Objectivity in Social Science,
Review Author[s}:
1. Jaxvie
Contemporary Sociology, Vol. 4, No. 2 (Mar., 1975), 97-98
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Tue Nov 29 14:08:18 2005THEORY 97
‘culture. Using ten prominent anthropologists
as his examples, Professor Hatch admirably
accomplishes his purpose.
Perhaps mare important, Hatch makes
‘lear that what is uue of his ten anthropolo-
ists is true of social science in general—
‘namely, that the “objective truths" we base
‘on “empirical facts” are not something exist-
ing in nature; they ace creations of our
metaphysical presuppositions. L do not mean
(o imply that Hatch is « throwback to philo-
sophical idealism. He simply demonstrates
thoroughly that objectivity (Le, carelul as
sembly and analysis of represeatative data)
does nat necessarily lead fair-minded, well-
tuained social scientists to the same funda
‘mental conclusions. A major reason is that
each observer's model-of-man (ie,, notion
fof what humans ulimately are, "whether
products of ecological determinism, of bio-
logical entities, or purely cultural creations,
(or what-have-you) shapes his or ber interpre
tation of the information at hand. Although
this may seem a qrism to some, it apparenity
nnezdls constant reiteration, since we are te
poatedly besieged by the proponents of vat
fous schools of thought, old and new, who
assect that their explanatory principle ls “the
Professor Hatch's ten “anthropologists” in-
clude Emile Durkheim, which may surprise
4@ few provincially.minded sociologists. What
Wwe ought wo be surprised about are the bar
tiers which keep so many sociocultueal an
thropologists and sociologists uninformed
about complementary Knowledge developed in
the two disciplines which, in their nratual
concern with social relationships in general,
are fraternal if not identical twins, This
complementarity is ilustrated by Hatch's can-
sideration of Durkheim. Hatch does the hest
job T have seen in portraying Durkheim's al-
most compulsive drive to see social facts as
things which cannot meaningfully be at-
Gibuted (0 psychological oF Biotogical phe
nomena. Durkheim's vast importance is thus
demonstrated; he hoth symbolized and heavily
influenced the sociological turn away from
the 19th century assumption that society is
simply a collection of individuals, with the
latter being the ultimate buman reality
Teonelude as I began: Evia Hatch's The-
ories of Man and Culture is a good book. It
will be useful in theory courses, It could
ako serve very well as supplementary reading
im sophisticated methodology courses which
attempt to grapple with the abjectivity prob.
em.
Objectivity th Soetal Science, by FRANK CON:
INGHAM. Toronto: University of Toronto
Press, 1973. 154 pp, $8.50.
LC. anv
York University, Toronto
Confronted by an “overwhelming maze" of
arguments in favor of the imposstility of
‘bjective social science, Professor Cunning-
hham, who believes in the abjective merits of
Martist Theory, seeks to defend objectivity
by criticizing the “recurrent” arguments
against it,
To hogin with, he cells us what objectivity
is: “itis possible for an inquiry to be objec
ive if, and only if, (a) it is possible for its
deveriptions and explanations of & subject
‘matter to reveal . . . qualities and relations
=. a8 they exist independently of an inquit-
e's thoughts and desires regarding them...
and (b) it isnot possible for «we inguirers
folding rival theories... both to be justified.”
Passing to the negative, he notes that ob-
Jectivity is not to be identified with positivism,
Moreover, it is quite in order for an objective
social scientist to have values, to be conseious
of being in an historically circumscribed
situation, and to seleet from his expecience.
Neither values, nor historicism, nor selectivity
vitiates the possibility of achieving objectivity
in the stipulated sense
‘These arguments quickly disposed af, Pro-
fessor Cunningham turns to the novel argu:
ments, (0 which the next four chapters. at
his book are devoted, The heart of the view
to be opposed states that: “If the theories
fone holds determine what his perceptions and
interpretations of things described by the
theories can he, sa that his adaption or aban-
donment of a theory eznnot depend on bis
recognition of qualities and relations of the
things concerned, then it would be plausible
(0 argue that their adoption or abandonment
is dependent on his values ar non-scientific
ciccumstances of his historical period. And
insofar as classification is on the basis of
some theory, the theory would ipso facto
determine one’s perceptions and interpreta-
tions of what ig classified." He finds this view
defended with arguments from the history
and philosophy of science (by Kulm and
Feyerabend), from linguistic relativity (by
‘Whorf, Sapir, Quine, Feyerabend}, from per-
coptual relativity (by Cooley, Bergson, Pox
lanyi, Hanson), and from the special nature
‘of the subject matter of the social sciences (ty
Hayek, Schutz, Weber, Winch, Collingwood,
Dray, Manohelm, ete.)98 CONTEMPORARY SOCIOLOGY: A JOURNAL OF REVIEWS
In face of all this, Cunningham's basic
argumentative strategy is always the same—
the enti-objectivist conclusion does not follow
from the premises and hence the impossibility
(of objectivity is not proven, and/or the
argument itself presupposes objectivity and
hence is self-defeating. Kuna and Feyera-
bend’s argument that theories, being altecna-
(ive ways of seeing the wortd, are incom-
mensurable, and hence that scientific change
4g not rational or objective, is held to be a
selfdefeating theory. Linguistic relativism
similarly tends to fall either into vagueness
‘and nonsequiturs, oF 10 presuppose the ob-
jectivity it purports to undermine. On per-
‘ception, Cunningham holds that the objectivist
position merely requires. some—not total—
perceptual agreement, while the relaivist has
fo come up with some explanation of man's
success at controlling the environment he
apparently perceives s0 differently. The argu-
ment that man is a peculiar subject of inquiry,
and that the investigator is investigating him=
‘self, is not sufficient to disallow the possibility
of objectivity.
Tn brief postscript, the author fences with
thse who raise moral objections to cbjecti
ity as detached, dehumanizing and dangerous.
Cunningham argues that knowledge is pre
supposed in even making such judgments and
‘that it had better be objective.
‘This is « book for those who cen absorb
fan argument stated and dissected in an ab-
stact and philosophical manner. Few social
scientists and works of social science are re
ferred to, none is discussed, The several au-
thors mentioned in the summary above are
cited very cursorily. The entire book is only
123 pages of text. [ cannot fault the author
fon his reasoning, nor can T think of any
Important anti-objectivist argument he has
‘overlooked. Nevertheless, the Book is not
satisfactory,
Partly this has to da with the extreme flat
ress of the prose style, totally without colour
‘or dynamics, Pactly it has to do with the
author's strategy. One nice point of the
strategy is that no time is wasted on argue
‘ments from extceme skepticism and solipsism
Less appealing is his treatment of the litera
ture asa stockpile of arguments which he
‘can trundle out and defeat; white making no
positive case for objectivity 2t all, This gives
a sense of remoteness, timelesness even,
somehow quite unconvincing even to a con:
firmed objectivist like this reviewer
‘The point about various of the authors
‘mentioned is that they did not just sit around
cooking up anticobjectvist arguments for the
fun of it, Each of them repudiated objec-
tivity because of what they thought were
insuperable difficulties encountered in the
course of their empirical work, And the
problems each of them was working on were
various: Kuhn, Whori, Bergson and Schutz
were hardly studying the same problems
Hence (oa defeat ia the abstract some particu
lar argument they produced is not going 10
advance understanding of the peoblem at all.
‘This is why Professor Cunningham's faiture
ta say anything positive about objectivity is
a grave weakness. A survey of the arguments
‘on & topie dravn from ere, there, and every-
where gives no sense of the real debate about
the ceal issues with which the authors were
concerned. Cunningham does nat look at one
genuine debate in the literature of the social
Sciences to see under what pressures the anti-
objectivist arguments were developed. Most
interesting, in view af his avowed Marxist
sympathies, would have beea a scrutiny of
the way some letterday Markists have tsed
“Marxist” arguments against objectivity.
‘The book then is an academic exercise
Ubich fails 10 explore the anti-objective phe-
nomenon in interesting ways. Why is anti-
‘objectivism so beguiling? What makes some
intellectuals ready to follow the argument
‘wherever it leads, even when it leads them
by the nose into absurd and contradictory
is? There are genuinely dificult (s0-
iological?) problems here which this book,
alas, does not tackle
Sociology of Meaning, by Jonn B. O'Mattzy.
London: Human Context Books, 1972. 308
Pp.
Weevoron W, Isas0w
University of Toronto
‘This book raises some important and in-
teresting philosophical issues. But alas, it not
only couches them in a florid and sesquipe-
dalian jargon, but efter one has cut through
the words and phrases, the book emerges 35
a sel of variations on what “radical theory"
is and does, which in effect should be read
as what the author thinks it ought to be and
cought to do,
‘As conceived by O'Malley, radical theory
{ig supposed to function as the ultimate means
‘of justification of all procedures and conctt-
sions of inguicy. O'Malley says that “eritical
social science,” in Habermas’ sense, medix
‘ates between radical theory and the sociologi-
‘eal analysis of “emplrical soci sciences," but
‘without its “radically theoretic” component,
critical social science would lack the means