor to the Clinton administration
perpetuity and the agreement would not dependent on the US for fuel and techno- called the multipolar concept "a pretty
support the weapons programme. The logy. India's foreign policy decisions will stupid proposition".27 In India, sections
Indian government denies this, leaving have to be endorsed by the US and coin- of the press and so-called strategic think-
much ambiguity on the issue. cide with US interests. India will be able ers have since been echoing these words
However, for advocates of peace and to make more untested nuclear weapons and sentiments.
anti-nuclear weaponisation, like the au- that will increase the threat perceptions US pressure is working on India. In
thors, a decision on test ban and nuclear globally and fuel a nuclear arms race. September 2005 India went against the
disarmament should be India's sovereign The exclusions given to India in the rest of the non-aligned movement (NAM)
nuclear non-proliferation regime will countries and voted with the US on
decision. In its covert supportto the Israeli
nuclear programme and to the apartheid push other countries to do the same, sanctions against Iran. Thus India, which
South African regime, no such condi- opening the flood gates for the spread from 1995-2005 India opposed the US in
tions were laid down. These deals were of nuclear weapons. Traditional and the UN on 80 per cent of all its votes,
clandestine but the fact is that nothing historically tested allies like Russia, the has now voted with them on sanctions
in the US law stopped them. So the US central Asian and west Asian countries against Iran, opposition to a Small Arms
argument that the US Atomic Energy will feel alienated from India and its and Light Weapons Treaty, on the Kyoto
Act, 1954, etc, bans any such deal or new pro-US alignment. Protocol, etc. No wonder then, India has
preferential treatment, including vital stopped talking of démocratisation of the
provisions providing reprocessing tech- India's Foreign Policy Vision United Nations and its goal of joining the
nology, is simply not true. Security Council.
(2) Given the latitude provided for the India officially continues to adhere
termination of the agreement, uninterruptedto non-alignment. Many of the recent Impact on the Region
nuclear fuel supply is not guaranteed. documents on India's foreign policy fo-
Thus, if the US finds any Indian foreign cus on the concept of a multipolar world The Indo-US engagements have raised
policy position going against its national as opposed to the US commitment of athreat perceptions in the entire Asia
unipolar world. The unipolar concept
interest, for example, the US is particulary Pacific region. Even US Congress and
interested in our cooperation with Iran, entails US domination to include unilat- policy analysts have noted that the new
non-participation in the PSI or FMCT, eral decisions on areas of key US inter- US linkages with India have "significant
it can mean that the US can cut off fuel est, placing US law above international implications" for Asia and on US relations
supplies leading to disruptions. law, forced globalisation, containment of with Pakistan and China.28
(3) Nuclear power energy at present is states, regime change, unilateral attacks
2.6 per cent of total power capacity. on "rogue" states, US style democracy, China Angle
India projects that it will produce 20,000 non-proliferation enforced by the US, etc.
MW in 2020, but that will still be only The concept of a multipolar world on The Indian foreign minister Pranab
7 per cent of the total energy generated. the other hand is based on the existence Mukherji has asserted that India re-
The US has built no nuclear plant since of multiple power centres, multilateraljects "outmoded" practices such as the
19.73, yet it will become a major technical institutions and laws, plural methods of"balance of power" between India and

Economic and Political Weekly September 1, 2007 3551

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China. The US however adheres to it might and threaten China, thus leading up further access to nuclear technologies.
and it forms the crux of their relations to a new nuclear race? The stabilisation The confidence-building between India-
in Asia where the containment of China of Sino-Indian relations after almost a Pakistan and India-China will receive a
is part of national security doctrines. dozen rounds of bilateral talks and sig- blow. All the countries of south Asia are
Strategic advisors to the Indian govern- nificant trade relations can once again watching the Indo-US strategic embrace
ment accept this thesis as central to be destabilised and result in increased with trepidation. India's old position of
their understanding. It is used to justify militarisation. The Chinese response to keeping the US out of the subcontinent's
nuclear weaponisation and now to accept the Indo-US nuclear deal is muted but politics has not only been reversed, but
the 123 Agreement. India is being seen as the state that will
firmly critical of the US on its double
further the US interests in this region
Advisors and analysts including Terescita ■'standards on nuclear proliferation. They
and beyond.
Schaeffer, Selig Harrison and others proj- will in all likelihood oppose India in the
ect the importance of India as a nuclear Nuclear Suppliers' Group, when the issue
and economic power to "counterbalance comes up there. Other Fallouts
China".29 This is mirrored by Indian
strategic analysts like K Subrahmanyam Pakistan's Threat Perceptions Our traditional time tested relations
who argue that India must "balance China" with Russia and west Asian countries
as the "major balancers ofpowers would The confidence-building measures will clearly get disrupted as we get
like". They project China as a perpetual that India and Pakistan have engaged involved
in in US hegemonic policies.
India's close defence tie up with Israel
threat, playing on select memory of past over the past few years are in jeopardy.
Sino-Indian relations, and advocate that Pakistan's National Command Author- is testimony to this. India's old posi-
tion of support to the Palestine cause
now "China is a surrogate threat to India ity, chaired by general Pervez Mushar-
through its proliferation of nuclear tech- raf said that the Indo-US deal "would is much more muted. India voted with
nologies to Pakistan".30 Will a combination destabilise the subcontinent and fuel a the US on sanctions against Iran and
of the most powerful state in the world, nuclear arms race".31 The belief of some then abstained a second time. The US
the US combined with India "balance" policy that has demonised Islam and
strategic analysts that an arms race will
propagated the idea of "clash of civili-
China? Or will such an alliance upset thebenefit India's development is misplaced.
"balance" and stability by sheer militaryPakistan is already urging China for sations" goes against our fundamental

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research, media and special projects.

WISCOMP is a South Asian research and training initiative that seeks to promote an inclusive,
sensitive discourse on issues related to peace and security in South Asia. These include areas
human security, conflict resolution, multi-track peace initiatives, terrorism, regional cooperation, h
rights, diversity and coexistence, governance et al. This year the focus will be on projects that expl
interface between gender and these, within the terrain of peacebuilding.

The fellowships cover a period ranging from three months to one year. Candidates should send
page CV, the names of two referees and a completed application form. Shortlisted candidates
invited to submit a detailed proposal. The last date for receipt of applications is September 14,

Please download the application form from our website www.wiscomp.org or write to:
WISCOMP, Foundation for Universal Responsibility of His Holiness The Dalai Lama
Core 4A, Upper Ground Floor, India Habitat Centre, Lodhi Road, New Delhi - 1 10 003, India
Ph.: 91-11-24648450 (Ext. 112) * Fax: 91-11-24648451 * Email: wiscomp@vsnl.com

3552 Economic and Political Weekly September 1, 2007

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values. The strategic shifts in foreign Conclusion
India-Brazil-South Africa (IBSA), Asia-
policy entail such fall outs. Pacific Economic Cooperation (APEC)
and the Bay of Bengal Initiative for Multi
The strategic shifts in India's foreign
The Third World and the Sectoral Technical and Economic Coopera-
policy are far reaching. The time tested
Strategic Shift tion (BIMSTEC), as a more direct way
tenet of non-alignment is being cast off
asasan outmoded concept and is being
of promoting South-South Cooperation
India's geostrategists have a changedwell as establishing a stronger political
systematically replaced by a strategic
alliance with the US. India's stated aim
and economic relationship. Other African
perception vis-à-vis the third world and
other NAM countries, which the country countries are now asking why they of aresustaining a multipolar world has re-
was historically aligned to. India has not included, as the Ugandan president
ceived a severe setback. India's repeated
used both "soft power" and "hard power"did, while offering India direct supplies
advocacy for global nuclear disarmament
of Uranium.33 India sees this as better
options to increase its influence on third is muted and militarisation endorsed. The
way of negotiating rather than joining
countries. This perception is based on the strategic shifts tie India into a web of
following assessments: with others who are "left behind". This defence arrangements that give logistic
(1) India discontinued its government gradual but significant disengagement withsupport and engage in exercises with the
to government development cooperation the third world is driven by India's greatUS military, lending support to US de-
with all but six bilateral donors (DFID,power perceptions. Its aid policies follow signs to maintain an unequal global order
EC, Germany, Japan, USAID, Russian the intentions of the west in the creation and sustain US hegemony. Becoming a
Federation). Instead donors could assist of markets for Indian capital. The conceptstrategic partner of the US lends support
NGOs directly. of "soft power" policies remains part to its positions like its Ballistic Missile
(2) India has gradually changed from a of the neo-realist framework, where theDefence and various political manoeuvres
recipient of aid and assistance to a giver interest of the state is primary, regardlessat a time where even its old partners in
of aid. Minister of state for external af- of the impact on citizens. Europe and elsewhere want to disas-
fairs Rao Inderjit Singh stated in April sociate from it. In addition India gets
2005: "Our technical and economic National Interests and the associated with the cultural aspects of
cooperation programme - ITEC [to Calculus 156 of Power the US war against terrorism, including
states] is almost four decades old. ...a the ideas of "clash of civilisations", "with
rough monetary value to the wide range India's foreign policy shifts have us or against us", "rogue states" and the
been justified in terms of the "national
of training and other facilities that we have demonisation of Islam. It links us to US
shared with our friends from Africa, Iinterest".
am The hollowness of this realist policies that endanger ordinary citizens and
sure he would estimate it at well above
concept has been exposed further in the create national security states. In addition,
a billion dollars".32 recent debates in Parliament and outside, India gets bound in discriminatory treaties
(3) India Development Initiative (IDI)where both the proponents and critics of which the country had opposed when it
dedicates a $1.5 billion soft credit fund"
the 123 Agreement claim to uphold the did not consider itself a great power. The
over five years through the Exim Bank national interest and yet have diametrically Hyde Act and the 123 Agreement are just
for supporting development projects opposed positions to the agreement as well the culmination of this policy of strategic
mainly in Africa. as what constitutes the national interest. subservience to the US. And most of this
Clearly the national interest is nothing has been done behind the back of Parlia-
(4) India has leased an air base in Ayni
more than a legitimating ideology.
in Tajikistan which it argues is for non- ment, keeping the Indian people in the
The
military purposes, but others see this is as concept of power needs to be dark. It is important to contest this shift in
part of India's move towards increasing examined since the whole exercise of Indian foreign policy and return India to
its strategic depth in central Asia. shifting India's foreign policy is based a non-militarist peaceful path that remains
(5) India has assisted Afghanistanoninthe goal of achieving "great powerindependent and non-aligned. Ed
projects that range from roads to hospi-status". Similarly, the US is presenting
tal building as a way of maintainingto itsIndia this "great power" package.Email: chenoy@gmail.com
influence in the region. It has extendedNeither of the two however has explained
more than $100 million in credit to what the this "great power" is for? Do theyNotes
outlawed Myanmar regime, including have for common perceptions on this power?1 Joint Vision 2020, 'Full Spectrum Dominance',
upgrading their railway. India has thus Clearly, the US wants India to be a power US Department of Defence, May 2000, at:
emerged as Myanmar 's second largest as part of its "hub and spokes" principles, http://www.dtic.mil/jointvision/jv2020a.pdf
market, absorbing 25 per cent of the where they need partners to further their2 Ibid.
country's exports. international positions. The ruling party3 'The National Security Strategy of the US',
2002, at: http://www.whitehouse.gov/nsc/nss.
wants
(6) India maintains its influence in several India to be a great power to give
pdf This perception is repeated in their 2005
south Asian states like Nepal, Maldives,its elite greater access to a globalising Doctrine as well.
Sri Lanka, as is well known. world. Both want power "over others",4 The Washington Post editorial: "It [India] can
power to dominate internationally and help the US as a trading partner and as a
In this context India has gradually dis-
strategic counterweight against China", quoted
engaged from the large southern groups regionally. Neither wants it in terms
by Amit Baruah, 'China Will Give India, US
of empowering
that it once partnered and has played a key common people. The
a Hard Time at the NSG', Hindustan Times,
Indian government has not explained
role in forming new groups like the G-4, August 19, 2007, p 6.
G-15, G-20 and G-33. India has become
the implications and fallouts of this new5 E Bork and G Schmitt, 'A NATO for Asia:
military alliance with the US.
part of many regional groupings, like Project for a New American Century', http://

Economic and Political Weekly September 1, 2007 3553

This content downloaded from

119.42.157.114 on Sat, 04 Mar 2023 09:23:17 UTC
All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms
 www.newamericancentury.org/asia-2006 1211. 1 2 US statement on president Bush's visit to India, 22 Adam Entous, 'With Bush's Help, GE Courts
htm Februrary 22, 2006, at: http://www.whitehouse. Indian PM, Nuke Sector', Reuters, July 23,
6 Congress Records Service, Washington (CRS) gov/news/releases/2006/03/20060302-13. 2005.
Report for the Congress, US-India Bilateral html. 23 A Gopalakrishnan, 'Assured Fuel Supply a
Agreements in 2005, September 2005, avail- 13 Ibid. Miracle'? Asian Age, August 5, 2007.
able at: http://www.au.af.mil/au/awc/awcgate/ 14 Faiza Rashid and George Pervovich, 'A Sur-24 P K Iyengar, '123 Agreement Is a Gilded
crs/rl33072.odf. vey of the Progress in US-India Relations', Cage', Asian Age, August 17, 2007.
7 National Security Strategy of the United States Carnegie Endowment for International Peace,25 Condoleezza Rice quoted in Financial Times,
athttp://www. whitehouse.gov/nsc/nssall.html; July 2005, at www.carnegieendowment.org/ London August 3, 2007, p 5.
NIC Report, 'Mapping the Global Future' at files/ceio india starteev 2006.final.odf. 26 Ibid.
http://www.cia.gov/nic/NIC_jglobaltrend2020. 1 5 'Joint Statement between President George W27 Strobe Talbot, in Padma Desai, Conversa-
html. Bush and Prime Minister Manmohan Singh', tions on Russia: Reform from Yeltsin to
8 'Background Briefing by Administration Of- July 18, 2005, at http://www.state.gOv/p/sa/ Putin, Oxford University Press, New Delhi,
ficials on US-South Asia Relations', March rls/pr/2005/49763.htm. 2006, p 180.
25, 2005, at http://www.state.gOv/r/pa/prs/ 'New Framework for the US-India Defence 28 CRS Report for the Congress, US-India
ps/2005/43853.htm. Also, Ashley Tellis, for- Relationship', June 28, 2005, at http://www.in- Bilateral Agreements in 2005, September
mer senior advisor to the US ambassador in dianembassy.org/press_release/2005/June/3 1 . 2005, available at: http://www.au.af.mil/au/
New Delhi, 'India as a New Global Power', htm. See also CRS Issue Brief IB93097, awc/awcgate/crs/r!33072.pdf.
Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, India-US. 29 CRS Report for the Congress, US-India
July 2005, at www.carnegieendowment.org/ 16 The MTCR was used for the Soviet Union Bilateral Agreements in 2005, September
files/ceip india startegy 2006.final.pdf. to deny it access to even the most basic 2005, available at: http://www.au.af.mil/au/
9 Ibid. technology. It continues to be used for Russiaawc/awcgate/crs/rl3 3072.pdf.
10 'New Framework for the US-India Defence and many others. 30 K Subrahmanyam, 'Calling off the Deal',
Relationship', June 28, 2005, at[http://17 Henry J Hyde US-India Peaceful AtomicThe Times of India, August 20, 2007, pp I
www.indianembassy.org/press_release/2005/ Energy Cooperation Act of 2006, Public and 17.
June/31. htm. Law 109-401 (2006). Now on The Hyde 31 Financial Times, London, August 4-5, 2007,
1 1 Suggested in David Fulghum, "Indian 'Scare,'" Act, Section 104g(2) E(i). p3.
Aviation Week and Space Technology, Octo- 32 Speech by minister of state for external
18 The Hyde Act, Section 106 and Section 104
ber 4, 2004, cited in: CRS Report for the (3) (B). affairs, Rao Inderjit Singh at the South
Congress, US-India Bilateral Agreements in 19 The Hyde Act, Section 104g(2) K. African Institute for International Affairs
20 The Hyde Act, Section 104c E,F,G.
2005, September 2005, available at: http:// Johannesburg, April 4, 2005, at http://
www.au.af.mil/au/awc/awcgate/crs/rl33072.21 123 Agreement between US and India, Text,meaindia.nic.in/
pdf. Asian Age, August 4, 2007. 33 Indian Express, August 11, 2007, p 8.

"Embedding Poor Peoples' Voices in Local Governance:

Participation and Political Empowerment in India"

Two Research Associate Positions

Department of Town and Regional Planning, University of Sheffield

Closing Date: 10th September, 2007

Salary: £ 25,134 per annum

Two positions are available to work on this project which studies the linkages between popu
participation, démocratisation and poverty alleviation. The appointees will be responsib
the design, delivery and dissemination of a high-quality programme of qualitative rese
involving approximately ten months' field research in West Bengal and Kerala. You will
with marginalised communities and government officials to document their experience
evaluations of participatory governance reforms, processes and initiatives. Applicants s
have a PhD (or equivalent experience) in a relevant area, along with research skills an
understanding of relevant research methodologies.

These posts are available from November 2007 for a period of two years.

Fill details are available via http://www.jobs.ac.uk/jobs/DD529/

\

3554 Economic and Political Weekly September 1, 2007

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