Coin Hoards in Southeastern Europe 1st 6

Rousse Regional Museum of History
COIN HOARDS
IN SOUTHEASTERN EUROPE
(1st - 6th century AD)
Rousse 2021
COIN HOARDS
IN SOUTHEASTERN EUROPE
(1st - 6th century AD)
Rousse 2021
Editorial board:
Prof. Ph. D. Dimitar Draganov
Prof. D. Sci. Ancho Kaloyanov
Prof. Ph. D. Nikolay Nenov
Ph. D. Varbin Varbanov
Ph. D. Nikola Rusev
Ph. D. Iskren Velikov
Reneta Roshkeva
Editors:
Ph. D. Varbin Varbanov
Ph. D. Nikola Rusev
Materials from the International Numismatic Symposium “Coin hoards in Southeastern Europe (1st–6th
century AD), held in Rousse, Bulgaria, June 20-23, 2019. Organizers - Rousse Regional Museum of
History and Numismatic Museum - Ruse.
Procceedings of the Rousse Regional Museum of History, volume 24 - Coin hoards in Southeastern
Europe
ISSN 1311-0942
Prepress: Tsanov Bros Ltd.

Print: TS Group Ltd.
Content
Cristian Găzdac.
FOREWORD. ..................................................................................................................................................5
1. Albana Meta.
COIN HOARDS FROM ALBANIA: 1ST-6TH CENTURY AD. .................................................................7
2. Gabriel M. Talmațchi.
REMARKS ON ROMAN REPUBLICAN AND EARLY IMPERIAL COIN HOARDS
FOUND IN DOBRUDJA (1ST CENTURY AD). ................................................................................... 16
3. Evgeni I. Paunov.
EARLY ROMAN COIN HOARDS FROM MOESIA INFERIOR
AND THRACE (FROM AUGUSTUS TO HADRIAN). ....................................................................... 23
4. Varbin Varbanov.
ROMAN COIN HOARDS FROM MOESIA INFERIOR AND THRACE
(FROM HADRIAN TO DIOCLETIAN). CURRENT STAGE OF RESEARCH. .............................. 59
5. Bojana Borić-Brešković, Mirjana Vojvoda.

ROMAN COIN HOARDS DEPOSITED DURING THE REIGN OF PHILIP I
FROM THE TERRITORY OF PRESENT-DAY SERBIA. .................................................................... 95
6. Alenka Miškec.
FOURTH CENTURY AD ROMAN COIN HOARDS FROM SLOVENIA. ................................... 106
7. Lilia Dergaciova.
THE SILIQUA COIN FINDS IN THE REGION BETWEEN DNIESTER AND PRUT
A CASE STUDY. ........................................................................................................................................ 118
8. Zhenya Zhekova.
THE TIMELINE BETWEEN ANTIQUITY AND MIDDLE AGES ACCORDING TO
THE COIN HOARDS FROM PROVINCE OF MOESIA SECUNDA ............................................. 187
9. Konstantin Skvortsov, Anna Zapolska.

THE HOARD OF SESTERTII FROM MELNIKOVO, REGION ZELENOGRADSK. ................. 195
10. Dochka Vladimirova-Aladzhova.

SOME OBSERVATIONS ON THE LARGE COIN HOARD OF ROMAN DENARII
FROM SERDICA (2ND CENTURY BC – EARLY 3RD CENTURY AD). ........................................... 214
3
11. Svetoslav Yordanov.
COIN HOARD FOUND NEAR THE VILLAGE OF POKROVNIK,
BLAGOEVGRAD AREA IN ARCHAEOLOGICAL EXCAVATION OF SITE № 2,
STRUMA HIGHWAY. ............................................................................................................................. 235
12. Miroslava Dotkova.

ROMAN COIN HOARD FROM LEVKA VILLAGE, SOUTHEASTERN BULGARIA. .............. 239
13. Nikola Rusev, Stefan Ivanov.

ROMAN COIN HOARD FROM THE VILLAGE OF DOLNA KABDA. ....................................... 251
14. Anton Karabashev.

COIN HOARDS FROM ANCHIALOS (2ND – 3RD CENTURY AD). ................................................ 279
15. Lajosz Juhász.

A REDISCOVERED HOARD FROM AQUINCUM AND THE QUESTION OF
THE ABANDONMENT OF THE CIVIL TOWN. .............................................................................. 302
16. Кyrylo Мyzgin, Аnton Perederey.

A HOARD OF THIRD CENTURY COINS (DENARII AND ANTONINIANI)
FROM OSTAPKIVTSI (UKRAINE). .................................................................................................... 314
17. Maria Manolova-Voykova, Igor Lazarenko.

NUMISMATIC DATA FOR DATING THE CONSTRUCTION OF
THE MAIN FORTIFICATION WALL OF PETRICH KALE. ........................................................... 345
18. Nevyan Mitev, Vladimir Bekov.

A HOARD OF BRONZE ANTONINIANI FROM VARNA. ............................................................. 389
19. Stoyan Mihaylov.

A COIN HOARD OF BRONZE COINS FROM THE 6TH CENTURY FOUND NEAR
THE VILLAGE OF KOPTIVETS, RUSE REGION. ............................................................................ 393
20. Mateusz Bogucki, Arkadiusz Dymowski, Grzegorz Śnieżko.

ROMAN COINS IN MEDIEVAL AND EARLY MODERN HOARDS FOUND
IN POLISH LANDS. ................................................................................................................................. 407
21. Dimitar Draganov, Varbin Varbanov.

SOME NOTES ABOUT ONE UNUSUAL COIN HOARD. ............................................................... 425
Autors ........................................................................................................................................................... 440
4
THE ROMAN COINAGE – HOARDING ON BOTH SIDES
OF THE EMPIRE’S BORDER
Cristian Găzdac
The study of Roman coin hoards is a subject of considerable importance for both monetary history
and Roman history in general. Not only is there a lot of material, but the historical context allows one to
study the impact on coin circulation of becoming a Roman province, ceasing to be a province.
The present volume is part of the new direction on the research on Roman hoards developed in
the last decade when the IT technology is fully engaged with the scholars’ work to gather enormous data
on Roman coin hoards that leads to a new era in interpreting or re-interpreting the meaning of the term
‘coin hoard’ and, thus, re-writing not only the monetary history but also the political and economic histo-
ry of the Roman period. I did not use the term ‘Roman Empire’ as, now, it is crystal clear that the Roman
coinage was hoarded not only within the borders of the Empire but also deep on the territories located far
from the limes.
From the heroic project of ‘Die Fundmünzen der römischen Zeit’ to the web applications of numis-
matic data -e.g. Coin Hoards of the Roman Empire, Fundmünzen der Antike, Finds of Roman Coins from
Poland and lands connected historically with PL, etc. – the general picture of what was the Roman coinage
has become much wider than the borders of the issuing authority.
By gathering the evidence from Roman provinces such as Dalmatia, Pannonia Superior and In-
ferior, Moesia Superior and Inferior and Tracia, as well from the extra fines Imperii Romani, the present
volume is able to set the Roman coin hoard as a remarkable item that one cannot properly understand fluc-
tuations in coin circulation and peoples’ hoarding options without the background of regional patterns.
On the same line, one will easily notice the presence of topics regarding the patterns of hoard structure;
the length of period of circulation; the relationship between hoard burial and non-recovery and historical
events.
As revealed by the studies presented here, on both sides of the Roman frontier, as a general pattern,
the owners of hoards were trying to keep coins of high precious metal content and that they mainly pre-
ferred hoarding coins of a single metal – with only a few cases of hoards of mixed composition. The silver
was the favourite one while the gold hoards are very rare in the entire area of the Eastern and South-East-
ern Europe. The hoards of bronze coins are increasing in number for the 4th and 5th centuries AD as a
consequence of the radical changes on the Roman monetary system.
Once again, authors of some studies from this volume suggest that the chronological and geo-
graphic patterns reveal connections between hoard burial and non-recovery and historical events. While
for the areas within the Roman Empire – e.g. the Balkans - the largest groups of non-recovered hoards
5
correspond with the periods when these provinces were subject to external or internal, on the territories
beyond the Roman frontier such hoards are ‘benefits’ from raids and invasions or trade.
For certain this volume constitutes a solid foundation for further studies on Roman coin hoards
and history!
Prof.habil.dr. Cristian Găzdac

Institute of Archaeology and Art History
University of Cluj-Napoca, Romania
cgazdac2000@yahoo.co.uk
6
COIN HOARDS FROM ALBANIA: 1ST-6TH CENTURY AD
Albana Meta
This article aims to identify the Roman Imperial hoards dated from the 1st to 6th centuries found in
the territory of Albania (map 1). It provides evidence of their content and burial date. The data are collect-
ed from the Coin Cabinet in Tirana.1 The research showed that the number of imperial hoards is limited.
However, many other group findings listed below represent possible hoards. The hoards are divided in two
sections: Roman imperial hoards and 6th century hoards.
Roman Imperial Hoards

The two main hoards of this period are both found in Durres, the ancient Dyrrhachium. They are
listed as Durres hoard 1 and 2 in order to distinguish them from each other.
Durres Hoard 1. The biggest coin hoard dated to the imperial period is found in Durres, in 1941.
The context and history of its finding as well as its full content have been described in detail by H. Ceka,
who published it in 1958. At the moment of the discovery, during the Second World War, Albania was
under Italian occupation, so the history of the finding has been meticulously assembled and presented by
H. Ceka. According to him, the hoard was found in the central area of Durres by some workers who were
opening a trench during some public works. It appears that the coins were found inside three ceramic pots
of which nothing remains. As for their content, based on Ceka’s account, silver coins and jewelry were
found inside, with a total weight of 13.5 kg2, of which only the coins survived as the jewelry was completely
dispersed immediately after discovery. Due to the corrosion3 the coins were initially considered as bronze
issues and only after their conservation it appeared that, with the exception of two coins, the rest were all
silver denominations.
About 3874 silver denarii and two sestertii from the hoard were handed shortly after the discovery
to the National Library and Museum in Tirana. Out of this total, 55 coins were taken away and offered
to F. Jacomoni, at the time Governor of Albania.4 The rest of them remained part of the collection at the
above-mentioned institution until the formation of the National Institute of Archaeology in Tirana, short-
ly after the Second World War, where the hoard and the entire coin collection were transferred and are
preserved up to date. It is probable that the original number of denarii contained in the jars was higher as,
according to H. Ceka, some months after the discovery many silver denarii belonging to the same period
as those of the hoard, were sold in the “market”.5
The coins belong to the imperial period from the reign of Nero up to that of Lucius Verus, with
issues from all the emperors and members of the imperial family reigning during this period. The table be-
1 The information provided is based only on the data registered in the Cabinet’s inventory. It was not possible to go
through the material deposited in the Cabinet from recent excavations, because it not registered yet. Many of the latter are un-
published and not yet identified.
2 Ceka 1958, 145.
3 Coins discovered in Durres have usually a heavy corrosion, probably due to the composition of the soil and the high
level of humidity as the city is located by the seaside, which makes the silver look like bronze.
4 Ceka 1958, 146.
5 Ceka 1958, 146.
7
low shows the quantity of coins of each emperor represented in the hoard, based on H. Ceka’s publication.6
Emperor Quantity of coins

Nero 12
Galba 8
Otho 3
Vitellius 8
Vespasian 173
Titus 69
Julia 1
Domitian 335
Nerva 82
Trajan 857
Plotina 2
Marciana 1
Hadrian 781
Sabina 61
Aelius 7
Antoninus Pius 559
Faustina the Elder 300
Antoninus Pius and M. Aurelius 15
Faustina the Younger 181
Lucius Verus 109
Lucilla 32
Table 1. List of emperors and number of denarii
for each of them comprised in Durres Hoard 1.
The earliest coins in the hoard are those with the name of Nero, 12 in total. No other pieces from
the Julio-Claudian era are found in it. The three emperors Galba, Otho and Vitellius are represented each
by a limited number of coins, whereas the pieces of emperor Vespasian are considerable, 173 in total. The
number of coins increases with the issues of the emperor Domitian (335 pieces). The denarii of emperor
Trajan constitute the highest number in the hoard, a total of 857, followed by those of Hadrian, 781 pieces.
The coinage of Antoninus Pius and Faustina the Elder are well-represented as well with respectively 559
and 300 denarii.
Two sestertii, one of the emperor Hadrian and the other of Antoninus Pius were included in the
hoard as well as a provincial coin of Hadrian, struck in Caesarea. The pattern of the Durres hoard content
is very similar to that of the individual findings from the territory of Albania7, which shows that the most
represented emperors in this territory are the same as in the hoard. It is to emphasize that during the reign
of the emperors Trajan and Hadrian various public works were undertaken in Durres, of which the biggest
is the construction of the amphitheater8, so it is not surprising to see a considerable number of coins from
these emperors to be found in the city.
The most recent coins in the hoard are those of Lucius Verus, permitting thus to establish a termi-
nus post quem for their burial around 170 AD. It is difficult to establish the exact motifs of the burial but
some historical events come to help in this regard. The Marcomannic wars occurring at both sides of the
6 Ceka 1958, 146.

7 For the circulation of the imperial coins in Albania see Meta 2018, 49-55.
8 The construction of the city’s amphitheater starts with the reign of Trajan.
8
Danube may provide a clue. Even though the region in our concern is not included in these conflicts, the
geographical position of Dyrrhachium is very important: the city is located at the beginning of the Via Eg-
natia and it represents also the closest point to the Italian peninsula in the eastern Adriatic. The port of the
city was regularly used since the Hellenistic period for the landing of the roman military during various
conflicts.9
Durres Hoard 2. Another hoard of the imperial period was found in Durres during the excava-
tions at the so-called “Lulishte 1 Maji”, at the city center, in 2010. The excavations which took place in a
vast area of about 3000 m2 brought to light an important area of the ancient Roman Dyrrhachium: the
workshops district. They provided more than 920 coins10, belonging mainly to the Hellenistic and the im-
perial period. Among them, 64 bronze pieces belong to a hoard, discovered in a glass workshop.11 It is to be
noticed that the coins of the hoard belong to a similar time frame with those of the Durres hoard described
above, dating from 97 to around 180 AD.12 Its burial again should be linked to the Marcomannic wars.
Shen Dimitri hoard. This is a small hoard, composed of five bronze coins, found in Shen Dimitri,
near Butrint. It is only mentioned in the report about the coins found during the excavations in Butrint,
Vrina plain and Diaporit, without publishing in detail its content. According to the publication, it contains
five imperial coins of which two are provincial, other two belong to the period prior to 300 AD and anoth-
er one belongs to the period from 300-498 AD.13 There is no clear date on the latest coin in the hoard so it
is impossible to identify its exact burial period.
Uncertain Imperial Hoards

During the work for this article, it was noticed that in the registers of the Coin Cabinet in Tirana,
there are many instances of group findings registered together, each group with the same inventory num-
ber. The practice of giving a single inventory number to a group of coins in the Cabinet was applied only
with the hoards, which is the main reason why these cases are gathered and presented hereby. Also, many
of these group findings show a homogeneity of content, belonging mostly to one single emperor. However,
as most of these findings come from an uncertain context, in most of the cases without any indication of
the location of the finding, it is impossible to define without doubt that they are hoards. It is for this reason
that these findings are presented as a list of possible hoards. It is to emphasize that in most of the cases the
findings include a small assemblage of coins, from three to five pieces. It should be noted that some con-
stitute findings, handed in by individuals who had found them in one single location, sometimes in their
own property during agricultural works or other circumstances. Assemblages of coins that come from
former private collections have been excluded from the list even though they may have been registered
with one single inventory number. Some others group findings derive from the former coin collection of
the National Library and Museum in Tirana. The description of the coins was taken after the old registers
of the latter (as in the case of Durres Hoard 1) where their provenance is not provided, as many of them
are found before the Second World War. In the list of hoards below, only a few of the findings come from
archaeological sites and are found during the excavations of the Institute of Archaeology. They represent,
in fact, the only registries that may be identified as hoards. In most of the cases, the coins have been de-
scribed one by one, but in some instances (about 25), they are listed without any indication of the period
or the emperor/s to which they belong. They are omitted from the list below as in absence of a description,
their dating is impossible. Finally, for the largest part of these findings the period of their discovery is also
unknown.
Table 2 shows the assemblages of coins, organized in a chronological order by emperor, in order to
make it easier to follow.
9 Cabanes 2001, 121-136; Gjongecaj, Picard 2005, 146-147.

10 Frashëri 2015, 386-392, 516-541; see also Frashëri 2018, 57-65.
11 Idem, nos. 107-162, Table LXXXIX-XCIII, 630-635.
12 Idem.
13 Moorhead et al. 2007, 79.
9
Emperor / Period Inv. No. Quantity Metal Workshop Finding location
2287 3 AE Unknown
Ap ol l on i a ,
4357 3 AE Apollonia
O. Augustus (27 BC-14 AD) Illyria
Ap ol l on i a ,
4359 2 AE Apollonia
Illyria
Claudius I (41-54 AD) 2284 3 AE Unknown
Vespasian (69-79 AD) 55 3 AR Unknown
Domitian (81-96 AD) 5720* 4 AR Unknown
Trajan (98-117 AD) 5032 2 AE Xiber
7609 3 AR Unknown
Ap ol l on i a ,
3710 3 AE Apollonia
Hadrian (117-138 AD) Illyria
Ap ol l on i a ,
4358 3 AE Apollonia
Illyria
Antoninus Pius (138-161 AD) 2836 3 AE Unknown
2837 2 AE Unknown
Ap ol l on i a ,
2761 3 AE Apollonia
Illyria
Ap ol l on i a ,
Marcus Aurelius (161-180 AD) 4161 5 AE Apollonia
Illyria
Ap ol l on i a ,
4360 3 AE Apollonia
Illyria
Ap ol l on i a ,
Septimius Severus (193-211) 3709 3 AE Apollonia
Illyria
2866 4 AE Unknown
Severus Alexander (222-235)
3450 4 AE Unknown
5151 3 AE Unknown
141-142 13 AE Viminacium Unknown
Gordian III (238-244) 183 3 AE Unknown
1304 4 AE Unknown
144 12 AE Viminacium Unknown
145 4 AE Viminacium Unknown
Philip I (244-249) 2951 3 AE Unknown
5169 3 AE Unknown
5675* 10 AE Unknown
Trajan Decius (249-251) 149 3 AE Viminacium Unknown
Hostilian (251 AD) 148 5 AE Viminacium Unknown
Trebonianus Gallus (251-253 AD) 150 3 AE Viminacium Unknown
Aemilian (253 AD) 152 3 AE Viminacium Unknown
10
2825 14 AE Unknown
5030 4 AE Xiber
Gallienus (253-268) 5642* 7 AE Unknown
5657* 5 AE Unknown
5658 6 AE Unknown
Claudius Gothicus (268-270 AD) 227 5 AE Unknown
2255 6 AE Unknown
Aurelian (270-275 AD)
2256 4 AE Unknown
2335 3 AE Unknown
Probus (276-282) 2337 3 AE Unknown
1237 4 AE Unknown
2339 6 AE Unknown
Diocletian (284-305 AD) 2340 5 AE Unknown
5664 3 AE Unknown
Maximianus (286-305 AD) 286 5 AE Unknown
Galerius (305-311 AD) 3500 3 AE Unknown
Constantius Chlorus (305-306 2851 4 AE Unknown
AD) 5024 9 AE Xiber
280 25 AE Unknown
1247 10 AE Unknown
1248 5 AE Unknown
1249 3 AE Unknown
Constantine the Great (306-337
1250 9 AE Unknown
AD)
1251 8 AE Unknown
1252 3 AE Unknown
1253 3 AE Unknown
1254 4 AE Unknown
Licinius (308-324 AD) 5031 3 AE Xiber
5638* 3 AE Unknown
2353 4 AE Unknown
2354 3 AE Unknown
2355 7 AE Unknown
2356 9 AE Unknown
Constantine II (337-340 AD)
2358 4 AE Unknown
2295 3 AE Unknown
2296 12 AE Unknown
2817 3 AE Unknown
2833 5 AE Unknown
3780 3 AE Unknown
Constans I (337-350 AD) 3781 4 AE Unknown
3782 6 AE Unknown
11
3489 6 AE Nicomedia Unknown
Valentinianus I (364-375 AD)
3490 8 AE Nicomedia Unknown
Valentinianus II (375-392 AD) 2876 3 AE Unknown
3785 3 AE Unknown
Theodosius I (379-395 AD) 3788 4 AE Unknown
2877 3 AE Unknown
Arcadius (395-408 AD) 282 8 AE Unknown
4th century AD (non-identified
5026 17 AE Xiber
emperor/s)
Table 2. List of possible hoards.
As it can be seen in Table 2, for the first two centuries up to the beginning of the 3rd century AD
(the end of Severus reign) some of the findings listed here-above are found in Apollonia and are com-
posed of provincial coins minted in the city. For the 3rd century the findings are intensified which goes in
accordance with the pattern of individual findings in the Albanian territory.14 The coins of the Constantine
dynasty are the most represented in the table which again is very similar to the situation of the individual
findings.15 Some of the coin assemblages come from the archaeological excavations in Xiber, in the district
of Mat, Northern Albania. This location is known for its Hellenistic fortification and is situated close to
one of the roads of this period which most probably continued to be used during the Roman period. They
are the only cases for this period when the location of the finding is known.
6th century hoards. For the 6th century the most significant findings are those discovered in Byllis,
an important Illyrian city from the Hellenistic period up to the Middle Ages. Systematic archaeological
excavations undertaken for decades in the ancient city have brought to light, among other artefacts, thou-
sands of coins dating to different periods of the city’s history. Amid them three unpublished hoards, dated
to the 6th century AD, will be listed and described below.
The first one, registered with the Inv. Nos. 612-62016, is found in 1984, during the excavations at
Basilica B of the city. It is composed of nine coins, all folles of emperor Justinian, of which five have been
minted in Constantinople, one in Nicomedia, whereas the mint of the other three is impossible to identify.
The second hoard is found at the same monument, Basicila B, during the excavations in 1986. It
is registered under inv. Nos. 809-815, and it is composed of seven folles: two belong to the emperor An-
astasius and the other five to Justinian. Both coins of Anastasius are minted in the Constantinople’s mint.
Three of the coins with the name of Justinian are minted in Constantinople, one in Cyzicus and another in
Nicomedia.
The third hoard from Byllis is composed of 92 coins. It was found during the excavations of 1991
in the area near Basicila C, in one of the rooms of a dwelling, named Room 3. The hoard includes seven
folles and one half-follis. Only one follis dates to emperor Anastasius; the other five folles and the half-follis
belong to emperor Justinian. The rest of the coins are nummi most of which unidentifiable. From those
identifiable six are nummi of Anastasius, with his monogram on the reverse; seven others belong to emper-
or Justinian, with either a cross on the reverse or a large A. The rest of the coins, due to poor conservation
condition, are difficult to be identified, but judging by its general content it may be assumed that most
probably they belong to the same emperors. This hoard is interesting for the presence in it of a consider-
able number of nummi, which are absent in the above-mentioned hoards. It is worth noting that because
of their small dimensions and value as well as due to their high number of minting, the nummi are to be
14 Meta 2018, 51.

15 Meta 2018, 52, Graph 3.
16 The three hoards that will be described here were initially part of the coin collection of the Archaeological Museum in
Fier and the inventory numbers referred to belong to the registers of findings of this Museum. All three are actually part of the
coin collection of the Institute of Archaeology, in Tirana.
12
found largely in the entire territory of Albania, mostly as individual findings17.
It is evident that the three hoards are distinguished by their content. With the exception of the first
one, which includes only coins of the Justinian era, the other two consist of few coins of Anastasius each,
and a majority of Justinian coins. Their burial can clearly be dated to the Justinian era. It is not surprising
to see these hoards in the city, as during this period many public works were undertaken in the city. Ac-
cording to an inscription found in the city’s fortification wall, it is to emperor Justinian that the fortifica-
tion of the latter is attributed18. It is evident that these works have intensified the coin circulation in the city
as well as the quantity of coins which should have been used, among other, for the payments necessary for
these works.
Conclusion. The territory of Albania provides a limited number of imperial hoards of which the
Durres hoard 1 is the most important in quantitative terms. This limited number makes it difficult to
have a clear view of any particular pattern of the hoards or of the coin circulation, mostly because the two
Durres hoards burial date is linked to the Marcomannic wars. The uncertain hoards show a vivid presence
of coins from most of the emperors during the imperial era, but unfortunately their unknown location as
well as the impossibility to define them as hoards makes it difficult to comment.
17 See Meta 2018, 52; Moorhead et al. 2007, 80-82.

18 Anamali 1987, 63-72.
13
14
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Anamali 1987
S. Anamali. Katër mbishkrime ndërtimi nga Bylisi. – Monumentet, 1, 63-72.
Cabanes 2001
P. Cabanes. Les ports de l’Illyrie Méridionale. – In: Cl. Zaccaria (ed.). Strutture portuali e rotte
marittime nell’Adriatico di età romana. Atti del convegno Internazionale, Acquilea (20-23 maggio
1998). Antichità Altoadriatiche, 121-136.
Ceka 1958
H. Ceka. Zbulimi i një thesari monedhash antike në Durrës. – Bulletin i Universitetit Shtetëror të
Tiranës, 1, 145-202.
Frashëri 2015
Gj. Frashëri. Illyrisches Dyrrah 1. Die Grabung “Lulishtja 1 Maj”. Tirana.
Frashëri 2018
Gj. Frashëri. Epidamn/Dyrrah – at the focus of money and banking activity. – In: Money and
banking in Albania, from antiquity to modern times, First Conference of the Museum of the Bank
of Albania Proceedings 14-15 June 2017. Tirana, 57-67.
Gjongecaj, Picard 2005
Sh. Gjongecaj, O. Picard. Drachmes d’Apollonia et de Dyrrachion dans les Balkans. – Studia Al-
banica, 1, 139-155.
Meta 2018
A. Meta. Circulation of Roman imperial coins in Albania (14 BC – end of Vth century AD). – In:
Money and banking in Albania, from antiquity to modern times, First Conference of the Museum
of the Bank of Albania Proceedings 14-15 June 2017. Tirana, 49-57.
Moorhead et al. 2007
S. Moorhead, Sh. Gjongecaj, R. Abdy. Coins from the excavations at Butrint, Diaporit and Vrina
Plain. – In: I. L. Hansen, R. Hodges (eds). Roman Butrint, An assessment, 78-94.
15
REMARKS ON ROMAN REPUBLICAN AND EARLY IMPERIAL
COIN HOARDS FOUND IN DOBRUDJA (1ST CENTURY AD)
Gabriel M. Talmațchi
The contacts between the Greek-autochthonous communities present in the Dobrudjan territory
and the Roman Republic were early, in different diplomatic and military forms, being initiated from the
first quarter of the 1st century BC, and the presence of the Roman republican denarii in the Istro-Pontic
space represented, amid the loss of the influential position of the Greek colonies, the expression of the
political, military and economic ascension of Rome in this area.1
In general, it came at a much later date than the time of two-way issuance, namely military and
economic. So, numerous legionary and auxiliary military units have been involved in various local or area
conflicts since the 1st century BC. We add the cantonment in the next century of troops to ensure the bor-
der protection.2 As a result, these constant presences represented a perpetual reservoir for the penetration
of the republican coin. To this was added the pressure of the Roman economic factor coming from the
southern and south-western Balkan area.
As we will see below, the presence of the republican silver coin in the 1st century BC is sporadic, the
association in deposits or hoards being the most common form of manifestation. A significant part of the
Roman republican denarii known from the finds of Dobrudja entered the first half of the 1st century AD,
with the official imposition of the Roman authority, in addition to the other ideological and propaganda
tools used by the Empire.3
In the territory of Dobrudja, the directions of interest in the study of the circulation of the re-
publican denarii are two: the Danube bank and the coastal area of the Black Sea. The right bank of the
Danube has always been a contact space between the different ethnic communities present in Dobrudja
and the northern Gaetic, in this sense being used numerous communication fords, such as those from
Noviodunum (Isaccea, Tulcea County), Carsium (Hârșova, Constanța County) and Sucidava (Izvoarele,
Constanța County). The coastal zone was fueled by the economy of the Greek urban centers Histria (Istria
today), Tomis (Constanța today) and Callatis (Mangalia today).4 The main and secondary roads along the
Danube, the maritime coast, in the center of the territory and between Axiopolis (Cernavodă today) and
Tomis, respectively Noviodunum and Histria (intensely used since the first half of the 1st century AD).5
Quantitatively, monetary findings are relatively significant, but modest compared to other geo-
graphic areas nearby. Approximately 40% of the currencies discovered do not have a certain origin (Do-
brudja, north Dobrudja, southwest Dobrudja and Dobrudja-passim). It should be mentioned that in Do-
brudja the republican denarius was completed by the local issues and various import issues.
For the 2nd–1st centuries BC silver coins are rare in the Dobrudjan discoveries. The bronze names
struck at Histria, Tomis, Callatis and other neighboring colonial centers dominated the exchanges where
the currency could be used as a divisional standard.6 But, gradually, the republican currency, benefiting
1 Suceveanu, Barnea 1991, 23; Avram, Poenaru Bordea 2001, 610.
2 Aricescu 1977, 179-190.
3 Relatively recent data on the situation of the Roman republican discoveries in Dobrudja see Talmaţchi 1998, 271-286;
Talmaţchi 2001, 44-49; Talmaţchi 2003, 273-284; Talmaţchi 2003-2004, 315-322; Talmaţchi 2005, 119-120; Talmaţchi 2006a,
61-181 (passim); Talmațchi 2010, 21-41.
4 Ocheşeanu 1971, 83; Poenaru Bordea 1974, 219-230.
5 Talmaţchi 1998, 283; Talmaţchi 2006b, 65; Talmaţchi 2006a, 22-23.
6 Talmațchi 2006b, 36-42.
16
from the Roman military presence (initially sporadic, then increasingly consistent) that settles in the area.
The amplitude of the presence of such coins with the second half of the 1st century BC, finds its explana-
tion in the inclusion of the Dobrudjan territory in a Roman province (Moesia Inferior), along with regions
between the Balkan Mountains and the Lower Danube.7 Naturally, the entire area is integrated into the
Roman maritime and land trading system and, consequently, the number of coins is increasing exponen-
tially.
The discoveries of Roman republican denarii, associated with other revealing archaeological dis-
coveries, provide frameworks of a prosperous economic life for the second half of the 2nd century BC and
the first part of the 1st century AD in the Danube-Pontic territory.8
In the first half of the 1st century AD, the Romanian republican denarii represented the majority of
the silver nominal value present in the local monetary flow, enjoying the confidence, being partially and
hoarded. The imperial denarii, until the last quarter or the end of the same century, has a modest presence,
lower than the republican one.
For isolated discoveries, we find the appearance of coins in open settlements or small farms in the
area of urban centers (for example Noviodunum, Histria, Carsium, Ibida (Slava Rusă today), Capidava,
Durostorum etc.), as in the fortified centers of the early Roman period. From their analysis, it was initially
possible to observe an intense penetration along the coastline and the Danube shore; later oriented to the
north of the Dobrudja territory, on the right bank of the Danube; so that, towards the end of the penetra-
tion period, it will return to the first two specified spaces. We note that, the best represented city in terms
of the number of copies discovered for the entire Dobrudja, is Tomis (with 34 coins), the capital of the
province of Lower Moesia.9 There are also the discoveries listed in the local centers of power on the right
bank of the Danube, especially those from Floriile, Pietreni, Zorile, Viile (all Constanța County) etc., locat-
ed not far from the future military and urban center from Durostorum.10 Moreover, the evolution of power
centers specific to the native population (dave located in the southwest of the pontic territory), continues
in the 1st century AD (some until its beginning, others until its half).
Chronologically, the first coins from isolated discoveries date back to the last decade of the 3rd centu-
ry BC. Also, we notice a significant quantity of the specimens specific to the second and third decades of the
first century BC.11
Between 55 and 49 BC there is a hiatus in the supply of republican coins, a phenomenon put on
account by several factors: the instability created by Burebista’s military expedition in the Pontic space;12 the
necessary Roman financial oriented towards Gallia; the crisis of the civil wars and a slow or fluctuating pace
of the Italian mints.13
After this moment, we notice a revival expressed as mentioned above, by a significant quantity
of pieces with the second and third decades of the 1st century BC. These include a significant number of
Marcus Antonius issues beaten to support his military efforts in moving workshops.
Regarding the hoarded pieces, they are known for the 1st century BC a number of eleven buried
hoards, composed of Roman republican denarii.14 They are present mainly on the outskirts of Dobrudja
and the earliest is discovered in Ostrov (Constanța County), the Roman republican denarii being in associ-
ation with the Thasian tetradrachms. The ten hoards can be arranged chronologically, after the moment of
submission, in two large groups. The first consists of few hoards buried around 64-62 BC: Garvăn, Lipnița
and Oltina (plate 1); as can be seen from the map, they are generally grouped in the southwest corner of
Dobrudja, probably penetrating from the Danube. The last group being made up of hidden accumulations
in the second half of the 1st century BC (Costinești I, Mangalia/Callatis, Viile, Tuzla, Murighiol/Halmyis,
Niculițel, Slava Rusă/Ibida) (plate 2). Now, according to the map, it is possible to observe their grouping
7 Bounegru 2002, 41-42.

8 Bounegru 2007, 49.
9 Talmațchi 2006a, 32, no. 13.
10 Talmațchi 2010, 36-37.
11 Talmațchi 2006a, 13.
12 Crișan 1977, 243-256.
13 Poenaru Bordea, Cojocărescu 1984, 71; Talmaţchi 2006a, 14; Talmațchi 2010, 34.
14 About all this hoards see Talmațchi 2007, 40.
17
generally in the northeast and south-eastern parts, with connection to the coastal and the Danube area
towards the river flow.
It is difficult to say whether the hoards come from local accumulations or from other areas (in the
last case being brought by human circulation). Also, very precise setting of a date of their burial or making
a connection between the numismatic document and a political-military event are, with few exceptions,
difficult to do, since on some of this information is vague or incomplete, and others are not recovered en-
tirely or are intentional selections.
In the 1st century AD Republican denarii remain in Dobrudja in early imperial hoards, in propor-
tions even up to 90.60% (hoard Casicea II).15 As the known hoards show us, in the time of Augustus most
of the denarii in circulation in Dobrudja’s monetary market were republican issues. The imperial denarii
of the Iulia-Claudia dynasty are very discreet in creating the circulating monetary fund and probably the
one that was the basis of the hoard. The situation is changing within the Flavian dynasty, when the imperial
denarii can also represent 100% in the composition of the hoards. The discoveries so far mainly belong to
the rural environment.
Three hoards make a discordant note to the general line presented by the place of discoveries (Ad-
amclisi/Tropaeum Traiani, Belica and Tulcea/Aegysus), their structure and belonging to a group of buried
hoards due to a special political-military situation, in the form of a barbarous raid that crossed Dobrudja
from north to south.
They can be individualized for the 1st century AD two groups of hoards, some buried before or
around 69-70 AD: Rachelu and Casicea I and II; others before or around 80 AD: Adamclisi, Costinesti II,
Belica (Bulgaria) and Tulcea (plate 3). We believe that around the years 70-80 military events are possible
in the south of the istro-pontic area, about which the ancient information seems inconclusive.
A special chapter is the presence in the hoards of denarii for legions issued for Marcus Antonius.
Initially they were not hoarded due to the depreciated title, having a consistent copper content. The situa-
tion changes with the Flavian era (probably with the monetary reform made by Nero in 64 AD). Starting
with the campaign in Dobrudja of the proconsul of the province of Macedonia, Marcus L. Crassus (29-
28 BC), denarii of Marcus Antonius type accelerate (perhaps accompanying the commercial flow) and
we find them in an important number in the hoards of the Flavian era, with an average of about 35% of
republican currencies and about 40% of isolated discoveries listed.16 Their presence is possible even from
the moment of their beating, given the position adopted by the Greek colonies during the conflict between
Antonius and Augustus. Their withdrawal from circulation will be completed, due to their inferior general
status to the imperial denarii, only during the reign of Emperor Trajan. Accidentally, such denarii can also
be found in accumulations that are buried even after the middle of the 2nd century AD (for example in the
hoard discovered at Durostorum, buried during the Costoboc invasion).17 In the isolated discoveries of
Dobrudja they occur in proportion of about 40% along the coast, 31% along the Danube and 29% inland.
The circulation of the Marcus Antonius legionary denarii ends chronologically and the presence of
the republican Roman coins in the territory between the Danube and the Sea.
In addition to the original Roman republican coins, imitations are also known. They are most
popular in rural areas, but their number is not very large, being integrated at less than 5% of the total of
Dobrudjan republican monetary discoveries.18 The pieces are made coarse, being easy to identify by the
general appearance of the style and the way the legends are made. Imitations occur in isolated discoveries
and in hoardings (using prototypes from the years 84, 74, 68-66, and 55 BC).
Dobrudja can be integrated, from the point of view of the structure of this republican cash, into
the overall monetary circulation manifested in the Danube area. Relatively significant dissemination of
Roman republican denarii in the Pontic territory was allowed by a number of local factors, which were
individualized with its transformation into Roman province (Moesia Inferior), including other regions
between the Balkans and the Lower Danube. The entire West-Pontic area becomes part of the commercial
maritime system controlled and organized by Rome, and the colonies possessed an autonomy that suffered
15 Unpublished discovery.
16 Personal researches and observations starting all the known dobrudjan discoveries.
17 Христов 1987, 17-26.
18 Talmațchi 2003, 280.
18
during the next three centuries numerous limitations. And one of the coins with international status of
antiquity, the Roman republican denarius, manifests itself in Moesia and competes with the local currency,
being gradually replaced, with the second half of the 1st century BC from the imperial bronze denarius and
coin from Rome. Specialized research dedicated to the monetary circulation in the territory of Dobrudja
in the first half of the 1st century AD is better represented than the materials published so far could be un-
derstood.
In the 1st century AD it is likely that there was a monetary flow in the local market, including silver
coins (denarii), most of them of republican origin and less imperial (for the first half). Imperial bronze
cash remains an important component (from the second half of the same century), to which is added an-
other, that of the pieces probably brought to sea from the territories at great distances, such as those from
Egypt, Asia Minor, the province Spain etc.19
Certainly, the first century is the witness of the final stage of the Gaetic civilization in Dobrudja,
but it is also the witness of the way in which the contacts with the Roman one were established, the rela-
tions between them etc. The Roman imperial political and administrative presence until the last decade of
the middle of the first century is relatively weak. This fact will change gradually with the annexation of this
land to the province of Moesia, either in 46 AD20 or in the beginning of the reign of Emperor Vespasian21.
At the current stage of documentation, the data for the distribution and circulation of the Roman
republican denarii in the territory of Dobrudja is constantly growing. The emphasis on “foreign” monetary
presence, other than the colonial local one, offers new indications regarding the gradual development of
the monetary circulation in the province, both in rural settlements, as well as in the cities on the sea coast
and then in those created along the Dobrudja shore of the Danube. The fact that, even near the old centers
or inside those that we know of, a smooth evolution and in the first half of the 1st century AD, silver and
bronze coins issued in the official mint of Rome or in the colonies under authority are discovered imperial,
proves the presence of a local or mixed population, which was familiar with the currency and its functions.
These elements would indicate the preservation of the local population in such areas in the composition of
the new forms of administrative organization, including in the “dawn” of the Roman domination.
19 Talmaţchi 2007, 113, 126, 129-134, 139-143, 146-151.

20 Pippidi, Berciu 1965, 276-280; Vulpe, Barnea 1968, 25-26.
21 Suceveanu 1971, 105-123; Suceveanu 1977, 19-22, 34-37.
19
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Христов 1987
Е. Христов. Римско монетно съкровище от Силистра. – Нумизматика, 21/3, 17-26.
Aricescu 1977
A. Aricescu. În legătură cu zonele de acţiune ale legiunilor moesice pe teritoriul Dobrogei. – Pon-
tica, 10, 179-190.
Avram, Poenaru Bordea 2001
Al. Avram, Gh. Poenaru Bordea. Coloniile greceşti din Dobrogea. – In: M. Petrescu-Dîmboviţa, Al.
Vulpe (eds.). Istoria Românilor I, vol. I., Moştenirea Timpurilor Îndepărtate. Bucureşti, 533-634.
Bounegru 2002
O. Bounegru. Comerţ şi navigatori la Pontul Stâng şi Dunărea de Jos (sec. I-III p. Chr.). Iaşi.
Bounegru 2007
O. Bounegru. Le Pont Gauche et Rome: traditions hellenistiques et modeles commerciaux romains.
– Classica et Christiana, 2, Iaşi, 49-58.
Crişan 1977
I. H. Crişan. Burebista şi epoca sa. Bucureşti.
Ocheşeanu 1971
R. Ocheşeanu. Denari romani republicani descoperiţi în Dobrogea. – Pontica, 4, 75-87.
Pippidi, Berciu 1965
D. M. Pippidi, D. Berciu. Din Istoria Dobrogei, vol. I, Geţi şi greci la Dunărea de Jos din cele mai
vechi timpuri până la cucerirea romană. Bucureşti.
Poenaru Bordea 1974
Gh. Poenaru Bordea. Câteva date noi privind circulaţia denarilor romani republicani în Dobrogea.
– Pontica, 7, 219-238.
Poenaru Bordea, Cojocărescu 1984
Gh. Poenaru Bordea, M. Cojocărescu. Contribuţii la circulaţia monetară din centrul Transil-
vaniei în secolul I î.e.n.: tezaurul monetar descoperit la Icland (com. Ernei, jud. Mureş). – Studii şi
cercetări de numismatică, 8, 53-75.
Suceveanu 1971
Al. Suceveanu. În legătură cu data de anexare a Dobrogei de către romani. – Pontica, 4, 105-123.
Suceveanu 1977
Al. Suceveanu. Viaţa economică în Dobrogea romană, secolele I-III e.n. Bucureşti.
Suceveanu, Barnea 1991
Al. Suceveanu, Al. Barnea. La Dobroudja Romaine. Bucureşti.
Talmaţchi 1998
G. Talmaţchi. Noi denari romani republicani descoperiţi în Dobrogea. – Pontica, 31, 271-286.
Talmaţchi 2001
G. Talmaţchi. Aspecte ale prezenţei monedelor greceşti, dacice şi republicane în Dobrogea, sec. V-I
a.Chr. – Cultură și Civilizație la Dunărea de Jos, 18, 44-49.
Talmaţchi 2003
G. Talmaţchi. Aspects concerning the circulations of the Roman Republican Denar in Dobruja. –
Studia Antiqua et Archaeologica, 9, 273-284.
Talmaţchi 2003-2004
G. Talmaţchi. Date noi privind descoperirile de denari romani republicani în Dobrogea. – Ialo-
miţa, 4, 315-322.
Talmaţchi 2005
G. Talmaţchi. Aspects of the circulation of the Greek coin (other than the west-pontic dobrujan
ones) between the Danube and the Euxine Sea, during the autonomous period. – Studia Antiqua
et Archaeologica, 10-11, 115-122.
20
Talmaţchi 2006a
G. Talmaţchi. The Roman Republican Coinage in Dobruja. Cluj-Napoca.
Talmaţchi 2006b
G. Talmaţchi. Les monnaies autonomes ď Istros, Callatis et Tomis. Circulation et contexte. Wetter-
en.
Talmaţchi 2007
G. Talmaţchi. The Mints’ Issues from the Black Sea coast and other areas of Dobrudja. The Pre-Ro-
man and early roman periods (6th Century B.C.-1st Century A.D.). Cluj Napoca.
Talmațchi 2010
G. Talmațchi. Unele observații privind prezența denarului roman republican în Dobrogea în lumi-
na unor descoperiri recente. – Cercetări Numismatice, 16, 21-41.
Vulpe, Barnea 1968
R. Vulpe, I. Barnea. Din Istoria Dobrogei, vol. II, Romanii la Dunărea de Jos. Bucureşti.
Plate 1. Monetary hoards composed of Roman republican denarii buried around 64-62 BC in Dobrudja.
21
Plate 2. Monetary hoards composed of Roman republican denarii buried in the second half of the 1st
century BC.
Plate 3. Monetary hoards composed of Roman republican and imperial denarii buried in the second half
of the 1st century AD.
22
EARLY ROMAN COIN HOARDS FROM MOESIA INFERIOR
AND THRACE
(FROM AUGUSTUS TO HADRIAN)1
Evgeni I. Paunov
1. Introduction
A total of 48 coin hoards from Republic of Bulgaria date to the Early Principate period are subject
of this paper.2 This is by far the largest ever assembled body of coin deposits.3 They form a significant col-
lection with a total of 6,341; of them only 4,771 ‘good’ coins. As with the Republicans, only hoards larger
than 10 well-identified coins are selected for analyses and those which were reliably documented and/or
published. This figure is chosen because there are a vast number of smaller deposits recorded (ca. 8/10 – 20
coins) which are characteristic for the hoards from Bulgaria and they are conceived hereby as constructive
data.
The main objective here is to properly record and study the hoard data which occurred to be the
most complete record of the region and to make them available for further studies.
In terms of denominations there are 41 denarius hoards, 6 contain only bronze issues, and one
(Plovdiv area 1981) is mixed (associated bronze and silver). The chronological attribution of 46 deposits4
can be determined per closing date as follows, arranged after the Crawford’s principle:
Table 1. Early Principate hoards from Thrace and Moesia (per reign).
Period Area Number of hoards available Total
Moesia +++++++++
30 bc–ad 14 Thrace +++++ 16
Moesia ++++
ad 14–37 Thrace ++ 6
Moesia –
ad 37–41 Thrace – 0
Moesia –
ad 41–54 Thrace + 1
Moesia –
Moesia +++++
1 The author is grateful to the organizers of the Rousse numismatic symposium, in particular to Prof. Dr. Dimitar Dra-
ganov, Dr. Varbin Varbanov and Dr. Nikola Russev of the Rousse Historical Museum. Any remaining errors remain my own.
2 Hoards with closing dates under Hadrian are beyond the scope of this study but they are given in text only for com-
parative purposes at the end of the discussion.
3 In comparison, some thirty years ago the late Prof. A. Kunisz had used 22 hoards from the period (down to AD 98),
see Kunisz 1992, 32 ff.; and Kunisz 1993, 331-332.
4 Futher details of each hoard in Paunov 2013 and Paunov, in print.
23
Moesia +
Moesia –
Moesia +
Moesia +++++++
ad 98–117 Thrace ++++ 11
Moesia +++
ad 117–138 Thrace – 3
TOTAL Hoards: 46
30–14 Moesia: Aprilovo II(?), Lazarevo II, Medkovets, Montana area II, Shumen area, ‘Zverino’, Russe
area, Provadiya I, ‘Sofia airport’;
Thrace: Gotse Delchev area, Medovo, Pravoslav, Kolyu Marinovo, Sadievo;
14–37 Moesia: Belene II, Gradeshnitsa II, Kladorup, Koshava;
Thrace: Omarchevo, Plovdiv area.
41–54 Thrace: Chehlare;
54–68 Thrace: Plovdiv environs;
69–79 Moesia: Dolni Dabnik, Komoshtitsa I(?), Kozloduy, Belitza;
79–81 Moesia: Koynare II;
96–98 Moesia: Prelez;
Thrace: Nikyup;
98–117 Moesia: Altimir II, Lazarovo I, Belene I, Gigen II, Gigen III, Damyanovo, Lovech area;
Thrace: Dragantsi, Popovo, Sheynovo, Yambol area;
117–138 Moesia: Archar, Lesicheri, Chervena voda.
Unfortunately, only 32 early Imperial hoards (66%) are relatively well documented and suitable for
the needs of this study (out of a total of 48). The rest were partially recovered (for example: Gradeshnitsa
II, Damyanovo, Koshava, Krasno gradishte, Mihaylovo I, Nikyup I, Prevala, Provadiya I, etc.), some poorly
recorded with summary information provided in the older publication; others remained unpublished and
unavailable (Lazarovo I, Lesicheri, Popovo, Sheynovo, Yambol area, etc.). Finally, there is a group of hoards
that are now lost and cannot be traced anymore (e.g. Altimir II, Garvan, Gigen II, Komoshtitsa I, Kozlo-
duy, Lovech area, Prelez), or simply stolen from museum collections (e.g. all the hoards from the Vratsa
and Veliko Tarnovo museums). The data of the latter group, when available, are integrated in this paper
only as statistical record. Therefore, the numismatic evidence of early Principate period greatly varies in
quality but was made suitable for analytical purposes.
The pattern of hoarding in Early Principate period is shown in the following chart:
24
Fig. 1. Hoarding pattern in Bulgaria during the Early Principate (per period)
2. Augustan hoards
There are 16 denarius hoards overall from Bulgaria with closing dates in the reign of Octavian /
Augustus, being the highest rate for the entire Early Principate period (33%, or 1/3) for country statistics.
In comparison, Romania produced 33 hoards from the same period.5 This is in marked contrast with Italy,
where this period saw nearly a full stop of the silver hoards under Augustus.6 Apparently the peripheral ar-
eas of the Roman Empire, such as Britain7 and Dacia / Moesia region produced much intensive hoarding.
The Bulgarian hoards are listed in details in the following table:
Table 2. Denarius hoards of Augustan period from Thrace.

Closing Closing
Other date - date – BC/
Hoard name RRCH Denarii issues From BC To AD
Topolovo / 1961 457 130 40 30 BC 29 BC
Medkovets / 1980 – 82 3 29 BC 27 BC
Kolyu Marinovo / 1958 – 31 9 19 BC 18 BC
Mihaylovo I / 1910 – 10 1 19 BC 18 BC
Montana area II / <1985 – 9 – 19 BC 18 BC
Shumen area / 1970s – 81 1 19 BC 18 BC
Gotse Delchev area / 1977 – 11 – 18 BC 18 BC
Medovo / 1960 490 151 5 19 BC 18 BC
15
Aprilovo II / 1992 – 37+ – 15 BC BC
(or later)
Sadievo / 1968 – 159 2 11 BC 10 BC
Provadiya I / 1910s – 10+ – 10 BC 10 BC
5 Moisil, Depeyrot 2003, 143-176, nos. 144-177.

6 See Guest 1994, 200-218; Lockyear 2007, 34-35, fig. 4.3 and 160.
7 Robertson 2000.
25
Pravoslav / 1960 520 58 – 9 BC 8 BC
Lazarovo II (Strupen) 1962 – 124 – 2 BC 1 AD
Russe area I / 1952 – 8 – 2 BC 1 AD
“Sofia Airport” / 2000 – 199 – 2 BC 1 AD
‘Zverino’ / 2000 – 500 3 2 BC 1 AD
Sadly, some of the Augustan hoards are of insufficient number and not suitable for study, such as:
Mihaylovo I (too small, possibly later), Provadiya I (only 5 pieces recorded), Strashimir (Augustan issue
probably extraneous), and Russe area I (too small). The remaining Augustan hoards deserve particular
mention and analysis.
However, since the reign of Octavian Augustus lasted for a long period – 41 years (from January
27 bc), or nearly 45 years (from the battle of Actium in September 31 bc to 19 August 14 ad). For lucidity
the entire Augustan era is divided into three sub-periods:
Early (ca. 31/0 – 20 bc),
Middle (ca. 20 – 9/8 bc), and
Late (8/7 bc – 14 ad), and
consequently, all available hoards are arranged accordingly in three groups.
2.1. Early Augustan hoards – Group 1, ca. 31/30 – 20 bc

There are only two hoards from the study area which certainly belong to the early Augustan period
(against seven in Romania8). One each from Moesia – Medkovets / 1980 and Thrace – Topolovo / 1961
(RRCH 457).
For example, Topolovo / 1961 near Plovdiv is a pot hoard of 170 silver coins: 130 denarii and 40
tetradrachms.9 The majority of denarii are Republican (123 coins = 72%, starting with RRC 231/1, 138
bc) with only two of Mark Antony (RRC 516/2 and 546/2a) and four of Octavian. Indicative Imperatori-
al issuers are also well represented: 7 Caesar (all RRC 443), 2 Pompey Magnus (both Spanish issue RRC
469/1a), 1 Cassius and Brutus (RRC 500/3) and 3 Sextus Pompey (RRC 511/2-4). Octavian’s coins are all
struck after Actium (RIC I2, 153 (1), 167 (2), and 269a – 1 specimen), thus giving a closing date circa 30/29
bc. Two ‘Dacian’ imitations of Republican denarii contribute to this numismatic puzzle.10 Associated with
local imitations of Thasian tetradrachms, Topolovo is a characteristic hoard for the changes in the Thracian
monetary system in the late 30–20’s BC.
As regards Medkovets / 198011, the second early Augustan hoard12, is also denarius hoard. Besides
82 denarii, it also contains three anachronistic (struck ca. 90-80s bc) drachms of Dyrrhachium (Group V
after Конович 1989, 22). At least thirty-five Republican denarii were punched with one or more different
bankers’ marks. A single denarius is brockage (striking error, no obverse) of RRC 287/1 from 115/4 bc.
Caesar is represented by a single issue (RRC 480/13) and Mark Antony with ten ‘legionary’ denarii. The
latest coin is an Augustan issue RIC I2, 272, giving a closing date of 29-27 bc.
Both hoards above show similarities in their contents and profiles of accumulation.
2.2. Middle Augustan hoards – Group 2, ca. 20 – 9/8 bc

In contrast to the previous group, the hoards of the middle Augustan group are most numerous.
From the territory of Thrace there are five hoards fitting in this period and two from Moesia (against 17
in Romania13). The Thracian from southern Thrace are Kolyu Marinovo / 195814, Medovo / 1960 (RRCH

9 Герасимов 1963, 265; Златарева 1963, 161-171; Crawford 1985, 328; Paunov, Prokopov 2002, IRRCHBulg 129.
10 Both coins are now published, see Davis, Paunov 2012, 395-396, nos. 20 and 25.
11 Александров, Белитов 1991, 35-37, figs. 1-5; Paunov, Prokopov 2002, IRRCHBulg. 117.
12 Though it may be accepted as a ‘Republican’ as well.
14 Цончев 1960, 211; Герасимов 1962, 226; Златарева 1960, 367-376; Prokopov 1995, 451-454; Paunov, Prokopov 2002,
IRRCHBulg, 109.
26
490)15 and Pravoslav / 1960 (RRCH 520)16, all of the 20-10’s BC, found very close to each other.17 This is
in central southern Thrace, halfway between Philippopolis and Augusta Traiana, on the southern slopes
of the Chirpan heights.18 The area was well known for its gold mines concentrated near Kolyu Marinovo,
which were exploited from the Roman time. All three hoards came from plain Thracian settlements found
during agricultural work. Though their closing dates vary by some ten-eleven years (resp. 19/8, 18 and 9/8
bc), they tend to show very similar profiles of accumulation. As shown above, both Kolyu Marinovo and
Medovo hoards contain a limited number of barbarous imitations of Thasian tetradrachms (9 vs. 5 pieces),
while the Pravoslav, hoard, concealed at least ten years later, lacks such issues due to the decline of the
Late Hellenistic coinage pool in Thrace. While Kolyu Marinovo (31 denarii) and Pravoslav (58 denarii)
are relatively small hoards, the Medovo is three times larger – 158 denarii in a clay pot. Recently Lockyear
has further analysed and compared Medovo with other hoards from Italy, France, Spain and Romania.19
The closing dates of the three Thracian hoards discussed above are as follows:
Table 3.
No. Hoard Latest issue of Augustus Date
1 Kolyu Marinovo with P. Petronius Turpilianus, moneyer, RIC I 294 19/8 bc
2 Medovo with L. Aquilius Florus, moneyer, RIC I 310 19/8 bc
3 Pravoslav with Caius Caesar, RIC I 199 9/8 bc
Sadievo / 196820 is another pot hoard of at least 167 coins21, found some 50 miles east from the
previous three hoards. It is an association of silver coins which circulated in south/southeastern Thrace
during the 20-10’s bc. Besides the majority of Republican (115 /with 7 illegible/ = 71%), it also contains
an earlier imitation of Macedonia First District tetradrachm22 and a rare23 drachm of the Thracian king
Rhoemetalces I with Augustus, minted in Byzantium (type Schönert-Geiss 1972, nos. 1302-1305; RPC I,
1775), dated to 12-10 bc. It has higher numbers of Caesarian issues – 22 in total (mostly RRC 443/1 – 15
coins), and also of Octavian/Augustus – 44 issues.24 The closing date of Sadievo is marked by an Augustan
denarius dated imp xii / act of Lugdunum mint (RIC I2, 180 – with Apollo Citharoedos) struck in 11/10
bc. What has to be mentioned at Sadievo is the higher coefficient ‘entries per year’ of Augustan coins –
1.15, the highest rate registered in the three groups.
Table 4.
Sadievo / 1968
Issuer Number Percentage Entries/ years
Republic (from 136 BC) 87 54.0 0.88
Julius Caesar 22 13.6 4.4
Brutus / Cassius 2 1.25 1
Sex. Pompey – – –
15 Герасимов 1963, 260; Николов 1964, 153-166; Prokopov, Minkova 1998, 564, 570, nos. 25-29; Paunov, Prokopov
2002, IRRCHBulg, 116.
16 Герасимов 1963, 261; Николов 1964, 153, 166-72; Rodewald 1976, 146, table 1, no. 10; Prokopov, Minkova 1998, 564;
Paunov, Prokopov 2002, IRRCHBg. 52.
17 With no more than 10-20 km distances from each other.
18 See Tonkova 2000, 133-145, esp. 134-5.
19 Lockyear 2007, 145-147, figs. 5.90-91 and table 5.26
20 Юрукова 1972, 32-38; Paunov, Prokopov 2002, IRRCHBg. 126.
21 Now a total of 161 coins kept in Nova Zagora Museum, inv. nos. 2005-2008. It was not possible to re-examine the
Sadievo coins in Nova Zagora (collection is sealed as of Dec. 1999) at this point.
22 See now Prokopov 2012, no. 793.
23 Only 15 specimens of this type are known.
24 The issues of Octavian and Augustus cannot be identified and separated because of the ambiguity in the original pub-
lication of Юрукова 1972, 33-37.
27
5
Mark Antony, 40–31 BC (2 legionary) 3.1 0.55
Octavian/ Augustus 44 27.3 1.15
Rhoemetalces I, drachm 1 0.6 –
TOTAL: 161 100%
Fig. 2. Comparative graph of hoards from Thrace closing under Augustus.
The above comparison (fig. 2) between the Augustan denarii hoards in southern Thrace shows
some very clear trends. In fact, their accumulation profiles nearly match. What is most characteristic for
them is the absolute domination of the Republican issues, varying between 54 and 75% of total coins.25
‘Legionary’ denarii of Mark Antony also have a constant presence, having an average quota of 1/5.26 As
shown above, in Thracian hoards the percentage varies between 0.55 to 5.6% for the Augustan era, and
rises to 10-19% in the Tiberian period. The imperial issues of Augustus occur in different numbers: they
vary between 8 and 41%, giving an average about 20% (depending on which of three chronological groups
a hoard belongs to).
Therefore, all denarius hoards in Thrace of the Augustan period have a marked ‘archaic’ profile of
accumulation.27
Gotse Delchev area/ 1977 (CH 6.88)28 is a small (and fragmentary?) hoard of ten Republican dena-
25 At Gotse Delchev 1977 hoard it reaches 90%, the same with some hoards from Moesia.
26 On this phenomenon see recently Woytek 2007, 503-518, esp. at 517.
27 Compare a similar conclusion on most Augustan hoards as analysed in Lockyear 2007, 145-155 and 168.
28 Юрукова 1978, 58-59; Coin Hoards 6 (1981), no. 88; Андонова и др. 1999, 32-33, note 211; Paunov, Prokopov 2002,
28
rii, closing with a single issue of Augustus from 18 bc (RIC I2, 108a from Tarraco mint). It was found in the
vicinity of Nicopolis ad Nestum, the ‘city of the victory’, that was established most probably not by Trajan,
but as early as 32-1 bc by Mark Antony, immediately before the Actium battle (see Boteva 2007, 80-85).
Whether this is true or not, this hoard, found in the southwestern corner of the vassal Thracian kingdom,
shows the presence of mainstream Roman money in the early 20’s bc. However, due to its small volume,
Gotse Delchev area / 1977 is excluded from tables, calculations and further analysis.
From the territory of Northern Thrace (with Moesia not established yet as a province) we have two
hoards of the middle Augustan period. The first is Shumen area / 1970’s hoard. This assemblage of Repub-
lican and Augustan denarii was once part of the Dr Vassil Haralanov numismatic collection, housed in
the Shumen Historical museum since the late 1970’s.29 Hence its exact provenance30 is unknown and con-
ditionally named ‘Shumen area’. Its overall appearance and internal characteristics define it as a genuine
denarii hoard of the Augustan period.
Table 5.
‘Shumen area’ / 1970?
Republic (from 206-195 BC) 69 83.1 0.44
Brutus / Cassius – – –
Sex. Pompey – – –
Mark Antony, 37–31 BC 3 3.6 1.5
‘Dacian’ imitations of denarii 3 3.6 –
TOTAL: 83 100%
The ‘Shumen area’ hoard is closing with an issue of Augustus for M. Durmius in 19-18 bc (RIC I2,
315). Noteworthy is the fact that this hoard contains three imitations of denarii (actually two imitations
and one hybrid copy). One of them is of uncertain prototype, probably of L. Sentius (RRC 325/1), 101 bc,
and the other – also undefined, perhaps struck ca. 60 bc, pierced and very worn.31 The hybrid copy is based
on obverse of denarius RRC 244/1 (134 bc), and reverse of RRC 283/1b (118/7 bc). With the latter pecu-
liarities the ‘Shumen area’ hoard resembles to the Dacian hoards of the mid-1st c. BC as well as Guljancy
hoard (RRCH 377).
The second is a fragmentary hoard from Aprilovo II / 199232 near Popovo, region Targovishte.
Originally in contained some 400-500 denarii, but sadly only 40 coins (i.e. 1/5 of total) were recorded
(37 fully listed)33. The latest coin is an Augustan denarius of Lugdunum, struck in 15 bc (RIC I2, 167a).
Reportedly, among the dispersed coins of this hoard there were many of Augustus and some later Princi-
pate issues down to Galba. Actually, this is proved by the high number of Antonian denarii. There are 21
‘legionary’ issues listed, or 58% of the total, a percentage that is truly unrealistic for Augustan hoards. We
certainly deal with a later hoard. If it really ended with issues of Galba, it could be related with unrest and
troubles in Moesia during the Dacian raids in ad 68 and 69. Unfortunately, this no longer can be proved,
and remains uncertain.
IRRCHBulg. 25.
29 Published in Прокопов, Владимирова-Аладжова 1998, 27-33, nos. 1-82; see also in Paunov, Prokopov 2002, IR-
RCHBg, 65.
30 The original records of Dr. Vassil Haralanov on each item were destroyed on purpose by the Communist state security
and the Shumen regional police in the early 1970’s.
31 Both coins are now published, see Davis, Paunov 2012, 394 and 397, nos. 15 and 29.
32 See in Paunov, Prokopov 2002, IRRCHBulg, 3.
33 This fragment was examined and a list compiled by Mr. G. Dzanev of Razgrad museum in 1994.
29
2.3. Late Augustan hoards – Group 3, ca. 8/7 bc – ad 14
At least four Augustan hoards belong to this late group, most probably34 all found in Moesia (against
8 in Romania35). They all usually close with Augustan denarii for Caius and Lucius Caesars, the grandsons
of Augustus and his designated heirs.36 These issues (types RIC I2, 208–212) are usually attributed to the
mint of Lugdunum. Although Sutherland (RIC I2, 55-56) dated the series to ca. 2 bc – ad 437, some other
scholars suggested an extended period of its coinage and possibly more mints than just Lugdunum.38 Re-
cently the mainstream production for c l caesares was re-dated by R. Wolters39 to the brief period 2–1
bc (with only the X-marked types /RIC I2, 211-212/ dated to ad 5). In my modest opinion, it seems quite
short and unlikely for such an abundant coinage.
Here is most recent and indicative hoard for this late period – ‘Zverino’ / 2000, hitherto unpub-
lished.40 It is a large deposit of 503 coins, containing a number of rare Republican issues (of Imperatorial
and Civil wars period, e.g. Cr. 500/3 and 500/5, 506/2, 519/2, etc), one Dacian imitation (rev. prototype
of Q. Antonius Balbus, Cr. 364/1, 82–81 bc)41, plus three drachms of Juba I (60–46 bc), king of Numidia
(type SNG Cop. 523-4). Being one of the most representative hoards from the Thracian area, percentages
and coefficients ‘entry per year’ are calculated below.
Table 6.
‘Zverino’ / 2000
Republic (from 206/195 BC) 365 72.5 2.5
Sulla 4 0.79 2
Cn. Pompey 1 0.19 0.5
Sex. Pompey 3 0.59 1.5
Mark Antony, 37–31 BC 7 1.39 1
Illegible 10 1.98 –
TOTAL: 503 100%
However, the presence of Numidian issues is not unusual – there are a number of Late Republican
and Augustan hoards containing such coins (of Juba I and Juba II) struck on the denarius standard as fol-
lows:42
34 Due to the uncertain provenance of ‘Sofia Airport’ 2000 hoard.

36 Kienast 1999; Wolters 2002, 297-323.
37 Review in Kemmers 2006, 75-6; see also Berger 1996, 31.
38 Perhaps also in Spain – see Giard 1983, 28.
39 See Wolters 2002, 322-323.
40 Seized by the Bulgarian police authorities in July 2001 in the village of Zverino, Mezdra area, Sofia region; examined
and photographed by I. Prokopov and E. Paunov. Encrustation corresponds to a pot hoard. In 2002 after examination and pros-
ecution, the District Court in Sofia returned the coins to the owner – a coin dealer named L.M. Later it has been dispersed in
trade.
41 This coin is now published, see Davis, Paunov 2012, 396, no. 24.
42 See Lockyear 2007, 162. I am grateful to Dr. Kris Lockyear (UCL) for this consultation and the list of hoards.
30
Table 7.
Code Hoard name Country RRCH Closing date
cro Crotone Italy 383 46 BC
lis Lissac France 409 42 BC
pqu Pieve-Quinta Italy 421 42 BC
me2 Meolo (Albaredo d’Adige) Italy 337 39 BC
ctg Contigliano Italy 432 39 BC
ave Avetrana Italy 440 38 BC
los Mornico Losana Italy 442 38 BC
bds Belmonte del Sannio Italy 460 32 BC
del Delos Greece 465 32 BC
Bosnia and
gaj Gajine Herzegovina 472 32 BC
beu Mont Beuvray France 471 32 BC
vig Vigatto Italy 475 29 BC
crr Cerriolo Italy 478 29 BC
mai Maillé France 488 19 BC
bou Bourgueil France 493 18 BC
zar Zara Italy – 18 BC
rdj Răcătau de Jos I Romania – 8 BC
These African issues arrived in the European provinces of the Republic when in 46 bc Julius Caesar
crushed Q. Metellus Scipio with the Numidian royal forces at Thapsus in Tunisia and as a result Juba I fled
and committed suicide (Appian, BC 2.100; Seneca, De prov. 2.10). After this battle, Caesar demanded a
payment of 50,000 HS (12,500 denarii) from the vanquished. As can be seen above (fig. 7), of all 17 hoards
with issues of Numidian kings, the hoard from ‘Zverino’ in Moesia is the latest one according to its closing
date.
In total, the Republican denarii in Zverino number 343 pieces (68%), with few very high internal
‘peaks’ (table 6): 46 bc – 45 coins, 42 bc – 41, and 40 bc – 24 coins. Antonian issues number seven (1.4%),
with just one legionary issue (leg xi, Cr. 544/25). Augustan issues are no less than 75 (<15%), closing with
three denarii for Caius and Lucius Caesars. Denarii of Augustus also have two visible ‘peaks’: in 30/29 bc
– 15, and in 19/18 bc – 10 denarii. Of course, these figures mirror the amount of denarii in empire-wide
circulation, and not a local trend.
‘Zverino’ hoard has clearly an ‘archaic’ structure, with the Republican issues largely prevailing over
Imperatorial and Augustan coins (68% to 32%). However, it is indicative of the nature and varieties of
silver issues in the coinage pool of Moesia in the late 1st BC – early 1st century AD. No doubt, this hoard
is of a military nature, though we lack any evidence of its provenance. Most probably, it reflects the events
around the establishment of Moesia as a separate province (between AD 6–15). In face value the ‘Zverino’
hoard amounts to 2,012 sestertii (HS), which rank around the middle of the average for denarius hoards
from Moesia and Thrace. There is no such large comparable hoard in Romania from this period, with only
the deposit from Barboşi (RRCH 531 = Moisil, Depeyrot 2003, 170), reached a close size – 368 denarii (331
Republic, 4 Antony and 18 Octavian/Augustus [down to RIC I2, 207/8]).
Another Augustan hoard of the late period is ‘Sofia Airport’ / 2000, which is again unpublished.43
Its original content is unknown, but 199 denarii were examined and identified. Here we have nearly iden-
tical picture, very close to the Zverino percentages regardless the coin amount, as follows:
43 Found somewhere in the Vratsa / Montana / Pleven regions. Seized by the custom authorities at Sofia Airport in
November 2000 during an illicit export attempt. Unpublished, data examined and recorded by I. Prokopov and E. Paunov, De-
cember 2000.
31
Table 8.
‘Sofia Airport’ / 2000
Republic (from 170/158 BC) 153 76.88 1.4
Julius Caesar 15 7.5 3
Brutus / Cassius – – –
Mark Antony, 37–31 BC 5 2.5 2.5
TOTAL: 199 100%
Here only the coefficients ‘entries per year’ are different (smaller because of the size), but the rate
for Antonian denarii is 2 ½ bigger, when compared with ‘Zverino’ rates. The Republican issues are 153
(plus 8 not identified), starting with RRC 187/1. Mark Antony is represented by 6 coins (of them 3 ‘le-
gionary’ denarii), Augustus – by 25 in total, closing with ten issues for Caius and Lucius Caesares (RIC I2,
207-212). In face value the ‘Sofia airport’ 2000 hoard is equal to 796 HS.
Next comes Lazarovo II / 1962. This is a smaller pot hoard of 125 denarii, hitherto unpublished.44
Nearly all – one hundred twenty four coins entered the collection of National Archaeological Museum in
Sofia.45 The coins appear to be quite worn, uncleaned since 1962. The majority of Republican denarii and
even the early Augustan issues have numerous (up to 4) banker’s marks and graffiti. Its content is similar
to the ‘Zverino’ hoard, again with one ‘Dacian’ imitation. It is a rough copy of prototype of M. Porcius Cato
(RRC 462/1), 47/6 bc.46
Table 9.
Lazarovo / 1962
Republic (from 169-158 BC) 98 79.03 0.88
Mark Antony, 37–31 BC 4 3.2 0.57
Denarius imitation 1 0.8 –
TOTAL: 124 100%
Of course, the individual coefficients ‘entries per year’ are much lower, since the total number is
smaller. In face value, the Lazarovo II hoard amount to 500 sestertii (HS).
Another fragmentary coin hoard of the late Augustan period is Russe area / 1952 with just eight
coins recorded.47 Because of this small size and incompleteness, it is excluded from further consideration,
but it complements the late Augustan record.
44 First recorded in Герасимов 1964, 238-239; see also Paunov, Prokopov 2002, IRRCHBulg, 39.
45 Under inventory no. CCXIV / 1962. It has been made available for study in June 2008 thanks to Professor M. Vakli-
nova.
46 This coin is now published, see Davis, Paunov 2012, 398, no. 31.
47 Unpublished, information from Mr. Dejan Dragoev, Russe Museum.
32
2.4. Augustan hoards of uncertain date
Once containing over 1,000 denarii, Mihaylovo /1910 hoard48 closes with a Spanish issue of Augus-
tus dated in 19/8 bc (RIC I2, 120). It is worth discussing it only due to its distinctness. There is an unusual
piece within – a very worn drachm of king Archelaus Philopatris of Cappadocia (36 bc – 17 AD), struck
ca. 20 bc in Caesarea.49 Its presence at Mihaylovo is suggesting an eastern origin of this hoard, with that
coin being an integral part of the denarius circulation in a common Imperial market.
Unfortunately, it is only a small fragment of 11 coins available from the large hoard from Mihaylo-
vo, a fact that prevents any firm considerations. The closing date is also uncertain, but definitely post-Au-
gustan.
Fig. 3. Comparative graph of hoards from Moesia closing under Augustus.
Having in mind the comparative graph above (fig. 3), it shows that all discussed hoards from
Northern Thrace have nearly matching parameters. Of course, it is dominated by the ‘Zverino’ hoard re-
cord. However, despite the differences in numbers, it essentially demonstrates nearly the same coin trends
as already attested in Augustan hoards from southern Thrace (see above fig. 2), with well marked ‘archaic’
profiles of accumulation.
3. Denarius hoards closing under Tiberius

There are six hoards with closing dates from the time of Tiberius’ reign (against 4 in Romania50).
These are: 4 in Moesia – Gradeshnitsa II, Belene II, Kladorup, Koshava, and 2 in Thrace: Omarchevo and
Plovdiv area. Koshava / 1967 is a fragmentary (only 3 coins) and unsuitable for study hoard, but all re-
48 Филов 1910, 224; Seure 1923, 11, no. 3; Crawford 1985, 328; Paunov, Prokopov 2002, IRRCHBulg, 11.
49 Simonetta 1977, type 2.1; I am grateful to Mr. Phillip Davis, Chicago, for his help with identification of this coin.
33
maining deserves individual discussion.
Belene II / 197151 is a complete Tiberian pot hoard of 135 denarii. It was recently published by
Prokopov and Kovacheva.52
Table 10.
Belene II / 1971
Emperor / issuer Number Percentage Entries/ years
Republic (153 BC onwards) 66 54.09 0.54
Mark Antony (legionary) 23 18.8 11.5
Augustus 31 25.4 0.75
Tiberius 2 1.6 0.086
TOTAL: 122 100%
The majority of the Republican and Antonian denarii in Belene II are worn/very worn and marked
with numerous banker’s marks and graffiti.53 The Augustan issues number thirty-one, ranging from 28 bc
(type aegypto capta, RIC I2, 278a, with broken edge and countermark) to 13 bc (RIC I2, 406), ending
with nineteen pieces for c et l caesares. The closing date of Belene II is marked by two Tiberian issues
of the most common pontif maxim type54 (RIC I2, 28 and 30 /chair with ornamented legs/). As in other
hoards, the highest coefficient (11.5) of ‘entry per year’ comes from the Antonian legionary denarii. The
face value of Belene II is 540 sestertii (HS).
A similar profile is to be observed in the Kladorup / 1963 hoard55, also in Moesia, not far from
Ratiaria. It is another pot hoard, containing 59 denarii (equal to 236 HS).
Table 11.
Kladorup / 1963
Mark Antony (legionary) 6 10.1 3
Augustus 6 10.1 0.14
TOTAL: 59 100%
In this case there are only Augustan issues, including one for Tiberius Caesar (RIC I2, 222). Again,
the latest coins are two Tiberian denarii of the numerous pontif maxim coinage (RIC I2, 26 and 30?).
Gradeshnitsa II / 197256 is in Vratsa region, a hoard of ca. 100 denarii (68 recorded).57 Due to its
incompleteness58 (only two early Imperial issues), any further conclusions about Gradeshnitsa II hoard
would be impractical.
51 Gerassimov 1979, 139; Kunisz 1992, 128, no. 3; Paunov, Prokopov 2002, IRRCHBulg, 73.
52 Now 122 coins kept in Pleven museum, see Прокопов, Ковачева 2006, 13-27, nos. 1-122.
53 See in Прокопов, Ковачева 2006, 15-24, nos. 1-89.
54 More comments on this mass Tiberian series in Giard 1983, 47-48 and 124-9; Sutherland 1984, 87-8.
55 Герасимов 1964, 242; Юрукова, Атанасова 1979, 249-253, pl. II.1-12; Kunisz 1992, 127, no. 2; Paunov, Prokopov
2002, IRRCHBulg, 84.
56 Юрукова 1979, 60-61; Paunov, Prokopov 2002, IRRCHBulg 26.
57 Now missing, completely stolen from Vratsa museum since 2003.
58 Reportedly, many more (ca. 200-300) coins from the same hoard were found later, in the early 1990s.
34
Table 12.
Gradeshnitsa II / 1972
Republic (170 – 42 BC) 66 97 0.51
Mark Antony (legionary) – – –
Octavian Augustus 1 1.5 0.02
Tiberius 1 1.5 0.04
TOTAL: 68 100%
The high proportions of Republican denarii (54 to 77 %) in the Augustan and Tiberian hoards re-
veals how long they remained in active circulation - for several decades and more (down to the 2nd century
in some cases). As it was already noticed (Guest 1994, 60), the distribution of early Imperial hoards simply
reflects the location and deployment of the military garrisons. The same is true of all available Moesian
hoards of Tiberian date: especially for Koshava, Belene II and Kladorup (all early forts), perhaps also for
Gradeshnitsa II.
In Thrace the same role has Omarchevo / 1952 hoard, reported twice by Gerassimov59 and recent-
ly published.60 It was found in a Thracian plain settlement near Nova Zagora, half way between Augusta
Traiana and Cabyle. Omarchevo contained 35 denarii (equal to HS 140), hidden in a clay pot61. The con-
tent is as follows:
Table 13.
Omarchevo / 1952
Republic (?) 1 3.4 0.014
Augustus 20 69 0.48
TOTAL: 29 100%
Here we see the overall domination of the Augustan issues (nearly 70%), with just one Republican.
Nineteen of them are of the type c et l caesares (RIC I2, 207 /12 coins/, 209 /5 coins/ and 212 /2 coins
with X/), the former struck at Lugdunum in 2-1 bc62, the latter – in ad 5. There is only one earlier issue –
of Tarraco in Spain struck in 19 bc (RIC I2, 77a). Tiberian issues are eight, all of the type pontif maxim
series (RIC I2, 26 /plain legs above double line – 3 coins/, 28 (ornamented legs, inverted spear - 3) and 30
/ornamented legs, single line – 2 coins/). Some of the Augustan denarii, especially the earliest, are worn,
one is marked with banker’s punch, one – with graffito, so the concealment of the Omarchevo hoard must
be assigned later in the reign of Tiberius.
Plovdiv area / 198163 is the only hoard from Thrace and the entire Early Principate period, associ-
ating silver with bronze issues. It was a hoard of over 100 specimens, containing many bronzes of Rhoe-
metalces I with Augustus (ca. 12/1 bc – ad 12) and at least 7 denarii of Tiberius (type pontif maxim,
unspecified variant). The Thracian coins examined by Youroukova were bronzes of both types RPC 1718
and 1721. In the case of this hoard, its burial and non-recovery must be explained by the events and unrest
around Philippopolis in ad 21 and 26, when king Rhoemetalces II was besieged in his residence during two
consecutive rebellions of Bessi and Coelaletae. The revolts were cruelly suppressed by the Romans with the
59 Герасимов 1955, 604 and Герасимов 1957, 324.
60 See Игнатов 2008, 158-163.
61 Now 28 coins are published completely.
62 For the recent dating of this series, see Wolters 2002, 297-323, esp. at 322-3.
63 A short record in Юрукова 1983, 114.
35
active participation of the army of Moesia.
Fig. 4. Comparative graph of hoards closing under Tiberius.
The above comparison shows that the denarius hoards of Tiberian period have a similar profile of
accumulation. Except for Plovdiv area hoard (which is of a different composition, denarii and bronzes of
Rhoemetalces I), all the others follow the same pattern, with higher quota of Antonian (up to 18%) and
Augustan coins (10-25%, rising to 69% at Omarchevo). Further considerations and more precise closing
dates of this cluster of hoards are currently impossible, due to the uncertain internal chronology of the
pontif maxim coinage of Tiberius.
In his Lugdunum coinage book J.-B. Giard had proposed an internal subdivision and classification
in six groups.64 It has been suggested that most of the pontif maxim denarii in circulation in the western
provinces belong to the late period of Tiberian coinage (Giard 1983, group 4) – dated to ca. ad 31-36 and
the final two groups by Giard, his 5-6, ca. ad 36/7.65
4. Hoards closing under Caligula

So far there are no hoards from Bulgaria closing with coins of Caligula. As a matter of fact, Roma-
nia yielded a single one – from Augustin near Braşov, 294 denarii down to issue of March – April 37 (RIC
I2, 4 or 10).66
64 Giard 1983, 47-52.

65 Burnett et al. 1992, 24-31, esp. at 27-8.
66 Moisil, Depeyrot 2003, 183-185, no. 182.
36
5. Hoards closing under Claudius
There is only one hoard dating from the Claudian period in both Thracian provinces (matched by a
single from Romania67). It is Chehlare / 193868 – a pot hoard of 60 denarii, of which 48 were offered to the
National Archaeological Museum in Sofia, but only 24 entered the collection.69 The find-spot is in central
Thrace, some 30 miles northeast from Philippopolis.
Table 14.
Chehlare / 1938
14
Augustus (1 plated) 31.8 0.34
9
Tiberius [once 28] 63.6 1.21
Claudius 1 2.3 0.5
TOTAL: 44 100%
At present there are fourteen denarii of Augustus – ranging from 30-29 bc (RIC I2, 271), with four
Spanish issues of 19-16 bc, down to seven for c et l caesares (RIC I2, 207 and 212 – 1 plated). Earlier
Augustan issues are very worn, a few with banker’s marks and two – with countermarks on the obverse.
Tiberian coins are all of the same undated type pontif maxim (RIC I2, 26 /2 coins/, 28 /2/ and 30 /5/).70
Again, no issue of Caligula is present. The latest coin is a denarius of Claudius dating to ad 41/2 (constan-
tiae avgvsti = RIC I2, 14). Thus, the Chehlare hoard has a ‘modern’ profile, obviously accumulated in the
time from Tiberius to early Claudius. Its face value is equal to 240 sestertii (HS).
6. Hoards closing under Nero

Once again, only one hoard is known from the time of Nero for the territories of Moesia and
Thrace (matched with one from Romania71). This is Plovdiv environs / 198772, the only hoard from the 1st
century ad with bronze issues. Eleven base metal coins of this deposit entered the Archaeological Museum
in Plovdiv. According to the inventory book description, these are:
- Rhoemetalces I and Augustus: 3 AE 24 mm, unspecified type;
- Caligula for Mark Agrippa, 37/8 ad: 1 AE as (RIC I2, 32), Rome, 28x29 mm, VW;
- Claudius, 41-54 ad: 6 AE Asses (26-28 mm), Rome/?/, unspecified;
- Nero, 65-67? ad: 1 AE As (RIC I2, 312 or 543), Rome.
Apparently, it is a mixed hoard of only bronze/brass coins – mainstream Roman mixed with a few
Thracian royal pieces. The presence of Rhoemetalces I bronzes is not occasional – this was one of the com-
monest base metal coins in the 1st century coinage pool in Thrace and typical for the region. The Claudian
as is largely prevails (54%) in this hoard, with only one of Nero, type ‘Victory advancing left with shield
inscribed SPQR’. All Roman issues seems to be a product of Rome mint. Unfortunately, in the absence of
further details, no more considerations can be made at the moment.
67 Moisil, Depeyrot 2003, 185-186, no. 183 – from Nikuliţel near Tulcea, 161 denarii (37 listed) down to RIC I2, 54 (AD
50-51).
68 Герасимов 1939, 345; Kunisz 1992, 129, no. 9; Paunov, Prokopov 2002, IRRCHBulg. 74.
69 I am grateful to Prof. M. Vaklinova who facilitated the access to this and other hoards kept in the NAIM in Sofia to be
available for study in June 2008.
70 Герасимов 1939, 345 – noted that all 28 denarii of Tiberius are of the pontif maxim type.
71 Moisil, Depeyrot 2003, 186, no. 184 – from Rachelu near Tulcea (in a Roman fort), only 6 denarii down to Nero, RIC
I2 53 (AD 64/5).
72 Unpublished, not examined, kept in the Plovdiv Archaeological Museum, inv. nos. 5480-5491. No further details
become available after my initial record in October 2010.
37
7. Hoards closing under the Flavians
Overall, there are 5 hoards73 from Bulgaria ending with issues of the Flavians, all from territory
of Moesia (against 3 in Serbia74 and 20 from Romania75). These are Dolni Dabnik / 1910, Komoshtitsa I
/ 1920, Belitza / 1938, Kozloduy / <1940, and Koynare II / 1967. All of them are denarius hoards, except
Kozloduy (2 aurei). Four are dating from the reign of Vespasian and one from Titus (in Romania: 10
Vespasian, 3 Titus and 6 Domitian, 1 unspecified). So far not a single hoard from the Bulgarian territory
is proved to be from the time of Domitian.76 All featured Flavian hoards have very close closing dates –
between ad 76 and January–June 80 (against seven hoards in Romania with a pre-76 date77). The precise
reason for this heavy hoarding pattern cannot be established at the moment.
Dolni Dabnik / 191078 was a mid-size hoard, originally of 134 denarii. Sadly, it was dispersed right
after its discovery (and apparently later in Sofia). Its present condition in the National Museum in Sofia
features only 28 coins available which is a small portion (less than ¼) of the original hoard.79 The com-
bined records (based on Filow’s and Seure’s publications) of its content would look like as follows:
Table 15.
Dolni Dabnik / 1910
83
Republic (65? BC onwards) [now 7] 61.9 / 25.0 2.1
unlisted
Mark Antony [now 4] / 14.2 1.5
13
Augustus [now 2] 9.7 / 7.1 0.31
4
Tiberius [now 0] 2.98 / – 0.17
Claudius 1 0.7 / 3.5 0.07
5
Nero [now 2] 3.7 / 7.1 0.35
Vitellius 1 0.7 / 3.5 0.5
24
[now 11,
Vespasian 3 Titus Caesar] 17.9 / 39.2 3.42
134
TOTAL: [now 28] 100%
Among the published 28 coins, there are two Augustan denarii. Of them is countermarked mp.ves80
which was applied at Ephesus between ad 74 and 79. This presence of this coin leads to an assumption for
a military hoard, connected with a supply from Asia, not from the western provinces. The latest published
issue in Dolni Dabnik is a denarius of Vespasian struck in ad 76 (RIC II1, 99 = RIC II/12, 847 /or 848/). The
73 To add one more Flavian hoard (15+ denarii) down to cos viii (ad 77-78) from Letnitza in region Lovech (Moesia) –
unpublished data from the Historical Museum of Lovech.
74 Popović, Borić-Bresković 1994, 110 ff.
76 It is possible that hoard Komoshtitsa I could be of Domitianic date, but this can no longer be confirmed.
78 Филов 1910, 224; Seure 1923, 21, no. 24; Bolin 1958, 338-339; Kunisz 1992, 128, no. 6; Paunov, Prokopov 2002, IRR-
CHBulg, no. 76.
79 Most recently in Доткова 2006, 180-187.
80 Howgego 1985, no. 839.
38
fragmental nature prevents any further consideration. However, it must be noted that at Dolni Dabnik /
1910 the coefficients ‘entry per year’ are not very different from the rest of Flavian hoards (see below).
The next three hoards were all found along the Moesian limes on the Danube. Komoshtitsa I /
192081 near Lom was a pot hoard of some 70 denarii but sadly N. Mushmov reported only 19 pieces down
to Domitian, which make it unsuitable for further study. Its face therefore would be 280 sestertii (HS).
Kozloduy / <1940, not far from Augustae/ Hurlets82 was a small fragment of aureus hoard. Two
aurei were recorded from its partial contents – both Vespasian’s issues for Domitian Caesar struck in ad
73 – early 75 (RIC II/12, 679), which is an interesting coincidence having such a limited record.
Belitza / 1938 is near Tutrakan, between Appiaria and Durostorum. It is a fragment of a larger Flavi-
an hoard with 12 coins, now kept in Bucharest.83 It contains 5 Republicans and closes with two Vespasianic
issues (RIC II/12 961 and 966) dated to ad 77/8.
So far, the most important and almost complete Flavian pot hoard occurs to be Koynare II / 1967
hitherto unpublished.84 Originally Koynare II contained 211 denarii, of which 200 entered in the Regional
Historical Museum of Vratsa. Although these two hundred coins are now missing (stolen since 2003), they
have been well documented with a full photo record.85
Table 16.
Koynare II / 1967
Augustus 11 5.5 0.26
Tiberius 3 1.5 0.13
Caligula – – –
Claudius – for Nero Caesar 1 0.5 0.07
Nero 10 5.0 0.71
Galba 4 2.0 4
Otho 1 0.5 1
Vitellius 6 3.0 6
Vespasian 65 32.5 6.5
25
(5 – for Vespasian;
10 – for Domitian
Titus Caesar ) 12.5 8.33
TOTAL: 200 100%
81 Мушмов 1924, 239; Kunisz 1992, 130, no. 6.

82 Герасимов 1943, 283; Kunisz 1992, 60.
83 Vertan 2002, 271-272; Talmaţchi 2006, 185, no. 2.
84 See the listing in Gerassimov 1979, 135; Kunisz 1992, 128-129, no. 7; first details given in Paunov, Prokopov 2002,
IRRCHBulg, 85.
85 In possession of Prof. Dr. I. Prokopov (Sofia) and the present author.
39
Fig. 5. Chart of Koynare II hoard (per number).
There are two visible internal ‘peaks’ of accumulation within Koynare II: the Republican denarii –
61 specimens (30.5%) and the Vespasian – 65, or 32.5%. There is no gap except for Caligula (as usual). The
Civil War emperors are well represented giving a total of 11 denarii, providing high coefficients of entry
per year. Vespasianic issues were struck in the following mints: 51 Rome; 1 Ephesus, 9 Antioch; 1 western
uncertain. The denarii of Titus include also five issues for Divus Vespasian (RIC II/12, 357 (4 coins) and
364 (1), ten for Domitian Caesar of the same type (RIC II/12, 266), and one for Julia Titi (RIC II/12, 388
– VENVS AVGVST), giving a high coefficient (8.33) for the closure date of Koynare II hoard. Its closing
date is strictly set during the short reign of Titus – with latest issues of the period from 1 January to 30
June 80 ad (trp ix imp xv cos vii), types RIC II/12, 122 and 124, nearly uncirculated. The face value of
the Koynare II hoard is 844 HS.
However, there are three Domitianic denarius hoards from Upper Moesia. These are Boljetin /
1947 (102 denarii)86, Tekija / 1950 = Transdierna (111 denarii)87 and Bare88 hoards. The third one is im-
portant for this study and will be shortly discussed. It was a large hoard of 279+ denarii along with 36 silver
jewellery pieces, found in 1964 near the village of Bare, 6 km east of Pojarevac, not far from the legionary
camp Viminacium. The content89 of Bare is the following:
Table 17.
Bare / 1964
Emperor / issuer Number Percentage Entries / years
Republic (206/0 BC onwards) 101 36.2 0.66
Juba I, Numidia 2 0.72 –
Augustus 13 4.66 0.31
86 Mirnik 1981, 50, no. 102.

87 Mirnik 1981, 52, no. 111.
88 Popović, Borić-Bresković 1994.
89 According to Popović, Borić-Bresković 1994, 108-9 and 172-3.
40
Claudius 1 0.36 0.07
Nero 9 3.23 0.64
Civil War 1 0.36 1
Galba 7 2.51 3.5
Otho – – –
Vitellius 5 1.8 2.5
18
(5 Divus Vespasian;
2 Domitian Caesar;
Titus 1 Julia Titi) 6.45 6
Domitian 3 1.07 1.5
TOTAL: 279 100%
One can notice that not only the percentage accumulation (see graph below, fig. 6) but also the
coefficients ‘entry per years’ in Koynare I and Bare hoards are very close. The latest issues in Bare hoard are
two early denarii of Domitian dated cos vii des viii pm (types RIC II 19 and 21 = RIC II/12, 42-3 and 74),
which corresponds to the short period 13 September – 31 December ad 81. Bare also has a single undated
Domitianic issue90 in mint state which is now (RIC II/12, 145) more closely set to ad 82-83. Borić-Breskov-
ić suggested that Bare hoard could be related somehow with the instability in Moesia during the Domi-
tian’s Dacian War in 85, a hypothesis which seems not impossible.91 In face value, the Bare hoard numbers
to HS 1,116, a considerable amount, especially if we add the metal value of the silver jewels.
Fig. 6. Comparative graph of hoards from Moesia closing under the Flavians.
90 Popović, Borić-Bresković 1994, 170, cat. no. 278.

91 Popović, Borić-Bresković 1994, 129-33 and 192-4, 198.
41
The comparison between the above discussed Flavian hoards from Moesia show a remarkably
identical profile of accumulation. This must be a logical consequence and reflection of the coinage pool in
the Lower Danube region under the Flavians. Overall, the number of Flavian hoards in Moesia is relatively
smaller (8 registered, against 20 in Dacia), compared with the higher concentrations in Spain and in Italy
(cf. Guest 1994, 60-1, citing a hoarding factor of 0.05 over for the latter regions). In the case of Moesia,
there seems to be a lack of evidence for ‘emergency hoards’ (except for Bare near Viminacium, as shown
above), indicating that the available deposits are anything else other than saving coins for future use. This
observation looks to be valid not only for the Flavian period, but for the entire 1st century AD.
8. Hoards closing under Nerva

There are two hoards from Moesia and Thrace ending in the reign of Nerva (matched by two from
Romania92). These are: the large Prelez (originally over 600 denarii) and the fragmentary Nikyup (3+)
hoards. Prelez hoard (former Junuzlar) / 192693, known for some time was studied by Bolin94, Gerov95 and
Kunisz96. In composition it is a typical Flavian hoard. Vespasian is represented with 205 denarii (~53%),
however, it also contains a number of earlier issues – 86 Republican and 1 Mark Antony (22.5% in total).
Table 18.
Prelez (former Junuzlar) 1926
Republic (? BC onwards) 85 21.9 1.21
Mark Antony (legionary) 1 0.25 0.5
Augustus – – –
Tiberius – – –
Claudius 7 1.8 0.53
Nero 18 4.65 1.28
Galba 5 1.3 5
Otho 7 1.8 7
Vitellius 10 2.57 10
Vespasian 205 52.83 20.5
Titus 12 3.1 4
Domitian 29 7.5 1.93
Nerva 1 0.25 0.5
TOTAL: 388+ 100%
Sadly, the Prelez hoard was dispersed long ago and unavailable for further study. Its face value once
was 1,548 HS.

93 Мушмов 1927, 325.
94 Bolin 1958, 339, table 2.
95 Gerov 1977, 148, no. 2.
96 Kunisz 1992, 129, no. 8.
42
Fig. 7. Comparative graph of hoards closing under Nerva.
As far as Nikyup hoard is concerned, the data are rather insufficient (but it is featured in fig. 7).
9. Hoards closing under Trajan

There are 11 hoards available from the reign of Trajan (24% of the total for period under study), 4
from Thrace and 7 from Moesia (against 5 denarius hoards from Romania97). Eight of them are denarius
hoards, and three of bronze issues. However, only 7 are well-recorded and suitable for study.
In comparison, the review work of Găzdac on the coin circulation in the Middle and Lower Dan-
ube provinces includes only 3 Trajanic (and Hadrianic) hoards from Moesia inferior.98
Gigen III / 1998 and Gradeshnitsa III / 1964 occurred as two characteristic hoards for Moesia un-
der Trajan. Gigen III / 199899 is a fragmentary hoard of 49 denarii100 but it allows narrowing down some
observations and tendencies.
Table 19.
Gigen III / 1998
Augustus 1 2.0 0.02
Tiberius 1 2.0 0.04
Claudius – – –
Nero – – –
Galba – – –
Otho – – –
Vitellius – – –
98 Găzdac 2010, 67-68, tables A, 2-5.
99 See a listing in Paunov, Prokopov 2002, IRRCHBulg 79.
100 Examined and recorded by E. Paunov in a private collection in Pleven, July 1998.
43
Titus – – –
Nerva – – –
Trajan 3 6.12 0.6
TOTAL: 49 100%
The latest issues in Gigen III hoard are three Trajanic denarii dated to pm trp cos iiii pp, i.e. De-
cember 102 ad (RIC II, 72 = Woytek 2010, 144). Therefore, it seems logical to assume that it could be
related with the events around the First Trajanic War with Dacians.
Originally Gradeshnitsa III / 1964101 in Vratsa region contained some 764 denarii (407 Republican
and 357 Imperial), closing with Trajanic issues down to ad 107/8 – 111 (according to Woytek’s recent clas-
sification and dating). The contents are as follows:
Table 20.
Gradeshnitsa III / 1964
Republic (170 BC onwards) 291 38 2.1
Augustus 15 1.95 0.36
Claudius 3 0.39 0.23
Nero 12 1.57 0.85
Galba 8 1.04 11.4
Otho 3 0.39 3
Vitellius 7 9.16 7
Vespasian 143 18.7 14.3
Titus 13 1.7 4.3
91
Domitian 18 – as 11.9 4.86
Caesar
Nerva 17 2.22 8.5
Trajan 27
4.05 1.63
Trajan – imitations 4
TOTAL: 764 100%
Gradeshnitsa III is a major association of both types of denarii, most probably – the Republican
issues (53%) being added some time later to the original Imperial accumulation, probably from another
deposit/payment. In this case, again we deal with a hoard with ‘archaic’ profile in structure. It also con-
tained one ‘Dacian’ imitation of Republican denarius (prototype of C. Mamilius Limetanus, RRC 362/1,
82 BC)102, four copies of Trajanic denarii (sadly, no details known) and seven silver jewels (four earrings
and three bracelets103), typical for the 1st century AD-jewellery distributed on both sides of the Danube (in
101 Герасимов 1966, 212; Gerov 1977, 399, no. 4; Youroukova 1979, 281; Kunisz 1992, 142, no. 1; Paunov, Prokopov 2002,
IRRCHBg, 80; see also the superficial notes in Găzdac 2010, 68, n.1.
102 This coin now published, see Davis, Paunov 2012, 396, no. 21.
103 Published in Torbov 2008, 57-67.
44
Upper Moesia and Dacia).104 Its face value is 3,056 HS, being one of the largest from its time in the whole
region.
Fig. 8. Chart of Gradeshnitsa III hoard (per number).
Unfortunately, Gradeshnitsa III hoard is now completely lost (stolen from Vratsa museum since
2003), so unavailable for any further study. No doubt, this was a “saving hoard” of a veteran, or someone
returned/settled in Moesia shortly after the Second Dacian War. The contemporary four imitations of Tra-
jan’s denarii and a single ‘Dacian’ imitation are indicative, they too show origin of accumulation in Dacia.
For the territory of Thrace – the same role has the hoard from Dragantsi / 1958.105 This is in the region of
Burgas, not far from colonia Deultum – 336 denarii in a bronze container. Its content is as follows:
Table 21.
Dragantsi / 1958
Republic – – –
Mark Antony – – –
Tiberius 1 0.3 0.04
Nero 13 3.9 0.92
104 See Ruseva-Slokoska 1991; Popović, Borić-Bresković 1994; Popović 1994.

105 Герасимов 1962, 230; Gerov 1977, 112 and 148, no. 3; Kunisz 1992, 129-30, no. 10. Now fully published by V. Varban-
ov and M. Klasnakov, see Върбанов, Класнаков 2018, 67-88.
45
Galba 2 0.6 2
Otho 8 2.4 8
Vitellius 6 1.8 6
Vespasian 149 44.3 14.3
Titus 2 0.6 0.66
Domitian 152 45.2 10.13
Nerva 2 0.6 1
Trajan 1 0.3 1
TOTAL: 336 100%
The content is overwhelmingly Flavian – with very high peaks for Vespasian 149 (44%) and Domi-
tian 152 (45%)106, but few coins reach to early Trajanic time.107 No issues before Tiberius are attested at all.
Coins of the Civil War emperors are not missing too – 2 Galba, 8 Otho and 6 Vitellius, producing high
coefficients ‘entry per year’. Emperor Nerva is represented with two denarii of the late 97 and early 98 (RIC
II1, 34 and 48), and the latest coin108 is an early Trajanic issue struck between February and the autumn of
AD 98 (RIC II1, 12 = Woytek 2010, no. 20). Therefore, Dragantsi hoard has a typical ‘modern’ profile of
structure. It is the first hoard from the region that completely lacks Republican issues, even before their
partial recall and restrike in ad 107. Its face value is 1,344 HS, thus below the average amount for the Thra-
cian provinces.
Another Trajanic hoard from Thrace is Popovo / 1938109, near Bolyarovo in Yambol region, half
way between Cabyle and Adrianople along Tonzos River. It is (again) unpublished in its entity but the cor-
rect figures for each issuer are known and were re-checked in the Sofia Museum.110
Table 22.
Popovo / 1938
Republic 1 0.4 0.01
Mark Antony – – –
Tiberius 1 0.4 0.04
Nero 7 2.9 0.5
Galba – – –
Otho 3 1.2 3
Vitellius 2 0.8 2
Titus 28 11.7 9.3
106 The number of Titus denarii (only 2) is suspiciously low, perhaps due to incorrect identification in the mid-1970s
when I. Karayotov compiled the first list for the study of Prof. B. Gerov (published in 1977).
107 All previous researchers dated the Dragantsi hoard to the reign of Nerva, see Gerov 1977, 112.
108 Examined by the author, August 2011.
109 Герасимов 1943, 344; Bolin 1958, 341, Table 3, no. 8; Gerov 1977, 112 and 149, no. 10.
110 The National Archaeological Museum in Sofia acquired 237 denarii, inv. no. CXXII/ 1940. Particular information on
the coins and internal contents of hoard has been denied (June 2008).
46
Nerva 18 7.5 9
Trajan 38 15.9 2
TOTAL: 237 100%
It appears that Popovo / 1938 hoard has a ‘modern’ profile too, very similar to Dragantsi indeed
(but with only one Republican denarius). It again has a dominating presence of Flavian issues (with very
high coefficients ‘entry per year’), but with a higher rate for Titus – 28 (11%) and Trajan’s coins – 38
(15.9%). That would definitely mean it was concealed sometime later in the Trajan’s reign (no details of
individual coin types are available).111 Its face value is 956 HS.
Fig. 9. Comparative graph of selected Trajanic hoards from Moesia and Thrace.
Four other Trajanic hoards are fragmentary and briefly mentioned here. There are two from Thra-
ce: Sheynovo – 5+ denarii (t.p.q. after 110) and Yambol area – 4+ (t.p.q. 103-107). The same is valid for two
hoards in Moesia: from Altimir II / 1957 – 9+ denarii112 and from Lovech area / 1937 (t.p.q. ?). The latter
once contained over 550+ denarii, but only 67 were recorded by Gerassimov, which makes it incomplete
and unsuitable.113
As regards the bronze hoards of Trajanic time, there are only three such known. These are as fol-
lows: Belene I / 1948114, Lazarovo I /1912115, and Damyanovo / 1977-78116. They all contain a small number
of coins (between 6 and 60 aes), in most cases – Trajanic sestertii. These are hoards with coins of low-value
metal, probably accidental losses. Only the Belene I hoard (a pot hoard of 60 sestertii) is of higher value,
but the exact circumstances of its discovery are not known. However, it must be mentioned here that Be-
lene is located on the site of Dimum, where one of the Roman customs stations117 on the Lower Danube
existed – portorium publicum Illyrici et ripa Thraciae, statio Dimensis118.
111 No details of the individual types in Popovo hoard were provided, despite my explicit request to the NAIM in Sofia
(April-June 2008). Naturally, it still remains unpublished.
112 Герасимов 1959, 360; Gerov 1977, 148, no. 5; Kunisz 1992, 142-3, no. 3.
113 Герасимов 1938, 450; Gerov 1977, 149, no. 8.
114 Герасимов 1950, 322; Gerov 1977, 149, no. 9; Kunisz 1992, 153, no. 2.
115 Филов 1911, 275-276; Gerov 1977, 149, no. 6; Kunisz 1992, 153, no. 1.
116 Юрукова 1979, 61; CH 7.232; Kunisz 1992, 154, no. 1.
117 On this customs organization of Illyricum, see Dobó 1940; Геров 1949; Gerov 1979, 215-216; recently in Tomas 2007,
35.
118 Well attested with epigraphic records: CIL III 12399 = ILBulg 237 = AE 1895, 44, Pelishat (AD 209/10 or 209/12); AE
47
It is not easy to guess about the reasons of burial and non-recovery of the Trajanic hoards in
Moesia. If we may assume some relation with First Dacian War in 101-102 for Gigen III hoard, then the
remaining deposits seems to be personal wealth, ‘savings’ hoards. In the case of Thrace – with 4 hoards
of Trajanic time – no unrest or turmoil could be envisaged, since it was a secured and peaceful internal
province in this period.
10. Hoards closing under Hadrian

The chronological limit of this paper is the reign of Trajan. However, this is an artificial border.
That is why, for the purpose of comparison and continuity, a short discussion on the Hadrianic hoards will
follow below. Currently there are 7 hoards known from Thrace/Moesia – 5 of denarii and 2 in bronze –
with closing dates under Hadrian.
Chervena Voda / 1966, region Russe119 is a major Hadrianic pot hoard, originally of over 889 de-
narii120. It includes some 14 Republican and 20 Antonian issues associated with 844 Imperial. The correct
distribution of types per issuer currently is as follows:
Table 23.
Chervena Voda / 1966
Emperor / issuer No. of coins Percentage Entries/ years
Mark Antony 20 2.9 10
Tiberius – – –
Nero 24 3.5 1.71
Galba 8 1.8 8
Otho – – –
Vitellius 15 2.2 15
Vespasian 119 17.5 11.9
Titus 22 3.2 7.3
Domitian 110 16.2 7.33
Nerva 32 4.7 16
Trajan 252 37.1 13.2
Hadrian 56 8.2 5.09
Non-Roman – drachm of Antioch,
Trajan 1 0.14 –
TOTAL: 679 100%
The latest issues in Chervena Voda are Hadrianic denarii of the late ad 125 – early 128 (RIC II, 181
and 183) as recorded. This hoard also shows a good proportion of Republican denarii (5%), especially after
their recall in ad 107.
It has been suggested that hoards which contain unusual high proportion of Republican issues
(such as Gradeshnitsa III, Chervena voda and Zhitnitsa/Bazaurt) are actually showing the existence of a
1895, 45 = CIL III 12363 = ILBulg 336, from Belene (around AD 150-160), see Геров 1980, 119-30.
119 Герасимов 1968, 235; Димова 1968, 11-38 (published 889 coins); Gerov 1977, 149; Paunov, Prokopov 2002, IRRCH-
Bulg, no. 98; and the brief notes in Găzdac 2010, 68, table B.5.
120 Now only 679 coins are kept in the Russe Historical Museum (data as of 2011).
48
separate circulation pool.121 This seems highly likely for Moesia and Dacia in the post-Trajanic period.
Naturally, in the region there are also other denarii hoards from the time of Hadrian that fall out-
side of the scope of this study. Some of them are as follows:
Table 24.
Hoard name / Number of Closing
Region / province References
date coins date
Герасимов 1952, 402; Gerov 1977,
Lipnik / 1950 Razgrad / Moesia ca. 800 117–138
149, no. 14
Герасимов 1943, 344; Gerov 1977,
Popitsa / 1939 Vratsa / Moesia ca. 200 117–138
149, no. 11
Мушмов 1924, 242; Gerov 1977, 149,
Slatino / 1921 Kyustendil / Thrace ca. 600 125–138
no. 17; IRRCHBulg 97
Филов, Велков 1920, 150-1; Seure
Zhitnitsa (fmr. [oncе 1430]
Dobrich/ Moesia 137–138 1923, 17-8, no. 11; IRRCHBulg 83;
Bazaurt) / 1916 now 976122
Божкова 2003, 35-50.
122
Two bronze123 hoards of Hadrianic time are known too, both from Moesia. The first is Archar /
1981 - a pot hoard of 16+ sestertii, now published.124 It is found in the close vicinity of the site of Ratiaria,
former legionary camp, in this time raised to colonia. There are 13 issues of Trajan and only three of Hadri-
an, closing with a sestertius of ad 119-120/1 (RIC II, 589b).
The second hoard is Lesicheri / 1910125 in Veliko Tarnovo region, not far from Nikyup / Nicopolis
ad Istrum. Of a total of about 50 bronzes, 31 were identified and recorded:
Trajan 19 Æ: 15 S, 4 Dp/?/
Hadrian 12 Æ: 7 S, 5 Dp.
Unfortunately, after Filow’s report there is no typological identification of the coins published, so
we can only guess about the actual types after RIC. However, it must be noted that it most probably should
date from the early years of Hadrian’s reign, rather than late.
11. Distribution and spatial analysis

The digital mapping (see below figures 10-11) of the of Early Imperial hoards from Bulgaria shows
some clear and indicative patterns.
First of all, a major concentration of hoarding can be observed in the territory of Roman province
of Moesia, roughly the zone between Ratiaria and the valley of Iatrus / Jantra River. At least 28 hoards
are found in this area, mostly from area along the southern Danube bank. This is indicative and clearly
demonstrates the uncontroversial military nature of the Moesian hoards. They may also show the instabil-
ity and vulnerability along the limes, especially in the early years of the new province (late Augustus and
Tiberius – e.g. Koshava, Belene II, Russe area) and during the Dacian/Sarmatian incursions in Moesia un-
der late Nero and Vespasian (hoards Kozloduy, Belitza, Komoshtitsa I). The final hoards in this Danubian
zone date as late as late Trajan/early Hadrian (Altimir II, Archar, Chervena voda, Belene I). Hoards such
as Gigen II and Gigen III (t.p.q. December 102) should be explained as indications of the activities around
the Trajan’s invasion in Dacia in ad 102, with Oescus being an important part of it.
Secondly, another concentration area is clearly seen in Thrace – in the region of Philippopolis/
Plovdiv, and especially to the northeast of it – around Brezovo / Chirpan area. Four hoards are found very
close from each other in this zone – Pravoslav (RRCH 520), Medovo (RRCH 490), Kolyu Marinovo and
121 Guest 1994, 133.
122 According to Божкова 2003, 35 ff., the latest issue should be a denarius of Aelius Caesar (RIC II, 434). The last 3
reported denarii (2 Caracalla, 1 Severus Alexander) are apparently extraneous, mingled in the Sofia National Archaeological
Museum after 1918.
123 An earlier view on the Imperial bronze in Kunisz 1991, 129-138, and Kunisz 1992, 75-90.
124 Юрукова 1983, 114; Божкова 1991, 8-14.
125 Филов 1911, 278; Filow 1911, col. 369; Seure 1923, 18, no. 31; Gerov 1977, 149, no. 15; Kunisz 1992, 153, no. 5.
49
Chehlare, ranging from the time of mid-Augustus to Claudius. They should mark a late Thracian centre
of power, probably dynastic, certainly linked with local exploitation of placer gold (the mines at Kolyu
Marinovo).126 No hoards are registered in this region after the transformation of Thrace in province in ad
45/6. Both hoards found in the immediate vicinity around Plovdiv point to the importance of the city in
post-Augustan period. The first one – Plovdiv area 1981 dates from the time of Tiberius, probably of ad
21-26, and certainly relates to the events after the crushing the Thracian rebellions, where direct influx of
Imperial denarii might be expected. The second one – Plovdiv environs 1987 contains only aes-coins from
the time of Nero (discussion above under paragraph 6).
A third zone can be observed in the eastern part of the Thracian Plain around Augusta Traiana
and Cabyle. In chronological terms the hoards range from Augustus/Tiberius (Sadievo and Omarchevo)
down to Trajan (Yambol area and Popovo). The latter two, together with Dragantsi, should be related to
the escalating process of Romanisation in internal Thrace and most probably - with the settlement of vet-
erans in Trajanic date. The same explanation should have some smaller hoards from the northern slopes
of Haemus (in Moesia), including only bronze issues – Lazarovo I, Lesicheri and Damyanovo, again all of
late Trajanic/ Hadrianic date.
Fig. 10. Distribution of Early Principate hoards in Bulgaria (map by A. Sobotkova).
Overall, the distribution of early Imperial hoards in both Thracian provinces fits well to the hoard-
ing pattern of the previous periods under study (fig. 11).
126 See notes 18-19 above.
50
Fig. 11. Distribution of Republican, Associated and Imperial denarius hoards in Bulgaria, ca. 100 BC –
AD 98/117 (map by A. Sobotkova).
12. Face value of Early Imperial hoards

Another important element of the study of hoards from the Imperial period is the face value of in-
dividual deposits.127 Although many of the available hoards from Thrace and Moesia were poorly recorded
or even lost, the original number of their volume is known in most cases. Thus, all extant hoards from
Augustus to Hadrian are converted to their value in sestertii. Hoards are arranged by reign, and by closing
date, and have a minimum value of 10 denarii = 40 sestertii. The sequence is first gold and then silver. The
complete list includes 36 hoards in total for the period under study from Moesia and Thrace. Hadrianic
hoards (5 altogether) are listed at the end only for comparison purposes. The overall size and face value in
presented in the following diagram:
127 For the method, see Duncan-Jones 1994, 67, n. 2 and 261.
51
Fig. 12. Face value of early Imperial hoards from Moesia and Thrace (in sestertii). Diagram by author.
Two obvious peaks are clearly observed: there is an accumulation of hoards containing average
amount:
1) Between 50 to 75 denarii (= 200–300 sestertii) – 4 hoards (average 40-60 denarii);
2) Between 500 and 750 denarii (= 2,000–2,500 sestertii) – 5 hoards (average of 500-600 denarii).
Registered hoards containing over 1,000 denarii are very rare in the region under study – only two
cases occurred, Mihaylovo = ca. HS 4,000 (see above, t.p.q. 19-18 BC) and Zhitnitsa/ Bazaurt = HS 5,720
(t.p.q. AD 137/8).
52
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58
ROMAN COIN HOARDS FROM MOESIA INFERIOR AND
THRACE
(FROM HADRIAN TO DIOCLETIAN). CURRENT STAGE OF RESEARCH
VarbinVarbanov
At the moment there are 908 coin hoards known (ending with coins from 2nd-3rd century), discov-
ered on the territory of the Roman provinces Moesia Inferior and Thrace1. About 65% of them are of silver
coins, 25% are of bronze coins, and 9,5% are mixed. It is more difficult to prepare statistics about the num-
ber of coins in the hoards, as in the half of them not even the approximate initial composition is known.
However, according to the available information it can be concluded that about 50% of them contain up
to 100-150 coins and only about 15-20% contain over 1000 coins. About 80% of the hoards were found in
the context of unfortified rural settlements, 7% in the area of fortifications along the Limes and 6% in the
area of urban centers on the territory of the Roman provinces of Moesia Inferior and Thrace.
Often when publishing or analyzing a hoard in Bulgaria not all known data about its composition
and amount, archaeological context and circumstances of discovery are provided. In the Bulgarian science
there is no established methodology of study of coin hoards from the Roman period. For this reason, in a
previous publication I proposed a categorization of the known coin hoards into four groups, depending on
the preservation of their original composition, information about their discovery and the archaeological
context in which they were found2. The first group includes those with a fully preserved composition and
known archaeological context of discovery. Such data is available for about 9,7% of the known hoards from
the period under discussion (about 5% were discovered during archaeological excavations). The second
group includes those of which several coins are missing or more than 2/3 of their original composition is
preserved, which is about 13.9% of the hoards. The archaeological context of discovery of most of them is
also known. The third group includes coins with an unknown size or those of which less than 2/3 of it is
preserved (about 30%). The last fourth group consists of dispersed hoards with unclear data about their
composition and size; those of which only a few coins have been seen or of which a very small part of their
original composition has been preserved3. They are about 46,5% of all known (see Plate I).
It turns out that only about 24% of the known hoards from the period under discussion can be
used as a reliable historical source. It should be noted that the division of the hoards into groups remains
more or less subjective. A particular hoard can be certanly assigned to a group only after a full catalog
publication of the coins and the known information about their discovery and its archaeological context.
Below are briefly represented the hoards from the present Bulgarian territories and Northern Do-
brudzha, in chronological order. They are compared to those from the neighbour Balkan Roman provinces
and in the light of the known historical events. The reasons of their burial and especially their remaining
in the ground to these days have not yet been definitively clarified. On one hand, this is due to the fact that
the published hoards (2nd-3rd century) until now, from the Bulgarian territory, are less than the half of the
preserved in the museum funds (see Plate I). About the half of the published hoards, on the other hand,
have no photos, no data about the weight and size, or the coins are not catalogued i.e. they need a republi-
1 These are the territory of today’s Bulgaria and Northern Dobrodzha (Romania). Also included are 27 hoards fromVidin
region (eastern parts of Moesia Superior) and 45 from northern Dobrudza.
2 Varbanov 2012, 296-297.
3 Coin hoards of unknown volume, of which less than 5 coins are known, they are separated in a group with indefinite
chronological boundaries.
59
cation. Another reason is the level of the study of the archaeologically researched Roman sites in Bulgaria
which still does not allow the precise detailing of the events from the 2nd and 3rd centuries.
Coin hoards from the time of Hadrian. A total of 14 hoards ending with Hadrian’s issues are
known from the territory of today’s Bulgaria (Map 14). Coins from five of them have entered in museum
funds and the rest have been dispersed. One was discovered during archeological excavations and four
have been published5. One hoard contains aurei, seven hoards contain denarii and six hoards contain
bronze coins. The last are small in volume, they represent purse hoard or daily money and are probably lost
in the antiquity.
According to Boris Gerov, some of the discussed hoards have reached us due to Iazyges invasions
in Moesia Inferior in 117-119 AD, and others - due to the commotion of the local population6. For the syn-
chronous hoards from the province of Pannonia it is assumed that they are a consequence of the attacks
of the Quadi in 134 AD7. In Dacia and the lands of the “free Dacians” (present-day Romania), there were
discovered 8 hoards from the period8. Their connection with the invasions attested in ancient sources is
uncertain9. In the lands of present-day Slovenia and Serbia, such hoards are few and are rather associated
with local events or are interpreted as losses10. In the southern part of the Balkans and in Asia Minor (the
lands of present-day Greece and Turkey) the known hoards from the period are two11. The situation is
much different in the lands of Roman Palestine, where over 60% of all hoards for the period 1st-3rd century
were hidden and remained in the ground during the time of Hadrian. The reasons are the anti-Roman
rebellions in the area at that time12.
The published hoards from Bulgaria were hidden in the second half of Hadrian’s rule, so it can be
assumed that some of them remained in the ground due to local commotion caused by Hadrian’s urbani-
zation policy. He removed the former tribal territories and annexed them to those of military camps and
cities13. The small number of finds and their location mainly around settlements on the Limes suggests
their remaining to us for random reasons.
Coin hoards from the time of Antoninus Pius. A total of 19 coin hoards are known, ending with
coins of Antoninus Pius (Map 2). Eight have been preserved to museum funds, and the rest have been
dispersed. One was discovered during archeological excavations, and five have been published14. Sixteen
hoards contain only denarii, three hoards contain bronze coins.
4 The data about the hoards from Bulgaria’s neighboring countries are according toTouratsoglou 2006; Borić-Brešković
2011, 538-544; Vojvoda, Režić 2020, 531-554; Suciu 2000; Găzdac 2010; Găzdac 2012, 175-182; Depeyrot, Moisil 2008a;
Depeyrot, Moisil, 2008b.
5 Върбанов 2017, 119-125.
6 Gerov 1977, 117.
7 Găzdac 2012, 168-169.
8 Găzdac 2012, 168-169; Munteanu, Honcu 2020, 346.
9 Găzdac 2012, 180.
10 Mirnik 1981, 52-58; Kos 1986, 82; Miškec 2012, 385.
11 Kremydi-Sicilianou 2004, 50; Baldwin 1927, 145-172.
12 Goldman 2020, 253-261.
13 Тачева 1997, 297-313.
14 Върбанов 2017, 126-135; Върбанов, Иванов 2018, 114-126.
60
Emperors groups of coin hoards pub- preserved
all find-spot, metal
1st 2nd 3rd 4th lished /stolen/
2nd century (110)

11 in Northern Bulgaria; 2 in Northern Dobrudzha; 4 in Southern
Trajan 3 2 7 5 17 Bulgaria. 11 AR denarii; 5 bronze coins; 1 mixed
2 5/1/
Hadrian 2 3 5 4 14 Bulgaria - 1 aurei; 7 AR denarii; 5 bronze; 1 mixed .
4 5
Antoninus 14 in Northern Bulgaria; 4 in Northern Dobrudzha; 1 in Southern
Pius
3 2 6 8 19 Bulgaria - 16 AR denarii; 3 bronze.
5 8 /1/
Marcus Au- 26 in Northern Bulgaria; 3 in Northern Dobrudzha; 4 in Southern
relius
5 5 18 5 33 Bulgaria - 1 aurei; 27 AR denarii; 5 bronze.
10 18/5/
7 in Northern Bulgaria; 3 in Northern Dobrudzha; 3 in Southern Bul-
Commodus 3 3 5 2 13 garia - 9denarii; 4 bronze.
2 7/1/
1st -2nd cen- 10 in Northern Bulgaria; 1 in Northern Dobrudzha; 3 in Southern
tury
14 14 Bulgaria - 11 AR denarii; 2 bronze; 1 mixed.
0 3
All 16 15 41 38 110 Bulgaria; 2 aurei, 81 AR denarii; 24 bronze coins; 3 mixed.
23 46 /8/
3rd century (798)

Septimius 18 in Northern Bulgaria; 1 in Northern Dobrudzha; 19 in Southern
Severus
4 6 17 11 38 Bulgaria - 21 AR denarii; 16 bronze; 1 mixed.
3 26/5/
Macrinus 1 1 1 in Northern Bulgaria; bronze. 0 1
Elagabalus 1 1 4 4 10 garia - 8 AR denarii; bronze.
2 4/1/
Severus 18 in Northern Bulgaria; 5 in Northern Dobrudzha; 5 in Southern
Alexander
5 7 7 9 28 Bulgaria - 16 AR denarii; 10 bronze; 2 mixed.
6 20/2/
Maximinus 4 in Northern Bulgaria; 1 in Northern Dobrudzha; 4 in Southern Bul-
Thrax
1 2 3 3 9 garia - 6 AR denarii; 3 bronze.
6 7
Gordian ІІІ 11 12 41 25 89 Bulgaria - 1 aurei; 30 denarii and antoniniani; 52 bronze; 6 mixed.
29 64/7/
Philip the 76 in Northern Bulgaria; 6 in Northern Dobrudzha; 89 in Southern
Arab
20 37 75 41 173 Bulgaria - 106 denarii and antoniniani; 44 bronze; 23 mixed.
47 122/8/
84 in Northern Bulgaria; 28 in Southern Bulgaria - 104 denarii and
Trajan Decius 11 23 34 50 118 antoniniani; 6 bronze; 8 mixed.
29 70/11/
Trebonianus
Gallus –Ae- 3 8 11 7 29 Bulgaria - 25 antoniniani; 1 bronze; 3 mixed.
9 18/1/
milian
Valerian/ 18 in Northern Bulgaria; 7 in Northern Dobrudzha; 15 in Southern
Gallienus
5 5 20 13 43 Bulgaria - 1 aurei; 35 denarii and antoniniani; 1 bronze; 6 mixed .
11 29/3/
Claudius 11 in Northern Bulgaria; 5 in Southern Bulgaria - 19 antoniniani; 2
Gothicus
4 1 6 10 21 mixed.
6 19/1/
7 in Northern Bulgaria; 6 in Southern Bulgaria – 11 antoniniani, 2
Aurelian 2 4 4 3 13 mixed.
1 6
Tacitus
/Florian
1 2 3 in Southern Bulgaria - antoniniani. 0 2
Probus 2 2 7 4 15 garia - 2 aurei; 13 antoniniani.
1 9
Carus/Carinus 2 1 3 2 in Southern Bulgaria - antoniniani. 1 3
1 half of 3
st rd
c. AD
2 99 101 Bulgaria – 71 bromze, 30 mixed.
0 15/2/
3rd century 70 in Northern Bulgaria; 2 in Northern Dobrudzha; 18 in Southern
AD
90 90 Bulgaria – AR coins
2 7
2nd half of 3rd 7 in Northern Bulgaria; 1 in Northern Dobrudzha; 4 in Southern Bul-
c. AD
1 1 12 14 garia - antoniniani.
1 8
498 in Northern Bulgaria;31 in Northern Dobrudzha; 248 in Southern
All 72 111 231 384 798 Bulgaria; 4 aurei, 504 denarii and antoniniani, 207 bronze coins and 83 154 430/41/
mixed.
577 in Northern Bulgaria; 45 in Northern Dobrudzha; 265 in South-
All 88 126 272 422 908 ern Bulgaria; 6 aurei, 585 AR (132 denarii, 63 antoniniani and 390 177 476/49/
mixed), 231 bronze coins and 86 mixed
Plate 1
61
Only five of the hoards belong to the first and second groups of coins hoards, i.e. they are a reliable
historical source (see Plate 1). However, two of them are accidental losses.
According to Boris Gerov, some of the discussed hoards have reached us due to the rebellions in
Dacia in 143-144 AD15. Other researchers suggest Sarmatian invasions in eastern and central Lower Moe-
sia in the 60s of the 2nd century16.
The coin hoards from the province of Dacia are concentrated in its northern part and can be linked
to the events of the second half of the reign of Antoninus Pius17. East of the borders of Dacia, 14 hoards
were found, ending with coins of Antoninus Pius. They are associated with the campaigns of the Costoboci
south of the Danube18.
From the western Balkan provinces the synchronous hoards from the period are not grouped by
place and time19. It is assumed that those from Moesia Superior were hidden at the end of the reign of An-
toninus Pius or Marcus Aurelius, due to the precarious situation at the time20. There are two known hoards
from the lands of present-day Greece and Turkey21.
Coin hoards from the time of Marcus Aurelius. A total of 33 hoards are known, ending with coins
of Marcus Aurelius (Map 3). Eighteen have been preserved to museum funds, ten of them were published
– three were discovered during archeological excavations22. Twenty-seven hoards contain only denarii,
and five contain bronze coins. The hoards available for analysis have a similar distribution of issues of the
individual emperors in their composition23. Terminus post quem for the published coin hoards from north-
western and central Bulgaria is 166-167 AD, while for the northeastern it is 161-163 AD24.
According to Boris Gerov and Yordanka Yurukova, the remaining of the coin hoards from the pe-
riod is due to the invasion of the Costoboci in 170 AD. The invaders crossed the Danube around Durosto-
rum, crossed the provinces of Moesia Inferior, Thrace, Macedonia and reached the lands of the present-day
southern Greece25.
Recently, the data on the invasion from the time of Marcus Aurelius were summarized in a series
of articles. In addition to the information from the known historical sources, epigraphic monuments and
coin hoards, there was an attempt to analyze the data from the archeologically studied Roman sites in Bul-
garia and the published single coin finds from them. It is assumed that the Danube was crossed in several
sectors by different tribes operating in a coalition. The invaders did not pass through Thrace, but used the
Ratiaria-Naissus road and reached Attica through Macedonia. Probably in the period 164-171 AD there
were several invasions26.
Cristian Găzdac associates the increase in the number of hoards in Dacia with the events on the
northern borders of the Empire, known as the Marcomannic Wars. In 170 AD the Iazyges attacked Pan-
nonia and Dacia, and in the fight against them the legate of the three Dacias and Moesia Superior, Marcus
Claudius Fronto perished. In the second half of 173 AD, Marcus Aurelius moved his headquarters from
Carnuntum to Sirmium and faced an attack by the Iazyges in southern Pannonia in the winter of 173-174
AD27. East of the borders of the province of Dacia, 30 coin hoards were found, ending with coins of Marcus
Aurelius. They are associated with the campaigns of the Costoboci south of the Danube28.
Some of the known hoards from the time of Marcus Aurelius, discovered on the territory of Serbia,
15 Gerov 1977, 118. Only the hoard from the village of GolyamaVoda, Razgrad region can be related to this invasion
(about it see Дзанев 2012, 286-331).
16 Vertan 1978, 227-234;Varbanov 2007, 153-170.
17 Găzdac 2012, 169-170; Benea 2010, 154-180.
18 Munteanu, Honcu 2020, 345-349.
19 Mirnik 1981, 52-58; Kos 1986, 76-77; Borić-Brešković 2011, 538-544.
20 Borić-Brešković 2011, 541.
21 Kremydi-Sicilianou 2004, 21-51;Arslan 1996, 31-35.
22 Върбанов 2017a, 136-162; Върбанов 2017b, 16-22; Aladzhova 2018, 23-28.
23 Varbanov 2016, 10-29.
24 Върбанов 2017b, 16-22.
25 Gerov 1977, 118-122; 150-151; Youroucova 1979, 281-287.
26 Varbanov 2007, 153-171; Varbanov 2016, 10-29; Върбанов 2017b, 18.
27 Găzdac 2012, 170-172.
28 Munteanu, Honcu 2020, 345-349.
62
have also been published. All are associated with events from the time of the Marcomannic Wars, namely
- with the invasions of the Iazyges located not far at north29.
Coin hoards from the time of Commodus. A total of 13 coin hoards ending with coins of Commo-
dus are known (Map 4). Seven have been preserved to museum funds, two of them were published30. Nine
hoards contain only denarii, and four contain bronze coins.
According to Gerov, the eastern part of Moesia Inferior may be affected31. It is assumed that at the
beginning of the reign of Commodus it is possible that a small group of invaders invaded Moesia Inferior32.
In Dacia the hoards from the period are few and it is possible to associate them with the last phases
of the Marcomannic wars. Those from the southern part of the province can also be related with the local
rebellions33. East of the borders of the province of Dacia, 21 hoards were found, ending with coins of Com-
modus. They are connected with the actions of the Costoboci in this area34.
The discovered coin hoards from Moesia Superior are related to the internal policy of Commodus,
as well as to other possible local reasons35. Two coin hoards from the period are known from the southern
Balkans and neighboring Asian provinces36.
Coin hoards from the time of Septimius Severus. A total of 38 coin hoards are known, ending with
coins of Septimius Severus (Map 5). Twenty-six have been preserved to museum funds, three of which
have been published37. Twenty-one contain denarii, one is mixed, and sixteen contain bronze coins. Those
of the bronze coins were found in the area of mints that ceased their activities during the Severan Dynasty.
Most of them are partially preserved, while others contain coins with a worn surface. In my opinion, they
have remained in the earth to these days due to the events in the middle of the 3rd century.
Professor Gerov associates several coin hoards from Moesia Inferior with invasions in 196-197 AD,
as well as with the invasion in 214 AD. The last one affects the most eastern parts of Moesia Inferior, from
Thira to Marcianopolis. So far, the published hoard from the village of Rish, Shumen region, can be asso-
ciated with it38.
Two of the hoards of silver coins – from Serdica (Sofia) and Tropaeum Traiani (Adamclisi), were
discovered during archeological excavations, and two others have been preserved almost entirely - from
Sexaginta Prista (Ruse) and Almus (Lom). Their terminus post quem is 204-205 AD. It is possible to as-
sociate them with local events (the internal policy of the Severan Dynasty), as well as with other external
threats not attested in the sources.
The coin hoards discovered in the province of Dacia are associated with local events39. Twenty two
hoards from the period have been discovered east of the province’s borders. They are associated with the
campaigns of the Carpi south of the Danube40. In the inner Balkan provinces, the coin hoards from the
period are few and are not associated with significant imperial events41.
Coin hoards from the time of Macrinus and Diadumenian. Only one small hoard of 4 bronze
coins in a small vessel, discovered during archeological excavations in 2020 near the village of Belogradets,
29 Borić-Brešković 2011, 541-542.

30 Върбанов 2017a, 163-169; Marin, Petac 2020, 309-343.
31 Gerov 1977, 123.
32 Varbanov 2007, 166-168.
33 Găzdac 2012, 172; Purece 2020, 433-436.
34 Munteanu, Honcu 2020, 345-349.
35 Brešković 2011, 542-543.
36 Duncan-Jones1994, 263-265; Kremydi-Sicilianou 2004, 41.
37 Barnea 2011; Върбанов 2017a, 171-186.
38 Gerov 1977, 124. Two coin hoards discovered during archeological excavations in buildings in Thira may be related to
this invasion (about them see Анохин 1975, 63-68). Gerov connects a coin hoard from Silistra with the invasion (actually found
near Lake Srebarna), but its terminus post quem is 217AD.
39 Găzdac 2012, 173.
40 Munteanu, Honcu 2020, 345-350.
41 Vojvoda, Režić 2020, 541.
63
Varna region, is known42. The hoard represents daily money and is probably left in the ground due to the
events of the middle of the 3rd century.
Coin hoards from the time of Elagabalus. A total of 10 hoards ending with Elagabalus coins are
known - eight contain denarii and two contain bronze coins (Map 6). Four have been preserved to muse-
um funds, two have been published43. Only one is from the first group, but most probably it is a lost purse
with three bronze coins44. The other hoard of bronze coins was probably hidden in the middle of the 3rd
century45. According to Gerov, there were no invasions in Moesia Inferior during the time of Elagabalus46.
Such can be assumed for the southern part of Dacia through Limes Alutanus47. There are no hoards from
the inner Balkan provinces.
Coin hoards from the time of Severus Alexander. A total of 28 hoards ending with coins of Sever-
us Alexander are known (Map 7). Twenty have been preserved to museum funds, of which six have been
published48. Sixteen contain denarii, ten contain bronze coins and two are mixed.
It is possible that some of the bronze coins remained in the ground at a later time (during the
invasions in the period 238-251 AD). The chronologically last coins from the published hoards from the
villages of Kamen and Blagoevo, Veliko Tarnovo region and Tomi (Constanta in northern Dobrudzha)
were briefly in circulation, which suggests that they may have been hidden during the time of Severus
Alexander. Gerov connects his known hoards from the territory of Moesia Inferior with instability at the
end of the reign of Severus Alexander49. It is assumed that several groups of invaders have entered Moesia
Inferior at the end of the reign of Severus Alexander50.
In Dacia, the coin hoards from the period are not associated with invasions or are supposed to re-
main in the ground during the time of Maximinus Thrax51. In Moesia Superior, the hoards from the period
are few and are associated with local events rather than external danger52.
Coin hoards from the time of Maximinus Thrax. There are 9 known coin hoards, ending with
coins of Maximinus (Map 8). Seven have been preserved to museum funds and six have been published53.
Six contain denarii and three contain bronze coins. The last probably remained in the ground during the
time of the next emperors from the middle of the 3rd century. Only two of the denarii hoards are a good
source, but their hiding may be related to private reasons or to the internal policy of Maximinus Thrax.
It is assumed that for the same reasons the hoard from Larissa, Greece was hidden and remained in the
ground54. There are no finds in Dacia from the time of Maximinus, as well as from the lands of the free
Dacians. Recently, the coin hoards from the territory of Moesia Superior were collected and commented.
The probable reasons for their remaining in the ground are internal events55.
Coin hoards from the time of Gordian III. 89 hoards ending with coins of Gordian III are known
42 I owe the information to the head of the excavations, Dr. Sirma Alexandrova (NAIM-Sofia), for which I thank her.
43 Филипова 2005, 125-128; Iacob 2009,141-170.
44 Филипова 2005, 125-128.
45 This is the hoard from the village of Akandjievo, Pazardzhik region. It was kept in the museum collection in the town
of Belovo, Pazardzhik region, but was stolen at the end of the 20th century.
46 Gerov 1977, 125. Based on a hoard from Northern Dobrudzha - Trastenik, a Sarmatian invasion in this area is
assumed (Iacob 2009,141-170).
47 Găzdac 2012, 174.
48 Цочев 1988, 87-111; Цочев 1991, 141-158; Минкова 1993, 55-76; Talmaţchi, Nopcea 2007, 593-605; Върбанов,
Иванов 2016, 65-74.
49 Gerov 1977, 126.
50 Vertan 2002, 253-254; Върбанов, Иванов 2016, 66-69; Върбанов 2017a, 196-203.
51 Găzdac 2012, 174.
52 Vojvoda, Režić 2020, 541-542.
53 Минкова 1993, 71; Божкова 2006, 121-130; Гущераклиев 2006, 13-25; Dima, Talmaţchi 2007, 91-103; Doychinova
2019, 224-264; Славова 2020, 95-101.
54 Touratsoglou 2006.
64
(Map 9). Sixty-four have been preserved to museum funds, and twenty-nine have been published56. One
coin hoard consists of aurei, 30 consist of denarii and antoniniani, 52 consist of bronze coins, and 6 are
mixed.
The hoard of aurei is probably from the middle of the 3rd century57. Most of the bronze coin hoards
remained in the ground due to the events of 245, 248 or 250-251 AD58. From the rest hoards only the one
from the village of Veselinovo, Shumen region is with terminus post quem 240 AD and may be related with
the invasion from 242 AD. The published hoards from Northern Bulgaria are with terminus post quem
241-243 AD and are associated with the invasion from 245 AD. Probably those from the eastern parts of
Southern Bulgaria are also associated with it or with the next one from 248 AD59. The rest of the hoards
from Southern Bulgaria have reached us as a result of the invasion of 250-251 AD.
It’s a fact that hoards from the first two groups (with the last coins of Gordian III) were not found
on the territory of today’s Northwestern Bulgaria. Their concentration is in the area between the rivers
Osam and Rusenski Lom.
Only four hoards from the period are known from the territory of Moesia Superior60. From the
territory of today’s western parts of the Balkans several coin hoards are also known that are not associated
with significant events61. Those from Dacia are divided into two chronological horizons and are associated
with the invasions of the Carpi in the period 245-247 AD.62 Seven coin hoards are known from the terri-
tory of present-day Greece63.
Coin hoards from the time of Philip the Arab. One hundred seventy three coin hoards ending with
coins of Philip the Arab are known (Map 10). One hundred and twenty-two have been preserved to the
museum funds, and 47 have been published64. One hundred and six are consist of silver coins (denarii and
antoniniani), 23 are mixed and 44 consist of provincial bronze coins. Eighty-nine are from Southern Bul-
garia and 76 from the Northern. Their concentration is in the basins of the rivers Kamchia and Rusenski
Lom in Northeastern Bulgaria and in the basin of the rivers Maritsa and Tundzha in central Southern Bul-
garia. The concentration of coin hoards in the region of today’s Varna, Shumen, Targovishte is due to the
fact that here is the area of the mint of Marcianopolis. Their hiding and especially remaining in the ground
can be very difficult to determin (especially since most of them have not been published). The dating of
those which consist of silver coins is basically within 244-247 AD.
The coin hoards from Southern Bulgaria are concentrated in the region of Philippopolis. From the
southwestern parts of Bulgaria there are only five hoards, which are an uncertain source and are rather a
consequence of the invasion of 250-251 AD. Those around Philippopolis are also associated with it. Some
of them are dated by Boris Gerov within 244-247 AD. Since the coins of Gordian III and Philip the Arab
were in circulation during the time of Trajan Decius, Gerov suggests that the hoards from southern Bul-
garia, ending with coins of Philip the Arab, remained in the ground in the period 250-251 AD. The hoard
of 593 silver coins discovered during archeological excavations in Philippopolis in 2019 is a certain proof
56 See Върбанов 2017a, 211-228; Гущераклиев 2020, 240-279.

57 Парушев 2005, 73-82.The coins are perforated. Such coins are common in the Barbaricum after the battle of Abritus
and are associated with the Goths and the treasury of Trajan Decius, captured by them (Bursche 2013, 151-170).
58 Dimitrov 2005, 79-98. Out of a total of 231 coin hoards of bronze coins from the 2nd-3rd century, 23 are only from Im-
perial bronze issues, 71 are generally dated to the middle of the 3rd century, 31 are from the period between the beginning of the
3rd century and 238 AD, 52 ending with issues of Gordian III, 44 with issues of Philip the Arab, 6 with issues of Trajan Decius
and only 2 with issues after 251AD. As it is known from the ancient sources and according to the results of the archeological
research of various Roman sites from the Bulgarian territories, the biggest is the Gothic invasion from 250-251AD. One part
of the mints in Moesia Inferior stopped minting during Gordian III and an other during Philip the Arab, but their bronze coins
were in circulation until at least the 70s of the 3rd century. For this reason, it can be assumed that most of the hoards ending with
coins of Gordian III remained in the ground during the time of Philip the Arab and especially during the events in the time of
TrajanDecius.
59 Славова 2003, 69-81.
61 Mirnik 1981, 59; Kos 1986, 114.
62 Suciu 2000, 134-137; 221; Găzdac 2012, 175.
63 Touratsoglou 2006, 138-139; 176-181.
64 See Върбанов 2017a, 230-267; Доткова 2020, 103-119.
65
of this statement. It was found in the context of a building destroyed in 251 AD. Most of the coins in it are
issues from 244-247 AD65.
The coin hoards from Stara Zagora, Sliven and Kardzhali regions date in the period 246-248 AD
(some in 248-249 AD) an are related to the invasion from 250-251 AD. The coin hoards from Haskovo,
Yambol and Burgas regions are mainly from the period 246-248 AD. In some of them it is possible to as-
sume an association with the invasion from 248 AD. There are no hoards ending with early issues of Philip
the Arab.
At this stage of the study, the available information is insufficient to refine and detail the invasions
of 245 and 248 AD. Boris Gerov admits that in the first one the Barbarians devastated only the areas close
to the Danube River, without reaching Thrace66. According to him, the hoards ending with coins of Gor-
dian III can not be related to the invasion of 245 AD. After the publication of several coin hoards ending
with coins of Gordian III, it was found that they remained in the ground precisely because of the invasion
of 24567. It is also associated with hoards from the period found in the Roman province of Dacia68.
It can be assumed that the invaders - Carpi, penetrate into the Moesia Inferior in the area between
today’s rivers Rusenski Lom and Iskar. It is possible that another group (Goths?) invaded into Moesia
Inferior through Northern Dobrodzha69. Until the publication of the rest of the coin hoards stored in the
funds of the museums in our country, no final conclusions can be made about the territorial scope and
consequences of the invasion of 245 AD.
The situation is similar with the available data about the invasion from 248 AD. The scarce and
ambiguous information from ancient sources allows a different interpretation of the events from that
time. At this stage, the information from the archeological excavations is also not enough - it can only be
concluded that some of the studied Roman sites from the territory of today’s northeastern Bulgaria and
northern Dobrudzha ceased to exist by the middle of the 3rd century70.
Based on the coin hoards ending with issues of Philip the Arab, only the areas affected by the 248
AD invasion can be determined. These are the areas with a dense network of unfortified settlements on the
rivers Rusenski Lom and Kamchia. As seen above, the dating of the hoards found there is mainly between
244-247 AD. This allows their connection both with the invasion of 248 AD (more likely) and with the
next one. In the areas west of the Rusenski Lom River there are no reliable hoards that can be related to the
invasion of 248 AD. The situation in Thrace is not clear either. In my opinion, any invasions are possible
only in its easternmost part. The question of the siege of Marcianopolis also remains open. At this stage of
research it can be assumed that in the middle of the 3rd century the city was not conquered.
Seven coin hoards from the period are known from the territory of Moesia Superior71. Those from
Dacia are divided into two chronological horizons and are associated with invasions of Carpi in the period
245-247 and 249-250 AD72. Five hoards are known from the territory of present-day Greece, all of bronze
coins73.
Coin hoards from the time of Trajan Decius. 118 coin hoards ending with coins of Trajan Decius
are known (Map 11). Seventy have been preserved to the museum funds, and 29 have been published74.
Eighty-four were found on the territory of today’s Northern Bulgaria, and 23 in Southern Bulgaria. Their
concentration is on the territory of Moesia Inferior, mainly along the rivers in its interior. Unlike those
65 The coin hoard is being prepared for a complete publication. From the chronologically last 59 coins of Philip Arab and
family, only one isissued in 247-249 (RIC IV, III 65), one in 246-248 (RIC IV, III 126), and the rest are from 244-247. I owe the
information and access to the coin hoard to the head of the excavations Elena Bozhinova (AM-Plovdiv), for which I thank her.
66 Gerov1977, 129-130.
67 Dimitrov 2005, 79-98; Върбанов 2013, 335-351.
68 Suciu 2000, 137; Găzdac 2012, 175.
69 Invasions of Carpi and Goths are also associated with the hoard from Mangalia (Callatis) in northern Dobrodzha.
(Vertan 1981, 338).
70 Върбанов 2017, 276-282.
71 Vojvoda, Režić 2020, 543-544. About the coin hoards from the time of Philip the Arab and the reasons for their hiding,
see the article by B. Borić-Brešković and M. Vojvoda, in this proceedings.
72 Suciu 2000, 137-143; 221; Găzdac 2012, 175.
73 Touratsoglou 2006, 139-140; 188-189.
74 Върбанов 2014, 91-112.
66
ending with coins of Philip the Arab, most of them were found in Northern Bulgaria. There are few of
them in southwestern Bulgaria, and their concentration is in the south-central part (Plovdiv region). As
Boris Gerov suggests, most of the hoards ending with coins of Philip the Arab from Southern Bulgaria,
remain in the ground during the events from 250-251 AD.75 The reason for the lack of coins of Trajan
Decius in the hoards from Southern Bulgaria is the lack of military units here to supply new issues to the
circulating coin flow.76.
The written sources suggest that the remaining in the ground of some of the hoards ending with
coins of Trajan Decius may be attributed to a later time77. Judging by the published hoards so far, this as-
sumption is unlikely - so far all dated from our territories contain issues mainly from the second group
of coins of Trajan Decius78. There is no known synchronous hoard containing issues from its third group.
However, in coin hoards from the time of his successors Trebonianus Gallus, Volusian and Aemilian, is-
sues from the third group are found.
If we assume that all the hoards ending with coins of Decius from our lands were hidden in 250-
251AD, it turns out that there is almost no “delay” between the last chronologically coins in them and the
time of their stay in the ground. This is because during the events of 250-251 the troops in Moesia Inferior
increase more than twice. Trajan Decius brings with him a military treasury and possibly a portable mint79.
The military presence (mainly in the territory of Moesia Inferior) requires and presupposes service and
delivery of food in huge quantities. They are paid in new issues that enter into circulation immediately,
something that has not happened so far.
At this stage of the study, the available information is insufficient to refine and detail the invasions
from 250-251 AD. Even the beginning of the invasions is not certain - 249 or 250 AD. In my opinion, the
coin hoards cannot accurately delineate the ways and directions of penetration of the Barbarians. The
places accepted by Boris Gerov for crossing the Danube, the four main groups of Barbarians and their
direction of action remain hypothetical. So far, it can be assumed that the entire Moesia Inferior is affected,
as well as the easternmost part of Moesia Superior. Probably the Danube has been crossed in several places
by separate groups (ethnic divisions?). Although no hoards from the period in Northern Dobrodzha have
been found, I believe that one of the groups of Barbarians also passed through there80. The southwestern
and southeastern regions of present-day Bulgaria are less affected - most likely a group of Barbarians
reached to Pautalia, and at the southeast to Hadrianopolis. The fortified part of Pautalia may not have been
conquered, but the settlements outside its walls have been robbed and destroyed. The invasion affects the
most the inhabitants of Philippopolis and the unfortified settlements in its vicinity. The conquest of the city
is also proven archaeologically. In my opinion, it is possible for Barbarians to spend the winter on the ter-
ritory of Thrace81. At this stage of the study, there is no evidence of the conquest of Augusta Traiana. Proba-
bly most of the fortified towns in Moesia Inferior and the fortresses on the Danube were not captured. This
is also evident in the mapping of the coin hoards with an upper limit Philip the Arab-Trajan Decius (Maps
10-11) – the Barbarians preferred to plunder unfortified and unprotected rich settlements, mainly along
the great rivers in Bulgaria.
Eight coin hoards from the period are known for the territory of Moesia Superior, hidden due to
internal political events in the province82. Those from Dacia are associated with invasions in the period
249-251 AD83. From the territory of present-day Greece is known only a hoard of bronze coins, with last
75 Gerov1977, 135-138; Varbanov 2012, 294-306; Върбанов 2014, 98. According to Kamen Dimitrov, the coin hoards in
question from Northern and Southern Bulgaria are related to the events of 248/249, and not to those of 250/251 AD (Dimitrov
2005, 82-84). In my opinion, the last statement is true but only for the territory of Northern Bulgaria.
76 In Thrace (its part in the Bulgarian lands south of the Balkans) there are two cohorts and probably military garrisons
in the larger cities such as Serdica. Even if we assume a total number of serving soldiers in the order of 2000 people, it is
significantly smaller than in Moesia Inferior, at that time - over 25000 people.
77 Găzdac 2012, 176.
78 With inscription on the obvers IMP C M Q TRAIANVS DECIVS AVG. see Върбанов 2014, 93.
79 Burshe 2013, 151-170; Дзанев 2014, 359-444.
80 This part of Moesia was severely damaged in the invasions of the mid-third century – see Bărbulescu 2001, 288-289.
81 For the opposite opinion see Boteva 2001, 37-44.
82 Vojvoda, Režić 2020, 544-545.
83 Suciu 2000, 143; C. Găzdac also admits the possibility that some of them may be related to later invasions (Găzdac
2012, 176).
67
coins of Trajan Decius84.
Coin hoards from the time of Trebonianus Gallus, Volusian and Aemilian. There are 26 known
hoards, ending with coins Trebonianus Gallus, Volusian and three ending with Aemilian (Map 12). Eight-
een have been preserved to museum funds and nine have been published. There is a clear territorial dis-
tribution of the hoards that can be used for historical analyzes - they are concentrated in Vidin, Vratsa,
Montana regions and Northern Dobrudzha.
The conciseness of the ancient sources does not allow to say anything more about the invasion/s
during the period 251-253AD than what Boris Gerov said 70 years ago85. At this stage of the study, I accept
that after the battle of Abritus in 251 until the spring of 253 in Moesia Inferior there were no invasions from
the north.
Gerov relates all his known coin hoards from the period in question to the invasion of 254 AD,
which according to him affects the lands of today’s Northwestern Bulgaria, part of Southwestern Bulgaria
and Northern Dobrudzha.
In the period considered here (after the battle of 251 to the autumn of 253) only one invasion can
be related. It is the invasion of the Barbarians, attested in the sources, after the annual tax was not paid to
them by the governor of Lower Moesia, Aemilian. It is clear from ancient sources that Aemilian not only
repulsed them, but also defeated them on their territory, north of the Danube. There are no other data for
the area of this raid. It is clear that this invasion was not successful for the Barbarians. In my opinion, they
invaded Northern Dobrodzha and this was probably the affected area before they were pushed away by
Aemilian. It is possible that there are no coin hoards remained until now to connect with this invasion. The
hoards from Abrud and Kamena from Northern Dobrudzha can be referred to it with significant reserva-
tions86.
The situation is different in the province of Moesia Superior – approximately 20% of all known
hoards from the 3rd century date from the period 252-253 AD. This is the peak of hiding hoards for the
period 2nd-3rd century, but the reasons for their hiding are not clear – they may be internal political reasons
or a consequence of an invasion unknown from the sources87. Those from Dacia are associated with the
invasion of 251 or more likely with one from the end of 253-beginning of 254 AD88. Three coin hoards
from the period are known from the territory of today’s Greece89.
Coin hoards from the time of Valerian-Gallienus. There are 43 known hoards, ending with coins
of Valerian-Gallienus (Map 13). Twenty-nine have been preserved to museum funds, and eleven have
been published90.
There is a concentration of more certain hoards in today’s Northwestern Bulgaria. At the stage
reached, two chronological horizons are distinguished91: the first one is with coin hoards with terminus
post quem 257-258 AD – in the area west of the Osam River (Mikre II; Tarnene; Mihailovo III; Slatina I)
and 260-268 AD – from Northern Dobrudzha and Eastern Thrace (Isaccea; Mangalia I-III; Binkos; Kipilo-
vo; Lyubichevo; Cherni Vrah; Tushovitsa; Voden Reserve). They also differ in the percentage distribution
of issues of rulers in them – the second group prevail the issues of Gallienus and Valerian, while in the first
prevail those of Gordian III-Philip the Arab-Trajan Decius.
The hoards ending with coins of Trebonianus Gallus, Volusian and Aemilian are associated with
the great invasion of 253-254 AD92. Their concentration is west of the Iskar River in Moesia Inferior and
84 Touratsoglou 2006, 194.
85 Геров 1952, 30.
86 Vertan, Petac 2001, 613-616; Vertan 2002, 257.
87 Арсенjевиħ 2004, 225-234; Vojvoda, Režić 2020, 545-546.
88 Suciu 2000, 143; Găzdac 2012, 176.
89 Touratsoglou 2006, 196-197.
90 Върбанoв 2017a, 319-333; Върбанов, под печат. It has been established that those from northern Bulgaria represent
all emperors from the middle and the beginning of the third quarter of the 3rd century, while those from the south often lack
coins of Trajan Decius and the subsequent emperors.
91 Only one of the hoards, from the village of Kamenik, Kyustendil region, has an earlier terminus post quem- 254 AD.
92 Gerov 1977, 140-141.
68
along the Morava River in Moesia Superior93.
According to Boris Gerov, during the invasion of 254 the eastern part of the Moesia Superior and
the western part of the Moesia Inferior were seriously damaged. At the same time, another group of Bar-
barians attacked the lands of present-day Northern Dobrudzha. The invaders also reached the province of
Thrace94.
At this stage of the study, it can be concluded that the invasion of 254 was the work of several
groups of invaders - the main one, which reached Thessaloniki, was moving by sea. Another part entered
northern Dobrodzha and reached Durostorum. The attack on the legionary camp and probably the inter-
ruption of life in the civilian settlement took place then. The invaders were numerous, and their goal was
to plunder the rich city95.
Another group plundered the lands of present-day Northwestern Bulgaria, west of the Osam River.
It is possible that the crossing of the Danube was at Nove. There is no archaeological evidence of destruc-
tion associated with this period in the area, but the repairs and the construction work in the fortifications
in the interior (Sostra, Montana) are an indirect evidence of this. At the reached stage, there is no evidence
of the Barbarians crossing south of the Balkan Mountains.
The data about the next invasions of the Balkans in the sources are few and confused. According
to Gerov, there were such in 254-255; 256; 257-258; 261; 262-263; 264 and 267-268 AD96. Analyzing the
known ancient sources, Remennikov and Budanova distinguish the following invasions that affected Moe-
sia Inferior and Thrace: spring of 253; autumn of 253; 258; 262; 267-268 AD97. According to Ioannis Tou-
ratsoglou, the invasions took place in 254, 259-260, 266 and 268 AD98. Cristian Găzdac basically follows
Boris Gerov for the chronology of the invasions, and for the hoards found in Pannonia, he distinguishes
two horizons, respectively with terminus post quem 257-260 and 265-268 AD99.
At this stage of the study, for the territory of Bulgaria can also be distinguished two horizons of
hiding of the hoards from the considered period: the first one is with terminus post quem 257-258 AD – in
the area west of the Osam River and the second one with terminus post quem 260-268 AD – from North-
ern Dobrudzha and the eastern part of Thrace. While the second horizon is probably associated with the
invasion of 267-268 (proven archeologically), for the first, at the stage of study, only the terminus post quem
has been established - 257-258 AD. The lack of precise dating from the studied archeological sites (1st-3rd
century) in Northwestern Bulgaria makes it impossible to attribute it to a specific invasion. It is one of the
supposed ones for the period 257-264 AD.
The hoards from the province of Moesia Superior from 254 are connected with the struggle of the
contenders for the throne or an unconfirmed invasion of the Iazyges in the sources100. There is an increase
in finds from the period in the other Roman provinces in the Western Balkans and they are associated with
invasions in the period 253-254. The hoards from the territory of Dacia from the period are few and are
more likely associated with local events in the region of Apulum101.
The situation is different in the interior provinces of the territories of today’s Greece and Turkey.
The peak of coin hiding there is in the time of Gallienus. The hoards are grouped along the coast and the
islands of the Aegean and Mediterranean seas. Their location is in line with the sea expeditions of the
gothic tribes known from ancient sources in the 70s of the 3rd century. The invasions are also attested ar-
cheologically102.
Coin hoards from the time of Claudius II. There are 21 known hoards, ending with coins of
93 Touratsoglou 2006, 154-157; Арсенjевиħ 2004, 225-234; Vojvoda, Režić 2020, 545-546.
94 Gerov1977, 140-142.
95 Varbanov, Gancheva 2012, 37-63.
96 Геров 1952, 30-32; Gerov 1977, 140-142.
97 Ременников 1954, 73-125; Буданова 1990, 89-103.
98 Touratsoglou 2006, 142-149.
99 Găzdac 2012, 177.
100 Арсенjевиħ 2004, 231; Borić-Brešković, Stamencović 2008, 154-177; Петровиħ 2010, 134-135; Vojvoda, Režić 2020,
545-547.
101 Găzdac 2012, 177-178.
102 Touratsoglou 2006, 196-197; Bland, Aydemir 1991, 91-180; Esch, Martin 2008, 93-140; Çizmeli 2016, 183-195.
69
Claudius II (Map 14). Nineteen have been preserved to museum funds and six have been published103.
They consist of antoniniani and two of them contain also provincial bronze coins104. Their concentration
is in the area of the Kotlen Pass, in today’s Shumen, Targovishte and Sliven districts. The last determined
coins from the known hoards are from the period between the end of 269 AD and the beginning of 270
AD105. So far, they are associated with the great invasion of 269 AD, reflected in the ancient sources106. The
last chronological coins from the finds from Bulgaria date from 270 AD, and their concentration is in the
eastern part of Moesia Inferior. Probably they are evidence of an invasion, not reflected in ancient sources,
at the very end of the reign of Claudius II or his successor Quintillus in 270 AD. It can be assumed that this
happened even at the very beginning of the reign of Emperor Aurelian.
According to the ancient sources, the mass invasion of 320,000 Barbarians is probably exaggerated.
Their defeat at Niš probably took place during the time of Gallienus in 267-268 AD, and not as it has been
accepted so far - in 269AD107. The great hoard from Niš can be related with the battle108.
The lack of synchronous finds in the neighboring Balkan provinces is indicative: in Dacia they are
missing; only one is known from Moesia Superior, and four from Macedonia and Achaea109.
Coin hoards from the time of Aurelian. There are 13 known hoards from our lands, ending with
coins of Aurelian (Map 15). One of them was discovered during archeological excavations in Malak Pre-
slavets, the ancient Nigrinianis. Six have been preserved to museum funds, and one has been published110.
Eleven consist of antoniniani, and two contain several provincial bronze coins. Those that are a reliable
historical source contain a large number of coins - over 1000.
No synchronous finds from the territory of the southern Balkan provinces are known111. Due to
their small number in the Lower Danube provinces, Găzdac concluded that they could not be linked to the
invasions mentioned in the sources112. Those from the territory of present-day Serbia date from the period
273-275 AD and are associated with Aurelian’s stay in Illyricum113.
According to Gerov, the invasions south of the Danube were in 271 and 272-273 AD114. The main
protagonists, according to the ancient sources, in the first invasion were the Goths, and in the second the
Carpi. Probably all the hoards from Moesia Inferior are related to the presence of military units and their
activity in the region.
Coin hoards from the time of Tacitus-Probus-Carus. Two hoards are known, ending with coins
of Tacitus, one with coins of Florian, fifteen with coins of Probus and three with coins of Carus (Map 16).
Fourteen have been preserved to museum funds and two have been published115. Five of the hoards con-
tain a small number of coins (purse hoards) and are probably ordinary losses. Two consist of aurei, but they
are scattered, a small part of one hoard is preserved116. The rest consist of a large number of antoniniani and
are probably related to the presence of military units and their actions in the lands of today’s Central and
Western Bulgaria. It is possible that they are connected with the invasions attested in the written sources
from 278 AD or more probably 282 AD117. The known synchronous hoards of the neighboring Balkan
provinces are few and are associated with internal events or the Sarmatian attacks in 282-283 AD118.
103 Класнаков, Върбанов 2019, 186-207; Жекова, Върбанов 2019,122-162 and cit. lit.
104 Торбатов 1990, 50-55, see the article by M. Manolova and I. Lazarenko in this collection.
105 Жекова, Върбанов 2019, 124.
106 Gerov 1977, 144; Торбатов 1990, 50-55; Класнаков, Върбанов 2019, 188-189.
107 See the article by M. Manolova and I. Lazarenko in this collection; Бориħ-Брешковиħ, Стаменковиħ 2009, 257-280.
108 For this hoard see Bendžarević 2013.
109 Găzdac 2012, 178; Бориħ-Брешковиħ, Стаменковиħ 2009, 257-280; Touratsoglou 2006, 149.
110 Коев, Христов 1991, 10-17.
111 Touratsoglou 2006, 209-210.
112 Găzdac 2012, 178
113 Vojvoda, Režić 2020, 547-548.
114 Gerov 1977, 144.
115 Мушмов 1936, 161-200; Божкова 1996, 23-29.
116 Божкова 1996, 23-29.
117 Gerov 1977, 145.
118 Touratsoglou 2006, 209; Mirnik 1981, 59; Kos 1986, 132; Vojvoda, Režić 2020, 548.
70
Conclusions. The review of the known coin hoards from Moesia Inferior and Thrace shows their
multiple increase in the 3rd century. This is mainly due to the barbarian attacks, but also influenced by the
process of romanization of the existing population in these provinces and its participation in economic
relations in the Empire. While the coin hoards from the 2nd century are concentrated in Moesia Inferior
and their location could be related mainly to the army, the hoards from the 3rd century are discovered in
the territory of the whole province, as well as in Thrace. The Romanized Thracians, who have been serving
in the local garrisonss in the 2nd century, have contributed to this. When they return to their native places,
they bring with them the money earned during military service and help to activate the money commodity
trade. Due to this, the activity of the city mints flourished in the first half of the 3rd century119.
A comparison with the situation in our neighboring territories, as well as those in Western Europe,
clearly shows the concentration of coin hoards in the northern border provinces of the Empire120. 595 are
known from the territory of the province of Moesia Inferior, and 265 from Thrace. Their concentrationis
on the territory of today’s Northeastern and Central Northern Bulgaria, as well as in Central Southern
Bulgaria. The highest percentageis of those ending with coins of Philip the Arab (Graph. 1).The peak of
hiding in the period 238-251 AD is clear: the hoards from that time are over 50% of all known (Graph. 2).
The data from the coin hoards corresponds to the ancient sources for the Gothic invasionsin 248 AD and
250-251 AD, to some of the famous epigraphic monuments and especially to the results of the archeolog-
ical researches in the above-mentioned areas.121.
In Dacia, the peak of hidingis in the period 238-249 AD, 35% of the known hoards related to the
invasions of 245-247 AD are from this period122. There are a total of 104 known hoards from the territory
of Moesia Superior, with a peak in the period 252-254 AD123. Those from the territory of the inner prov-
inces of Macedonia and Achaea are about 100, and about 45% of the hoards end with coins from the time
of Gallienus124. The situation is similar in Thrace’s neighboring provinces from Asia Minor in the territory
of present-day Turkey. About 35 coin hoards from the period 2nd-3rd century are known, and about 70-80%
of them are hidden in the time of Gallienus125. As mentioned above, in the lands of Roman Palestine the
peak of coin hidung was during the anti-Roman rebellions in the 2nd century126.
At the reached stage of study, the statement that the accumulation of hoards in a certain area and
time period is a consequence of invasions or significant internal rebellions and riots can be considered
credible, just as Adrien Blanchet suggested 120 years ago127.
It can be assumed that not every invasion leaves a horizon of coin hoards. It depends on its power
and volume. The main goal of all invasions until the end of the 3rd century was the looting of property and
valuables, but not the destruction of settlements and the physical destruction of their inhabitants. Barbar-
ians avoid direct military clashes and only when the invasions south of the Danube are large (several tens
of thousands), then the battles with the Roman army are inevitable.
The mapping of coin hoards ending with an emperor’s issues does not actually show the areas af-
fected by an invasion. This is due to the time interval between the latest chronological issues and the time
when the coins remain in the ground. This is clearly seen in the mapping of the hoards with the last coins
from the period 238-251AD. Some of the hoards ending with issues of Gordian III and Philip the Arab,
as well as those of bronze coins from the first half of the3rd century, remained in the ground during the
119 After the invasions in the middle of the 3rd century, the ratio of the official currency (antoniniani) to that of the pro-
vincial bronze coins is unclear. The last ones were used at least until the 80s of the 3rdcentury. Probably the antoniniani lose the
trust of the population and are treasured much less often (as their owners are serving soldiers).
120 See De Greef 2002, 41-100; Touratsoglou 2006, 136-214; Găzdac 2012, 165-198 etc.
121 Gerov 1977, 126-140; Varbanov 2012, 298-307; Върбанов 2017a, 44-73; 208-305; 354-359
122 Suciu 2000; Găzdac 2010; Găzdac 2012, 175-182. According to Depeyrot and Moisil the known coin hoards from
Dacia are 158 (Depeyrot, Moisil 2008a; Depeyrot, Moisil, 2008b).
123 Borić-Brešković 2011, 538-544; Vojvoda, Režić 2020, 531-554.
124 Touratsoglou 2006, 136-214; Spoerri-Butcher, Casoli 2012, 111-206; Bitrak, Josifovski 2020, 67-117.
125 The known hoards from the territory of Turkey are available on the website of Coin Hoards of the Roman Empire
Project - https://chre.ashmus.ox.ac.uk/ (last visited on 24.04.2021).
126 Goldman 2020, 253-261.
127 Blanchet 1900, 99-106.
71
time of TrajanDecius (Map 17). The reference of a separate find to a certain invasion can take place after
its publication and the comparative analysis with other published synchronous finds. It is of paramount
importance to clarify the archaeological context of its discovery.
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Graph 1. Second and third sentury coin hoards from the territory of present-day Bulgaria and northern
Dobrudja.
Graph 2. The peak of the coin hoards in Lower Moesia and Thrace during the mid third century.
77
78
79
80
81
82
83
84
85
86
87
88
89
90
91
92
Map 16.
93
94
ROMAN COIN HOARDS DEPOSITED DURING THE REIGN OF
PHILIP I FROM THE TERRITORY OF PRESENT-DAY SERBIA1
Bojana Borić-Brešković, Mirjana Vojvoda
Monetary finds, especially coin hoards, are unavoidable sources for studying the political, econom-
ic and social history of a certain period and territory. Coin hoards are particularly valuable in the inter-
pretation of complex historical processes in the Roman Empire, especially in the 3rd century, from which
written sources fail to provide the anticipated clues. Given these circumstances, the analysis of finds re-
quires caution in their interpretation primarily because the conditions of discovery are often insufficiently
reliable, and the mandatory comparison with similar finds from the immediate and broader vicinity.
A large number of coin hoards from the territory of present-day Serbia2 originate from the 3rd
century, wherein they gradually grew in numbers from the time of Alexander Severus and peaked in the
period between 252 and 254 AD (Graph 1).
Graph 1. Thrid century coin hoards from the territory of present-day Serbia.
Six hoards (Table 1) have been registered in present-day Serbia from that chronological span, dur-
ing the reign of Philip I (244-249), which end with coins of Philip I or members of his family: Mezul II
(Dobri Do II), Sikirica I, Kremenica, Kalemegdan, Podrimce and, conditionally, Kamenica (Vinik).3 In
1 The study results from the projects: Roman Coin Hoards from Serbia. Numismatic Collection of the National Muse-
um in Belgrade (B. Borić–Brešković) – Ministry of Culture and Information of the Republic of Serbia; Life in Antiquity: The
Expansion of Cities and Urban Civilization in the Balkans and the City Neighbouring Areas from the Hellenistic to the Late
Roman Period (B. Borić-Brešković) (no. 177005) and IRS – Viminacium, roman city and military legion camp – research of
material and non-material of inhabitants by using the modern technologies of remote detection, geophysics, GIS, digitalization
and 3D visualization (M. Vojvoda) (no. 47018) - Ministry of Education and Science of the Republic of Serbia.
2 The present-day Serbia covers parts of territories of three former Roman provinces – the largest part of the province of
Moesia Superior, the south-eastern part of Pannonia Inferior, the north-eastern part of Dalmatia and a part of the Barbaricum
between Pannonia Inferior and Dacia.
3 The Sikirica II hoard is not included in this group, considering that it is dispersed and that only one antoninianus of
Philip II has been preserved. For the Sikirica II hoard, cf. Марић 1956, 180, no. 10; Mirnik 1981, 69, no. 215; Arsenijević 2002
(unpublished MA thesis); Borić-Brešković, Stamenković 2008, 160, note 18; Borić-Brešković, Vojvoda 2016, 8, note 4. There
95
earlier literature, the hoards Mezul II, Sikirica I and Kremenica were attributed to the same horizon of
depositing – 247 AD.4 After a revision of earlier stances and the publication of recent finds (Kalemegdan,
Podrimce, part of the Kamenica hoard), new conclusions were made about their dating.5
Kalemeg-
Kremen-
Kamenica Sikirica I dan
Podrimce Mezul II ica
Belgrade end of from the
Authority 244-245 the first end of
part 248 or summer of
(?) half of 247 248 or
247 (?) 249 248 to the
249
end of 249
MARCUS ANTONIUS 8
VESPASIAN 19 1
TITUS 5
DOMITIAN 4
NERVA 1
TRAJAN 1 17 17
HADRIAN 1 23 1 11
ANTONINUS PIUS 1 8 66 1 25
MARCUS AURELIUS 1 1 39 1 8
COMMODUS 1 16 49 3 16
PERTINAX 1
DIDIUS JULIANUS 2
CLODIUS ALBINUS 1 3 10 2 4
SEPTIMIUS SEVERUS 27 217 924 71 262
CARACALLA 6 45 252 11 32
MACRINUS 1 7 11 2
ELAGABALUS 19 191 499 48 76
SEVERUS ALEXANDER 19 213 583 71 66
MAXIMINUS I 5 35 134 13
GORDIAN I 2 1
GORDIAN II 1
BALBINUS 3 1
PUPIENUS 1 1
GORDIAN III 46 387 437 64 25 60
PHILIP I 10 135 38 3 14 9
TOTAL 137 1266 3122 292 39 586
Table 1 – Content of the coin hoards from the time of Philip I from the territory of present-day Serbia.
The dispersed collective find from the village of Podrimce near Leskovac ends with the coins of
Philip I, but the issues for Otacilia Severa and Philip II are missing.6 The dating of this incomplete hoard
was also no separate consideration of the large hoard from Skopje (Moesia Superior), although coins of Philip I from 248 AD
are listed as its terminus post quem - P M TR P V COS III (Kubitschek 1908, 43-44), because this territory is nowadays part of
the Republic of North Macedonia.
4 Vasić 1972, 58-62, Janković-Mihaldžić 1987, 89-105, Арсенијевић 2004, 227.
5 Borić-Brešković, Vojvoda 2016, 7-101.
6 The find has been published in its entirety by Стаменковић 2005, 143-191; Vasić 2019, 69-70, Table 69, 84, Table 95;
96
is based on the Rome mint issues of Philip I with the long obverse legend: IMP M IVL PHILIPPVS AVG,7
which, according to RIC, could belong to the 1st issue from 244 AD,8 that is, they are broadly dated in the
period from 244 to 247.9 Antioch issues of Philip I, i.e. two antoniniani of the 1st issue which are not pre-
cisely dated in RIC,10 are also present, besides the issues of Rome. The signs P M in their obverse legend
(IMP C M IVL PHILIPPVS P F AVG P M) mark Philip I as the conqueror of Persia (Persicus Maximus),
while obverse motifs are dedicated to the celebration of the signing of a peace accord with Persia in 244.11
It can be concluded from this that the 1st issue of the Antioch mint is undoubtedly closer to the first half
of Philip’s reign. Already in 1967, S. K. Eddy dated the 1st issue of the Antioch mint, albeit with some res-
ervation, in 244-245 (?), guided by similar arguments.12 In the publication of the hoard from Podrimce,
S. Stamenković proposed the assumption that it could belong to the horizon of 244-245, which has been
confirmed in the neighbouring Dacia. Due to the scarcity of information about the exact dating of Antioch
issues, the author accepts the possibility that the hoard from Podrimce could also belong to the horizon of
depositing from 247.13
The collective find Mezul II (Dobri Do II)14 was discovered on the locality of Mezul (area of Bobo-
vik) between Dobri Do and Vlaški Do villages, during the first days of November 1966, and was soon pur-
chased for the National Museum in Belgrade.15 The find contains 1266 denarii and antoniniani, spanning
the period from Trajan to Philip I and one P M S COL VIM coin (AN VII) dated to 245/246. The Mezul
II hoard ends with issues of the Rome mint that were made for Philip I: LIBERALITAS AVGG II (RIC
IV.3, 72, No. 38b), 2nd issue, 3rd officina, 245 AD;16 AEQVITAS AVGG (RIC IV.3, 71, No. 27b), 3rd issue, 1st
officina, 245-247 AD;17 ANNONA AVGG (RIC IV.3, 71, No. 28c), 3rd issue, 3rd officina, 245-247 AD18 and
P M TR P IIII COS II P P (RIC IV.3, 69, No. 4), 3rd issue, 3rd officina, 245-247 AD.19 Specimens of Philip I
and Otacilia Severa have long obverse legends and on those of Philip II the title of Augustus is missing,
which indicates the dating of the find in the first half of 247 AD, providing that it has been preserved in its
entirety.20
The find from Niška Kamenica is among the biggest hoards of Roman coins discovered so far.
Unfortunately, most of it is dispersed and its dating will most probably remain unknown because, judging
by available information, the preserved part represents approximately one-tenth of the original hoard.21
Despite all the uncertainties surrounding this exceptional hoard, there is a possibility that the coins could
have belonged to the time of Philip I, because they are currently the latest finds contained within the whole
of 3122 coins in the National Museum in Belgrade.
Borić-Brešković, Vojvoda 2019, 196-197, ref. 40; Vojvoda, Redžić 2020, 534, No. 17.
7 RIC IV.3, nos. 32b, 35b, 36b, 49b, 50 and 53.
8 RIC IV.3, Introduction, 56; Стаменковић 2005, 149.
9 RIC IV.3, p. 71: Undated, 244-247 AD; Стаменковић 2005, 178-179, cat. 128-135.
10 RIC IV.3, nos. 69, 70.
11 RIC IV.3, 64.
12 Eddy 1967, 97.
13 Стаменковић 2005, 149-150; Borić-Brešković, Vojvoda 2016, 23.
14 Pegan 1967, 112; Павловић 1972, 72-73; Vasić 1972, 58-62; Fitz 1978, 102; Dukat, Mirnik 1978, 18, no. 25; Mirnik
1981, 61, no. 163; Borić-Brešković 1994, 103, note 46; Арсенијевић 2004, 227; Стаменковић 2005, 150, Map 2; Crnobrnja
2008, 20; Borić-Brešković, Vojvoda 2016, 22; The hoard has been published in its entirety by Vasić 2019, 7-185.
15 General Inventory of the National Museum in Belgrade 835/1-1188 and 836/1-79. The hoard of coins and fragments
of the ceramic vessel which held it were purchased for the National Museum from Milan Ristić, on December 29th, 1966. An-
other coin hoard (Mezul I – Dobri Do I) was discovered on the same locality a little earlier and was purchased by the National
Museum in Smederevo. This find contains 272 denarii and antoninianii, from Caracalla to Trajan Decius (Pegan 1967, 112;
Павловић 1972, 72-73; Borić-Brešković, Vojvoda 2019, 187-241).
16 Dated according to Vasić 2019, 82, Table 88, Cat. nos. 1188-1191.
20 The obverse legends were shortened in mid-247 AD, while Philip II was given the title of Augustus in July or August
of that year, cf. RIC IV.3, 61; Vasić 1972, 61; Kienast 2010, 200; Vasić 2019, 94, ref. 156.
21 It is known that the Kamenica hoard contained more specimens than the hoard from Reka Devnija (more than
100,000 coins). Contradicting reports from the time of discovery, often exaggerated, do not provide reliable data about the
total number of coins at the moment of unearthing. For a detailed report about written and verbal statements from the time of
discovery of the hoard, cf. Bertol-Stipetić, Nađ 2016, 14-21.
97
The hoard was discovered in 1936, on the slope of Vinik in the village of Kamenica near Niš. The
majority of the coins ended up in private collections and a smaller part in museums. The following infor-
mation is known:
1. The Archaeological Museum in Zagreb keeps 4096 denarii and antoniniani, spanning the period
from Marcus Antonius/ Vespasian to Maximinus Thrax and is dated in 237, that is 236-238 AD.22
2. The part of the find the National Museum in Niš obtained initially consisted of 4442 denarii and
antoniniani; however, after some dispersion over time, it nowadays consists of 3941 specimens, spanning
the period from Nero to Alexander Severus.23
3. The National Museum in Belgrade has a total of 3122 denarii and antoniniani, spanning the pe-
riod from Marcus Antonius/ Vespasian to Philip I.24
4. The National Museum of Slovenia purchased 830 denarii and antoniniani, from Trajan to Gord-
ian III, dated in the period from 242 to 244 AD.25
The coins, currently known as the latest from the Kamenica hoard, are kept in the National Mu-
seum in Belgrade. They are seven antoniniani of Philip I, all of which belong to the 3rd issue of the Rome
mint from 245 to 247 AD.26 Thus, the earlier proposed dating in 247 AD,27 although conditionally, starting
with the fact that most of the hoard has been dispersed, could be accepted.
The Sikirica I hoard was discovered in the village bearing the same name near Paraćin.28 It ends
with antoniniani of Philip I of the Rome mint:29 M. Vasić dated the specimen IMP M IVL PHILIPPVS
AVG / PAX AETERN (RIC IV.3, 73, No. 41) in 244 AD and attributed it to the 1st issue,30 while the authors
of RIC, unlike in the introductory study where they equally determined it,31 dated it more broadly in the
catalogue – in the period between 244 and 247 AD; according to both sources, the antoninianus IMP M
IVL PHILIPPVS AVG / P M TR P IIII COS II P P (RIC IV.3, 69, No. 4) was minted in 247 AD, wherein
22 The Zagreb part of the Kamenica hoard is dated according to specimens of Maximinus Thrax, in the period from 236
to 238 AD; cf. Bertol-Stipetić, Nađ 2016, 24.
23 Janković-Mihaldžić 2005, 50-51, notes 4-15.
24 According to Marić’s statement, a part of the large hoard from Niška Kamenica, discovered in 1936, was purchased
for the National Museum in Belgrade in 1954, coins of Marcus Antonius and emperors from Vespasian to Philip I (2123 denarii
and antoniniani), and subsequently another five denarii, cf . Mарић 1956, 180, no. 8; the subsequently purchased five denarii
of Pertinax, Didius Julianus, Manlia Scantilla, Didia Clara and Caracalla were published within the Systematic Collection of
the National Museum, but without information about the place of discovery, cf. Borić-Brešković 1990, cat. 1596 (Pertinax, RIC
IV.1, 8, no. 8A), cat. 1597 (Didius Julianus, RIC IV.1, 15, no. 1), cat. 1598 (Manlia Scantilla under Didius Julianus, RIC IV/1, 16,
no. 7A), cat. 1599 (Didia Clara under Didius Julianus, RIC IV/1, 16, no. 10.); Borić-Brešković 1991, cat. 1850 (Caracalla under
Septimius Severus, RIC IV.3, 235, no. 164). This group should also include four more denarii, purchased from several sources
in 1956 and 1957, for which Niška Kamenica is registered in the inventory of the National Museum as the place of discovery.
The following were published within the Systematic Collection of the National Museum without information about the place of
discovery: one posthumous denarius minted for Caracalla, cf. Borić-Brešković, Bendžarević 2005, cat. 2003 (RIC IV.2 Severus
Alexander, 128, no. 717); one consecrative denarius minted for Jiulia Mesa, cf. Borić-Brešković, Bendžarević 2008, cat. 2411
(RIC IV/2 Severus Alexander, 101, no. 378), and two denarii of Gordian I and Gordian II, cf. Borić-Brešković 2008, cat. 2453
(Gordian I, RIC IV/2, 160, no. 5) and cat. 2454 (Gordian II, RIC IV/2, 163, no. 3); Borić-Brešković, Vojvoda 2016, 23-24, notes
69-70; Vasić 2019, 69-70, Table 69, 74-75, Table 75, 84, Table 95; Borić-Brešković, Vojvoda 2019, 197, ref. 45; Vojvoda, Redžić
2020, 534, No. 18. After a recent insight into the Belgrade part of the Kamenica find, it was established that it contains a total of
3122 denarii and antoniniani, from the initial and subsequent purchases.
25 The composition of the part of the hoard that is kept in the National Museum of Slovenia is unknown to us, but the
most recent specimens are antoniniani of Gordian III (RIC IV.3, 37, nos. 210, 213, 214). We would like to extend our gratitude
to our colleague Alenka Miškec of the National Museum of Slovenia for kindly sharing this information with us.
26 RIC IV.3, 57, 68, no. 2B (P M TR P II COS II, Philip - 3 pieces); 57 and 71, no. 27B (Aequitas Aug - 1 piece); 57 and
71, no. 28C (Annona Avgg - 2 pieces); 57 and 73, no. 44B (Romae Aeternae – 1 pieces); cf. Borić-Brešković, Vojvoda 2016, 24,
note 71.
27 B. Borić-Brešković, as well as I. Mirnik and M. R. Vasić, date the hoard from Niška Kamenica in 247 AD, cf. Bo-
rić-Brešković 1983, 72; Mirnik 1981, 64, no. 178; Vasić 1972, 60 and 62.
28 Kept in the National Museum in Belgrade and published in its entirety by Borić-Brešković, Vojvoda 2016, 7-101; Bo-
rić-Brešković, Vojvoda 2019, 197; Vojvoda, Redžić 2020, 534, No. 20.
29 Borić-Brešković, Vojvoda 2016, 75, cat. 290-292.
30 Vasić 2005, 17 and 131, cat. 354-357. The same conclusion is also advocated by S.K. Eddy 1967, 97.
31 RIC IV.3, 56.
98
it belongs to the 4th issue according to RIC,32 and to the 3rd according to M. Vasić;33 the specimen IMP
PHILIPPVS AVG / FIDES EXERCITVS (RIC IV.3, 75, No. 61) is attributed to issues from 247 to 249 AD
in the catalogue part of RIC, and determined as the 7th (8th) issue from 248 (later 249 AD) in the introduc-
tion,34 whereas M. Vasić believes that it belongs to the 8th issue from 248-249 AD.35 This last antoninianus
with the short obverse legend also determines the terminus post quem of the Sikirica I find as the end of
248 or 249 AD.36
The find from Kremenica near Bela Palanka has been published in its entirety and was initially at-
tributed to the deposit horizon of 247 AD.37 Subsequent insight into the catalogue of the hoard showed that
the antoninianus of Philip II with the reverse legend AETERNIT IMPER (RIC IV.3, 97, No. 226)38 does not
belong to the Rome mint, but to the 2nd issue of the mint in Viminacium, which is dated in 248-249 AD.39
In this way, the tpq. of the hoard from Kremenica has been moved to the end of 248-249 AD, like that of
the Sikirica I hoard.40
The find from Kalemegdan (Belgrade)41 belongs to hoards from the time of Philip I in the territory
of present-day Serbia. The terminus post quem of this find was determined on the basis of the antoninianus
of Philip II with the reverse legend VIRTVS AVGG (RIC IV.3, 96, No. 223), which belongs to the 6th issue
of the Rome mint, dated in the summer of 248. Starting from the mentioned circumstance and based on
the series of tumultuous events in this region until the end of 249 AD, A. N. Crnobrnja believes that the
time of depositing it should be sought in the period from the summer of 248 to the end of 249 AD.42
Apparently, from all that has been mentioned in connection with the horizon of hoards from 247
AD which have been discovered in the present-day Serbia it would emerge that, so far, the find Mezul II
(Dobri Do II) belongs to this horizon, while the tpq of depositing the hoards Kremenica, Kalemegdan and
Sikirica I is connected to 248/249 AD. The Podrimce hoard could have been deposited already during the
first half of reign of Philip I (244-245), although the possibility of its later dating cannot be excluded. The
find from Niška Kamenica, it has been said, does not provide an answer for reliable dating, although the
year 247 could be provisionally accepted as the tpq based on the part of the hoard from the National Mu-
seum in Belgrade.
With the three currently known hoards whose tpq was determined in 248/249 AD, we may assume
that this deposit horizon also existed in this region. Although all three are incomplete to some degree and
it is not possible to assume whether and in what measure had the dispersing corrupted their initial con-
tent, the fact that their tpq coincides with 248/249 AD obliges us to discuss the events of the middle of the
3rd century in the Balkan provinces, marked both by barbarian raids and the usurpation of power.
The barbarian raids which primarily affected Dacia, Moesia Inferior and Thracia43 and, indirectly,
Moesia Superior, have as testimony a large number of coin hoards.44 Written sources for this time are mod-
32 RIC IV.3, 58 (4. Issue, 247).
33 Vasić 2005, 17 and 136-137, cat. 399-405; S.K. Eddy dated this issue more broadly: Rome, 245-247, Issue 3, cf. Eddy
1967, 98.
34 RIC IV.3, 59 and 63; same dating also proposed by Fitz 1978, 702.
35 Vasić 2005, 18 and 157, cat. 564. Unlike the authors of RIC, Fitz-a and M. Vasić, S.K. Eddy attributes the specimen RIC
no. 61 to the 2nd issue of the Mediolanum (Milan) mint and dates it in 248 AD, cf. Eddy 1967, 99 – Mediolanum 248, Issue 2.
36 Crnobrnja 2008, 23; Borić-Brešković, Vojvoda 2016, 21.
37 Janković-Mihaldžić 1987, 89-97; Borić-Brešković, Vojvoda 2016, 22; Borić-Brešković, Vojvoda 2019, 197; Vojvoda,
Redžić 2020, 534, No. 21.
38 According to Janković-Mihaldžić 1987, 96, cat. 38 the antoninianus of Philip II is attributed to the Rome mint and
dated in 246-247 AD.
39 Fitz, 1978, 642; Vasić 2005, 159-160, cat. 581-584.
40 Borić-Brešković, Vojvoda 2016, 22.
41 Crnobrnja 2008; Borić-Brešković, Vojvoda 2016, 22; Borić-Brešković, Vojvoda 2019, 197; Vojvoda, Redžić 2020, 534,
No. 23.
42 Crnobrnja 2008, 20, 23.
43 The debate about the barbarian invasions from the middle of the 3rd century, which primarily affected Dacia, Moesia
Inferior and Thracia, has been going on in scientific circles for years now. A review of the most important discussions of this
subject, cf. Varbanov 2012, 289-309.
44 There is a great number of coin hoards that were deposited in the middle of the 3rd century (from Maximinus I to
Trajan Decius) in the territory of the Balkan provinces. The discovery has been made of 355 hoards in the territory of Moesia
Inferior, Thracia and Moesia Superior, 14 in the territory of the present-day Greece, 19 in the provinces of Macedonia and Dal-
99
est and insufficiently reliable, while the degree of archaeological exploration is low. This is why many re-
searchers rely on information based on coin hoards in the dating of the barbarians’ raids and interpreting
the directions of their movement, although most of the hoards are incomplete or have not been published
in their entirety. Consequently, they cannot represent a completely reliable historical source.45
The accepted view is that the barbarian invasions of the Balkan provinces began in 238 AD, during
the reign of the emperors Pupienus and Balbinus.46 The next raid by the Goths and the Carpi is connected
to 242 AD and the time of Gordian III, when the great offensive against Persia had to be postponed due
to the conflict with the former.47 The next invasion was the one from the beginning of the reign of Philip
I,48 when the Pannonian belt was affected by a raid by the Germanic Quadi and the areas along the lower
course of the Danube were seriously jeopardised by the Carpi.49 Numerous coin hoards are evidence of
how serious the danger was from the Carpi, who seriously jeopardised Dacia and, to a lesser extent, Moe-
sia Inferior, with the conflict extending into 247 AD. Besides, Philip I opened a provincial mint of bronze
coins50 in Dacia in the summer of 246, for the needs of the military, and then, in honour of his victory
against them, celebrated a triumph late in the summer of 247 AD, abolished taxes for that year and took
the title Carpicus Maximus.51
New barbarian invasions and an unstable internal political and military situation, primarily the
usurpation of Pacatianus and Decius being proclaimed emperor, marked the years 248 and 249 AD in the
Balkan provinces, which are the assumed period for depositing the three hoards from Moesia Superior. Al-
though the barbarians’ devastating raids did not directly jeopardise Moesia Superior, it became the centre
of serious internal turmoil.52 Because of a raid by the Goths, who crossed the Danube at the start of 248 AD
and pillaged Moesia Inferior and Thracia,53 Decius arrived in the Danubian region on orders from Philip I,
and attempted to bring order and primarily improve the troops’ discipline, but he did not have any major
success in the battles with the Goths. Then, around April 21st, 248, the armies of both Moesias and both
Pannonias proclaimed Pacatianus emperor, who had been the commander of the armies on the Danube
until then. Pacatianus then used the colonial and imperial mint in Viminacium to mint his antoniniani. In
order to crush Pacatianus’ rebellion and punish the mutineers, Philip once again dispatched Decius to the
Balkans, this time in the capacity of dux Moesiae et Pannoniane. It is presumed that he arrived after Paca-
tianus’ assassination, which is dated to around April-May 249,54 and that the Pannonian troops proclaimed
him the new emperor in early summer, in June.55 The legions of Moesia Superior also joined them, while
those from Moesia Inferior remained faithful to Philip, although they had participated in Pacatianus’ re-
matia and 54 in Dacia, cf. Varbanov 2012, 290-291; Върбанов 2017.
45 In the area of their greatest concentration (present-day Bulgaria and North Dobrudja) a high percentage of them
(73%) are with an unknown initial composition, or less than 2/3 of their original contents were preserved, i.e. only 27% of finds
are complete hoards or lack only a few coins – not more than 1/3, cf . Varbanov 2012, 296. Besides, the majority of hoards from
the two mentioned groups have not been published in their entirety, which additionally complicates reaching conclusions.
46 Gerov 1977, 126; Touratsoglou 2006, 138.
47 Gerov 1977, 127-128; Loriot 1977, 756-757.
48 It has been proven that Philip I was in the town of Aquae in Dacia on November 12th, 245, cf. Loriot 1977, 793 and note
19; Kienast 2010, 198.
49 Ensslin 1971, 90; Loriot 1977, 792-793; Gerov 1977, 128-129. Dacia was jeopardised the most, while Moesia Inferior
was less affected.
50 The opening of the provincial mint of bronze coins in Dacia in the summer of 246 was undoubtedly connected with
the reorganisation of Roman troops in this sector, which Philip I carried out for military needs and the war with the Carpi, cf.
Loriot 1977, 793.
51 Ensslin 1971, 90; Loriot 1977, 793; Kienast 2010, 199 (he took the title Carpicus Maximus at the end of 247 AD (?),
while the title Germanicus Maximus was not official in character). Due to the victory against the Quadi, he took the title Ger-
manicus Maximus in 246 and the title Carpicus Maximus in 247 AD. The victory against the Carpi was also celebrated with a
rare series of antoniniani VICTORIA CARPICA from the 4th issue, dated probably to the end of 247, cf. RIC IV/3, 61-62 and 75,
no. 66.
52 Moesia Superior was not directly exposed to the barbarians’ raids, but was jeopardised by serious internal turmoil, an
important centre of which was Viminacium and its mint. For events in connection with invasions and usurpations in 248/249
and 250/251 AD, cf. Васић 2012, 9-19 with mentioned literature.
53 About different interpretations of directions of the barbarians’ raids and pillaging in Moesia Inferior and Thracia, cf.
Varbanov 2012, 303-306.
54 Gerov 1977, 130.
55 Gerov 1977, 131; Kienast 2010, 204.
100
bellion before that. Meanwhile, the barbarian tribes, among which the Carpi and the Goths, raided Moesia
Inferior again and laid siege on Marcianopolis. The following several months were filled with internal con-
flicts which were mostly resolved in the Danubian region, about which there is no complete agreement in
scholarly literature. After Philip’s death, most probably in September 249 AD, Philip’s underage son, Philip
II, could have been the legitimate ruler for a brief period, since Decius was not yet officially recognised
in Rome. Decius’ official dies imperii is dated in the autumn of 249, i.e. the interval between the death of
Philip and October 16th, 249 and the Senate’s recognition, when he was referred to as the legitimate ruler
for the first time and given the name Trajan.56
It is clear from this summary of events in the Danubian region in 248-249 AD that the activity of
the legions was very prominent in both Pannonias and in Moesia Superior, because of the barbarian raids
on the one side, and due to constant internal turmoil on the other. The overall insecurity undoubtedly
caused anxiety, not just among the troops, but also among the civilian population, which turned out to be
linked with the reasons for depositing the hoards from the time of Philip I in the territory of present-day
Serbia.
The hoard from the village of Podrimce is in connection with the structure of a villa rustica, which
indicates that it belonged to a farmer or owner of the property.57 The situation is similar with the Mezul II
hoard, for which we found confirmation in many movable finds and remains of structures in that locality.58
Hoarding began in the Mezul II hoard in the time of Septimius Severus and lasted for almost 54 years.
This leads us to the conclusion that it could represent a savings of two or three generations, which once
again indicates that the hoard belonged to the owner of the property. Besides, the proximity of the road
was surely very important for farming produce to be transported more easily.59
Bearing in mind the mentioned circumstances surrounding the discovery of the large hoard at
Vinik – Kamenica and the numerous current uncertainties, little attention has been paid to the reasons
for depositing it and the possible owners.60 Since Vinik, by all accounts, was the location of a villa rustica,
according to more recent interpretations, the find could have been the savings of several generations of
one or more families who held a large property in land there.61
The period of hoarding in the Sikirica I find is identical to that of the Mezul II hoard. Consider-
ing Sikirica’s position in what was an agriculturally developed region in ancient times, in the immediate
vicinity of the Via publica and Horreum Margi as a trading and crafts’ centre, one can assume that the
savings belonged to the owner of some of the agricultural properties. As for the reason for depositing it,
the predominant belief is that the barbarian raids of the neighbouring provinces were not a directly con-
tributing factor. The increased frequency of troops along the main Balkan road communications (the Via
publica and Via militaris) might have caused disturbance and panic among the population, but it is more
probable that the simultaneous internal turmoil contributed to the growing insecurity and was the reason
for depositing the hoard from the village of Sikirica (Sikirica I).
The hoard from the village of Kremenica was discovered in the immediate vicinity of the ancient
settlement of Remesiana (Bela Palanka), which was mentioned in the 3rd century for the first time, as a
station on the significant military traffic route (Via militaris) and which connected Naissus with Serdica.62
Remesiana, founded in an ore-rich area, must have been extremely important for the central Roman au-
thorities because of its ore-yielding surroundings,63 and it obtained municipal status perhaps in the time of
56 For the debate about the mentioned events, with literature, cf. Васић 2012, 9-14. About the work of the Viminacium
and Dacia mints in that period, cf. ibid. 14-16.
57 Стаменковић 2005, 151; Васић 2015, 118-119; Vasić 2019, 94; Borić-Brešković, Vojvoda 2019, 189.
58 Павловић 1972, 72-73; Васић 2015, 118-119; Vasić 2019, 9; Borić-Brešković, Vojvoda 2019, 189.
59 About possible routes of local Roman roads and the route that passed near Mezul, cf. Васић 2015, 118.
60 About the reasons mentioned in literature and potential owners, cf. Bertol-Stipetić, Nađ 2016, 41-42.
61 Mihailović 2008, 139, note 56; Васић 2015, 119.
62 The beginnings of Remesiana are insufficiently known. The oldest inscriptions from this archaeological site are from
the 3rd century, and it was first referred to as a station in Itinerarium Antonini and Tabula Peutingeriana, also in the 3rd century.
In Itinerarium Hierosolymitanum, it is referred to as a settlement next to the road (mansio), cf. Petrović 1979, 52. It is not known
for certain whether it was a mansio or a vicus on the fiscal territory, or if it had a different status within the municipal organi-
sation of Naissus, cf. Dušanić 1977, 73-74.
63 About Roman mining in the area of Remesiana, cf. Душанић 1980, 30-32.
101
Marcus Aurelius or earlier.64 Recent archaeological explorations along the E80 motorway (Corridor 10) re-
sulted in the discovery of several villae rusticae, economic structures and necropoles, in which even tombs
were built as structures (archaeological sites: Slatina, Gladno Polje, Latinska Grobišta, etc.). All the newly
discovered localities date from the second quarter of the 4th to the end of the 5th century.65 Bearing in mind
the location of the town in the ore-yielding area which, as a fiscal domain, must have been protected by a
military unit, and it being positioned next to an important road, one should expect that agricultural hold-
ings were also located in the vicinity at the end of the 2nd and in the 3rd century. The reasons for depositing
the hoard were probably contingent on the frequent movement of troops along the Via militaris in these
times of unrest. The question of the hoard’s owner remains unanswered due to the short period of hoard-
ing (10-11 years). It has been shown that hoards with longer periods of hoarding lead to the conclusion
that the savings belonged to one family, and are usually connected with agricultural properties. As this is
not the case with the find from Kremenica, various assumptions arise – that the money belonged to one of
the city officials of Remesiana, a soldier from the defence unit, or that this was the beginning of hoarding
by one family. As we do not have information about the conditions of discovery of the hoard, the question
of its owner remains in the sphere of assumption.
The hoard from Kalemegdan is connected with the military encampment in Singidunum and, ac-
cording to A. N. Crnobrnja, it was most probably the property of a solder. Since there has been no confir-
mation that the military encampment was directly endangered during 248-249 AD, the author concludes
that the reasons for depositing the hoard could be the redeployment of troops. Wars with the Goths in
Thracia and Moesia Inferior and the frequent usurpations resulted in increased military activities and the
troops often being relocated.66
On the basis of the aforementioned, we recognised several horizons of deposits of coin hoards
in the territory of the present-day Serbia, all of which were discovered within the borders of the former
Roman province of Moesia Superior. The earliest horizon would belong to the initial years of the reign of
Philip I – the Podrimce hoard (244-245), although its later dating (247 AD) is not excluded. The next ho-
rizon is from 247 AD, of which the hoards Mezul II (Dobri Do II) are characteristic and, provisionally, the
hoard from Niška Kamenica, on the basis of the part of the find kept in the National Museum in Belgrade.
The third horizon is from 248-249 AD, which gives the tpq. (terminus post quem) for the remaining three
hoards: from Kremenica, Kalemegdan and Sikirica (Sikirica I).
Although the neighbouring provinces were exposed to attacks by barbarians in the mid-3rd centu-
ry, there is no information that would indicate that the province of Moesia Superior, which encompassed
the area of present-day central Serbia, was under direct threat in the same way and measure. Thus, the
real reasons for depositing of all the collective finds of coins in the territory of Serbia should primarily be
viewed as a consequence of some internal circumstances and turmoil, in connection with usurpations and
the series of contenders for power, the centre of which was the Danubian region.
64 Although it seems that it never became a city, a certain number of researchers consider this assumption to be reliable,
on the basis of the possible mention of Remesiana in the well-known laterculum of Viminacium from the 2nd century, cf. Petro-
vić 1979, 52 and 55 with literature. About the history of Remesiana, cf. Petrović 1979, 51-57 and 101-106, nos. 69-77 (epigraphic
monuments from the territory of Remesiana); Петровић 2007, 75-80.
65 Preliminary results available at: http://www.heritage.gov.rs/cirilica/zastitna_arheoloska_iskopavanja_koridor_10_
Uvodni_deo.php
66 Crnobrnja 2008, 22.
102
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105
FOURTH CENTURY AD ROMAN COIN HOARDS
FROM SLOVENIA
Alenka Miškec
The study of Roman coin hoards helps us understand the economic and political history of Antiq-
uity, since buried hoards are often associated with a threat of some kind, military or otherwise. Sometimes
they are associated with other kinds of event, such as monetary reforms that introduced coins of lower
denominations.1 And in some cases, coins hoarded or deposited in the same place can be seen as votive
offerings.2
Analysing coin hoards also helps us identify the coinage in circulation at various times, work out
how quickly individual types of coins disappeared from circulation, and identify the mints that produced
the commonest (prevailing) coins in a given area.3
The term hoard refers to a closed group of associated artefacts.4 When deciding whether or not a
find constitutes a hoard, we can draw on the classification set out by Philip Grierson,5 which identifies a
range of possible explanations for the items having been hidden: accidental losses, particularly common
in the case of pouches or small money bags; emergency hoards hidden away at a time of threat with the
intention of recovering them later; saving hoards that might be added to over an extended period of time
and were buried or hidden with the intention of recovering them later; and abandoned hoards, such as
coins in graves, coins as votive offerings, or coins buried alongside foundation stones, which were de-
posited with no intention of recovering them later. Roger Bland questions the differentiation between
emergency and saving hoards, and instead proposes the differentiation on the basis of the reason for the
original burial or deposition: accidental losses; hoards buried with the intention of later recovery; and
hoards deliberately abandoned.6
Sture Bolin further differentiated between real and quasi hoards.7 These terms were then adopted
by Günther Thüry, who translated them as eigentliche Horte and Quasihorte.8 In general, both types of
hoard refer to a number of coins found together that were hidden or lost at the same time and in the same
place.9 Quasi-hoards consist of coins lost at the same time due to carelessness, accident or death resulting
from war or natural disaster. Real hoards contain a number of coins deposited intentionally in war or
peacetime.10
185 hoards dating to Antiquity have been recorded in Slovenia so far (table 1). Of these, 25% date
to the Roman Republican period, 6.5% to the 1st century AD, and 13.5% to the 2nd century AD. 10% of the
hoards from the Roman Republican period contain a mixture of Roman and Celtic silver coins. The ma-
1 Crawford 1983, 198; Kropff 2007, 73; Guest 2015, 110-112.

2 Aitchison 1988, 279; Bland 2013, 226-228, 232. Typical votive finds do not count as hoards, however, even though they
may include a number of coins in the same place, since these coins were added over an extended period rather than all being
deposited at the same time; Bland 2013, 233; Thüry 2016, 37-38, 163, see also Guest 2015, 111.
3 Casey 1986, 58; cf. Guest 2015, 106-110.
4 Aitchison 1988, 271.
5 Grierson 1975, 134-159.
6 Bland 2013, 215; Bland 2018, 7-9; Casey 1986, 53.
7 Bolin 1958.
8 Thüry 2016, 9.
9 Thüry 2016, 9, 163.
10 Thüry 2016, 163.
106
jority of hoards date to the 3rd or 4th centuries AD (23% and 29%, respectively).11 A small proportion of the
finds date to the 5th century AD and the Migration Period. It is not surprising that the majority of hoards
discovered date to the 4th century. This was when the Roman Empire was being shaken by civil wars and
incursions of Germanic and other tribes; and it was also a time of numerous monetary reforms that sought
to address financial crises through the introduction of more and more coins of new denominations. Coins
were therefore buried, either in response to specific events, or because inflation had eroded their value.
Period Quantity
Roman Republican 46
st
1 century AD 12
nd
2 century AD 25
3rd century AD 43
th
4 century AD 53
th th
5 and 6 century AD 6
Total 185
Table 1. Approximate total number of coin hoards from Slovenia by period
I have already discussed hoards dating to the period between the Roman Republic and the 2nd
century AD in the article Hoards of the Roman Period in Slovenia from the 2nd century BC to the 2nd century
AD,12 and those dating to the 3rd century AD in the article Roman Coin Hoards from the 3rd century in the
Territory of Present-day Slovenia.13 This paper will focus on the 4th century AD hoards that have been found
in Slovenia.14 I should stress here that for many of the older hoards the information we have is often very
sketchy. There are 12 hoards which we only have a vague or incomplete list of emperors. We do not know
the total number of coins for also 12 hoards.
Hoards can be categorised by various criteria15 (table 2):
1. material (e.g. coin type or value)
2. size
3. storage method (container)
4. circumstances of the find
5. historical circumstances
Material: 37 of the 4th-century hoards – 70% of the total – consist of bronze coins; of these, half
(18) contain coins of a single denomination only, while the others contain the full assortment of bronze
coins (e.g. Num, Cen, AE 2, 3 and 4). There are four hoards consisting solely of gold coins, and one sole-
ly of silver coins. Ten of the hoards (19%) are mixed, consisting of bronze and silver coins. Of these, six
consist of antoniniani, mostly later ones. Thanks to devaluation, these now contained so little silver that
they had no more real value than bronze coins.16 Hoards consisting entirely of bronze coins of the same
denomination, or of various denominations from the same minting period, must be regarded as money
withdrawn from circulation and not as saving hoards (see table 2).17
Size: The size of a hoard can also play an important role in its interpretation. 72% of the hoards
under consideration are small, consisting of fewer than 100 coins. They were typically kept in pouches
made of fabric or leather. These finds are regarded as personal property that the owner would have carried
on his or her person. When a pouch (marsupium or crumina) like this was placed in a grave, some schol-
11 The situation is similar in Britain; cf. Bland 2013, 217.

12 Miškec 2012.
13 Miškec 2017.
14 These finds have been partially dealt with by Peter Kos; cf. Kos 1986, 140-161.
15 See Robertson 2000, xx-xxv, for hoards of the Roman period, and Myrberg 2009, 161-163, for those of the Viking
period.
16 Cf. Harl 1996, 130-132.
17 Cf. Casey 1986, 55.
107
ars believe it was intended to cover the deceased person’s costs in the afterlife.18 Our sample includes five
medium-sized hoards (9% of the total) containing between 100 and 1000 or so coins. We know that the
coins in a hoard unearthed in Gornja Radgona,19 subsequently lost, had been put in a ceramic pot. Such
hoards are regarded either as family fortunes hidden from danger or as saving hoards accumulated over an
extended period of time. There are also eight large hoards (15% of the total) containing several thousand
coins. Of these, three (A, B and E) form part of the Čentur military chest.20
Storage method (container): There is usually a connection between the size of the hoard and the
storage method used for the coins and other valuables. Unfortunately, we have very little data on this. This
is why, for hoards lacking specific data about the containers used for the coins, it is important to know
whether the coins were found heaped together or scattered over a larger area. There are 23 hoards (43% of
the total) about which we know only that the coins were found together; in a further 13% of the hoards dis-
covered to date we know that the coins were scattered over a larger area measuring 1-2 m2; and two hoards
were discovered in the Ljubljanica River.21 We have been able to identify 7 pouches (i.e. 13% of the hoards);
one of the finds contained the remains of linen (fig. 1).22 These are all small hoards consisting of between 5
and 100 coins. Five of them had been placed in inhumation graves,23 which was a common practice in the
late Roman period. One pouch was discovered in a drain in Emona,24 another, also in Emona, was found
near a skeleton that might not have been intentionally buried.25 The coins from eight hoards (15% of the
total) were in containers: five ceramic pots or amphorae,26 a jar (Most na Soči 1979),27 a bronze case (Ptuj –
Zgornji Breg 1908/1909),28 and a bronze helmet (Parecag 1986).29 Two hoards were hidden in a hole lined
and covered with stones. The Čentur A hoard was kept in a hole lined with Roman bricks and covered with
a stone slab.30 The coins in the Zdenica 1921 hoard were in a hole covered with a stone (see table 2).31
Fig. 1. A pouch with 21 bronze coins found in a grave in the northern cemetery of Emona (nowadays
Ljubljana) (photo: Gregor Babič)
18 Găzdac-Alföldy, Găzdac 2009, 164; Vojvoda, Mrđić 2017, 27.
19 FMRSl II 448/2.
20 Kos 1986, 155-156.
21 FMRSl IV 109/3; unpublished.
22 Miškec 2021, 191.
23 Two in Ljubljana (Emona: FMRSl I 155/57; Miškec 2021, 136-137), two in Ptuj (Poetovio: FMRSl II 434/18; FMRSl III
196/2), one in Kranj (unpublished).
24 FMRSl IV 85/3.
25 Müllner 1899.
26 Hoards in pots: Emona 1910 (FMRSl I 155/2); Vrba 1953 (Mirnik 1981, 76, 84, No. 258); Betnava 1973 (FMRSl II 392);
Gornja Radgona (FMRSl II 448/2). In an amphora: Čentur C 1938 (Jeločnik, Kos 1983).
27 FMRSl I 9/3.
28 FMRSl II 434/3.
29 FMRSl III 44.
30 Jeločnik 1973, 15.
31 FMRSl II 370/2.
108
Circumstances of the find: Analysing the circumstances in which a hoard was discovered pro-
vides important data that can be used in its interpretation. Roughly speaking, the hoards in question can
be regarded as either military or civilian, with the latter predominating (87%). Two of the military hoards
were discovered at the Martinj hrib fort,32 which was part of the late Roman system of fortifications called
the Claustra Alpium Iuliarum. The Čentur A–E hoards may be linked to a military outpost.33 Most of
the civilian hoards were in cities (Emona, Poetovio, Celeia, Neviodunum, Castra);34 they were variously
discovered in buildings, in the forum, in sewers, and in a hearth. Two hoards were recovered from the
Ljubljanica River.35 Eight were found in graves, with the majority coming from the cemetery of the Roman
city of Poetovio.36 One particularly interesting find was a necklace made from 22 Roman coins; this had
been placed in a grave in an Old Slavic cemetery in Pristava, near Bled (see table 2).37
Historical circumstances: Several hoards can be linked to specific historical events. The most im-
portant of these are the Čentur and Emona hoards: despite being damaged, they remain a unique historical
and archaeological document.
The Čentur find and the events of AD 209 and 210
The hoard known as Čentur A was discovered by a farmer tilling the land at Čentur, near Koper,
in 1944. It consisted of 12,000 bronze nummi dating to the Tetrarchy and Emperor Maxentius (ruled 306-
312 AD). The National Museum in Ljubljana acquired 5,032 of the coins; the finder sold several others to
collectors in Trieste, and the majority were melted down to obtain copper sulphate, used for sprinkling
on vines. In 1962 unauthorised treasure hunters discovered over 6,000 more coins in the same location.
Unfortunately, only 2,042 of these were seized by the police and presented to the National Museum. The
structure of this part of the hoard is identical to that of Čentur A.38 Both finds seem to have come from
the same hoard, which consisted of at least 18,000 coins and can be defined as a military chest. The most
recent coins in the hoard are Maxentian nummi, dating to the middle of 310 AD. It is probable that the
burial of the chest was linked to Licinius’ invasion of Italy and Istria in the summer of 310, although there
is no evidence for this. In the course of his campaign against Maxentius, Licinius occupied the whole of
Istria and also conquered the fortress in the village of Čentur.39
Three further hoards dating to the Tetrarchy were discovered in the same area: Čentur C, Čentur D
and Čentur E. Čentur C was discovered in 1938 and reportedly consisted of around three to four thousand
bronze coins in an amphora; the National Museum succeeded in obtaining only 2,276 of these.40 Čentur
D is a coin hoard uncovered in 1935 and currently kept at the Archaeological Museum in Pula.41 Several
gold coins supposedly discovered in the Čentur area appeared on the international numismatic market in
1975. The finds included a gold brooch42 with the inscription MAXENTI VINCAS / ROMVLE VIVAS,
and a number of aurei, one of which is kept at the National Museum of Slovenia.43 Although these three
later hoards from Čentur probably do not form part of the Čentur A and B hoards, they bear witness to the
fierce fighting that took place near the military post there. A hoard discovered in 1931, now unfortunately
lost, was also linked to this tumultuous period. It consisted of around 1.5 kg of Roman bronze coins dating
to the Tetrarchy, and was discovered in the nearby village of Pečka.44
32 FMRSl I 168/2; Kos 2012, 284 and FMRSl III 96.

33 FMRSl I 62/2-6; Kos 1986, 155-157.
34 Emona = present-day Ljubljana; Poetovio = present-day Ptuj; Celeia = present-day Celje; Neviodunum = present-day
Krško; Castra = present-day Ajdovščina).
35 FMRSl IV 109/3; one unpublished.
36 Kranj: unpublished; Ljubljana (Emona): FMRSl I 155/57, Miškec 2021, 136-137; Ptuj (Poetovio): FMRSl II 434/3;
434/18; FMRSl III 196/2; unpublished.
37 Kastelic, Škerlj 1950, 36.
38 Jeločnik 1973, 15; Kos 1986, 140.
39 Kos 1986, 155.
40 Jeločnik, Kos 1983, 13; Kos 1986, 141; FMRSl I 62/4.
41 Kos 1986, 141; FMRSl I 62/5.
42 The brooch is kept at the Archäologische Staatssammlung in Munich (Inv. Nr. 1978.142).
43 Jeločnik, Kos 1983, 24; Beyeler 2011, 32, 252-253; Callegher 2015, 151.
44 FMRSl I 57; Kos 1986, 142.
109
The Emona hoard and the civil war of AD 350-352 (fig. 2)
Another extremely important hoard is the famous find consisting of gold multiples. It was discov-
ered by chance in 1956 during construction works in the centre of Ljubljana, in what was once the forum
of the Roman city of Emona. The gold coins were found on top of some masonry. The news of the find
spread rapidly among the construction workers; luckily, their foreman also got word of it and immediately
informed the National Museum. At first the museum was only able to obtain three of the gold coins, on
payment of a small sum to the workers. The police were alerted, too, but the reward offered to the detective
in charge of the case was not sufficiently motivating, so he was unable to get a result. The museum succeed-
ed in obtaining three further coins from the National Bank, where the construction workers had taken
them in the hope of selling them.45 Aleksander Jeločnik, curator of numismatics at the National Museum,
was later able to obtain a seventh coin. Between 1967 and 1968 Jeločnik and his colleagues, assisted by
private collectors in other countries, were able to work out the size and some of the contents of the hoard.
Jeločnik estimated that the hoard had contained 22 gold multiples; the original published list contained
13 known coins (seven from the National Museum and six from private collections). In the year follow-
ing Jeločnik exchanged two triple gold coins of Magnentius,
minted with identical die, with a collector from New York
for a large number of Greek and Roman coins. In 2007, the
National Museum of Slovenia acquired a further double gold
coin of Magnentius, which had been in a private collection
in Ljubljana from the time it was found. Today, the National
Museum of Slovenia has six gold multiples from the Emo-
na hoard.46 The museum’s staff continues Jeločnik’s work by
accurately tracing and registering the data of the gold coins
from Emona hoard in various private collections and at auc-
tions. So far, we have identified 19 coins that were part of
the famous Emona hoard.47 The fact that the gold coins were
buried suggests a link to the upheavals caused by the clashes
between the usurper Magnentius and the legitimate emperor,
Constantius II, in 351/352. In early 350, Magnentius’ army in
Gaul proclaimed him emperor; soon afterwards, Magnenti-
us conquered the western part of the empire, including Ita-
ly, and set up base in Aquileia. In September 351, during his
military campaign in the Balkans, Magnentius was defeated
at the Battle of Mursa (Osijek) and retreated to Aquileia.48
Emona, Magnentius’ easternmost stronghold, fell in August
352 and this was probably when the gold coins were hidden, Fig. 2. Six double and triple solidi from
in order to prevent their being taken by the troops of Con- the Emona hoard (Photo: Tomaž Lauko,
stantius II. National museum of Slovenia)
A number of other small hoards discovered in and around Emona can also be linked to these
events. One of these was found on two skeletons unearthed in the late 19th century during construction
of a grammar school. The skeletons were laying one on top of the other, but there is nothing to indicate
that they had been deliberately buried. One of the bodies had 100 bronze coins arranged in two sets to the
right of its pelvis. These date to the first half of the 4th century AD, and 18 of them were of the Magnentian
type.49 This find can be categorised as a pouch that was tied to the deceased’s belt. Another example is a
purse containing 21 bronze coins that had been placed in one of the inhumation graves in the northern
Emonan cemetery. As all but one of the coins were stuck together, it was only possible to identify three of
45 Jeločnik 1967, 209-210; Jeločnik 1968, 201–202; Miškec 2011.
46 Miškec 2011, 822-823.
47 Miškec 2011, 825.
48 Cf. Bratož 2014, 118-124.
49 Müllner 1899; FMRSl I 155/54.
110
them: they belonged to the coinage of Emperor Magnentius.50 Two hoards discovered in the Ljubljanica
River near the village of Bevke, several kilometres to the west of Ljubljana, also date to about this time. The
first, discovered in 1988, consists of 105 bronze coins51 and the second, discovered in 1992, contains 100
coins.52 Both consist mainly of coins from the time of Constans, Constantius II, Constantius Gallus and
the usurper-emperor, Magnentius. The latest denomination dates to around 352.53
The Ljubljana Insula IV 1910 hoard,54 which consists of 50 gold coins and 9 silver bars, must have
been buried somewhat earlier and can be linked to Magnentius’ conquest of Emona in the spring of 350.55
The following hoards contain the most recent coins, dating to between 364 and 375 AD:
Rudna56, Betnava57, Ljubljana – intra muros58, Ljubljana Insula XXXIX 2004, Spodnje Hoče 2005
and Ajdovščina 201759, Ptuj – Zgornji Breg 1908/960, Ptuj – Panorama 195361.
Hoards Ptuj – Vičava62 and Vrba 195363 can also be included in this list, although they have only
been partially preserved. The motive for burying these hoards might have been a violent and catastrophic
incursion of the Quadi and Sarmatian tribes in 374/375.64
The following hoards might be linked to the civil war of 387/388, which was fought across
north-eastern Italy and Western Illyricum, and on the Adriatic and Ionian Seas65:
Most na Soči 1979/166, Ljubljana Insula XXIX, 196267, Martinj hrib 196068 and Ljubljana – Šumi,
200769. The Zdenica 192170 hoard also partly qualifies for inclusion in this list.
In the spring of 387, Magnus Maximus betrayed Valentinian II’s request for help in defending his
borders and instead extended his own grip on Italy and the Claustra Alpium Iuliarum. Having discovered
this deception, Valentinian II fled to Theodosius I, who offered help in his fight against Maximus. In the
spring of 388, Maximus set out across the territory of what is now Slovenia to Siscia, where he was defeated.
Maximus later suffered a second and final defeat in a battle at Poetovio. The hoards found in present-day
Slovenia may have been linked to these military campaigns. Bratož71 dates the hoards from Ljubljana and
Martinj hrib to before Maximus’ Illyricum campaign, linking them to Magnentius’ assumption of control
over the Claustra Alpium Iuliarum.
The following hoards contain no coins later than around 400 AD and can be partially linked to
the Goth incursions into Italy in the summer of 401, which moved southwards from Epirus and Eastern
Illyricum to Pannonia72:
Ajdovščina 199373, Kobarid Gradič 199474, Ljubljana Insula XXXI 197875 and Most na Soči 197876.
50 Miškec 2021, 191-192.
51 Unpublished.
52 FMRSl IV 109/3.
53 Miškec 2009, 280-281.
54 FMRSl I 155/2.
55 Cf. Bratož 2014, 119.
56 Ciglenečki 1991, 225-232; FMRSl III 171.
57 FMRSl III 182/2
58 FMRSl I 155/49, Kos 1986, 147.
59 All unpublished.
60 FMRSl II 434/3; Kos 1986, 145-146.
61 FMRSl II 434/16; Kos 1986, 146.
62 FMRSl II 434/24; Kos 1986, 146.
63 FMRSl I 111; Kos 1986, 147.
64 Cf. Kos 1986, 158; Bratož 2014, 138-140.
65 Bratož 2014, 150.
66 FMRSl I 9/3.
67 FMRSl I 155/19.
68 FMRSl I 168/2.
69 Unpublished.
70 FMRSl II 370/2.
71 Bratož 2014, 150.
72 Bratož 2014, 190.
73 FMRSl IV 10/2.
74 FMRSl IV 10/2.
75 FMRSl I 155/26.
76 FMRSl I 9/5.
111
32 of the hoards (60% of the total) can be linked to documented events: they were buried in order
to protect wealth from danger. The data for nine of the hoards is incomplete.
Conclusion
Even though the documentation on the 4th-century coin hoards discovered in Slovenia is not al-
ways complete, we do know enough to say that:
- the majority (70%) of the hoards consist of bronze coins
- the majority (72%) are small, consisting of fewer than 100 coins
- the majority (60%) were not stored in a container
- the majority (87%) are of civilian origin
- in most cases (60%), the burial of the hoards can be linked to danger.
Name of hoard Reference Number Nomina- Objects Latest Contain- Place of

of coins tion coin ers deposit
Ajdovščina 1993 FMRSl IV 10/2 15 AE 3, 4 around heap urban
400
Ajdovščina 2017 unpublished 20 Cen, AE after 375 scattered urban
2,3, Sil
Betnava 1793 FMRSl II 392 15 kg of Ag 4th Cent. in rural
coins ceramic
pot
Betnava 1986 FMRSl III 182/2 56 Cen, AE 374/375 scattered rural (vil-
3,4 la rustica)
Bled - Pristava 1948 Kastelic, Škerlj 1950 22 As, An, po 950 on neck- grave
Num, lace
Cen, AE
2, 3
Celje 1978 FMRSl II 340/6, Kos 116 Cen 347/348 heap urban
1986, 143-144
Celje 1980 unpublished 36 An, Cen, after 367 heap urban
AE 2, 3, 4 (hearth)
Čentur A 1944 FMRSl I 62/2, Kos 1986, c. 12.000 An, Num 310 lined military
140 with
stones
Čentur B 1962 FMRSl I 62/3, Kos 1986, over Num 310 heap military
140 6.000
Čentur C 1938 FMRSl I 62/4, Kos 1986, 3.000- Num 309 in am- military
141 4.000 phora
Čentur D 1935 FMRSl I 62/5, Kos 1986, 3378 Num 309 heap military
141
Čentur E 1975 FMRSl I 62/6, Kos 1986, ? Au gold around ? military
142 brooch 310
Dolnji Zemon (Javorje) unpublished 90 AE 2, 3, 2nd half of heap rural
2015 4, 4th Cent.
Drnovo 1689 FMRSl I 300/4 c. 4000 AE 2nd half of heap urban
4th Cent.
Gornja Radgona 1867 FMRSl II 448/2 ? ? 4th Cent. in rural
ceramic
pot
Kobarid - Gradič 1994 FMRSl IV 4/2 17 Cen, AE around heap ?
3,4 400
Kranj 2004 unpublished 5 Cen, AE flint after 364 pouch grave
3 striker
112
Lesce 1858 FMRSl I 104, Kos 1986, ? Ag + AE after 321 heap rural
142
Limberk 1991 FMRSl III 80 4 Cen/AE 2nd half of burnt ?
4th Cent. clump
Ljubljana - extra muros FMRSl I 155/57, Kos 50 Cen 335/336 pouch grave
1904 1986, 143
Ljubljana - forum 1956 FMRSl I 155/39, Kos 22 2-Sol, 352 heap urban
1986, 145 3-Sol (forum)
Ljubljana - gymnasium FMRSl I 155/54, Kos 100 Cen, AE 352 pouch urban
1899 1986, 145 2, 3
Ljubljana - insula iv 1910 FMRSl I 155/2, Kos 50 Au, Sol 9 silver 350 in urban
1986, 144 ingots ceramic
pot
Ljubljana - insula xiii 1963 FMRSl IV 85/3 39 AE 3, 4 after 408 pouch urban
(sewer)
Ljubljana - insula xxix FMRSl I 155/19, Kos 51 An, Cen, 388 heap urban
1962 1986, 147-148 AE 2, 3, 4
Ljubljana - insula xxvii/ FMRSl VI 79/10 22 Cen after 337 heap urban
xlvi 1996 (sewer)
Ljubljana - insula xxxi FMRSl I 155/26, Kos 19 AE 2, 3, 4 401 scattered urban
1978 1986, 148
Ljubljana - insula xxxix unpublished 22 AE 3 after 375 heap urban
2004
Ljubljana - intra muros (?) FMRSl I 155/49, Kos 120 AE 3, 4 after 375 heap urban
1986, 147
Ljubljana - Kozolec 2011 Miškec 2019 21 AE 2 352 pouch grave
Ljubljana - Šumi 2007 unpublished 5 AE 3, 4 388 heap urban
Ljubljana (Bevke-Kamin) FMRSl IV 109/3 100 Num, after 352 scattered river
1992 Cen, AE
2, 3
Ljubljana (Bevke-Na Zrn- unpublished 105 AE 2, 3 352 scattered river
ici) 1998
Martinj hrib 1960 FMRSl I 168/2 c. 100 AE 3 388 burnt military
clump
Martinj hrib 1990 FMRSl III 96 4 AE 3 2nd half of burnt military
4th Cent. clump
Most na Soči 1978 FMRSl I 9/5, Kos 1986, 12 AE 4 401 heap urban
148 (building)
Most na Soči 1979/1 FMRSl I 9/3, Kos 1986, 15 Cen, AE after 388 in glass urban
148-149 2, 3, 4 (building)
Most na Soči 1979/2 FMRSl I 9/4, Kos 1986, 13 AE 2, 3 388 heap urban
148 (building)
Parecag 1986 FMRSl III 44 27 An, Num, after 367 in bronze ?
Cen, AE helmet
2, 3
Pečki 1931 FMRSl I 57, Kos 1986, 1,5 kg of Num 310/311 heap rural
142 coins
Ptuj - Panorama 1953 FMRSl II 434/16, Kos 31 An, Cen, 375 heap urban
1986, 146 AE 3, 4
Ptuj - Rabečja vas (?) FMRSl II 434/18 7 Num/ after 313 pouch grave
Cen
Ptuj - Rabečja vas 1980 FMRSl III 196/2 8 Sil, AE 3 after 367 pouch grave
Ptuj - Vičava 1933 FMRSl II 434/24, Kos 3 Sol 375 heap urban
1986, 146
113
Ptuj - Vičava 2004 unpublished 4 AE 3 after 364 heap grave
Ptuj - Zgornji Breg FMRSl II 434/3, Kos 15 AE 3, 4 375 in bronze grave
1908/1909 1986, 145–146 case
Rudna 1986 FMRSl III 171; Ci- 8 AE 3 iron after 375 scattered rural
glenečki 1991 tools
Slatna 1858 FMRSl I 94, Kos 1986, 442 An, Num, after 321 heap rural
142 Arg, Cen
Spodnje Hoče 2005 unpublished 297 Cen, AE around scattered rural
2, 3, 4 375
Svinjski rt 1995 FMRSl IV 153/2 5 AE 3 2nd half of burnt rural
4th Cent. clump
Svinjski rt 1996 FMRSl V 126/2 5 AE 1 after 363 heap rural
Vrba 1953 FMRSl I 111, Kos 1986, pot full AE 3 after 375 in rural
147 of coins ceramic
pot
Zdenica 1921 FMRSl II 370/2, Kos 200 An, Num, 388 covered rural
1986, 147 AE 4 with
stone
Table 2. Fourth century AD Roman coin hoards, categorised by various criteria
114
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117
THE SILIQUA COIN FINDS IN THE REGION BETWEEN
DNIESTER AND PRUT
A CASE STUDY
Lilia Dergaciova
Our interest in the Roman coinage of the argenteus type, also called siliqua1, appeared at least ten
years ago. Then we had an opportunity to consult some issues of Constantius II and Procopius, detected in
the Lărguța hoard (Republic of Moldova). Trying to gather more information about this deposit, already
dispersed at that time, we began to collect the data about all other pieces of the same type, found in the
Republic of Moldova. The database initially included the information about only three hoards, already
mentioned hoard from Lărguța/2007-8, also Chișinău/1999-2000 and Capaclia/before 2015 hoards2. Dur-
ing the years we manage to complete it with new data on recently detected coin finds. Also, we process
the hoards already known, which were published superficially, insufficiently well described or lacking the
images3.
In the article at hand we propose to analyse the data we collected; to introduce the coins from
hoards and single finds, remained unpublished or studied casually. Our investigation includes only the
discoveries from Dniester-Prut area, the current territory of the Republic of Moldova and Ukraine (a part
of Odessa region). A comparative analysis of these two types of deposits (hoards and single finds) will be
made, and at the end, historical events that contributed to the infiltration and diffusion of the siliqua coins
will be discussed4.
Before to start, we must mention that the territory situated between the Dniester and Prut rivers
was inhabited by the population of Sântana de Mureș-Chernyakhiv Culture. The formation of this culture,
according to recent hypothesis, is related to the migratory population of the Wielbark Culture moved from
central Europe to the east, on the land of present-day Ukraine and the Republic of Moldova. To the process
of the formation contributed Przeworsk Culture, late Sarmatians, late Scythians, as well as the inhabitants
of the Rhine and the Elbe regions; some Scandinavian, Thracian and Slavonic components have been also
attested. The recent investigations accepted hypothesis that the formation of the Sântana de Mureș-Chern-
yakhiv Culture began somewhere in the first half of the 3rd century. The decline can be linked to the Hun
invasion in 375, but the end is dated to the early 5th century. At once, the culture continued to survive in
some of the regions to the middle – second half of the 5th century, or even to the 6th century5. The popula-
1 The paper does not discuss the metrological aspects of argentei (or heavy siliqua) and siliquae (or light siliqua) for
several reasons. Firstly, not all the coins presented in our catalogue have metrological data. Secondly, solving problems of this
magnitude requires a much larger database. In the discussions below we will refer to the common term, that can be applied to
both categories of coins – namely the term siliqua. About the coins of this type see Мызгин 2015, 167; Isvoranu 2015, 60.
2 Preliminary data on the Lărguța hoard were presented at the International Session of Scientific Communications
“Archaeology of the First Millennium A.D.” of the Prahova County Museum of History and Archaeology (Dergaciova 2015, 6);
as an article published in the periodical volume of this institution (Dergaciova 2016, 89-105).
3 The results have been discussed in the paper “The Siliqua Coin Hoard finds in the extra Carpathian Region” at the
session “International Numismatic Symposium Coin Hoards in Southeastern Europe (1st-6th century A.D.)”, organized by the
Regional Museum of History Ruse in 2018.
4 We would like to thank our collegues and friends Lucian Munteanu, Kyrylo Mizgin, Viorel Petac and Dmitrij Yanov,
for the bibliography gathered with their help, as well as discussions and ideas shared on this topic. Our special gratitude goes to
Kyrylo Myzgin and Lucian Munteanu for their critical comments to an earlier version of this text.
5 Федоров 1960a, 57-172; Магомедов 2001, 17-18, 113-131; Щукин 2005; Shchukin et al. 2006.
118
tion of the Sântana de Mureș-Chernyakhiv Culture formed so called Barbaricum, located to the east of the
Roman Empire frontier.
Our catalogue includes ten coin hoards, nine have been found in the Republic of Moldova, the last
one comes from Ukraine (no. VII). The description of the depots is not equal. For the hoards published
not long ago, namely Capaclia/before 2015, Lărguța/2007-8 (nos. III, VIII) or recently re-published with
all necessary data, the Budăi/1951 and Chișinău/1973 (nos. I, IV) cases, we offer only the brief information
about their structure, without to describe each piece apart. The other hoards, which have remained un-
published until today, the Chișinău, the airport, Taraclia/1956, Telenești region/before 1993-4 cases (nos.
VI, IX-X) or after their re-study appeared new data, the Holms’ke/1982 (no. VII) case, we will provide
the description of each coin, as well as an illustration (Plates I-IX and XVI). Only for two hoards, namely
Chișinău/1999-2000 and Braniște/1971, known due to a single preserved coin, we have nothing new to
add (nos. V and II).
The list of single finds contains 108 pieces, 105 are attested in the Republic of Moldova (nos. 1-105),
another three – in the Ukraine (nos. 106-108). Among 108 items, 86 will be published for the first time
(nos. 1, 5-6, 8-31, 33-50, 52-54, 57-64, 66, 68-73, 75-80, 83-87, 92-103), rest of 22 pieces were collected
from bibliography (nos. 2-4, 7, 32, 51, 55-56, 65, 67, 74, 81-82, 88-91, 104-108). We do not have new in-
formation for the last group of pieces. However, we propose important changes for the coins found in the
village of Kyrnychky, Odesa region (nos. 107-108).
The pieces from our catalogue are numbered as follows: for single finds we use the Arabic numer-
als; for the coins attested in the hoards were applied two-digit number composed from a Roman numeral,
which indicates the ordinal number of the hoard in our catalogue, and the Arabic one, which shows the
ordinal number of the coin in each hoard. The Roman Imperial Coinage catalogue, volumes VIII and X
have been used for identification of the coins.
The catalogue has been organized into two sections: the first one, coin hoards (A, nos. I-X) and the
second one, single finds (B, nos. 1-108). The coins are listed firstly by alphabetical order of location; then
by authority; after that by mints. For every mint, then, the specimens are classified chronologically. The
following abbreviations are used: AR – silver; g – gram; mm – millimetre; h – die-axis; for institutions:
MNEIM – Muzeul Național de Etnografie și Istorie a Naturii (National Museum of Ethnography
and Natural History), Chișinău, Republic of Moldova.
MNIM – Muzeul Național de Istorie a Moldovei (National Museum of History of Moldova),
Chișinău, Republic of Moldova.
OAM – Одесский Археологический Музей (Odessa Archaeological Museum), Odessa, Ukraine.
CATALOGUE
A. List of Siliqua Coin Hoards (Plates I-IX; XVI)
I. BUDĂI, Orhei region, 1951. The hoard was discovered by engineer M. Kolomaev, during repair
work of a road, 3 km east of the city of Orhei, on the right side of the road to the village of Budăi. Six years
later, in 1957, E. Rikman made an archaeological investigation on the place were the hoard was detected.
He found out that the hoard was hidden on a settlement of Sântana de Mureș-Chernyakhiv Culture6. The
coins were deposited in a cup of œnochoe type, filled with sawdust ash7.
There is controversial information about the number of pieces, the hoard was made of. In the arti-
cle published by A. Nudelman and E. Rikman in 1956, the source closest to what happened, is written ex-
plicitly that the hoard was composed of 127 coins, all of them have been sent to the Museum in Chișinău8.
These are original siliquae from Constantius II, issued at Antioch – 7 items, Cyzicus (later identified as
Constantinople mint) – 87 items, Sirmium – 28 items, unidentified mint – 4 items; one barbarous imita-
tion of siliqua of Constantius II (2.64 g, 20 mm).
In a volume dedicated to monetary discoveries in the Republic of Moldova, published twenty years
later, A. Nudelman writes, this time using more veiled formulas, that “from Budăi hoard 127 coins and a
6 Нудельман 1976, 52, note 1.

7 Нудельман, Рикман 1956, 143-147(1).
8 Нудельман, Рикман 1956, 143-147(1).
119
vessel are kept at the Museum in Chișinău”9. He mentions the same structure of the hoard (the original
coins of Constantius II and a barbarous imitation) with an addition that by Cyzicus were minted 88 items,
not 87. Also on the same page, in a note, new information appears as well. A. Nudelman writes that from
the composition of the hoard 128 coins were collected, including one coin left at the discoverer. The coin
supposed to have remained at discoverer is a siliqua from Constantius II, struck at Cyzicus (3.72 g, 23
mm)10. According to the information published by A. Nudelman these specimen is an original siliqua, not
an imitation.
Controversial information about the hoard’s structure, and the number of the items – 127 or 128,
led to different citations in the works published over the years11. In some articles it appears even mixed.
Thus, according to Th. Isvoranu, 126 coins are kept at the Museum, one imitation left at the discoverer, the
last one, the 128th item, was out of the question12.
In our point of view, the information once introduced by A. Nudelman and E. Rikman in 1956 are
much more plausible than those reported by A. Nudelman alone in 1976. The story with a coin left at the
discoverer, in this case at the engineer M. Kolomaev, missing in 1956 and appeared in 1976 paper, seems
to be quite dubious, unconfirmed. Unfortunately, we have no certain data which could explain lost of im-
itation and appearance of the 128th original coin. What is really certain is that the batch of 126 coins kept
at MNEIM today does not includes the barbarous imitation, introduced once in the scientific literature.
Recently, all 126 coins preserved at MNEIM have been published by Th. Isvoranu13. See the information
below. The 126 original coins were issued between 340-61.
Budăi hoard (126 items; MNEIM, inv. 2545/AR 950-1075).
Constantius II.
Sirmium (28 ex.). September 351 – 6 November 355 (RIC VIII, 385, no. 15) SIRM (4 ex. = 3.22 g,
21 mm; 3.21 g, 20 mm; 2.92 g, 21 mm; 2.87 g, 20 mm); (RIC VIII, 385, no. 17) •SIRM (13 ex. = 3.72 g, 21
mm; 3.60 g, 21 mm; 3.55 g, 22 mm; 3.46 g, 22 mm; 3.40 g, 20 mm; 3.17 g, 22x20 mm; 3.16 g, 22 mm; 3.14
g, 21x20 mm; 3.13 g, 22x20 mm; 3.05 g, 22 mm; 3.04 g, 22x20 mm; 2.93 g, 21 mm; 2.88 g, 22 mm); (RIC
VIII, -; cf. 385, no. 20) SIRMω (1 ex. = 3.01 g, 20 mm); 6 November 355 – summer 361 (RIC VIII, 389, no.
66) •SIRM• (10 ex. = 3.61 g, 20 mm; 3.34 g, 21 mm; 3.32 g, 21x20 mm; 3.30 g, 22x20 mm; 3.30 g, 21 mm;
3.26 g, 22 mm; 3.14 g, 21 mm; 3.11 g, 21 mm; 2.88 g, 21 mm; 2.82 g, 22 mm).
Constantinople (90 ex.). Spring 340 – 15 March 351 (RIC VIII, 452, no. 61) C•A (1 ex. = 3.27 g,
22 mm); 15 March 351 – 6 November 355 (RIC VIII, 456, no. 102) C•A (7 ex. = 3.18 g, 21x20 mm; 3.12 g,
20x19 mm; 3.05 g, 21 mm; 3.01 g, 21x20 mm; 2.98 g, 20 mm; 2.93 g, 20 mm; 2.82 g, 20 mm); C•B (3 ex. =
3.37 g, 20 mm; 3.10 g, 21 mm; 3.06 g, 20x18 mm); C•Г (9 ex. = 3.26 g, 21 mm; 3.22 g, 20x19 mm; 3.14 g,
21x20 mm; 3.14 g, 20 mm; 3.03 g, 20 mm; 3 g, 20 mm; 2.92 g, 21x20 mm; 2.91 g, 20 mm; 2.67 g, 21 mm);
C•∆ (7 ex. = 3.28 g, 20x19 mm; 3.12 g, 20 mm; 3.05 g, 21 mm; 3.04 g, 20 mm; 2.99 g, 21x20 mm; 2.97 g, 21
mm; 2.80 g, 20 mm); C•Є (4 ex. = 3.20 g, 20 mm; 3.15 g, 20 mm; 3.14 g, 20 mm; 3.08 g, 20 mm); C•S (6 ex.
= 3.38 g, 20 mm; 3.22 g, 21x20 mm; 3.18 g, 20 mm; 3.18 g, 20x19 mm; 3.04 g, 20 mm; 3.03 g, 21 mm); C•Z
(1 ex. = 3.22 g, 20 mm); C•H (6 ex. = 3.20 g, 21 mm; 3.15 g, 21 mm; 3.15 g, 20 mm; 3.07 g, 22x21 mm; 2.98
g, 21 mm; 2.83 g, 21x20 mm); C•Θ (3 ex. = 3.35 g, 21x20 mm; 3.16 g, 21 mm; 2.74 g, 21 mm); C•I (8 ex. =
9 Нудельман 1976, 52, no. 8.
10 Нудельман 1976, 52, note 2.
11 Mentioned by Федоров 1957, 285, no. 233/13 with the information about 127 coins from Constantius II reign;
Брайчевський 1959, 204, no. 1081 with the information about 127 coins, among them 126 were original, one was an imitation;
Федоров 1960a, 253, no. 44 referring to the data published by E. Rikman and A. Nudelman about 127 items; Федоров 1960b,
181, no. 19 with the evidence about 127 coins; Кропоткин 1961, 95-96, no. 1355 with the information about 126 original pieces
and one imitation on Constantius II siliqua brought to the Museum; Preda 1975, 474 with the data that the hoard was found in
Orhei, and was made up of 126 ex.; Рикман 1975, 101, no. 414 with the general knowledge that the hoard includes one barba-
rous imitation; Нудельман 1985, 151, no. 57(4); Гудкова, Столярик 1985, 83 with the information about 126 coins; Столярик
1987b, 67-68 with the information about 127 coins and die-linking analysis; Butnariu 1988, 190, no. 58 with the data about 127
pieces; Гудкова 1991, 73 with the data about 126 coins; Столярик 1989, 48; Столярик 1992, 21 with the notes about 128 pieces;
Popa, Ciobanu 2003, 58 with the information about 128 coins, 127 were bought to the Museum, one remained by discoverer;
Isvoranu 2015, 67 with the information about 128 items.
12 Isvoranu 2014a, 22.
13 Isvoranu 2014a, 22-30, no. 4 with the data about 128 discovered coins, 126 original items and one barbarous imitation
were donated to the Museum. However, only 126 original pieces appear in the catalogue. See also Isvoranu 2015, 67.
120
3.31 g, 20 mm; 3.25 g, 20 mm; 3.24 g, 21 mm; 3.24 g, 20 mm; 3.21 g, 20 mm; 3.16 g, 21x20 mm; 3.13 g, 20
mm; 3.05 g, 22x20 mm); C•IA (7 ex. = 3.30 g, 20 mm; 3.29 g, 20 mm; 3.11 g, 22x20 mm; 3.10 g, 20 mm;
3.01 g, 20 mm; 2.97 g, 21x20 mm; 2.72 g, 19 mm); (RIC VIII, 456) C•? (1 ex. = 3.13 g, 20 mm); 15 March
351 – 6 November 355 (RIC VIII, 456, no. 104) C A (3 ex. = 3.54 g, 20x19 mm; 2.97 g, 21 mm; 2.76 g, 20
mm); C B (3 ex. = 3.22 g, 21x20 mm; 3.08 g, 20 mm; 2.76 g, 20 mm); C Г (5 ex. = 3.55 g, 20 mm; 3.20 g,
21 mm; 3.17 g, 20 mm; 3.08 g, 21 mm; 2.97 g, 22x21 mm); C ∆ (2 ex. = 3.71 g, 21 mm; 3.44 g, 20 mm); C
S (5 ex. = 3.40 g, 22 mm; 3.19 g, 20 mm; 3.10 g, 21 mm; 2.84 g, 22x20 mm; 2.71 g, 20 mm); C Z (5 ex.
= 3.16 g, 20x19 mm; 3.10 g, 20 mm; 3.05 g, 21 mm; 2.95 g, 20 mm; 2.60 g, 20x19 mm); C H (1 ex. = 2.56
g, 21 mm); C Θ (1 ex. = 3.52 g, 20 mm); C IA (1 ex. = 3.17 g, 20 mm); (RIC VIII, 456) C… (1 ex. = 3.07
g, 20 mm).
Antioch (8 ex.). Late 347 – 6 November 355 (RIC VIII, 520, no. 108) ANT (2 ex. = 3.31 g, 20 mm;
3.15 g, 20 mm); 6 November 355 – 3 November 361 (RIC VIII, no. -; 527, no. 183) •ANT∆• (1 ex. = 3.14
g, 20 mm); (RIC VIII, 527, no. 184) •ANT• (4 ex. = 3.19 g, 20 mm; 3.18 g, 20 mm; 3.11 g, 20 mm; 2.91 g,
19 mm); late 347 – 6 November 355 or 6 November 355 – 3 November 361 (cf. RIC VIII, 520 with 527) …
NT… (1 ex. = 2.85 g, 20 mm).
The imitation was illustrated in the A. Nudelman and E. Rikman paper14, later it was republished
by V. Kropotkin15. According to the drawing made by us, the coin imitates the siliqua of Constantius II.
Obv. Ɔ N ONSION – ZOIИПXLOVИС Diademed, draped and cuirassed bust right. Rev. NITRO / XXX
/ OIINT (T upside down) ИIS Legend within wreath16. Unidentified letters for mint-mark; 2.64 g, 20 mm
(see Plate XVI, no. I.127).
II. BRANIȘTE, Rîșcani district, 1971. The hoard was found during the agricultural works in the
field, 2.5 km south-west of the village. It was spread among the locals, being composed of a larger number
of coins. Only one siliqua of Constantius II minted by Antioch has been preserved (1 ex. = 3.30 g, 20.2
mm). The information about this hoard have been mentioned many times17, but the image of the preserved
piece left unpublished.
III. CAPACLIA, Cantemir region, before 2015. The hoard was found two kilometers away from
Capaclia village. According to some reports, it was composed of about 100 specimens of siliqua. It was
dispersed among the discoverers, only one coin was available for our research. Namely siliqua minted by
Constantius II at Constantinople between 15 March 351 – 6 November 355 (RIC VIII, 456, no. 102) with
mint-mark C•B (1 ex. = 3.17 g, 20.53 mm). The information on these hoard and preserved coin have been
recently published18.
IV. CHIȘINĂU, 1973. The hoard was found by T. Lebeda on her plot of land, located within the
limits of a settlement of Sântana de Mureș-Chernyakhiv Culture, situated on Jitomir street no. 8, at a depth
of 30 cm. It contained at least 250 coins of siliqua type, but only 21 specimens entered the Museum’s collec-
tion. The coin hoard has been mentioned repeatedly19. The batch of coins from the Museum, reduced to 20
pieces, has been recently published by Th. Isvoranu20. We reproduce its structure according to Isvoranu’s
work. These 20 coins were issued 351-66.
14 Нудельман, Рикман 1956, fig. 2, placed between pages 144 and 145; Нудельман 1985, fig. 53.
15 Кропоткин 1961, 95, fig. 20 and 35.14.
16 Obverse and reverse legends in our interpretation differs to those, proposed by A. Nudelman and E. Rikman (cf.
Нудельман, Рикман 1956, 147).
17 Нудельман 1974a, 206, no. 25; Preda 1975, 460 with misleading information, as though only one coin has been found;
Нудельман 1976, 50, no. 4; Нудельман 1985, 151, no. 57(3); Butnariu 1988, 189, no. 56; Столярик 1992, 21; Кропоткин 2000,
40-41, no. 2055; Popa, Ciobanu 2003, 46.
18 Dergaciova 2016, 91 and 98, catalogue, no. 77; plate V, no. 77.
19 Нудельман 1974b, 191-192, no. b, with the data that 21 coins were struck by following mints: Cyzicus (9 ex.), Sirmium
(8 ex.), Antioch (3 ex.), unidentified mint (1 ex.); Preda 1975, 463; Нудельман 1976, 55, no. 13, with the data that 21 coins
were struck by Cyzicus (10 ex.), Sirmium (9 ex.), Antioch (1 ex.), unidentified mint (1 ex.); Нудельман 1985, 152, no. 57(11);
Гудкова, Столярик 1985, 84; Столярик 1987b, 69 with the die-linking analysis; Butnariu 1988, 190, no. 60; Гудкова 1991, 73;
Столярик 1989, 48; Столярик 1992, 21; Кропоткин 2000, 42, no. 2097; Popa, Ciobanu 2003, 53, no. g.
20 Isvoranu 2014b, 31-32, no. 5.
121
Chișinău hoard (20 ex.; MNEIM,inv. 13415/AR 6902-6921).
Constantius II.
Sirmium (9 ex.). September 351 – 6 November 355 (RIC VIII, 385, no. 15) SIRM (5 ex. = 3.40
g, 21x20 mm; 3.22 g, 21 mm; 3.20 g, 21 mm; 3.18 g, 21x20 mm; 3.14 g, 21 mm); (RIC VIII, 385, no. 17)
•SIRM (3 ex. = 3.32 g, 22 mm; 3.27 g, 21 mm; 3.22 g, 23x22 mm); 6 November 355 – summer 361 (RIC
VIII, 389, no. 66) •SIRM• (1 ex. = 3.02 g, 21 mm).
Constantinople (11 ex.). 15 March 351 – 6 November 355 (RIC VIII, 456, no. 102) C•A (2 ex. = 3.17 g,
23x21 mm; 2.98 g, 21 mm); C•B (1 ex. = 3.05 g, 22x21 mm); C•Г (1 ex. = 2.98 g, 21 mm); C•∆ (4 ex. = 3.56
g, 22x21 mm; 3.25 g, 21 mm; 3.24 g, 22x21 mm; 3.21 g, 21 mm); C•H (1 ex. = 3.10 g, 21x20 mm); C•IA (1
ex. = 3.15 g, 23x21 mm); 15 March 351 – 6 November 355 (RIC VIII, 456, no. 104) C ∆ (1 ex. = 3.30 g,
21 mm).
V. CHIȘINĂU, 1999-2000. According to some information, the hoard was detected on Grenoble
street in Chișinău. It was composed of about 200 heavy siliquae specimens, most of them struck under
Constantius II. The images of the coins, as well as their metrological data have not been preserved21.
VI. CHIȘINĂU, the airport. The hoard has not been published so far. According to the informa-
tion offered by A. Boldureanu, the circumstances of the discovery, as well as the total number of the coins
are not known22. Only seven specimens were recovered: a coin from Vespasian (69-79) and six pieces from
Constantius II. With the exception of Vespasian coin, which could have come from the same area, without
being initially a part of the hoard (in case it is an original issue, not a modern counterfeit23), all the items
from Constantius II were issued during relatively short period between 351-5.
Chișinău, the airport hoard (7 ex.; MNIM, inv. FB-22856-1-3, FB-22866-22869).
Catalogue (Plate I)
Vespasian
Denarius
Rome 76 (cf. RIC II, 25, no. 96).
Obv. IMP CAESAR VESPASIANVS AVG Laureate head right.
Rev. COS VII Cow, walking right.
1. AR 3.2 g, 20.2 mm, 7h; MNIM, inv. FB-22866.
Constantius II
Siliquae
Sirmium
6 November 355 – Summer 361 (RIC VIII, 389, no. 66).
Obv. D N CONSTAN – TIVS P F AVG Diademed, draped and cuirassed bust right.
Rev. VOTIS / XXX / MVLTIS / XXXX Legend within wreath. •SIRM• in exergue.
2. AR 2.9 g, 21.1 mm, 10h; MNIM, inv. FB-22856-2; N-35513.
Constantinople
Mint-mark A
15 March 351 – 6 November 355 (RIC VIII, 456, no. 102).
Rev. VOTIS / XXX / MVLTIS / XXXX Legend within wreath. C•A in exergue.
21 Dergaciova 2016, 90-91.

22 We would like to express our gratitude to scientific researchers, Dr. Ana Boldureanu and Mrs. Adelaida Chiroșca for
helping us to work the siliqua coin hoards from the collection of The National Museum of History of Moldova (see also hoards
no. IX. Taraclia/1956; X. Telenești region/before 1993-4).
23 According to some features, the coin seams to be a modern counterfeit. It is made by casting, the style of the emper-
or’s portrait and the letters do not correspond to the original issues; in addition, it is unlikely that a coin issued almost three
centuries earlier than the rest of the coins would have such a good condition of preservation, while in the hoards of denarii the
issues of Vespasian traditionally have more pronounced traces of usage. Apparently, the coin was added during its transfer to
the Museum for greater benefit.
122
Mint-mark Г
Rev. VOTIS / XXX / MVLTIS / XXXX Legend within wreath. C•Г in exergue.
Mint-mark I
15 March 351 – 6 November 355 (cf. RIC VIII, 456, no. 104).
Rev. VOTIS / XXX / MVLTIS / XXXX Legend within wreath. C I in exergue.
Mint-mark IA
Rev. VOTIS / XXX / MVLTIS / XXXX Legend within wreath. C•IA in exergue.
6. AR 3 g, 21.9 mm, 12h; MNIM, inv. FB-22856-3; N-35514.
Rev. VOTIS / XXX / MVLTIS / XXXX Legend within wreath. C IA in exergue.
7. AR 2.7 g, 21.1 mm, 6h; MNIM, inv. FB-22856-1; N-35512.
VII. HOLMS’KE, Arcyz district, Odesa region, 1982. The hoard was found on a settlement of
Sântana de Mureș-Chernyakhiv Culture during archaeological excavations led by the Institute of Archae-
ology of the Academy of Sciences of the Ukrainian SSR (responsible A.V. Gudkova). The settlement is
located at the confluence of the Tashlyk River and China Lake, 5 km away from the Holms’ke village24. The
hoard was detected near the remains of a house, spread over an area of 1-1.5 m2, at a depth of 0.5 meters.
It consisted of 93 pieces; was fully assembled by the expedition’s employee M. Fokeev. Later, it entered the
Odessa Archaeological Museum collection (93 ex.; OAM, inv. 53879-53971).
The hoard was published in a very concise form by A. Gudkova and E. Stoljarik25. It was resumed
later by the same author (E. Stoljarik)26, quoted in various specialized works27. According to these publica-
tions, it was formed from the siliquae of Constantius II, issued at Arles (1), Sirmium (36), Constantinople
(55) and Nicomedia (1). The hoard includes the coins minted between 351-61.
After re-studying the hoard28, its structure can be modified. First of all, the changes refer to the
number of pieced struck by the officinae of Constantinople. The number of pieces attributed by E. Stoljarik
to the officina 8, with mint-mark C•H is reduced from seven to two items (no. VII.76-77), respectively,
coins assigned to the officina 1, with mint-mark C•A are increase, from one to five (no. VII.37-41); to the
officina 3 with mint-name C Г a piece is added (no. 53). But the most important change concerns a coin
attributed to the original issues of Constantius II struck at Sirmium, with mint-name •SIRM• (no. VII.93).
According to our investigation, it proved to be an imitation, which reproduces Constantius siliqua on a
very high artistic level.
Catalogue (Plates I-VII and XVI)
Constantius II
Siliquae
Arles
18 August 353 – 6 November 355 (RIC VIII, 218, no. 207, second group: Constantia).
24 Гудкова и др. 1991, 27.
25 Гудкова, Столярик 1985, 80-81.
26 Столярик 1986, 219-221, tabl. I-II; Столярик 1987b, 70-71 with die-linking analysis; Столярик 1989, 48; Столярик
1992, 20-21, tabl. 2 and fig. 1-8.
27 Малюкевич 1987, 142; Butnariu 1988, 190, no. 61; Гудкова 1991, 71, 73; Popa, Ciobanu 2003, 98-99.
28 We would like to express our thanks to colleagues Dr. Igor Brujaco, Dr. Evgenija Redina and Dr. Dmitrij Yanov from
The Odessa Archaeological Museum for the permission to study and to re-publish the hoard.
123
Rev. VOTIS / XXX / MVLTIS / XXXX Legend within wreath. T CON in exergue.
1. AR 3.16 g, 21.36x20.12 mm, 12h; OAM, inv. H-53916.
Sirmium
September 351 – 6 November 355 (RIC VIII, 385, no. 15).
Rev. VOTIS / XXX / MVLTIS / XXXX Legend within wreath. SIRM in exergue.
2. AR 3.58 g, 21.25x20.70 mm, 6h; OAM, inv. H-53909.
3. AR 3.58 g, 21.19x20.42 mm, 6h; OAM, inv. H-53906.
4. AR 3.44 g, 21.15x20.33 mm, 1h; OAM, inv. H-53908.
5. AR 3.10 g, 21.20x20.05 mm, 6h; OAM, inv. H-53910.
6. AR 3.08 g, 20.86x19.85 mm, 1h; OAM, inv. H-53913.
7. AR 3.08 g, 22.08x20.77 mm, 6h; OAM, inv. H-53911.
8. AR 2.94 g, 21.32x20.89 mm, 1h; OAM, inv. H-53914.
9. AR 2.86 g, 21.24x20.66 mm, 6h; OAM, inv. H-53907.
10. AR 2.81 g, 22.26x20.65 mm, 12h; OAM, inv. H-53897.
11. AR 2.56 g, 21.07x20.77 mm, 12h; OAM, inv. H-53912.
Rev. VOTIS / XXX / MVLTIS / XXXX Legend within wreath. •SIRM in exergue.
12. AR 3.74 g, 21.58x21.42 mm, 5h; OAM, inv. H-53900.
13. AR 3.47 g, 21.79x21.01 mm, 6h; OAM, inv. H-53901.
14. AR 3.35 g, 21.31x20.69 mm, 6h; OAM, inv. H-53905.
15. AR 3.35 g, 22.12x20.85 mm, 12h; OAM, inv. H-53898.
16. AR 3.30 g, 22.42x20.93 mm, 12h; OAM, inv. H-53904.
17. AR 3.28 g, 21.69x21.06 mm, 12h; OAM, inv. H-53896.
18. AR 3.09 g, 22.28x20.31 mm, 1h; OAM, inv. H-53902.
19. AR 2.99 g, 22.54x21.10 mm, 6h; OAM, inv. H-53894.
20. AR 2.98 g, 21.69x21.96 mm, 12h; OAM, inv. H-53903.
21. AR 2.82 g, 21.29x21.30 mm, 12h, same obverse die as no. VII.19 and reverse die as no. VII.16 from this
(Holms’ke) hoard; OAM, inv. H-53895.
22. AR 2.81 g, 20.99x21.12 mm, 6h; OAM, inv. H-53899.
23. AR 3.47 g, 21.79x22.10 mm, 6h; OAM, inv. H-53884.
24. AR 3.40 g, 22.23x21.41 mm, 6h; OAM, inv. H-53891.
25. AR 3.36 g, 21.38x20.87 mm, 6h; OAM, inv. H-53882.
26. AR 3.35 g, 20.97x21.43 mm, 12h; OAM, inv. H-53881.
27. AR 3.33 g, 20.95x19.57 mm, 6h, same reverse die as no. VII.23 from this (Holms’ke) hoard; OAM, inv.
H-53879.
28. AR 3.32 g, 22.22x20.89 mm, 6h, same obverse die as no. VII.23 and reverse die as nos. VII.23, VII.27
from this (Holms’ke) hoard; OAM, inv. H-53883.
29. AR 3.31 g, 21.31x20.41 mm, 1h; OAM, inv. H-53885.
30. AR 3.19 g, 21.52x20.73 mm, 6h; OAM, inv. H-53889.
31. AR 3.14 g, 21.68x20.64 mm, 6h; OAM, inv. H-53892.
32. AR 3.13 g, 21.71x20.43 mm, 6h; OAM, inv. H-53893.
33. AR 3.10 g, 21.96x20.63 mm, 1h; OAM, inv. H-53880.
34. AR 2.97 g, 20.95x20.56 mm, 12h; OAM, inv. H-53886.
35. AR 2.94 g, 21.50x20.52 mm, 1h; OAM, inv. H-53887.
36. AR 2.94 g, 21.64x20.65 mm, 1h; OAM, inv. H-53890.
124
Constantinople
Mint-mark A
37. AR 3.25 g, 21.36x20.60 mm, 6h; OAM, inv. H-53940.
38. AR 3.16 g, 20.92x20.87 mm, 6h; OAM, inv. H-53941.
39. AR 3.10 g, 20.54x20.80 mm, 6h; OAM, inv. H-53942.
40. AR 3.06 g, 20.82x20.28 mm, 6h; OAM, inv. H-53944.
41. AR 2.95 g, 21.05x20.30 mm, 12h; OAM, inv. H-53945.
Mint-mark B
Rev. VOTIS / XXX / MVLTIS / XXXX Legend within wreath. C B in exergue.
42. AR 3.28 g, 20.41x19.89 mm, 6h; OAM, inv. H-53957.
43. AR 2.64 g, 20.97x19.70 mm, 6h, missing fragment; OAM, inv. H-53956.
Mint-mark Г
Rev. VOTIS / XXX / MVLTIS / XXXX Legend within wreath. C•Г in exergue.
44. AR 3.63 g, 21.11x20.57 mm, 12h; OAM, inv. H-53919.
45. AR 3.39 g, 21.09x20.59 mm, 12h; OAM, inv. H-53925.
46. AR 3.17 g, 21.47x20.40 mm, 1h, same obverse and reverse dies as no. VII.45 from this (Holms’ke)
hoard; OAM, inv. H-53924.
47. AR 3.16 g, 21.01x19.73 mm, 12h; OAM, inv. H-53920.
48. AR 3.14 g, 20.86x20.71 mm, 6h; OAM, inv. H-53922.
49. AR 3.01 g, 21.94x22.28 mm, 11h, same reverse die as nos. VII.45-VII.46 from this (Holms’ke) hoard;
OAM, inv. H-53923.
50. AR 2.95 g, 21.50x20.71 mm, 1h; OAM, inv. H-53921.
51. AR 2.95 g, 20.43x19.40 mm, 1h; OAM, inv. H-53917.
52. AR 2.92 g, 21.18x20.10 mm, 1h; OAM, inv. H-53918.
Rev. VOTIS / XXX / MVLTIS / XXXX Legend within wreath. C Г(?) in exergue.
53. AR 2.78 g, 20.93x19.15 mm, 7h; OAM, inv. H-53958.
Mint-mark ∆
Rev. VOTIS / XXX / MVLTIS / XXXX Legend within wreath. C•∆ in exergue.
54. AR 3.22 g, 21.12x20.62 mm, 6h; OAM, inv. H-53926.
55. AR 3.17 g, 21.23x20.32 mm, 6h; OAM, inv. H-53929.
56. AR 2.92 g, 20.89x20.57 mm, 6h, same obverse and reverse dies as no. VII.55 from this (Holms’ke)
57. AR 2.72 g, 21.42x19.75 mm, 11h; OAM, inv. H-53928.
Rev. VOTIS / XXX / MVLTIS / XXXX Legend within wreath. C ∆ in exergue.
58. AR 3.17 g, 21.52x20.35 mm, 12h; OAM, inv. H-53962.
59. AR 3.03 g, 21.09x19.73 mm, 12h, same obverse and revers dies as no. VII.58 from this (Holms’ke)
60. AR 2.97 g, 20.63x20.08 mm, 6h; OAM, inv. H-53961.
125
61. AR 2.91 g, 21.29x19.55 mm, 12h; OAM, inv. H-53959.
62. AR 2.79 g, 20.80x20.71 mm, 1h; OAM, inv. H-53955.
Mint-mark Є
Rev. VOTIS / XXX / MVLTIS / XXXX Legend within wreath. C•Є in exergue.
63. AR 3.38 g, 20.02x19.33 mm, 11h; OAM, inv. H-53932.
64. AR 3.22 g, 20.62x20.34 mm, 12h; OAM, inv. H-53931.
65. AR 2.80 g, 21.29x21.10 mm, 6h; OAM, inv. H-53930.
Mint-mark S
Rev. VOTIS / XXX / MVLTIS / XXXX Legend within wreath. C•S in exergue.
66. AR 3.39 g, 21.12x19.95 mm, 11h; OAM, inv. H-53933.
67. AR 3.36 g, 22.52x19.72 mm, 6h; OAM, inv. H-53937.
H-53934.
69. AR 3.18 g, 21.40x20.83 mm, 6h; OAM, inv. H-53936.
70. AR 3.14 g, 21.83x19.75 mm, 6h; OAM, inv. H-53935.
H-53938.
Rev. VOTIS / XXX / MVLTIS / XXXX Legend within wreath. C S in exergue.
72. AR 3.09 g, 22.52x20.79 mm, 12h; OAM, inv. H-53963.
Mint-mark Z
Rev. VOTIS / XXX / MVLTIS / XXXX Legend within wreath. C•Z in exergue.
73. AR 3.35 g, 20.96x20.15 mm, 5h; OAM, inv. H-53947.
74. AR 2.91 g, 21.80x20.39 mm, 11h, same obverse die as no. VII.73 from this (Holms’ke) hoard; OAM,
inv. H-53948.
75. AR 2.63 g, 20.85x19.91 mm, 6h; OAM, inv. H-53946.
Mint-mark H
Rev. VOTIS / XXX / MVLTIS / XXXX Legend within wreath. C•H in exergue.
76. AR 3.19 g, 22.81x20.52 mm, 6h; OAM, inv. H-53939.
77. AR 3.14 g, 20.47x20.56 mm, 6h; OAM, inv. H-53943.
Rev. VOTIS / XXX / MVLTIS / XXXX Legend within wreath. C H in exergue.
78. AR 3.14 g, 22.22x20.08 mm, 6h; OAM, inv. H-53965.
79. AR 3.10 g, 21.87x20.12 mm, 5h; OAM, inv. H-53966.
H-53964.
Mint-mark Θ
Rev. VOTIS / XXX / MVLTIS / XXXX Legend within wreath. C•Θ in exergue.
81. AR 3.12 g, 20.74x19.72 mm, 6h; OAM, inv. H-53949.
126
Rev. VOTIS / XXX / MVLTIS / XXXX Legend within wreath. C Θ in exergue.
82. AR 2.98 g, 20.19x19.83 mm, 6h; OAM, inv. H-53967.
Mint-mark I
Rev. VOTIS / XXX / MVLTIS / XXXX Legend within wreath. C•I in exergue.
83. AR 3.25 g, 22.15x20.36 mm, 5h; OAM, inv. H-53952.
84. AR 2.74 g, 20.28x20.27 mm, 12h, same reverse die as no. VII.83 from this (Holms’ke) hoard; OAM,
inv. H-53950.
85. AR 2.71 g, 20.77x20.09 mm, 12h; OAM, inv. H-53951.
86. AR 2.97 g, 20.87x20.03 mm, 6h; OAM, inv. H-53968.
Mint-mark IA
87. AR 3.03 g, 22.25x20.66 mm, 12h; OAM, inv. H-53954.
88. AR 3.03 g, 21.23x19.78 mm, 12h; OAM, inv. H-53953.
89. AR 3.20 g, 21.06x19.49 mm, 12h; OAM, inv. H-53970.
90. AR 3.18 g, 20.96x20.06 mm, 12h, same reverse die as no. VII.89 from this (Holms’ke) hoard; OAM,
inv. H-53971.
91. AR 3.09 g, 20.95x20.53 mm, 12h, same obverse die as no. VII.89 and reverse die as nos. VII.89-VII.90
from this (Holms’ke) hoard; OAM, inv. H-53969.
Nicomedia
Rev. VOTIS / XXX / MVLTIS / XXXX Legend within wreath. SMN in exergue.
92. AR 3.17 g, 20.82x19.17 mm, 12h; OAM, inv. H-53915.
Imitation of a Constantius II siliqua
Obv. D N COИSTΛИ – TIΛZ Г I ΛVG Diademed, draped and cuirassed bust right.
93. AR 3.23 g, 22.60x21.69 mm, 12h; OAM, inv. H-53888. See Plate XVI, no. VII.93.
VIII. LĂRGUȚA, Cantemir region, 2007-8. The hoard was published in 201629. The circumstances
of its discovery are not known. It was formed, according to the information offered by the finder, from 86
silver coins of the same shape with an average weight of about 3 grams each. Later, the hoard was divided
in three batches of 70, 6 and, respectively, 10 pieces.
We have no metrological data, only two photos with obverse and reverse of the coins for the first
batch of 70 items. The photos depicting the coins laid out in seven rows of 10 coins each. The uneven light-
ing (the central coins are overexposed, the others, located near edges remained in the shadow) does not
allow identification of the mint-marks, as well as die-linking analysis30. Also, the low quality of the photos
does not allow viewing the images, which led to misleading identification some of them (see details for
29 Dergaciova 2016, 89-105.
30 Dergaciova 2016, 93-97, catalogue, nos. 2-5, 7-13, 15-44, 46-60, 62-75; pl. I-II and pl. III-V, nos. 2-5, 7-13, 15-44, 46-
60, 62-75.
127
some examples below). For the second batch, formed from 6 coins, we obtained high-quality images of the
coins31, and metrological data for two of them32. The last, third batch of coins, consisted of 10 whole and
fragmented coins, remained inaccessible to us. Pieces from thirst two batches were issued, according to
RIC catalogue, between 351-61 and 364-7.
The distribution of the issues from the first two batches (76 items) see below. Six coins from the
second batch are listed on the Plate VII and VIII; they are numbered according to the article published in
2016.
Constantius II (65 ex.).
Sirmium (20 ex.). September 351 – 6 November 355 (RIC VIII, 385, no. 15) SIRM (5 ex., including
a coin no. 45, see Plate VII, no.VIII.45); (RIC VIII, 385, no. 17) •SIRM (11 ex.); 6 November 355 – summer
361 (RIC VIII, 389, no. 66) •SIRM• (3 ex., including a coin no. 61, see Plate VII, no. VIII.61); (cf. RIC VIII,
385-389) ?SIRM? (1 ex.).
Siscia or Sirmium (1 ex.). (cf. RIC VIII, 373 and 385-389) S... (1 ex.).
Constantinople (43 ex.). 15 March 351 – 6 November 355 (RIC VIII, 456, no. 102) C•A (4 ex.);
(RIC VIII, 456, no. 102) C•B (6 ex., including a coin no. 6, see Plate VII, no. VIII.6); C?•B? (1 ex.); C•∆ (1
ex.33 = 3.19 g, 22 mm, which appears in the article 2016 under no. 1, see Plate VII, no. VIII.1); C•Є (1 ex.);
C•Z (6 ex., including a coin no. 14, struck with the same reverse die as no. VII.74 from Holms’ke hoard,
see Plate VII, no. VIII.14); C•H (2 ex.); C•Θ (3 ex.); C•Θ? (1 ex.); C•IA (1 ex.); (RIC VIII, 456) C•? (8 ex.);
15 March 351 – 6 November 355 (RIC VIII, 456, no. 104) C Г (1 ex.); C S (2 ex.); C Z (1 ex.); C H (1
ex.); C IA (1 ex.); (RIC VIII, 456) C ? (3 ex.).
Nicomedia (1 ex.). 15 March 351 – 6 November 355 (RIC VIII, 478, no. 81) SMN (1 ex.34).
Valentinian I (10 ex.).
Constantinople (10 ex.). 25 February 364 – 24 August 367 (RIC IX, 211, no. 11(a)) CONSP A (6
ex.); (RIC IX, 211, no. 11(b)) CONS A (3 ex.); (cf. RIC IX, 211, no. 11) CO... (1 ex.).
Procopius (1 ex.).
Constantinople (1). 28 September 365 – 27 Mai 366 (RIC IX, 211-213, no. -; cf. no. 11(a)3 and
11(d)4 for Valentinian I and Valens coins) CONS ∆ (1 ex. = 3.17 g, 21 mm, which appears in the article
2016 under no. 76, see Plate XVI, no. VIII.76).
IX. TARACLIA, Ceadîr-Lunga region, 1956. The hoard was found in the village area. According
to the information offered by A. Boldureanu, most likely the hoard was made of a big number of pieces,
but only four of them were preserved. The hoard entered Museum’s collection in Chișinău. It was briefly
mentioned by E. Stoljarik35, A. Popa and L. Ciobanu36. The preserved coins were issued in 355-61 and 364-
67.
Taraclia hoard (4 ex.; MNIM, inv. FB-13135 – FB-13138).
Catalogue (Plate VIII)
Constantius II
Siliquae
Sirmium
31 Dergaciova 2016, 93-97, catalogue, nos. 1, 6, 14, 45, 61, 76; pl. III-V, nos. 1, 6, 14, 45, 61, 76.
32 Dergaciova 2016, 93 and 97, catalogue, nos. 1, 76.
33 The coin was attributed wrongly to officina A (cf. RIC VIII, 456, no. 102 for C•∆ and Dergaciova 2016, 93, no. 1; 102,
pl. III.1).
34 The coin was attributed mistakenly to the Siscia mint (cf. RIC VIII, 478, no. 81 and Dergaciova 2016, 95-96, no. 44;
103, pl. IV.44).
35 With reference to the information offered by A. Nudelman, it is mentioned that recovered pieces from Taraclia hoard
were issued by Constantius II (2 ex.) and Valentinian I (2 ex.) (cf. Кокоржицкая, Столярик 1990, 114, no. 22; Столярик 1992,
21). Another erroneous source speaks of three pieces issued by Valentinian I and Valens (Isvoranu 2015, 67).
36 Popa, Ciobanu 2003, 68 with the same misleading information, copied from previous works about Constantius II and
Valentinian I coins.
128
1. AR 3.94 g, 21 mm, 6h, traces of burn, cracked due to heat of fire; MNIM, inv. FB-13136.
Valentinian I
Constantinople
25 February 364 – 24 August 367 (RIC IX, 211, no. -, cf. no. 11(a) but with mint-mark B instead of A, di-
adem A instead of B).
Obv. DN VALENTINI – ANVS PF AVG Diademed, draped and cuirassed bust right.
Rev. VOT / V Legend within wreath. CONSP B in exergue.
2. AR 3.12 g, 21.1 mm, 6h, traces of burn; MNIM, inv. FB-13135.
Valens
Two Siliquae stuck together
3-4. AR 5.89 g, about 20-21 mm each, first one, no. 3, is stuck with its obverse to the reverse of the coin no.
4, which makes it impossible to identify the mint-mark of the no. 3 and to reconstruct the obverse legend
of the no. 4; traces of burn, stuck together due to heat of fire. MNIM, inv. FB-13137-13138.
3. Mint not identified. MNIM, inv. FB-13137.
Obv. ... ...S – PF AVG Diademed, draped and cuirassed bust left.
Rev. V... Legend within wreath. No letters can be seen in exergue.
4. Constantinople 25 February 364 – 24 August 367 (cf. RIC IX, 211, no. 11(e)2; 11(j)2 because of the di-
adem). MNIM, inv. FB-13138.
Obv. ... – PF AVG Diademed, draped and cuirassed bust right.
Rev. VOT / V Legend within wreath. CONS Г in exergue.
X. TELENEȘTI region. According to the data offered by A. Boldureanu, the year of discovery of
the hoard, as well as its composition are not known. The batch of 26 siliquae issued during the time of
Constantius II was bought by the Museum in 1993-4. Brief information about this batch was published by
A. Popa and L. Ciobanu37. These coins were issued between 347-55 and 355-61.
Telenești region hoard (26 ex.; MNIM, inv. FB-22456-22457, FB-22464-1 – 22464-18, FB-22487,
FB-22499-1 – 22499-4, FB-22485).
Catalogue (Plates VIII-IX)
Constantius II
Siliquae
Sirmium
1. AR 3.31 g, 20.4 mm, 12h; MNIM, inv. FB-22464-7.
3. AR 3.37 g, 21 mm, 12h; MNIM, inv. FB-22464-11.
5. AR 3.10 g, 21.2 mm, 12h, same reverse die as no. VII.21 from Holms’ke hoard; MNIM, inv. FB-22499-4.
37 Popa, Ciobanu 2003, 71 with erroneous information about 25 coins.
129
Constantinople
Mint-mark A
Rev. VOTIS / XXX / MVLTIS / XXXX Legend within wreath. C A in exergue.
Mint-mark B
Mint-mark ∆
Mint-mark S
Mint-mark Z
Mint-mark H
Mint-mark Θ
18. AR 3.17 g, 20.9 mm, 6h, multiple traces of attempts to cut the coin into two pieces slightly deep into
the metal on obverse; MNIM, inv. FB-22464-4.
Rev. VOTIS / XXX / MVLTIS / XXXX Legend within wreath. C Θ in exergue.
Mint-mark I
130
21. AR 2.99 g, 21.4 mm, 12h, same reverse die as no. VII.85 from Holms’ke hoard; MNIM, inv. FB-22464-1.
15 March 351 – 6 November 355 (cf. RIC VIII, 456, no. 104).
22. AR 3.36 g, 20.5 mm, 6h, same reverse die as no. VII.5 from Chișinău, the airport hoard; MNIM, inv.
FB-22499-3.
Mint-mark IA
Cyzicus
347 – 6 November 355 (RIC VIII, 493, no. 45).
Rev. VOTIS / XXX / MVLTIS / XXXX Legend within wreath. SMK in exergue.
B. List of Single Finds in Siliqua Coins (Plates X-XV and XVI)

REPUBLIC OF MOLDOVA
BRICENI region
GROZNIȚA
Constantius II. Arles 18 August 353 – 6 November 355 (cf. RIC VIII, 218, no. 207, second group:
Constantia).
Rev. VOTIS / XXX / MVLTIS / XXXX Legend within wreath. Z (C)ON in exergue.
1. AR ? g, about 21 mm, pierced; found 1.5 km north-east from Groznița village, in 2015. Private collec-
tion. Plate X, no. 1.
MIHĂILENI
Constantius II. Sirmium.
2. AR 3.31 g, 18 mm; found on a field in 1978. Private collection. Inf. I. Caduc. Unpublished. Men-
tioned without image by Нудельман 1985, 152, no. 57(15) and 167, no. 29; Butnariu 1988, 180, no. 312;
Кокоржицкая, Столярик 1990, 112, no. 4 with reference to the information offered by A. Nudelman, the
coin was found in 1983; Кропоткин 2000, 43, no. 2118; Popa, Ciobanu 2003, 54 with an observation that
it may be the same example, mentioned by E. Stoljarik, but with a lower weight.
CAHUL region
DOINA
Constantius II. Antioch 347-350.
3. AR 2.96 g, 20 mm; found by the villager in his garden, during agricultural work in 2011. Private collec-
tion. Unpublished. Mentioned without image by Boldureanu 2012, 348, nr. I.
GIURGIULEȘTI
Constantius II. Sirmium September 351 – 6 November 355 (RIC VIII, 385, no. 17).
131
4. AR 3.1 g, 21x21.7 mm; found in the city or its vicinity. Private collection. Published by Boldureanu 2007,
354, nr. III.4; 358, fig. 2.1. Plate X, no. 4.
CAHUL region
Constans. Nicomedia Spring 340 – 19 January 350 (RIC VIII, 474, no. 42).
Obv. D N CONSTA – NS P F AVG Diademed bust right.
Rev. VOTIS / XXV / MVLTIS / XXX Legend within wreath. SMN in exergue.
5. AR 3.17 g, 20 mm; found in 2013. Private collection. Plate X, no. 5.
Constantius II. Reduced Siliqua. Arles 6 November 355 – Spring 360 (RIC VIII, 223, no. 258).
Obv. DN CONSTAN ... Diademed, draped and cuirassed bust right.
Rev. VO ... / XX... / MVL ... / XXX ... Legend within wreath. CON ... in exergue.
6. AR 1.44 g, about 21 mm, coin cut in two equal parts, only one half has been preserved, pierced. Private
collection. Plate X, no. 6.
CANTEMIR region
ANTONEȘTI
Constantius II. Mint not identified 351-355 (Cohen VII, 492, no. 341).
7. AR 3.32 g, 21.4 mm; found by students in 1970. Unpublished. Mentioned without image by Нудельман
1974b, 190, no. 18; Preda 1975, 458; Нудельман 1976, 70, no. 94; Нудельман 1985, 151, no. 57(1); Butnar-
iu 1988, 179, no. 287; Столярик 1992, 80, no. 62; Popa, Ciobanu 2003, 48-49, no. b.
CANIA
8. AR ? g, 21.5x20 mm. Private collection. Plate X, no. 8.
Constantius II. Constantinople 15 March 351 – 6 November 355 (RIC VIII, 456, no. 102).
Rev. VOTIS / XXX / MVLTIS / XXXX Legend within wreath. C•B in exergue.
CÎȘLA
10. AR ? g, about 21 mm, mint-mark slightly erased which makes its attribution to the Constantinople
mint uncertain; found in 2019. Private collection. Plate X, no. 10.
COCIULIA
COȘTANGALIA
Valens. Constantinople 25 February 364 – 24 August 367 (RIC IX, 211, no. 11(e)3; 11(j)3).
Obv. D N VALENS – P F AVG Diademed, draped and cuirassed bust right.
Rev. VOT / V Legend within wreath. CONS Z in exergue.
132
LĂRGUȚA
TIGHECI FOREST
Jovian. Reduced siliqua. Nicomedia 27 June 363 – 16 February 364 (RIC VIII, 485, no. 127).
Obv. ... IAN – V ... Diademed, draped and cuirassed bust right.
Rev. ... / X Legend within wreath. SMN in exergue.
15. AR ? g, ? mm, fragment; found in 2014. Private collection. Plate X, no. 15.
ȚĂRĂNCUȚA
Valentinian I. Constantinople 25 February 364 – 24 August 367 (RIC IX, 211, no. -, cf. no. 11(a) but
with mint-mark B instead of A, diadem A instead of B).
Obv. D N VALENTINI – ANVS P F AVG Diademed, draped and cuirassed bust right.
Rev. VOT / V Legend within wreath. CONSP B in exergue.
17. AR ? g, about 21 mm; found in 2016. Private collection. Plate X, no. 17.
CANTEMIR region
Constantius Gallus. Antioch 15 March 351 – late 354 (RIC VIII, 520, no. 109).
Obv. D N CONSTANTI – VS NOB CAES Draped and cuirassed bust right.
Rev. VO / TIS / V Legend within wreath. ANT in exergue.
18. AR 3.37 g, 21 mm; found in 2015. Plate X, no. 18.
19. AR ? g, ? mm, same reverse die as no. VII.19 from Holms’ke hoard; found in 2016. Private collection.
Plate XI, no. 19.
Constantius II. Sirmium 6 November 355 – Summer 361 (RIC VIII, 389, no. 66).
20. AR ? g, about 21 mm; found in 2018. Plate XI. 20.
21. AR ? g, ? mm, same reverse die as no. VII.36 from Holms’ke hoard; found in 2016. Private collection.
Plate XI, no. 21.
22. AR 3.02 g, 22x21 mm; found in 2019. Private collection. Plate XI, no. 22.
133
Obv. DN CONSTAN – TIVS PF AVG Diademed, draped and cuirassed bust right.
23. AR ? g, ? mm; found in 2016. Private collection. Plate XI, no. 23.
Valentinian I. Constantinople 25 February 364 – 24 August 367 (RIC IX, 211, no. -, cf. no. 11(a) but
with mint-mark Г instead of А, diadem A instead of B).
Rev. VOT / V Legend within wreath. CONSP Г in exergue.
24. AR 3.24 g, 20 mm; found in 2016. Private collection. Plate XI, no. 24.
Valentinian I. Constantinople 25 February 364 – 24 August 367 (RIC IX, 211, no. 11(g)2).
Rev. VOT / V Legend within wreath. CONS A(?)in exergue.
Valentinian I. Constantinople 25 February 364 – 24 August 367 (RIC IX, 211, no. 11(a)3).
Rev. VOT / V Legend within wreath. CONS ∆in exergue.
Valens. Constantinople 25 February 364 – 24 August 367 (RIC IX, 211, no. -, cf. no. 11(c) but with
mint-mark A instead of ∆, diadem B instead of A).
Rev. VOT / V Legend within wreath. CONSP A in exergue.
27. AR 3.55 g, 20 mm, diadem with the earring38; found in 2016. Private collection. Plate XI, no. 27.
Valens. Constantinople 25 February 364 – 24 August 367 (RIC IX, 211, no. -, cf. no. 11(d)3 but with
mint-mark Г instead of P; obverse legend 2a).
Obv. D N VALEN – S P F AVG Diademed, draped and cuirassed bust right.
Rev. VOT / V Legend within wreath. CONSP Г in exergue.
28. AR 3.75 g, 20 mm, same reverse die as no. 24 of Valentinian I issue; found in 2016. Private collection.
Plate XI, no. 28.
Valens. Constantinople 25 February 364 – 24 August 367 (RIC IX, 211, no. 11(i)2).
Rev. VOT / V Legend within wreath. CONS Є in exergue.
Valens. Constantinople 25 February 364 – 24 August 367 (RIC IX, 211, no. 11(d)3; 11(i)1).
31. AR ? g,? mm; found in 2016. Private collection. Plate XI, no. 31.
CĂLĂRAȘI region
NIȘCANI
Constantius II. Rome 26 September 352 – 6 November 355 (RIC VIII, 270, no. 237).
Obv. D N CONSTANTI – VS NOB CAES Bust right.
Rev. Star within wreath. R in exergue.
32. AR 2.86 g, 19.4 mm, 6h, pierced; found in 2008. Private collection. Published by Boldureanu 2009, 348,
nr. II.6 and 349, fig. 1.10. Plate XI, no. 32.
CIMIȘLIA region
CIMIȘLIA
38 About the coins of this type, remained unknown until today, we will discuss with other occasion, in the article to be
signed together with Alexander Alexandrov.
134
33. AR ? g, 20 mm. Private collection. Plate XI, no. 33.
34. AR 3.3 g, 22 mm, same obverse die as no. VII.40 from Holms’ke hoard; foundin 2020. Private collec-
tion. Plate XII, no. 34.
Valentinian I. Constantinople 25 February 364 – 24 August 367 (RIC IX, 211, no. 11(b)).
Av. DN VALENTINI – ANVS PF AVG Diademed, draped and cuirassed bust left.
Rev. VOT / V Legend within wreath. CONS A in exergue.
35. AR 3.08 g, 22 mm; found in 2020. Private collection. Plate XII, no. 35.
IALPUG River Valey

37. AR 2.3 g, about 21 mm; found in 2018. Private collection. Plate XII, no. 37.
Valens. Constantinople 25 February 364 – 24 August 367 (RIC IX, 211, no. 11(d)3; 11(i)1).
Av. D N VALENS – P F AVG Diademed, draped and cuirassed bust left.
Valens. Constantinople 25 February 364 – 24 August 367 (RIC IX, 211, no. -, cf. no. 11(c) with
mint-mark Г instead of ∆; obverse legend 2a).
Av. D N VALENS – P F AVG
Rv. VOT / V Legend within wreath. CONSP Г in exergue
CRIULENI region
SLOBOZIA-DUȘCA
Constantius II. Thessalonica 25 December 350 – 6 November 355 (RIC VIII, 417, no. 163).
Rev. VOTIS / XXX / MVLTIS / XXXX Legend within wreath. TES in exergue.
STEȚCANI
41. AR ? g, about 21 mm, traces of burn; found in 2015. Private collection. Plate XII, no. 41.
EDINEȚ region
CEPELEUȚI
Constantius II. Constantinople 9 September 337 – Spring 340 (RIC VIII, 448, no. 15).
Obv. No legend. Diademed head right.
Rev. ... – NVS AVGVSTVS. Victory walking left, holding wreath and palm-branch. ...•... in exergue.
42. AR 2.05 g, about 21 mm, traces of a loop, not preserved; found in 2013. Private collection. Plate XII,
no. 42.
135
FĂLEȘTI region
GLINJENI
43. AR ? g, about 21 mm, pierced; found on a field in 2020. Private collection. Plate XII, no. 43.
44. AR ? g, about 21 mm, pierced; found on a field in 2020. Private collection. Plate XII, no. 44.
Constantius II. Nicomedia 15 March 351 – 6 November 355 (RIC VIII, 478, no. 81).
PÎRLIȚA
46. AR ? g, about 21 mm; found in 2016. Private collection. Plate XII, no. 46.
GLODENI region
CAJBA
Valentinian I. Constantinople 25 February 364 – 24 August 367 (RIC IX, 211, no. -, cf. no. 11(a)
with mint-mark ∆ instead of A, diadem A instead of B).
Obv. D N VALENTINI – ANVS P F AVG Diademed, draped and cuirassed bust right.
Rev. VOT / V Legend within wreath. CONSP ∆ in exergue.
DANU
Constantius II. Siscia Spring 340 – 19 January 350 (RIC VIII, 362, no. 169, but without marks after
SIS).
Obv. CONSTANTI – VS P F AVG Diademed, draped and cuirassed bust right.
Rev. VICTORIA – AVGVSTORVM. Victoria walking left; holding wreath and trophy. SIS in exergue.
48. AR ? g, about 21 mm; found in 2016. Private collection. Plate XII, no. 48.
GLODENI
49. AR 2.45 g, 21 mm; found in 2014. Plate XIII, no. 49.
HÎNCEȘTI region
BRĂTIANOVCA – CĂRPINENI
50. AR 2.6 g, about 21 mm, same obverse and reverse dies as no. VII.85 from Holms’ke hoard; found
somewhere between these two villages in 2013. Private collection. Plate XIII, no. 50.
136
COTUL MORII
Constantius II. Mint not identified (Cohen VII, 492, no. 342).
51. AR 3.14 g, 21.1 mm; found during agricultural work in 1969. Unpublished. Mentioned without image
byНудельман 1974a, 206, no. 23; Preda 1975, 464; Нудельман 1976, 69, no. 81; Butnariu 1988, 179, no.
295 as bronze specimen; Кропоткин 2000, 42, no. 2104; Popa, Ciobanu 2003, 57.
LOGĂNEȘTI
Valens. Constantinople 25 February 364 – 24 August 367 (RIC IX, 211, no. 11(h)).
Obv. DN VALENS – PF AVG Diademed, draped and cuirassed bust right.
Rev. VOT / V Legend within wreath. CONS B in exergue.
52. AR 3.75 g, 20 mm. Private collection. Plate XIII, no. 52.
VALEA FLORII
53. AR 3.75 g, about 21 mm; found in 2013. Private collection. Plate XIII, no. 53.
HÎNCEȘTI region
Constantius II. Mint not identified.
Rev. VOTIS / XXX / MVLTIS / XXXX Legend within wreath. No letters can be identified in exergue.
54. AR ? g, about 21 mm; found in the forest close to the city in 2016. Private collection. Plate XIII, no. 54.
IALOVENI region
CIGÎRLENI
Constantius II. Constantinople 15 March 351 – 6 November 355 (RIC VIII, 456, no. 101, 104).
55. AR ? g, ? mm; found in the village. Inf. N. Țurcan. Unpublished. Mentioned without image by Столярик
1987а, 93, no. 4; Столярик 1992, 81, no. 75; Popa, Ciobanu 2003, 50.
HOREȘTI
Constantius II. Sirmium 351-355 (Cohen VII, 492, no. 341).
56. AR 2.87 g, 20.8 mm; found during agricultural work in 1971. Unpublished. Mentioned without image
by Нудельман 1974a, 206, no. 24; Preda 1975, 468; Нудельман 1976, 62, no. 32; Нудельман 1985, 151, no.
57(7); Butnariu 1988, 179, no. 301; Кропоткин 2000, 41, no. 2070; Popa, Ciobanu 2003, 47.
RĂZENI
57. AR ? g, about 21 mm, same reverse die as no. VII.2 from Holms’ke hoard. Private collection. Plate XIII,
no. 57.
58. AR ? g, about 21 mm. Private collection. Plate XIII, no. 58.
Rev. VOTIS / XXX / MVLTIS / XXXX Legend within wreath. C•H in exergue.
59. AR ? g, 21 mm. Private collection. Plate XIII, no. 59.
137
60. AR ? g, 21 mm; same obverse and reverse dies as no. VII.69 from Holms’ke hoard. Private collection.
Plate XIII, no. 60.
Constantius II. Antioch 6 November 355 – 3 November 361 (RIC VIII, 527, no. 184).
Obv. D N CONSTAN – TIVS P F AVG Diademed bust right.
Rev. VOTIS / XXX / MVLTIS / XXXX Legend within wreath. •ANT• in exergue.
LEOVA region
BEȘTEMAC
The imitation of Constantius II siliqua. Constantinople.
Obv. D N CONSTH – TVS HVG Diademed, draped and cuirassed bust right.
Rev. FELICITHS REI PVDLICE. XOX (X or T upside down) / VOT / HVTT (T upside down) / XXX (X
or T upside down) Legend within wreath. C•Г in exergue.
63. AR 2.10 g, 19 mm; found in 2018. Private collection. Plate XVI, no. 63.
IARGARA
Constantius II. Thessalonica 25 December 350 – 6 November 355 (RIC VIII, 417 no. 163).
Rev. VOTIS / XXX / MVLTIS / XXXX Legend within wreath. TES in exergue.
64. AR ? g, 20 mm; found in vicinity of Iargara, in the direction of Romanovca village in 2020. Private
collection. Plate XIII, no. 64.
LEOVA
65. AR 3.05 g, 21 mm; found in 1980. Private collection. Unpublished. Mentioned by Popa, Ciobanu 2003,
57 with reference to the information offered by Gh. Postică, without image of the coin or other details
regarding the mint-name.
OCNIȚA region
BÎRLĂDENI
Constantius II. Antioch late 347 – 6 November 355 (RIC VIII, 520, no 106).
Rev. VOTIS / XXV / MVLTIS / XXX Legend within wreath. ANT in exergue.
66. AR 3.10 g, 21 mm, traces of a loop which was cut; found to the west of commune in 2016. Private col-
lection. Plate XIII, no. 66.
GÎRBOVA
Constantius II. Antioch 9 September 337 – late 347 (RIC VIII, 514, no. 35).
Rev. VOTIS / XV / MVLTIS / XX Legend within wreath. ANT in exergue.
67. AR ? g, ? mm. Private collection. Published by Boldureanu 2015, 317, II.
GRINĂUȚI
138
68. AR 2.45 g, 21 mm; found in 2010. Private collection. Plate XIII, no. 68.
HĂDĂRĂUȚI
Constantius II. Constantinople Spring 340 – 15 March 351 (RIC VIII, 451, no. 58).
Obv. D N CONSTA – NTIVS AVG Diademed, draped and cuirassed bust right.
Rev. FELICI ... BLICE. VOT / XX / MVLT / XXX Legend within wreath.C•S in exergue.
69. AR ? g, about 21 mm, major traces of burn, probably there was a loop according to the shape of the
missing fragment on side most affected by the fire; found 1.5 km south of the village. Private collection.
Plate XIII, no. 69.
LIPNIC
Valens. Constantinople 25 February 364 – 24 August 367 (RIC IX, 211, no. 11(e)2; 11(j)2).
Obv. D N VALENS – P F AVG Diademed, draped and cuirassed bust left.
70. AR 4.2 g, 20 mm, with a loop; found in vicinity of Lipnic, in the direction of Gîrbova village in 2010.
Private collection. Plate XIV, no. 70.
OTACI
71. AR ? g, 21 mm, found on the field, near the village, in 2016. Private collection. Plate XIV, no. 71.
Rev. FELICITAS REI PVBLICE. VOT / XX / MVLT / XXX Legend within wreath. C•B in exergue.
72. AR ? g, 21 mm, multiple traces of attempts to cut the coin into two pieces slightly deep into the metal
on obverse; found on the field, near the village, in 2016. Private collection. Plate XIV, no. 72.
ORHEI region
BREANOVA
Rev. FELICITAS REI PVBLICE. VOT / XX / MVLT / XXX Legend within wreath. C•Г in exergue.
73. AR ? g, 20 mm; found in 2013. Private collection. Plate XIV, no. 73.
TREBUJENI
Constantius II. Sirmium 351-355.
74. AR ? g, ? mm; found during the archaeological investigations at the fortress of Orheiul Vechi in 1948.
Unpublished. Mentioned without image by Федоров 1960a, 257, no. 60; Рикман 1975, 104, no. 426;
Нудельман 1976, 64, no. 48; Нудельман 1985, 152, no. 57(23); Butnariu 1988, 180, no. 342; Кропоткин
2000, 44, no. 2149; Popa, Ciobanu 2003, 63.
ORHEI raion
75. AR ? g, about 21 mm; found in 2020. Private collection. Plate XIV, no. 75.
139
78. AR 2.7 g, 21 mm; found in 2020. Private collection. Plate XIV, no. 78.
Constantius II. Cyzicus c. 342 (RIC VIII, 490, no. 3).
Rev. FELICITAS REI PVBLICE. VOT / XX / MVLT / XXX Legend within wreath. SMK in exergue.
REZINA region
CUIZĂUCA
Constantius II. Sirmium September 351 – 6 November 355 (RIC VIII, 385, no. 15, 17).
81. AR 2.89 g, 20.9 mm; found during the beet harvest by the driver Gh. Vieru, in September 1979. The
coin remained by the founder. Inf. Gh. Vieru. Unpublished. Mentioned without image by Нудельман
1985, 152, no. 57(12) and 166, no. 24; Столярик 1987а, 93-94, no. 6; Butnariu 1988, 179, no. 297; Popa,
Ciobanu 2003, 59.
SOLONCENI
82. AR 3.14 g, 18x22 mm; found on the settlement of Sântana de Mureș-Chernyakhiv Culture near the
village, in the house no. 2, in 1986. Published by Левинский 1992, 196-197, fig. 4.10 with the image of bad
quality which does not allow mint-mark identification. Mentioned by Кокоржицкая, Столярик 1990,
112, no. 5; Popa, Ciobanu 2003, 61-62 with the information that the coin has 3.01 g.
RÎȘCANI region
RECEA
83. AR ? g, 21 mm, with a loop; found in 2020. Private collection. Plate XIV, no. 83.
SÎNGEREI region
BOCANCEA-SCHIT
Constantius II. Arles 18 August 353 – 6 November 355 (cf. RIC VIII, 223, no. 253, second group:
Constantia).
Rev. VOTIS / XXX / MVLTIS / XXXX Legend within wreath. CИN(?) in exergue.
84. AR 2.88 g, about 21 mm, off-center strike on reverse, which does not allow to identify the mint-mark;
found in 2020. Private collection. Plate XIV, no. 84.
Constantius II. Antioch 9 September 337 – late 347 (RIC VIII, 514, no. 35).
Rev. VOTIS / XV / MVLTIS / XX Legend within wreath. ANT in exergue.
140
85. AR 3.02 g, 20 mm; found in 2020. Private collection. Plate XIV, no. 85.
CHIȘCĂRENI
Rev. FELICITAS REI PVBLICE. VOT / XV / MVLT / XX Legend within wreath.C•H in exergue.
86. AR 2.98 g, about 21 mm; found in 2015. Private collection. Plate XV. no. 86.
SOROCA region
SOROCA
Rev. FELICITAS REI PVBLICE. VOT / XX / MVLT / XXX Legend within wreath. C•Г in exergue.
87. AR ? g, 21 mm, multiple traces of attempts to cut the coin into two pieces slightly deep into the metal
on obverse, broken on edge; found in 2015. Private collection. Plate XV, no. 87.
STRĂȘENI region
TĂTĂREȘTI
Constantius II. Constantinopol 15 March 351 – 6 November 355 (RIC VIII, 456, no. 104).
88. AR 3.80 g, 20.1 mm, 8h. Published by Boldureanu 2010, 274, no. 9 and 276, fig. 1.9. Plate XV, no. 88.
VORNICENI
89. AR, ? g, ? mm; found on the field by students in 1973. Unpublished. Inf. A. Fin and V. Bukarskij.
Mentioned without image by Нудельман 1974b, 190, no. 19; Preda 1975, 484; Нудельман 1976, 65, no.
57; Нудельман 1985, 151, no. 57(6); Butnariu 1988, 180, no. 345; Кропоткин 2000, 41, no. 2065; Popa,
Ciobanu 2003, 52.
UNGHENI region
BUMBĂTA
Constantius II. Antioch 351-355.
90. AR ? g, ? mm; found by the student I. Postolache at the foot of a hill near the railway in 1973. Private
collection. Inf. A. Slavinschij. Unpublished. Mentioned without image by Нудельман 1985, 151, no. 57(5)
and 164, no. 8 as Antioch mint; Столярик 1987а, 93, no. 5 as Sirmium mint; Butnariu 1988, 179, no. 289 as
Antioch mint; Кропоткин 2000, 41, no. 2058 as Antioch mint; Popa, Ciobanu 2003, 69 as Sirmium mint.
PÎRLIȚA
Valens. Reduced siliqua. Constantinople 25 February 364 – 24 August 367 (RIC IX, 212, no. 13(d)).
Obv. D N VALENS P F AVG Diademed, draped and cuirassed bust right.
Rev. VOT / V Legend within wreath. C•Є in exergue.
91. AR ? g, ? mm; found in the village, in 1983. Inf. E. Ciocanu. Unpublished. Mentioned without image
by Столярик 1987а, 94, no. 7; Popa, Ciobanu 2003, 70; Isvoranu 2015, 67.
AUTONOMOUS TERRITORIAL UNIT OF GAGAUZIA (ATUG)

DEZGHINGEA
Constantius II. Arles 18 August 353 – 6 November 355 (RIC VIII, 218, no. 207, second group:
Constantia).
Rev. VOTIS / XXX / MVLTIS / XXXX Legend within wreath. P CON in exergue.
141
92. AR ? g, ? mm, traces of burn; found in 2020. Private collection. Plate XV, no. 92.
REPUBLIC OF MOLDOVA, uncertain place of found

Constans. Nicomedia Spring 340 – 19 January 350 (RIC VIII, 474, no. 42).
Obv. D N CONSTA – NS P F AVG Diademed bust right.
93. AR 3.18 g, 20x20.5 mm; found in 2014. Private collection. Plate XV, no. 93.
Constantius II. Siscia 28 September 351 – 6 November 355 (RIC VIII, 373, no. 325).
Rev. VOT / XXX / MVLT / XXXX Legend within wreath. SIS in exergue.
94. AR 3.6 g, 21 mm; found in 2013. Private collection. Plate XV, no. 94.
95. AR ? g, about 22 mm; found in 2016. Private collection. Plate XV, no. 95.
Rev. FELICITAS REI PVBLICE. VOT / XX / MVLT / XXX Legend within wreath. C•A in exergue.
96. AR ? g, 22x21 mm, found somewhere in the north part of the country. Private collection. Plate XV, no.
96.
Rev. VOTIS / XXX / MVLTIS / XXXX Legend within wreath. C•B in exergue.
99. AR, ? g, 22x21 mm, found in the north part of the country. Private collection. Plate XV, no. 99.
Constantius II. Nicomedia Spring 340 – 19 January 350 (RIC VIII, p. 474, no. 40).
102. AR ? g, about 21 mm, multiple traces of attempts to cut the coin into two pieces slightly deep into the
metal on obverse, double pierced. Private collection. Plate XV, no. 102.
Constantius II. AntiochLate 347 – 6 November 355 (RIC VIII, 520, no. 108).
Rev. VOTIS / XXX / MVLTIS / XXXX Legend within wreath. ANT in exergue.
103. AR ? g, 21 mm, pierced. Private collection. Plate XV, no. 103.
104. AR 3.2 g, 20.8 mm. MNEIM. Unpublished. Mentioned without image by Нудельман, Рикман
142
1956, 150, no. 21(835) as bronze specimen; Федоров 1960b, 180, no. 21; Нудельман 1976, 77, no. 22b;
Нудельман 1985, 152, no. 57(24); Popa, Ciobanu 2003, 73.
105. AR 2.77 g, 21 mm, 6h. MNEIM. Unpublished. Mentioned without image by Нудельман, Рикман
1956, 150, no. 20(836); Федоров 1960b, 180, no. 21; Нудельман 1976, 77, no. 22a; Нудельман 1985, 152,
no. 57(24); Popa, Ciobanu 2003, 73.
UKRAINE
ODESA region
PAVLIVKA, Artsyz district
Valens. Antioch (Cohen VIII, 110, no. 146).
106. AR 3.2 g, 19x20 mm; found on the bank of the Cogâlnic River. Unpublished. Mentioned without im-
age by Карышковский 1976, 174, no. 6; Нудельман 1985, 152, no. 59(1) and 168, no. 41; Butnariu 1988,
180, no. 321 as bronze specimen; Кокоржицкая, Столярик 1990, 113, no. 11 referring to the information
offered by P. Karyshkovsky, they mention a coin struck by Constantinople mint of 2.81 g, found in 1980-
81; Гудкова и др. 1991, 27; Столярик 1989, 49; Столярик 1992, 83, no. 147; Кропоткин 2000, 33, no.
1900; Popa, Ciobanu 2003, 103.
KYRNYCHKY (rom. Fântâna-Zânelor), Izmail district

Constantius II. Constantinople 351-355 (Cohen VII, 492, no. 342).
107. AR 3.10 g, 20x22 mm, pierced.
Constantius II. Sirmium 351-355 (Cohen VII, 492, no. 343).
108. AR 2.51 g, 19x20 mm, pierced.
In 1959 M. Trofimchiuk brought for determination two pierced coins, both of the same issuer.
Unpublished. Mentioned without image by Сымонович 1960, 240 with the information about two pieces
from Constantius II, found in Krinicki/Krynychky; Карышковский 1963, 65, no. 18 referring to the work
signed by E. Secinskij in 1901, mentioned a coin hoard found in Kirnicki/Kyrnychky; also he speaks about
two coins brought by Trofimchiuk in 1959; 65-66, no. 18 he mentioned another two coins from Constan-
tius II, which in his opinion come from the same hoard described by E.I. Secinskij; Кропоткин 1966, 89,
no. 93 coins were pierced, found in Krinicki/Krynychky; Butnariu 1988, 180, no. 309 coins were found in
necropolis from Krinicki/Krynychky; Столярик 1987b, 72; Столярик 1989, 48 and Столярик 1992, 21
expressed the idea that the pieces discovered in 1959 complete two other discoveries of siliqua, confirming
that the hoard of siliquae was found in Kyrnychky in the 19th century.
This information, in our point of view, is a wrong one due to fact that two different localities with
similar names are confused. Namely the locality called Krynychky from Vinnitsa region and above men-
tioned locality Kyrnychky from Odessa region. A coin hoard of Constantius II siliquae was found in Kr-
ynychky village; it was mentioned by E. Secinskij in 1901 (Сецинский 1901, 255-257), while two pierced
coins were detected in the locality of Kyrnychky in the Odessa region. This overlap of information about
two unconnected localities seems to have been repeated in several works, each time being completed with
new details. Thus, E. Symonovich (Сымонович 1960, 240) and V. Kropotkin (Кропоткин 1961, 70, no.
760) with reference to the work of E. Secinskij, called the locality Krynychky, but placed it in the Odessa
region (not Vinnitsa). In the later works, signed in 1966 and 2000, with reference to the work of P. Kar-
yshkovsky from 1963, V. Kropotkin came up with new data about two pierced coins found in 1959, he
names the town Krynychki (not Kyrnychki) and place it in the Odessa region (Кропоткин 1966, 89, no.
93; Кропоткин 2000, 32-33, no. 1887). See also P. Karyshkovsky article with some important observations
(Карышковский 1963, 65-66, no. 18).
ANALOGIES
for Procopius (Plate XVI)
Constantinople 28 September 365 – 27 Mai 366 (RIC IX, 211-213, no. -; cf. no. 11(a)3 and 11(d)4
for Valentinian I and Valens coins).
143
Obv. D N PROCO – PIVS P F AVG Diademed, draped and cuirassed bust left.
Rev. VOT / V Legend within wreath. CONS ∆ in exergue.
109. AR 3.19 g, 20 mm, 6h, same reverse die as no. VIII.76 from Lărguța hoard. Unpublished. Sold by
Auktionshaus H.D. Rauch GmbH, auction 98, lot 699, date 21.09.2015; Nomos, Obolos Web Auction 4, lot
865, date 21.02.2016. Plate XVI, no. 109.
Constantinople 28 September 365 – 27 Mai 366 (RIC IX, 211-213, no. -; cf. no. 11(a)3 and 11(d)4
for Valentinian I and Valens coins).
Obv. D N PROCO – PIVS P F AVG Diademed, draped and cuirassed bust left.
Rev. VOT / V Legend within wreath. CONГ ∆ in exergue.
110. AR 2.9 g, about 20 mm, same obverse die as no. VIII.76 from Lărguța hoard; found in Chernivtsi
region, Ukraine, in 2016. Unpublished. Sold by Violity Auction, date 10.05.2016. Plate XVI, no. 110.
for imitations (Plate XVI)

The imitation of Constantius II siliqua. Constantinople.
Obv. Ɔ IIII O IIII – IIIII O IIIII C Diademed, draped and cuirassed bust right.
Rev. TOII / XXX / -II –I-IIII / XXX Legend within wreath. IIII in exergue.
111. AR 2.66 g, 19 mm; found in Khmelnytskyi region, Ukraine. Private collection. Published by Анохин
2015, 106, no. 294. Plate XVI, no. 111.
The barbarous imitation of siliqua. Prototype not identified.
Obv. No legend. Bust left.
Rev. VOT / XX / HVLT / ... Legend within wreath. Mint-place in exergue can not be identified.
112. AR ? g, about 17 mm, with a loop; found in Khmelnytskyi region, Ukraine. Private collection. Pub-
lished by Анохин 2015, 102, no. 261. Plate XVI, no. 112.
Therefore, we have an important amount of coins from hoards and single finds that we propose to
analyse separately.
Observations on Coin Hoards

The catalogue contains the information about ten hoards, which include data about 354 preserved
coins. The number of pieces accessible to our study is quite smaller in comparison to the approximate
number of the coins the hoards were formed of, which exceeds 850 samples. But, it is still useful for our
research.
Two hoards – Budăi/1951, made of 127 coins and Holms’ke/1982, formed from 93 pieces are
100-percent collected. The Lărguța/2007-8 hoard, initially included 86 items, was recovered on 88.3% (76
ex.). The other seven hoards have been fragmented (Braniște/1971, Capaclia/before 2015, Chișinău/1973,
Chișinău/1999-2000, Chișinău, the airport, Taraclia/1956, Telenești region/before 1993/4). The percentage
of restored part cannot be calculated because of the missing information about the exact number of items
the hoards consists of. However, the Chișinău/1973 and Telenești region/before 1993-4 hoards has been
preserved in a significant batches formed of 20 and, respectively, 26 coins. From the two other hoards,
Chișinău, the airport and Taraclia/1956, have been kept 6 and, respectively, 4 pieces. Only one specimen
is known from Braniște/1971 and, respectively, Capaclia/before 2015 hoards. No single real coin has been
preserved from Chișinău/1999-2000 hoard. Thus, the hoards of Budăi/1951 and Holms’ke/1982 can be
considered most representative in our discussion, although the rest of the depots, even in their current
reduced volume, will be useful for some of conclusions.
Two coins from a total of 354 pieces are imitations, they will be discussed separately. The other 352
items are minted during four emperors – Constantius II, Valentinian I, Valens and Procopius (see Plate
XVII, fig. 1). No coins of other emperors have been identified. The distribution of issues among these rul-
ers is not equal. The main number of the coins was struck by Constantius II – 96% (338 items), in a much
smaller volume are known some specimens minted by Valentinian I, Valens and Procopius, respectively
3.1% (11 items), 0.56% (2 items) and 0.28% (1 item). Constantius’ coins are of Vota type, only one is on the
25th Anniversary (Budăi/1951 hoard), all the others are on the 30th Anniversary; but Valentinian I, Valens
144
and Procopius issues, aside from the time of their reign, were minted on the 5th Anniversary of the reign.
The distribution by the mints also reveals some patterns. Among 352 coins, two we could not
identify due to poor quality of the pictures. A statistical analysis was made on 350 items (see Plate XVIII,
fig. 1). So, western mints are not presented in the hoards, excepting one piece minted by Arles (Constan-
tia), identified in the Holms’ke/1982 hoard. The other 349 specimens, which represents 99.7%, are struck
exclusively by eastern mints: Constantinople issued 66.8% of the coins (234 items), Sirmium – 28.5% (103
items). Smaller amount has been produced by Antioch – 2.5% (9 items), Nicomedia – 0.57% (2 items) and
Cyzicus – 0.28% (1 item). Mints of Thessalonica, Heraclea and Alexandria are missing.
Coins produced by Constantinople originate from all 11 officinae listed in RIC catalogue, using
dot or palm branch as mint-mark signs. This observation is available to the hoards of Budăi/1951 and
Holms’ke/1982. It can be also followed on the hoard of Lărguța/2007-8; less on the depots from Telenești
region/before 1993-4 and Chișinău/1973, partialy recovered (see Plate-Table XIX, fig. 1). The same phe-
nomenon can be seen on the coins minted by Sirmium, with the mint-name SIRM completed by one or
two dots, letters, or without them, which indicates various time periods of their production. All three
varieties of mint-marks are registered in the hoards of Budăi/1951, Chișinău/1973, Holms’ke/1982, Lăr-
guța/2007-8 and Telenești region/before 1993-4. For the hoards of Chișinău, the airport and Taraclia/1956
only one type of mint-mark have been identified. It is also available for the Antioch mint, where the mint-
name ANT is formed of dots, letters, or without them. At least three officinae of Antioch are registered in
the hoard of Budăi/1951, one coin with half readable mint-mark comes from the Braniște/1971 hoard.
About the timeframe of the hoards, we can note the following. According to RIC and dates set by
the editors of the volume, the hoards can be divided into two chronological groups (see Plate XX). The first
one may include exclusively Constantius II issues, minted between 351 and 361. These are hoards from
Chișinău/1973, Chișinău, the airport, Holms’ke/1982, Telenești region/before 1993-4 and Budăi/1951. The
last one includes also some early issues, struck between 340 and 351.
The hoard of Lărguța/2007-8 and Taraclia/1956 can be assigned to the second chronological group.
The base of the complexes is also made up of Constantius II items, struck in 351-61, mixed with issues of
Valentinian I and Procopius in the hoard of Lărguța/2007-8; and Valentinian I and Vales coins in the hoard
of Taraclia/1956. The issues of Procopius, as well as Valentinian family attested in this two hoards were
produced somewhere in the years 364-7.
Thus, conditionally, we can speak about two chronological periods – the first one linked to the end
of the reign of Constantius II – 361, and the second one – to the reign of Valentinian-Valens and Procopius
– somewhere between 364 and 367 according to RIC catalogue. But, this conclusion is worthy only on the
first glance. The die analysis gives another results (see Plate XXI).
The die-linking investigation was made only on basis of the coins listed in the article, showed on
the Plates I-IX and XVI (so, the reader can check them); namely, for the hoards of Chișinău, the airport
(nos. VI.2-7), Holms’ke/1982 (nos. VII.1-93), Taraclia/1956 (nos. IX.1-4), Telenești region/ante 1993-4
(nos. X.1-26), as well as six coins with good photos from Lărguța/2007-8 (nos. VIII.1, 6, 14, 45, 61, 76, for
explanation see the catalogue). Also, the description below contains the data about single finds too, listed
on the Plates X-XV. They are necessary for the final conclusions. In order not to get confused the readers
because of the repetitive nature of the description, each stray/single find will be identified in brackets sup-
plementary.
Die-linking analysis for Constantinople mint (Plate XXI).

Officina A: two coins minted by using one obverse die of two coins nos. VII.40, 34 (single find from
Cimișlia) and two reverse dies, no. VII.40 and no. 34.
Officina Г: three coins no. VII.45-VII.46,VII.49 of the same reverse die struck with two different
obverse dies, no. VII.45-VII.46 and, respectively, no. VII.49.
Officina ∆: four coins struck with two pairs of dies; first pair, obverse die no. VII.55-VII.56 with
reverse die no. VII.55-VII.56; the second one, obverse die no. VII.58-VII.59 with reverse die no. VII.58-
VII.59.
Officina S: six coins struck by using five obverse dies, but only three reverse dies, as follows: one
145
reverse die no. VII.66, VII.68 with two obverse dies nos. VII.66 and VII.68; one single reverse die no.
VII.67, VII.71 with two obverse dies nos. VII.67 and VII.71; one obverse die no. VII.69, 60 (single find
from Răzeni) with one reverse die of the same two coins.
Officina Z: three coins struck with two pair of dies, which creates a sequence of dies – reverse die
no. VII.73 with obverse die of the coins nos. VII.73-VII.74, the last one, obverse die no. VII.74 with reverse
die of the items nos. VII.74, VIII.14, the reverse die no. VIII.14 with obverse die no. VIII.14.
Officina H: two coins struck with one reverse die no.VII.78-VII.79 and two obverse dies nos. VII.78
and VII.79.
Officina I: seven pieces struck by using three pairs of two dies for obverse and three dies for reverse.
By the first die-linking coins we have one reverse die no. VII.83-VII.84 struck with two obverse dies, nos.
VII.83 and VII.84; by the second one – one reverse die used for three coins nos. VII.85, X.21, 50 (single
find from Brătianovca-Cărpineni) was struck with two obverse dies nos. VII.85, 50 and, respectively, no.
X.21; by the third one – two coins nos. VI.5, X.22 of one reverse die were struck with two obverse dies no.
VI.5 and X.22.
Officina IA: three coins nos. VII.89-VII.91 of the same reverse die were issued with two obverse
dies nos. VII.89, VII.91, respectively, no. VII.90.
Die-linking investigation for Sirmium mint (Plate XXI).

Mint-mark SIRM: two coins minted by two obverse dies no. VII.2, respectively, no. 57 (single find
from Răzeni) and one reverse die for both coins nos. VII.2, 57.
Mint-mark •SIRM: six coins struck with five obverse dies and only three reverse dies, as follows:
one coin with obverse die no. VII.16 with reverse die of two coins nos. VII.16, VII.22, the last one, reverse
die no. VII.22 with obverse die no. VII.22; one reverse die of two coins nos. VII.19, 19 (single find from
Cantemir region) struck with two obverse dies, one of the coin no. 19 and two others with nos. VII.19,
VII.21, at the same time, obverse die no. VII.21 links to the reverse die of another two items nos. VII.21,
X.5 and, the last one, reverse die no. X.5 is related to the obverse die no. X.5.
Mint-mark •SIRM•: five coins made with three obverse dies, two reverse dies, as follows: one re-
verse die of the coins nos. VII.23, VII.27-VII.28 with two different dies of the item no. VII.27 and two oth-
er pieces nos. VII.23, VII.28; obverse die of two coins nos. VII.36, 21 (single find from Cantemir region)
with reverse die nos. VII.36, 21.
A few important observations come from this description. Four hoards from five analysed include
the items struck with the same pairs of dies. Thus, die-linking relations were attested between the pieces
found in the hoards of Holms’ke/1982 (no. VII), Lărguța/2007-8 (no. VIII) and Telenești region/before
1993-4 (no. X); the Telenești region hoard instead is related to Chișinău, the airport hoard (no. VI). At
the same time, die analysis shows that Holms’ke/1982 and Telenești region hoards are connected to some
single/stray finds on the die level. We will speak about them in the text below.
This means the pieces from analysed coin hoards, as well as some stray finds, come from a single
source, a big tranche of coins, divided into homogeneous batches of pieces. All analysed hoards belong to
the same chronological group formed from the issues struck by the same mints with the same pairs of dies.
We are much to be sure the analysis of the dies for the other hoard, we fail to give here due to objective
reasons, will complete the list of the coins struck with the same dies and will link the rest of the hoards
to already analysed samples. This credence is based on the observations made by Elena Stoljarik. In 1987
she published some result of the die-linking investigations made on base of the coin hoards known at that
time, namely those found in Holms’ke/1982, Budăi/1951 and Chișinău/1973. She noted die connections
between the coins struck in Constantinople and Sirmium, preserved in all three hoards39.
Therefore, the data passed here lead us to the idea the hoards numerated in our catalogue are part
of a single source that is linked to the period of Valentinian I – Valens and Procopius reign. This idea will
be developed in the conclusions below.
39 Столярик 1987b, 67-72. Unfortunately, it is impossible to use the data published by E. Stoljarik on die-linking analysis
because of the coin images, absent in the article, as well as inventory numbers missing for each studied sample. The tables with
statistical data includes only the items numbered by the author without to link them to the inventory number of each piece.
146
Observations on Single Finds
Our catalogue includes information about 108 coins, 86 of them will be put into scientific use for
the first time (nos. 1, 5-6, 8-31, 33-50, 52-54, 57-64, 66, 68-73, 75-80, 83-87, 92-103), the other five have
been already published with details and pictures (nos. 4, 32, 67, 82, 88), three of them we will reproduce
here with the permission of Ana Boldureanu (nos. 4, 32, 88). The rest of 17 items were mentioned in the
numismatic literature on various occasions without to be published with necessary images (nos. 2-3, 7, 51,
55-56, 65, 74, 81, 89-91, 104-108).
Out of 108 pieces, one is an imitation (no. 63), another 107, including those we have no images, all
seem to be official issues. Most of the items were struck by Constantius II – 79.4% (85 items), the rest, in a
much lower percentage, under Valens – 11.2% (12 items), Valentinian I – 5.6% (6 item), Constans – 1.8%
(2 items), Constantius Gallus – 0.93% (1 item) and Jovian – 0.93% (1 item) (see Plate XVII, fig. 2). The
mint-places attested for the single finds are also much more diversified (see Plate XVIII, fig. 2; Plate-table
XIX, fig. 2). Western mints are presented by Arles (Constantia) – 3.7% (4 items), Rome – 0.93% (1 item)
and Siscia – 1.8% (2 items); eastern mints – by Constantinople – the majority of 49.5% (53 items), Sirmium
– 17.7% (19 items), Antioch – 8.4% (9 items), Nicomedia – 7.4% (8 items), Thessalonica – 1.8% (2 items)
and Cyzicus – 0.93% (1 item). Mint-place for eight coins was not identified (7.4%).
As we can see, the number of issuer, as well as variety of mint places increased significantly. The
main position is still occupied by Constantinople mint under Constantius’ reign. It is followed by the
Sirmium, Antioch and Nicomedia mints and, to our amazement, by several officinae of Arles. The Con-
stantius II siliquae of Vota type, already known on base of hoards, are minted on the 15th (nos. 67, 85), 25th
(nos. 66, 102) and 30th Anniversary (nos. 1, 4, 6, 8-11, 13-14, 16, 19-23, 33-34, 36-37, 40-41, 43-46, 49-50,
53-54, 57-62, 64, 68, 71, 75-79, 83-84, 88, 92, 94-95, 97-101, 103). Less known types are those of FELIC-
ITAS REI PVBLICE on the 15th (no. 86) and 20th Anniversary (nos. 69, 72-73, 80, 87, 96). And, the rare
types found in the Dniester-Prut region are those without legend, with star within wreath (no. 32), as well
as Victory walking left (nos. 42, 48). To the Valentinian I and Valens belong the coin emissions of the Vota
type on the 5th Anniversary, struck by Constantinople mint (nos. 17, 24-26, 35, 47 for Valentinian and,
respectively, nos. 12, 27-31, 38-39, 52, 70, 91 for Valens). Constans coins are of the Vota type, minted on
the 25th Anniversary (nos. 5, 93) in Nicomedia; Constantius Gallus and Jovian of the same Vota type were
struck on the 5th Anniversary by Antioch and, respectively, Nicomedia mints (no. 18 and, respectively, no.
15).
As it was mentioned above, some of the stray samples were struck with the same dies as the coins
attested in two Moldovan hoards (see Plate XIX). They all were identified as Constantius II issues. Due to
fact they were listed above, here we describe them more briefly.
Die-linking examination for Constantinople mint.

Officina A: obverse die for the coin no. 34, struck with the same obverse die as no. VII.40 from
Holms’ke hoard.
Officina Г: obverse and reverse pair of dies of the no. 60 used also for coining no. VII.69 from the
Holms’ke hoard.
Officina I: obverse and reverse pair of dies of the no. 50, used also for minting obverse no. VII.85
from Holms’ke hoard and reverses nos. VII.85 and X.21 from Holms’ke and Telenești region hoards.
Die-linking relations for Sirmium mint.

Mint-mark SIRM: reverse die used for coining no. 57 and no. VII.2 from the Holms’ke hoard.
Mint-mark •SIRM: reverse die no. 19 used for minting no. VII.19 from the same Holms’ke hoard.
Mint-mark •SIRM•: obverse and reverse pair of dies of the coin no. 21, used also for the coining
no. VII.36 from the same Ukrainian hoard.
Among the single finds we have detected two coins, produced in the name of two emperors,
Valentinian I and Valens, which have the reverse side struck with the same reverse die of VOT V type,
used in the Valentinian I reign (cf. nos. 24 and 28; see also Plate XXI).
Thus, the most important conclusion refers to the single coins struck in Constantinople and Sirmi-
147
um with the same pairs of dies as those identified in the Holms’ke/1982 and Telenești region/before 1993-4
hoards. According to this observations, such items could enter the Dniester-Prut region only as a part of
a huge sum of coins, a payment made once, split in several parts after it arrived the region. The other stray
finds, of lesser known types, seems to be part of the coin discoveries that entered the mentioned territory
separately, probably occasionally. Most likely, they were used as money in the local coin circulation, the
idea that comes from the traces of usages that can be followed up on some of them.
Preservation and Condition of Coins

We decided to describe the condition of the coins separately because of the various stage of pres-
ervation of the pieces attested in the hoards and those find separately.
All the coins from the hoards are very good preserved, without traces of usage. The Taraclia/1956
hoard is a single exception. The initial condition of the coins cannot be determined since all four pieces
have traces of burn, from light signs, as the case no. IX.2, to more distinct ones, as the case of the cracked
coin no. IX.1. Because of the high temperature the other two pieces melted and stuck together; they formed
a single inseparable unit (nos. IX.3-4).
In the hoards Budăi/1951 and Telenești region/before 1993-4 have been identified one specimen
each with the traces of mechanical impact in form of multiple cuts, visible on both obverses. It seems to
be made an attempt to divide this coins into two symmetrical parts (no. X.18 on Plate IX for the Telenești
region/before 1993-4 hoard; for the coin from Budăi/1951 hoard see Isvoranu 2014a, 30, no. 126). Same
intentions were also noted for stray finds. As a single minor cut on the no. 102, or as numerous clearly
defined incisions on the samples no. 72 from Otaci village and no. 87 from Soroca town. Moreover, our
catalogue includes one half of the siliqua with smoothed edge, which definitely points to the idea that this
coin was divided intentionally (no. 6 from Cahul region). Probably, this half of the coin was designated to
pay some services or goods. And these goods were equal only a half of the silver coin.
The degree of preservation of stray finds is different. Some of them have same light traces of usage,
even of burn (nos. 1, 6, 15, 32, 40, 42-44, 66, 69-70 and so on). The others are very good preserved, in-
cluding those struck with the same pairs of dies as the coins attested in the hoards (see nos. 4, 8-9, 19-22,
24-31, 34, 50, 57, 60 and so on). Also, among the single finds have been identified some coins transferred
into pendants by piercing them one or two times (nos. 1, 6, 32, 43-44, 102-103), also by looping (nos. 70,
83; and nos. 42, 66 the loops have not been preserved).
The situation of the holes and the loops in relation to the emperor’s head differs. Most probably, the
holes are made by dwelling. They are placed above the head, behind it or in front of the forehead (nos. 44
and, respectively, 43, 102); as well as behind the head close to the neck (nos. 6, 32). The loops are mounted
by welding. Their position also varies, but in a few case we got loops does not cover the head (nos. 69-70,
83). The position of the emperor’s head seems to have no significant for those who made holes and/or
loops40. Although, looped and holed pieces show the attempt to keep the emperor’s face unharmed, valid
for spectators. The fact which could indicate the cultural meaning of wearing such items, as wells as a cer-
tain status/position of their owners41.
Before to proceed the geographical distribution of the coins on the indicated territory, comments
and conclusions, we would like to dwell on some iconographical problems. In course of our research, we
faced the problem of interpreting some of the key-letters used to identify the officinae the coins were mint-
ed in. Also, we would like to discuss some siliqua types less known from the numismatic literature. Due to
the variety of the legends and mint-marks they significantly supply RIC catalogue.
Some Observations on Mint-Marks

(Plate XXII with crop coin photos and drawings of the mint-marks to be discuss)
Mint-marks for Constantinople during Constantius II reign.

According to RIC catalogue, volume VIII, during the reign of Constantius II were recorded 11
officinae of Constantinople mint, indicated with the letters A, B, Г, ∆, Є, S, Z, H, Θ, I and IA. The identi-
40 See the discussion on the same topic for roman denarii in Barbaricum (Munteanu 2021, 280-281).
41 The similar situation was marked by Aleksander Bursche for gold coins looted at Abritus (Bursche 2013, 163).
148
fication of the mint-marks did not cause any difficulties, with exception of two of them, marked with the
letters A and H (1st and 8th officina). As we know, both letters are formed of two vertical lines, crossed in the
middle by a horizontal bar. The difference between them consists in the shape of the vertical lines, letter A
is formed of two slanting sides of a triangle, letter H – of two sides of a rectangle.
Working with the coins from our catalogue we realised that the style of the letter A, cut by various
die-engraver differs a lot (see examples for the mint-mark A on the Plate XXII). Its ranking from the clas-
sical shape, carved in accordance with the above-described graphic principles, to the letters made quite
freely, of so-called intermediate style, which can be attributed not only to the letter A, but also to the letter
H (cf. mint-mark A and mint-mark H on the Plate XXII). On the base of the Pierre Bastien’s research for
the Lyon mint42, we can talk about the deformation of the style for the letter A. This observation request
quite an expectable question, where the deformation of the style of the letter A ends and the letter H in its
classical shape begins?
Trying to solve this problem, we decided to check another mint-mark with the letter A; namely
the mint-mark for 11th officina, formed of two letters I and A (see mint-mark IA on the Plate XXII). The
numerous visible deformations of the letter’s shape have been attested for the examples given on the Table
XXII. In the most cases this letter consists of vertical lines and looks like a completely normal letter H. But,
in the case of this mint-name, no problems appeared in its interpretation due to the presence of the letter
I, which points to the 11th officina, and the mint-name IA.
Realizing the answer to our question still remained uncertain, we decided to check the obverse leg-
ends with the letter A, which appears to be repeated twice, in the emperor’s name and its title (see letter A
in the obverse legends Dominus Noster CONSTANTIVS Pius Felix AVGvstvs on the Plate XXII). According
to the Plate XXII and drawings made by us, the numerous deformations of the letter’s A style are clearly
visible within one piece/coin die (cf no. VII.87, VII.40, or VI.3 and so on). Moreover, in most cases, if we
do not pay attention to the legend itself, the letter A can be read as a full-fledged letter H, formed of two
vertical lines. And this remark is valid not only for the coins struck in the discussed officinae A, H, and IA,
but also for all others mint-places of Constantinople.
Thus, on base of the comparative analyze of the mint-marks and the legends of obverse, where the
name of the emperor CONSTANTIVS and his title AVG does not raise any doubts in its interpretation,
another quite logical question appears. What if all the siliqua coins of Constantius II with the mint-names
A and H have been struck by a single mint-place, namely by the officina A?
In our point of view, this problem requires a separate study. We believe the problem can be solved
by the die-linking analysis of the coins. At this stage of our research we keep the distribution by officina
made on base of RIC catalogue. The coin no. 34 of the most pronounced deformation of the style have
been attributed to the officina A, not to H, for the simple reason. The obverse of this coin have been struck
with the same die as the obverse of the piece no. VII.40 from the Holms’ke/1982 hoard, which links to the
revers with the mint-mark A of less deformed style.
Mint-mark I for Constantinople during Constantius II reign.

Among the coins minted by Constantinople mints, we have three pieces of the Vota type struck
on the 30th Anniversary. They have been identified in the hoards of Chișinău, the airport (no. VI.5),
Holms’ke/1982 (no. VII.86) and Telenești region/before 1993-4 (no. X.22). One of the coins has the letter
I traditionally executed and does not emerge any suspicion in its attribution (no. VII.86). But the other
two have the letter I with the upper ends elongated symmetrical, very similar to those practiced for the
letter T. Moreover, both coins have the reverses struck with the same die, which support the idea there is
no mistake about it, appeared by die cut (cf. nos. VI.5 and X.22). The problem is, the officina which can be
identified with this letter does not exist in RIC43. That forced us to attribute it to the mint-place that can be
identified with a letter of the similar shape. Letter I served as the closest analogy.
We consider this problem deserves to be studied apart, on base of a larger amount of items. The
results will answer the question if the style of the die-engraver was less common one, or siliquae of Con-
stantius II were also struck in the officina marked with the letter T.
42 Bastien 1972, 92-103, especially 96.
43 Cf. RIC VIII, 456.
149
Mint-marks for Arles (Constantia) during Constantius II reign.
To the mint place of Arles have been attributed five items, all of Vota type struck on the 30th An-
niversary and mint-name CON44. One of the coins have been identified in the Holms’ke/1982 hoard (no.
VII.1), the other four as single finds (nos. 1, 6, 84, 92).
Two stray finds have a poor condition of preservation. One of them is cut into two pieces, only one
half of it have been preserved. On the reverse can be observed three letters of the mint-name CON (no.
6), on the second one – some letters, which can be identified as CИN(?) (no. 84). No signs of the mint-
marks were surprised in both cases. The last three coins have a mint-name CON and mint-marks placed in
front of it. Can be clearly distinguished officinae letters P, Z and T (nos. 81, 1 and, respectively, VII.1; Plate
XXII). But, according to RIC catalogue, Arles struck silver for Constantius II in free officinae P, S and T45.
Thus, the coin with the mint-mark Z seems to have been unknown to the authors of the catalogue. It may
be either a misspelled letter S or the mint-mark of the 4th officina (see Plate XXII, no. 1).
Mint-marks for Constantinople during Valentinian I, Valens and Procopius reign (see Plate-table
XXIII).
The coins of these three emperors have one common particularity. They were issued with the same
Vota figure V, and they all have a long form of the mint-place CONSP and/or CONS. We are going to dis-
cuss only the samples shown on the Tables I-IX and XVI, the same used for die-analysis. The other coins
we did not include because of the absence of good images.
In the discussion there are seven items of Valentinian I, one comes from the Taraclia/1956 hoard
(no. IX.2), the rest from stray finds (nos. 17, 24-26, 35, 47). 12 coins have been minted in the name of
Valens, two of them were identified in the same hoard of Taraclia/1956 (nos. IX.4 and IX.3, the last one
was affected by a fire), the other 10 were collected separately (nos. 12, 27-28, 29-31, 38-39, 52, 70). To the
Procopius reign belongs one single coin, attested in the Lărguța/2007-8 hoard (no. XVIII.76). Taking into
account the rarity of the pieces of this issuer, we decided to include two more coins in our discussion; the
first one was found in the Chernivtsi region in 2016, and soon after that sold by the Ukrainian Auction
Violity (no. 110), the second one was sold by the European Auction Houses twice (no. 109). We do not
know where it comes from. We do not exclude it was found in the Barbaricum, most likely in the region we
discuss. The selected analogies have the same long form for the mint-place Constantinople – CONS and/
or its variants.
During the study of the pieces of this three issuers we came to the conclusion that we have a lot
of new data on various variants of the obverse legends set in accordance with the bust orientation of the
emperors, officinae mint-names the siliquae were struck in and many others. All this data comes to re-
fresh RIC catalogue, to fulfil existed lakes with valuable unpublished information. In order to make more
convenient the data we are going to introduce, and to make it easier to compare with already published
information, we made a Table (see Plate-table XXIII). It is based on RIC catalogue, it includes varieties
of the VOTA type with mint-name CONSP and CONS, completed with the data listed in our catalogue.
The table is structured by mint-names and officina letters, it contains all types of the legends and obverse
busts listed in RIC. It includes reverses with the legend VOT / V and VOT / • / V, considered by editors
of the catalogue to be two different variants and, as a consequence, listed as two independent numbers46.
We manage to put them together because of the fact that this dot, placed exactly in the middle of the inner
circle of the wreath was left by the compass used to sketch the image on the coin die. It does not belong to
the legend itself and, as a result, can’t be treated as a decisive symbol for the typology of the legends.
So, what follows from the Table?
According to RIC, long forms of the Constantinople mint knows four variants – CONSP, CONS,
and with dots – •CONSP, •CONS•. Each of these abbreviations was used in the Constantinople mint at a
certain period of time. Let’s discuss the mint-names CONSP and CONS, useful for our research.
44 The abbreviation CON comes from the name Constantia. Arles was renamed in Constantia after Constantius II visited
Arles on 10 october 353 for celebrating his tricennalia and honnored the city with his dynastic name (RIC VIII, 200).
45 RIC VIII, 200 and 218.
46 Cf. RIC IX, 211-213.
150
Coins with the mint-name CONSP were struck, according to both RIC and our catalogue, in four
officinae – A, B, Г and ∆. The authors of RIC catalogue at the moment of its publication knew only two
officinae – A and ∆: officina A only for the reign of Valentinian I (obverse busts A and B47), officina ∆ for
the reign of Valens (obverse legend 2b, bust A48). RIC can be supplied with the following information
for already known officinae A and ∆: Valens with the obverse legend 2b, bust B for officina А (no. 27);
Valentinian I with obverse bust A for officina ∆ (no. 47). Also, new data less known up today can be added
to officinae B and Г, as follows: officina B – Valentinian I with the obverse bust A (nos. IX.2 and 17); officina
Г – Valentinian I with the obverse bust A (no. 24) and Valens of the rare obverse legend 2a, bust A and E
(no. 39 and, respectively, 28). Valens’ siliqua was struck with the same reverse die as Valentinian’ coin (cf.
nos. 24 and 28).
Pieces with the mint-name CONS were minted, in accordance with RIC and our catalogue, by
seven officinae – A, B, Г, ∆, Є, S and Z. Our catalogue includes the samples of Valentinian I produced by
officina А (nos. 25 and 35), B (no. 52), Г (nos. IX.4, 31, 38 and 70), ∆ (no. 26), Є (nos. 29-30), Z (no. 12). We
cannot add anything new to most of them, except officina ∆. Besides the samples of Valentinian I (obverse
bust B) and Valens (obverse legend 2b, bust B), three coins of Procopius can now append this mint-place.
First two samples were struck with the same reverse die (nos. VIII.76 and 109). The third one had an un-
usual mint-name CONГ (no. 110). Most likely, it can be an erroneous form of the CONS mint-name, due
to fact that these coin was struck with the same obverse die as a specimen with a right mint-name CONS
on reverse (cf. nos. VIII.76 and 110 on Plate XVI; Plate XX). It is noteworthy to submit that RIC catalogue
listed only short mint-names for Constantinople mint during Procopius reign, namely C and/or •C49. The
fact which brings us to idea that all these three coins were struck with reverse dies left from previous em-
perors. As a result, they can be considered the earliest items of his monetary activity.
The coin production of these three issuers allows us to make some observations on the relative
chronology of the usage CONSP and CONS mint-names. RIC mentions that during Valens reign obverse
legend which begins as DN VALEN – S PF AVG (legend 2а) is changed to DN VALENS – PF AVG (legend
2b)50. In accordance with the data listed in the Table XXIII, the legend 2a was used only with the mint-
name CONSP, while the legend 2b is associated with the mint-name CONSP, as well as CONS. Moreover,
the CONS was also in use at the beginning of Procopius’ coin production.
This observation leads us to the idea that the CONSP name was practiced only during Valentinian
I and Valens reign, somewhere between 25 February 364 and 28 September 365. At one moment, CONSP
was replaced with CONS, continuing to be used by Valentinian I and Valens. This change probably took
place shortly before September 365, when Procopius proclaimed himself emperor. Who was the emperor
Valentinian I or Valens, whose reverse dies with mint-name CONS Procopius used for his own purposes,
it is really hard to say until the die-linking analysis will be made for Constantinople mint-place.
We have already set several points for relative chronology of the long forms of the mint-names
CONSP and CONS. Let’s see how they interact with the rest of the basic forms for Constantinople mint,
namely those CP and C, listed in RIC catalogue for Valentinian-Valens and Procopius.
In our opinion, CONSP (and •CONSP) name was preceded most likely by CP (and CP•) name,
for which have been registered an overwhelming number of Valens’ obverses 2a51, as well as Valentinian’
obverses52, but completely missing Procopius’ issues. The short form of Constantinople name C (and •C)
was common for all officinae during the reign of Procopius53. It still remained in use during Valentinian
I and Valens time, most probably after the fall of Procopius, in May 366. Possible, mint-name C (and •C)
was practiced after CONS (and •CONS•) long form. Sequence of mint-marks proposed by us differs to
those made by editors of RIC catalogue54.
We should note that only one coin with mint-name C was identified in our catalogue (no. 91, single
47 Cf. RIC IX, 211, no. 11(f) and 11(a)1.
48 Cf. RIC IX, 211, no. 11(c).
49 Cf. RIC IX, 213.
50 RIC IX, 200.
51 Cf. RIC IX, 212-213, no. 12(b-c, h).
52 Cf. RIC IX, 212-213, no. 13(a, g).
53 Cf. RIC IX, 213, 13(e-f, k-l).
54 Cf. RIC IX, 200-201.
151
find from Pîrlița). It was struck in time of Valens. Limited number of the coins with a short form C indirect
confirms our hypothesis that the mint-mark C at the time of Procopius were continued on the coinage of
Valentinian and Valens. But to be objective we must note that among Valentinian-Valens coin production
from our catalogue, neither coins with mint-name CP were identified.
And, to the end of this subchapter, we would like to insist on the phenomenon of the reverse dies
reused under Valens and Procopius. Three coins of Procopius included in our catalogue have been mint-
ed by officina ∆ (nos. VIII.76, 109-110), but we still have no connections between dies utilized for their
coining and those of Valentinian or Valens. So, this reverse dies could have belonged to one or another
emperor, since officina ∆ served both of them. No doubt, the siliqua coins of this kind might be considered
the earliest issues of Procopius, struck shortly after he secured mint of Constantinople.
Another coin was minted by Valens; it has reverse die linked to Valentinian’s siliqua (nos. 24 and
28, single finds from Cantemir region). They both belong to the officina Г. Thus, we already have two offici-
nae – Г and ∆, which practiced re-use of the reverse dies left from previous emperors.
As we can see from both RIC and our catalogue, the distribution of siliquae with mint-name CON-
SP and CONS struck by Valentinian, Valens and even Procopius according to officinae in most cases is
the same. The fact which lead us to the idea that re-use of the revers dies of Valentinian under Valens and
Procopius could have been practiced not only by officinae Г and ∆, but also by the other officinae of this
period. However, this problem can be solved only on a larger data base and die analysis. This problem can
not be answered at the recent stage of our research.
Some observations on imitations and/or copies (see Plate XVI)

Our catalogue includes three coins, one of them comes from the hoard of Budăi/1951 (no. I.127),
the other one – from the hoard of Holms’ke/1982 (no. VII.93). This sample has been already published, as
a previous one, but as an original emission, not an imitation. The third piece was found in Beștemac village
(no. 63). Also, as analogies, two other samples will be discussed, both comes from Khmelnytsky region
(no. 111-112).
Since the legends are not standardised and can be interpreted in different ways, we decided to re-
produce them graphically. The drawings were made in Adobe Photoshop; on base of drawings we propose
description of the legends (see drawings marked with letter “a” for each imitation on Plate XVI).
Two copies were made very carefully. We can even say the mint-place the original prototypes ini-
tially belonged to. In the case of the coin from Holms’ke/1982 it was struck by Sirmium mint, with mint-
mark •SIRM• of the VOTIS MVLTIS type on the 30th Anniversary. The obverse legend includes some
mistakes, but the name of the issuer is recognizable - D N COИSTΛИ – TIΛZ Г I ΛVG (no. VII.93). In
the case of stray find from Beștemac (no. 63), it is a copy of siliqua of Constantius II with mint-mark C•Г
struck in Constantinople. It is also of the Vota type, FELICITAS REI PVBLICE. Obverse legend have some
mistakes, but Constantius’ name can be clearly identified D N CONSTH – TVS HVG.
The next two items, one from the hoard of Budăi/1951 (no. I.127) and the other from Khmelnytsky
region (no. 111), can be placed into a group of imitation, which copied original coins more superficial-
ly. The prototypes are still recognizable, but the general design of the items points to imitations. In both
cases the master/masters tried to reproduce the legends they did not knew to read; especially the obverse
legends which only visual matches the original inscription. Thus, the first coin has an inscription formed
from a set of various letters and signs suggesting Constantius’ name; for the second coin we have a legend
which does not reproduce an inscription with a semantic meaning, but a decorative border formed from
a groups of four or five short lines symmetrically placed around emperor’s head, divided with circles and
semi-circles placed along the central axis. Otherwise, we also see busts of emperors, most likely in both
cases of Constantius II, draped and cuirassed to right, of the VOTIS MVLTIS type on the 30th Anniversary.
Mint-marks can not be recognised in both cases.
The last coin, found in Khmelnytsky region and used as analogy can be interpreted as an “authen-
tic” barbarous imitation (no. 112). It is looped, of the Vota type on the 20th Anniversary. It has an image
executed rudimentary with no obverse legend and emperor’s bust turned to left. It is not possible to figure
out what kind of siliqua was copied.
152
The interest for imitations detected in the Barbaricum has been outlined since a long time. The
main points of view, as well as formulation of the problems, were published by Ukrainian55, Polish56, Pol-
ish-Hungarian57 and Danish58 researchers. Although the problem of imitations is an extremely interesting
one, it seams to be of a very high complexity; it cannot be solved on base of the coins in discussion. Hence
we have no intention to discuss the opinions already expressed by the scholars. We will return to this topic
with another occasion. Here we would like to point out only the most important ideas we got during our
research.
Any phenomenon develops and manifests itself according to a certain rule. This rule also works in
the case of copies/imitations. The closer imitation is to the source of the original issues, the more it corre-
sponds to the prototype, the better is the quality of the copy. And vice versa, if the object was manufactured
too far from the source, the less details it borrows and more errors will be allowed by recreation of the
prototype.
Applying these regulations to our imitations we can note that at least two items (nos. VII.93 and
63) were made by the craftsmen who were familiar with the siliquae and knew exactly how they looked
like. We think, it will not be mistaken to say this could have happened at the place of production of original
coins, in one of the eastern mints of the Empire. Where exactly it took place, in Sirmium, Constantinople,
or another city is hard to say for sure. It is even possible the die-engravers who worked by official mints
have been involved in this illegal process. The next two items (nos. I.127 and 111), performed at still good
artistic level, probably were also made in the Empire, but definitely by the people who had a superficial
knowledge of the images they intended to copy, or even less developed skills. These ideas can be confirmed
by the fact that two of four mentioned samples have been identified in the hoards. The hoards which al-
ready entered Barbaricum as a part of a larger sum of money collected by the roman authorities and sent
outside the Limes in one tranche. That means, at least these two copies entered the tranche while it was
formed, most likely on the territory of the Empire; not later, and most probably not outside the Limes59.
The last imitation duplicates an original siliqua without to be familiar with it, at rather primitive
technical level. We have no doubts it was made in Barbaricum by locals.
Geographical distribution of the finds (see the map on Plate XXIV)

To view hoards and single finds we decided to make a map. It was useful to see the location of the
coins in accordance with the Upper or northern Wave60 and the Lower or southern Wave61, also called the
Trajan’s Walls, whose appearance, as it was discussed in historiography took place in the Roman period.
Also, we decided to visualize the results of die-linking investigations of the finds set on the map. The con-
nection between die-linked coins and hoards are shown with a red dotted line.
We must specify that the decisive conclusions are not possible, because of the fact they can be
changed any time with appearance of new data. This observation is valid for the data gathered by us. Thus,
the private collectors who offered us the information are familiar with the situation in some of the regions
of the Republic, for example for the central regions, north or southwest parts of the Dniester-Prut territory.
We have less data for the northeast side of the Republic, the new data for the Bugeac Steppe are missing
too, which does not mean the siliquae were not found there.
However, still several zones of concentrations of siliqua-type coins can be already observed on
our map. Namely the area of the upper course and the area of the middle course of the Dniester River, as
55 Мызгин 2009, 90-104 with bibliography; Анохин 2015.

56 Bursche 2014, 317-327; Bursche, Myzgin 2015, 232-258; Bursche, Myzgin 2017, 443-453.
57 Myzgin et al. 2018, 222-247.
58 Horsnæs 2011, 742-748; Horsnæs 2013, 85-124.
59 Our ideas concerning siliquae penetration differ from those published by Kyrylo Myzgin (cf. Мызгин 2009, 94).
60 Earthen fortification (valla) that crosses the territory of the Republic of Moldova from east to west, from the Dniester
River, Chițcani village near Tighina to the Prut River, Leova city. It has a length of about 138 km, the height of 3-4 meters, the
width of 10-15 meters, being seconded by a ditch dug to the north, of 2-3 m deep (Федоров 1960a, 77).
61 The wall was raised between the Prut River and Sasyk Lake. It is composed of three sections, the first extends from the
village of Vadul lui Isac to the village of Tabaky, near Lake Ialpug; the second one is located between Lakes Ialpug and Katlabuch;
the third one, is placed between the Lakes Katlabuch and Sasyc. The height of the wall is about 3 m, the length is 124 km, the
width is up to 5 m (Федоров 1960a, 71-73, 76 and note 90 with bibliography, 93). See also Croitoru 2002, 111-114.
153
well as the southern area located close to the lower course of the Prut River and in the valley of the Ialpug
River. For the territory close to the middle course of the Dniester River are exposed several micro-zones.
The concentrations of the coins and hoards are sizeable and much numerous due to the settlements of the
Sântana de Mureș-Chernyakhiv Culture community, largely described by Emmanuil Rikman62. The de-
scriptions of the middle and northern area correspond to those highlighted by Alexandru Popa and Larisa
Ciobanu on a numerous numismatic material dated from the 1st up to 5th centuries63.
With the exception of a single find attested outside the Lower Wall, all the others are concentrated
to the north of it, along the Dniester-Prut region. Most important is that the finds are located in the imme-
diate vicinity of the Upper Wall, on both sides of it, without to form any groups or concentrations on one
or another side of the wave. This Upper Wall seems to be irrelevant for the distribution of the hoards and
single finds in siliqua coins. This observations, in our point of view, leads to the conclusion that it was built
before studied period, being in the period of Constantius II – Valens already inside the territory controlled
by the Goths. This fact comes to support the ideas of some researchers, such as the construction of this
wall took place in the first centuries A.D.64 and, at the same time refuse the assumptions of the others that
the wall was built by Goths against the Huns in the 4th century65. We will not insist on this topic. It is a long
discussion which needs much more data to be convenient; and it does not match the aim of this article.
The high concentration of the hoards and single finds in the southern part of the studied territory,
in the immediate vicinity of the Prut River may result, in our point of view, from the contact frontiers
between Roman Limes and the Barbaricum. Vsevolod Kropotkin noted that the monetary circulation
on roman coins was more intense on the border regions and less high in the deep of the Barbaricum66.
However, to see the general situation are needed up-to-date investigations for the rest of the Sântana de
Mureș-Chernyakhiv Culture territory, especially for the region situated to the west of the Prut67.
The second important observation results from the die-linked coins attested as a single finds and
as a part of a coin hoards. As it was mentioned above, they were part of a single tranche of coins arrived
this region at once. The pieces struck with the same dies and connected between them are distributed quite
proportionally, they practically cover the central and southern regions of the analysed territory; only the
piece of Procopius found in the Chernivtsy region and used as analogy can be treated as a geographical
exception in this context. But, as it was pointed out before, the rest of the coins remained to be investigate
most probably will show the missing connections between them and the already analysed pieces.
At this stage of the research it is quite obvious that after this big tranche of silver coins reached the
Dniester-Prut region, the pieces were divided among the local community. On the one hand it indicated
that the populations of this community was in close relation, from the other – they all were involved in a
large-scale action. Also, it comes to certify the idea that in the period of Constantius II – Valens the domi-
nation of the Roman Empire over the territory situated to the north of the Lower Wall had already ceased.
Some ideas on historical background of siliqua finds

Several hypotheses have been forwarded regarding the presence of siliquae in the Dniester-Prut
region and the role this currency played in everyday life of barbarian population. They were published by
those scholars, who studied siliqua coin hoards. Thus, most ideas come from Elena Stoljarik. She listed all
possible causes, highlighting some of them.
The appearance of siliqua hoards, in her point of view, happened because of the commercial con-
tacts existed between the Roman Empire and Barbaricum. They can be indirectly confirmed by the restric-
tions on trade in 368, which created an extreme lack on the most necessary68. To these assumption Elena
62 Рикман 1967; Рикман 1974, 60-80; Рикман 1975 etc. See also Федоров 1957, 239-283; as well as Гудкова 1991, 64-78
for The Bugeac Steppe.
63 Popa, Ciobanu 2003, 41.
64 See observations by Федоров 1960a, 74.
65 The Upper Wall is associated with the Wall of Greuthungi, mentioned in the sources as the wave raised by the Goths
in an attempt to defend themself from the Huns in the 4th century, before they were pushed further west to the Danube (see
discussion by Федоров 1960a, 63, 78-80).
66 Кропоткин 1961, 35.
67 About the presence of the late roman coins to the west of the Prut see Preda 1975, 441-485; Butnariu 1988, 131-194.
68 Столярик 1986, 221; Столярик 1987b, 72-73.
154
Stoljarik adds that these data testify the emergence of the money’s function appeared among the tribes of
the Chernyakhiv Culture populated of the territory of the Dniester-Prut region69. But the best cause of
the appearance of the siliquae consists, in her opinion, in the accentuated Roman military presence in the
Scythia Minor and the actions undertaken by Constantius II in order to strengthen the Roman frontier
with Barbaricum. She believes, the number of the Roman troops in the Danube Delta region and their
closeness to the left bank of the Danube facilitated contacts with barbarian population of the steppes. Also,
Elena Stoljarik do not exclude the possibility of the conflict situations on the border of the Lower Danube
Limes, when the hoarded coins could be an ordinary military contribution70. The idea, the siliqua hoards
come from stipendia71 or payments to the Goths foederati has been supported by other researchers72 too.
Mark Shchukin even considered that the introduction and massive production of silver coins – siliquae in
this context was initiated by Constantius II to pay off the Barbarian foederati after the stock of old silver
coins in the state treasure was depleted73.
As the period of the hiding of the siliqua hoards, the researchers preferred a wider and at the same
time safer variant. They linked hoarding of the coins, as well as ending of the entire monetary circulation
in the region to the Hun invasion, when the sites of the Chernyakhiv Culture were burned and destroyed74.
Also, Elena Stoljarik mentions, in fact very briefly, that one of the causes of the hoarding may be related to
Valens campaigns against the Goths in 367-975.
The scholar Theodor Isvoranu, noting that most of the isolated coins have the same chronological
timeframe as the hoarded ones, assumed that the penetration of the coins was possible since the last years
of the reign of Constantius II. The similar structure of the hoards, with the coins struck in the same work-
shops of Constantinople and Sirmium led him to another relevant observation, such as all these hoards
initially may could belonged to a large batch of coins, arrived into the region somewhat simultaneously,
and later distributed76. This hypothesis proved to be a right one. It was confirmed on the die-linking anal-
ysis, undertaken by us.
The study of the coins published in this paper help us to propose some hypotheses and to prove
the others, exposed by the predecessors. As it was mentioned above, we have 10 hoards that include 354
real coins (from the amount of above 850 pieces) and 108 items found dispersed. We performed a detailed
study of each piece discussing not only the place they were minted by, but also the die-linking investigation
of each of them. Such methods allow us to expose the following ideas.
One of them refers to both categories of deposits – hoards and single/stray finds. They can not
be analysed separately. The die-linking analysis shows that some of the coins found dispersed have been
struck with the same dies as those detected in the hoards. Consequently, the single/stray finds have a
dual character, some of them come in this region sporadically, piece by piece, the others as a part of a big
amount of coins sent to Barbaricum with a certain purpose.
Therefore, the second important conclusion refers to this big tranche of coins arrived the Bar-
baricum at once; most likely, it was not assigned to the local monetary circulation. It included the coins
struck by the eastern mints, namely those produced by the capital’s mint-place – Constantinople with all
11 officinae of it, completed by the Sirmium and Antioch mints in the smaller percentage. Probably, the
coins of the Nicomedia, Cyzicus and Arelate mints were necessary to fulfil the sum of coins till the neces-
sary quantity. The basis of this tranche was formed by the Constantius’ issues. It was supplied by the coin
emissions struck in time of Valentinian-Valens and Procopius. From this amount of coin money, however,
Jovian’s items were missing, as well as those issued by Valentinian, Valens and Procopius of the later types.
According to the relative chronology we discussed above, the most recent coins preserved in the hoards
can be linked to the period when Procopius had just usurper the power, short after September 365.
69 Столярик 1987b, 72-73.
70 Столярик 1986, 221; Столярик 1987b, 72-73.
71 Popa, Ciobanu 2003, 44.
72 Moisil 2002, 17; Isvoranu 2015, 68.
73 Щукин 2005, 202.
74 Нудельман, Рикман 1956, 147; Федоров 1960b, 81; Нудельман 1976, 15; Гудкова, Столярик 1985, 80-81, 84;
Столярик 1986, 221.
75 Столярик 1986, 221; Столярик 1987а, 95; Столярик 1989, 48.
76 Isvoranu 2015, 67-68.
155
Thus, in our opinion, we have a framework that can help us to understand the causes of send-
ing a big amount of coins to Barbaricum. Although, there is not much data on the contacts between the
barbarian tribes and the Roman Empire in the sources of the 4th century. But, exactly for this period we
have well-documented, albeit briefly described, events of a military-political nature. In September 365,
Procopius, taking advance of dissatisfaction of the local populations due to severe taxations applied by
Valens, proclaimed himself an emperor, winning on his side Constantinople and the diocese of Thrace77.
According to Ammianus Marcellin “the three thousand Goths had been sent to aid Procopius after their
kings had been conciliated; Procopius easily won on them to support him by pleading his relationship to
Constantine at a small cost”78. Retaliation of Valens against Procopius’ supporters were severe. Moreover,
after the rise of Procopius’ revolt, Valens undertook a punitive expedition against the Goths north of the
Danube, which lasted three years, from 367 to 36979. The emperor Valens attacks the Goths, who had
sent Procopius’ auxiliary troops to be employed against him. This led to restrictions on trade between the
Empire and Barbaricum at 368, reported by Marcellin80. After the Treaty of Noviodunum, which aimed to
normalise relations between the Empire and the Gothic tribes, payments were interrupted, trade limited
to two fairs.
The entry of a large tranche of silver into the Barbaricum could be linked both to the payment of
the Goths mercenaries by Procopius, and to the campaigns to punish the Goths, initiated by Valens. The
first explanation seems to be more plausible. Probably, the payment made to the mercenary soldiers sent
to Procopius represented a certain amount of coins which was brought into Barbaricum in one tranche.
After this quantity of silver reached the destination, it was divided into several parts, probably in accord-
ance with the services provided by each mercenary. The coins did not enter local circulation, they were
immediately hoarded by their new owners. And only some of the pieces from this batches have been used
on various occasions, for example in decorative purposes as pendants, perhaps as silver bars, payment for
some goods or services and so on.
Also, it can not be excluded that such amount of silver coins could come from the treasury of the
Empire, captured by Procopius’ army at Cyzicus; where it was gathered for the payment of the entire East-
ern Army81. The capture of the treasury by Procopius may be an alternative explanation for the appearance
of a big amount of silver coins in Barbaricum. This hypothesis, in our opinion, can be confirmed or reject-
ed only after the study of the entire monetary situation in the area of the Sântana de Mureș-Chernyakhiv
Culture, especially in the space of the nowadays Romania, where the siliqua coin hoards are quite numer-
ous.
Except the coins that come from this large tranche of money, there are some other pieces of siliqua
type, which were issued in various mint-places, and are more diversified as those attested in the hoards. It
is possible, they were involved in the local monetary circulation82, entering the region in the same way the
bronze coins did. It became possible after a peace treaty signing between Constantius I and Goth leaders
in 332. One of the terms of a treaty was restoration of the trade relations along the Danube, at the border
of the Roman Empire, between romans and barbarians. The presence of the roman bronze and silver coins
after the monetary reform of 348 is very well attested83. But it is quite complicate to specify the period they
entered into the local circulation, as well as the intensity of use. Their reuse as pendants reminded us that
some of the roman coins did not play any economic role on the local market, it may be still possible they
could be used for decorative purposes only.
P.S. After we finished to complete the database for this article, some new valuable information
appeared. It refers to a coin hoard found in the Glodeni region, some stray finds identified all over the
Republic of Moldova as well. The dead-line did not allow us to include these data in the present study, so
the discussion on the siliqua finds in the Dniester-Prut regions to be continued…
77 Amm. Marcellinus, XXVI, VII, no. 1-9. See also Barnea 1968, 393 and note 118.
78 Amm. Marcellinus, XXVI, X, no. 3.
79 Amm. Marcellinus, XXVII, V, no. 1-7. See also description by Barnea 1968, 394.
80 Amm. Marcellinus, XXVII, V, no. 7-9.
81 Amm. Marcellinus, XXVI, VIII, no. 6-10.
82 Мызгин 2008, 60; Мызгин 2013, 227, 229-230.
83 Butnariu 1988, 131-132, 135, 142; Ciobanu 1999, 115-128; Popa, Ciobanu 2003, 40-44; Мызгин 2008, 58-59.
156
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161
Plate I. The coin hoard of Chișinău, the airport: siliquae of Constantius II (nos. VI.2-VI.7), denarius of
Vespasian (no. VI.1); the hoard of Holms’ke/1982: siliquae of Constantius II (no. VII.1-VII.8).
162
Plate II. The Holms’ke/1982 hoard: siliquae of Constantius II (nos. VII.9-VII.23).
163
Plate III. The Holms’ke/1982 hoard: siliquae of Constantius II (nos. VII.24-VII.38).
164
Plate IV. The Holms’ke/1982 hoard: siliquae of Constantius II (nos. VII.39-VII.53).
165
Plate V. The Holms’ke/1982 hoard: siliquae of Constantius II (nos. VII.54-VII.68).
166
Plate VI. The Holms’ke/1982 hoard: siliquae of Constantius II (nos. VII.69-VII.83).
167
Plate VII. The Holms’ke/1982 hoard: siliquae of Constantius II (no. VII.84-VII.92); the hoard of Lăr-
guța/2007-8: siliquae of Constantius II (no. VIII.1, VIII.6, VIII.14, VIII.45, VIII.61).
168
Plate VIII. The Taraclia/1956 coin hoard: siliquae of Constantius II (no. IX.1), Valentinian I (no. IX.2) and
Valens (nos. IX.3-4); the hoard of Telenești, region/before 1993-4: siliquae of Constantius II (no. X.1-X.11).
169
Plate IX. The Telenești, region/before 1993-4 hoard: siliquae of Constantius II (nos. X.12-X.26).
170
Plate X. Single finds in siliqua coins of Constans (no. 5), Constantius II (nos. 1, 4, 6, 8-11, 13-14, 16), Con-
stantius Gallus (no. 18), Jovian (no. 15), Valentinian I (no. 17) and Valens (no. 12) attested on the territory
of the Republic of Moldova.
171
Plate XI. Single finds in siliqua coins of Constantius II (nos. 19-23, 32-33), Valentinian I (nos. 24-26) and
Valens (nos. 27-31) identified on the territory of the Republic of Moldova.
172
Plate XII. Single finds in siliqua coins of Constantius II (nos. 34, 36-37, 40-46, 48), Valentinian I (nos. 35,
47) and Valens (nos. 38-39) found in the Republic of Moldova.
173
Plate XIII. Single finds in siliqua coins of Constantius II (nos. 49-50, 53-54, 57-62, 64, 66, 68-69) and Val-
ens (no. 52) detected in the Republic of Moldova.
174
Plate XIV. Single finds in siliqua coins of Constantius II (nos. 71-73, 75-80, 83-85) and Valens (no. 70)
found on the territory of the Republic of Moldova.
175
Plate XV. Single finds in siliqua coins of Constans (no. 93) and Constantius II (nos. 86-88, 92, 94-103)
detected on the territory of the Republic of Moldova and Autonomous Territorial Unit of Gagauzia.
176
Plate XVI. Siliqua coins minted by Procopius, attested in the hoard of Lărguța/2007-8 (no. VIII.76) and
as single finds (nos. 109-110). Imitations on siliqua coins on Constantius II identified in the hoards of
Budăi/1951 (no. I.127) and Holms’ke/1982 (no. VII.93), as well as single finds from the territory of the
Republic of Moldova (no. 63) and Ukraine (no. 111-112).
177
Plate XVII.The distribution of siliqua coins among the emperors on base of coin hoards (fig. 1) and single
finds (fig. 2).
178
Plate XVIII. The distribution of siliqua coins by mint-places on base of coin hoards (fig. 1) and single finds
(fig. 2).
179
180
Plate XIX. The distribution of siliqua coins by officinae on base of coin hoards (fig. 1) and single finds (fig.
2).
181
Plate XX. Cronological timeframe of the issues attested in the analyzed coin hoards.
182
Plate XXI. Die-linking samples struck by Constantius II, Valentinian I – Valens and Procopius from the
coin hoards and single finds.
183
Plate XXII. Observations on mint-marks for Constantinople and Arles mints.
184
Plate-table XXIII. Varients of the obverse legends and officinae mint-names (long forms CONSP and
CONS) set in accordance with RIC catalogue and new data introduced by us.
185
Plate XXIV. Map of siliqua coins attested in the hoards and single finds from the Dniester-Prut region.
186
THE TIMELINE BETWEEN ANTIQUITY AND MIDDLE AGES
ACCORDING TO THE COIN HOARDS FROM PROVINCE OF
MOESIA SECUNDA
Zhenya Zhekova
The discovery of coin hoards in recent decades has turned not only in а public sensation but in a
scientific one as well. Nevertheless how big a treasure is, it represents a statistical extract for a particular
chronological period of time. It gives us information about the type of items that it consists of and also
about the property status of its owner. The most important information besides the structure of the hoard
is the time of its digging into the ground. Also the reasons for its concealing or its loss as well as the rela-
tion with the political situation in the region and in the country as a whole. The rarity of such hoards leads
to their profound studying and uncovering of similar parallels. They turned into a peculiar symptomatic
described serial crisis in particular society caused mostly by inner political or outer cataclysms.
But how far could a coin hoard be accepted as concealed by necessity. How from a distant of time
to day we could estimate that the treasure was buried for a reason and not just for collecting money for
better days.
The main source of information concerning the well-known coin hoards from Bulgaria till now-
adays is the Bulletin of coin hoards from Bulgaria led in sequence by Nikola Mushmov, Todor Gerasimov,
Yordanka Youroukova. The last one was published in the middle of the 80s of the 20th century. After that,
the tradition was broken. Most of the hoards are scattered and did not reach the museums. The only piece
of information about their structure and circumstances of finding remains the information in the Bulletin.
Some colleagues made a critical approach towards these reports thus they stroked off some of the hoards
which are lost for the study to day.
With great importance for the period in study is the monographic book of the team of prominent
Balkan numismatists led by Cécile Morrisson.1 Coin hoards, which appeared in last two decades, are also
appended, most of them already published.2
Where is the time line between Antiquity and the Middle Ages? Could the coin hoards be cor-
rective of that particular period of time? The period of transition between the real Roman Empire and its
continuer – Byzantium is in the sixth century indeed. The years of anarchy during the reign of Phocas are
the last historical echo of the Late Roman Empire. After him with the reign of Heraclius, begin a new era.
The East Roman Empire is gradually turning more Greek thus it takes up a new way of growth.3
The economic vigor of Early Byzantine Empire is based on a perfect working coin system. That
distinguished it from the rest Late Antiquity and Early Mediaeval countries in which the natural economy
prevailed.4 The best sides of the Roman coin system are adopted, developed and improved by the Byzan-
tine one. As a result of all these measures Byzantine Empire realized an enormous coinage and spreading
of byzantine coins all over the Empire. Parts of this enormous coinage are the coin hoards from that par-
ticular transitional period.
The whole 6th century is filled with unceasing struggles, which the Empire is forced to lead with the
1 Morrisson et al. 2006.
2 The coin hoards which are used in the current paper are quoted by Stoyan Mihailov`s PhD thesis Coin Circulation in
Province of Moesia Secunda 498 – 681, Veliko Tarnovo, 2018 (Михайлов 2018). I am grateful for his assistance.
3 Острогорски 1998, 139-140.
4 Острогорски 1998, 74.
187
Slavs, the Avars and the Arabs. A major part of the Byzantine fortresses restored by the time of Justinian
I are destroyed in the 80s and the barbarian tribes settled there. If in the first half of the sixth century the
barbarian attacks are predominantly in the western part of the Balkans, later they are reorienting to its
Eastern part where the direct routes toward Constantinople are. Consecutions of invasions, attacks, burn-
ing-downs and destructions all over the province of Moesia Secunda. One of the heaviest is from the au-
tumn of 585 when the Avars together with their subjective Slavs invaded the provinces of Moesia Secunda
and Scythia and captured Marcianopolis, Dorostolon and Messambria. During the war of 597/598 when
Byzantium is expecting the attack in the northwestern part of the peninsula the Avars step against in its
northeastern parts and establish long-term control over the Scythia. As a result of their actions almost all
of the fort hills were destroyed.5
Is there any connection between all these invasions and the concealing of the hoards from the
province of Moesia Secunda?6 The chronological frames of the period which I consider are the reign of
emperors Anastasius I till that of Phocas. Exactly the coins are the sources which give us an opportunity to
study the lack of balance of the coins status in the province.
I have documented 31 coin hoards for the researched period. According their terminus post quem
they are divided into following groups:
Coin hoards with last coins the emissions of emperor Justin I (518–527) – 2: Osenovo, region of
Varna and Varna (Kayalaka III)8.
7
Coin hoards with last coins the emissions of emperor Justinian I (527–565) – 10: Zlatni pyasatsi9,
Varna (Batareyata)10, Varna, Benkovski, region of Varna11, Byala, region of Varna12, Chataldere, region of
Veliko Tarnovo13, Asparuhovo14, Fisek, region of Shumen15, Radingrad, region of Razgrad16, Ryahovets
III17.
Coin hoards with last coins the emissions of emperor Justin II (565–578) – 11: Varna (Gorchivata
cheshma)18, Aksakovo I19, Pliska20, Stan, region of Shumen21, Byala reka, region of Shumen22, Popovo23,
Silistra24, Baniska, region of Russe25, Svalenik, region of Russe26, Dichin, region of Veliko Tarnovo27, Ga-
brovo28.
Coin hoards with last coins the emissions of emperor Tiberius II Constantine (578–582) – 2: Varna
(Kayalaka II)29, Abritus30.
Coin hoards with last coins the emissions of emperor Maurice Tiberius (582–602) – 6: Aksakovo
5 Божилов, Гюзелев 1999, 37-40.
6 Since the Western border of the province of Moesia Secunda is still disputable, as a frontier line I accept the valley of
Osam river. See: Торбатов 2016.
7 Morrisson et al. 2006, no 48.
8 Михайлов 2010, 689.
9 Мирчев 1966, 146.
10 Иванов 2004, 197-198.
12 Йотов, Минчев 2013, 74.
15 Владимирова-Аладжова 1998а, 72-74.
17 Бъчваров 1990, 39-40.
18 Михайлов 2010, 689.
19 Михайлов 2010, 689.
20 Morrisson et al. 2006, no 50; Йорданов 2000, 143-144.
21 Владимирова-Аладжова 1998б, 25-26.
22 Morrisson et al. 2006, no 42; Михайлов 2008, 139-144.
26 Dragoev under print.
27 Михайлов 2010, 689.
28 Михайлов, Йосифов 2012,163-166.
29 Михайлов 2010, 689.
30 Дзанев 2005, 133.
188
II31, Region of Provadiya32, Zheled, region of Shumen33, Dragoevo, region of Shumen34, Fisek II35, Kopriv-
ets, region of Russe36.
It seems that the biggest amount of hoards are these with last coins of emperors Justinian I (10 in
number) and Justin II (11 in number) (Diagram I). During the reign of Maurice Tiberius – the time of
the most active Avars and Slavs raids the coin hoards are six. All of them were from the eastern part of the
province of Moesia Secunda where the main attacks are directed towards. A question arise – are the hoards
with last coins of Justinian I and Justin II dropped off at the very same time or their concealing is linked
with the later events from the last quarter of the 6th century. The next question follows – if all these hoards
refer to specific event or were selected only as a family treasury.
11
10
2 2
JUSTIN I. 518 - 527 JUSTINIAN I. 527 - 565 JUSTIN II. 565 - 578 TIBERIUS II. 578 - 582 MAURICE TIBERIUS.
582 - 602
Diagram I
One of the most likely answers we could find in the economic and financial Byzantine system from
the 6 century. A few coin reforms of Anastasius I and Justinian I not only introduced new coin types and
th
nominals but also led the Empire to the financial stability. Naturally, the process of devaluation comes fol-
lowed by the reduction of coin weights. It is more than likely that this decline in the gold value of bronze
money was the result of the striking of an increasing number of these coins by a government that lacked
bullion and was forced as a consequence to reduce the weight of coins. This inflation entailed a rise in
prices as expressed in small denominations. The decline in the weight and purchasing power of the follis
is equally illustrated by the progressive disappearance of smaller denominations in excavation finds: the
pentanummium, like the decanummium, becomes increasingly rare as of the 580s.37
The political instability in Byzantium after the reign of Justin II reflected on its financial status
as well. The years of insecurity followed when Tiberius II Constantine and Maurice Tiberius shrank the
process of producing and spreading of the Byzantine coin. That is why the coins of their predecessors are
still in circulation. Similar situation of using of old coins is overseeing at the time of Emperor Constantine
VII (913–959) for example, when the coins of Basil I (867–886) – the founder of the Macedonian dynasty
31 Михайлов 2010, 689.

32 Юрукова 1983, 116.
33 Morrisson et al. 2006, no 61; Владимирова-Аладжова 1992, 75-87.
34 Жекова 2004, 311, № 6.
35 Жекова 2014, 137-141.
37 Morrisson, Sodini 2002, 215.
189
50 years after his death are still in circulation.38 Exactly with that, financial resource was paid off on the
Byzantine army in the time of the battle near Aheloi River from the summer of 917.39
I suppose that the coins of Justinian I and Justin II are having the same purpose – their financial
stability and popularity among the population of the province of Moesia Secunda leading to their accumu-
lation. The concealing of these hoards, if we choose that the reason for their hiding is linked with the fixed
event or series of events, could be dating at the time of the most active barbarian attacks in the province of
Moesia Secunda – 580 – 590s.
Let us have a look at the territorial spreading of the hoards. Their topographical concentration is
almost entirely in the northeastern part of the province of Moesia Secunda (Diagram II). It is as follows:
region of Varna – 13 (7 from the city itself), region of Shumen – 7 (all of them are from the region), region
of Razgrad – 2 (1 from Abritus), region of Russe – 3, region of Veliko Tarnovo – 2, by one from the regions
of Silistra, Popovo, Ryahovets and Gabrovo. West from Veliko Tarnovo, the coin hoards disappeared.
Territorial Spreading of Coin Hoards
14
12
10
8
6
4
2
0
Varna Shumen Russe Razgrad Turnovo
Diagram II
The hoards containing only gold coins are four in number: Varna – 2, Provadiya – 1, Byala reka,
region of Shumen – 1.
What happens after 602? For the period 602 – 681 are documented only five coin hoards (Diagram
III): Varna – 240, Northeastern Bulgaria – 141, Krasen, region of Ruse42, Ryahovets – 143. Three of them con-
sist of gold coins. The disproportion from the previous and the present periods gave me the reason to con-
clude that the reign of Phocas is the crucial moment for the situation in the province of Moesia Secunda.
After his rule, the money income is strongly reduced but not ceased – the same situation we can observe
at the whole Byzantine Empire itself.
The next large wave of hoards was in the period between 681 and 971 when their concealing is
directly connected to two military campaigns. The first of them is the war between Byzantium and the
Bulgarians led by Khan Asparuh in 680/681. The second one is the invasion of Grand prince Svyatoslav of
Kiev in 970/971 as well as the following conquest of the First Bulgarian Kingdom by the Byzantines. We
38 Жекова 2018a, 25-33.

39 Жекова 2018б, 116-117.
40 Лазаренко 2003, 151-156.
41 Михайлов 2017, 589.
42 Varbanov et al. 2019, No. 9.
43 Бъчваров 1990, 39-40.
190
have information about 16 coin hoards44: the region of Shumen – 7, Krivina (Yatrus) – 4, Dorostolon – 1,
Varna – 1, the region of Razgrad – 2, Kapinovo, the region of Veliko Tarnovo – 1. We have no any hoards
west from Veliko Tarnovo – again!
Distribution of Coin Hoards by Periods
31%
491 - 602
59%
602 - 681
10%
681 - 971
Diagram III
Besides the coins, direct witnesses of the events from the end of 6th century are also the lead seals.45
For the time of 6th – 7th century from the territory of nowadays Bulgaria are documented more than 350
seals. Directly linked with the current paper are two group of seals – these of Comentiolus (fig. 1) and
Priscus (fig. 2).46 Both of them are Byzantine military commanders from the 6th century – names and
activities of which are known from the records. Comentiolus’ seals are five in number – four from the
North-eastern parts and one from the region of Haskovo. The name of Comentiolus is well-known from
the written sources as a commander of the troops against the Avars and Slavs in the 580s along with the
other military commander Priscus. He was at the head of operations both in North-eastern part and in the
region of Adrianopolis. From the same places of finding are documented the seals of the other commander
– Priscus – nine in number. Most of them are mainly from North-eastern Bulgarian lands – Vetren, region
of Silistra, Gurchinovo, region of Popovo – the same territories in which the coin hoards are concentrated.
Father Vitale Loran is the scholar who made an identification of the owner of the seal Priscus with the
namesake Byzantine military commander who was sent to the region of Lower Danube to beat back the
invasion of Khazars and Slavs in the early years of the reign of emperor Maurice Tiberius.47 The fact that
fig. 1 fig. 2
44 Жекова 2020, 215-216.

45 Жекова 2019, 103-120.
46 Йорданов 2011, 207-213.
47 Laurent 1952, no. 599.
191
nine lead seals with this name struck at least in two boulloteria were found in the territory of modern Bul-
garia to the south of the frontier increases our certitude in this identification.
From the rule of emperor Anastasius I till the end of emperor Maurice Tiberius’ there are 31 coin
hoards documented, originating from the territory of the province of Moesia Secunda. The most numer-
ous are these from the time of Justinian I and Justin II. With a view of the political and financial situation
in the province, my opinion is that these hoards were concealed at the last quarter of the 6th century – a
time of insecurity, barbarian attacks and total devastations. The topographical concentration in the North-
eastern parts of the province gives us proof for the routes of the invaders and scales of their plundering
and devastations. Undoubtedly, all these led to the conclusions of a great importance of these territories
– a fact which find a support from the later documented coin hoards – situated at the very same area. The
significance of the Northeast continued during the whole Mediaeval, the post-Mediaeval period and in the
Modern times as well.
192
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194
THE HOARD OF SESTERTII FROM MELNIKOVO,
REGION ZELENOGRADSK
Konstantin Skvortsov, Anna Zapolska
In 1911 in the village of Melnikovo (then Rudau, Kr. Fischhausen) a treasure trove of 43 sestertii
was discovered. Some of them – 32 pieces – were handed over to the Prussia Museum in Königsberg (to-
day Kaliningrad), the remaining 11 were in private hands. In 2005 while studying Rudolf Grenz’s archive
at the Archaeological Museum in Schleswig (Museum für Archaeologie, Schloss Gottorf, Schleswig), Kon-
stantin Skvortsov came across information about an unpublished
discovery from the former Rudau. In the archive, among numerous
documents, there was a hand-written copy of the 1964 plan (fig.
1) by Grenz. This copy depicted a map from the archive of Kreis
Fischhausen, which was preserved in Pinneberg.1 This document
contained a description and exact location of the hoard findspot
in the former Rudau in 1911. It was found near the peat bog Mal-
daiter Torfbruch, south-east of the village, on the right bank of the
nameless stream where peat was mined during World War II. The
sestertii recorded at that time were emissions from the reign of Titus
to Marcus Aurelius.
In 2005, the construction of a gas pipeline began a few doz-
en metres from the place where the deposit was found. The area
for its construction was investigated by archaeologists in May 2006,
and the field prospection was conducted by K. Skvortsov (Institute
of Material Culture History of the Russian Academy of Sciences)
and Ye. A. Kalashnikov (Scientific Production Centre of the Min-
istry of Culture of the Kaliningrad Region). As a result, in the area
immediately adjacent to the gas pipeline route, the researchers tar-
geted more than 140 bronze Roman coins in the arable layer, which
were then stored in the Kaliningrad Museum of History and Art.
In the following years (2012-2013), the excavation of the peat bog
and its surroundings with a total area of approximately 9600 m2 was
carried out. At the same time, an interview was conducted among
the local people, which provided information that the inhabitants of
Melnikovo village in the 80’s of the 20th century cultivated potatoes
there. A topographical plan was also prepared, on which the place
of discovery of the treasure was marked. Field research and the plan
confirmed K. Skvortsov’s assumptions that the coins found in 2006
were part of the deposit discovered in 1911. During this research, a Fig. 1. Localisation of the findspot: a)
total of 147 sestertii and a handle of a bronze cauldron or wooden German map from the year 1964; b)
chest were discovered, in which the deposit was probably hidden. drawing made by R. Grenz.
1 In Pinneberg (Schleswig-Holstein) there is an association of former residents of the Kreis Fischhausen in East Prussia
(Kriegsgemeinschaft Fischhausen e.V.) and the Heimatmuseum (museum of the mother land). In the association’s collections
there are preserved various pre-war documents to which R. Grenz probably had access (see: http://kreis-fischhausen.de/).
195
It cannot be ruled out that not all coins have been traced and found, which dictates the need for further
fieldwork.
Description of both parts of the deposit
The first part of the deposit consisted of 43 sestertii, of which 32 were purchased by the Prussia
Museum in Königsberg, where they were first identified. Since no numismatist worked in this museum, it
can be assumed that it was Felix Peiser, who determined these coins. He was orientalist by education2 and
probably due to this fact, he dealt with coins, among other things. However, we cannot be sure that his
terms are correct.3 The fate of the remaining 11 species from the deposit is unknown – perhaps they were
given to the finder.4 Despite the lack of certainty as to the correctness of the description of the sestertii,
the coins found in the hoard do not differ in composition from other deposits or other findings known
from the Western Baltic cultures area (see below). In the older and smaller part of the hoard there was one
Titus coin, 4 Hadrian and Antoninus Pius each, 18 Marcus Aurelius (including 5 minted for Lucilla) and
5 undetermined ones together with 11 others,5 which did not reach the Prussia Museum (diag. 1).
Diag. 1. The deposit of Melnikovo (former Rudau). Blue line – part found in 1911, red line – part found after 2000;
made by Arkadiusz Dymowski.
In the second part of the deposit there are more than 147 coins6 registered, dating from the times
of Trajan to Commodus, including: 7 sestertii of Trajan, 6 of Hadrian, 28 of Antoninus Pius (including 4
minted for Faustina I, 5 for Faustina II and 1 for Marcus Aurelius), 92 of Marcus Aurelius (including 14
minted for Lucilla, 28 for Faustina II and 2 for Commodus), 4 Commodus (including 1 minted for Crispi-
na), 2 of Marcus Aurelius or Commodus and 8 undetermined coins (diag. 1).
The preservation state of the coins
Coins from the part of the treasure found in 2005-2006 were documented by Professor Aleksander
2 F. Peiser was an Orientalist by education. He studied Assyriology and Arabic studies in Berlin and Leipzig; after re-
ceiving his habilitation (1890), he initially worked in Wrocław (that time Breslau) as a Privatdozent, giving lectures on Assyri-
ology. In 1894 he moved to Königsberg, where he worked as a lecturer teaching ancient oriental languages (Assyrian, Aramaic,
Syrian, Hebrew and Arabic) and lectured on the history of ancient Middle East countries. Peiser also had a fairly rich collection
of antiquities, which he began on his honeymoon in Istanbul. Among the purchased artefacts were clay tablets and other orien-
tal objects (Faensen 2011, 185-186).
3 F. Peiser, who most likely defined them, was sometimes mistaken. An example of this is the description of some coins
from the Frombork deposit, where he wrongly identified a coin for Aelius Caesar, describing it as a Commodus coin, or inac-
curately reading legends of some coins (Zapolska 2014, 113-114).
4 Grenz Archive.
5 Undetermined coins are not included in the statistical diagrams. The author of diag. 1 and 4 is Dr. hab. Arkadiusz
Dymowski, whom I would like to thank for his help in their preparation and for his consulting on the subject.
6 I did not have access to some coins because they were still in the process of conservation.
196
Bursche and Tomasz Więck and then determined by Anna Zapolska. They were in very different state of
preservation. Most of them, however, could have been described and determined according to the RIC,
in the case of the others it was possible to identify only their issuer. Eight of them were heavily corroded
and worn, so it was impossible to determine even the approximate time of their minting. In most cases,
the coins had more worn reverses, which may be related to the fact that the obverse stamps usually had a
deeper relief, making it harder to wipe the surface quickly.
The structure of the hoard – analysis
As explained above, both deposits, although found at an interval of almost one hundred years,
should be treated as one hoard. However, due to the fact that the sestertii of the second part of the deposit
could be determined more accurately, both parts of the deposit were presented in separate statistical dia-
grams.
The core of both parts of the deposit are sestertii7 minted during the reign of Marcus Aurelius –
they represent more than 56% for the first and 63% for the second part of the deposit (diag. 1) and more
than 57% for the whole pool of sestertii discovered. The latest coins are issues of Commodus, which were
found only in the part of the deposit discovered in 2005-2006 where they accounted for 3% of the coin
pool. The terminus post quem dating of the formation of the deposit is most likely the beginning of this
Emperor’s reign (diag. 1). The hoard in question was probably formed in a very short period of time, as
evidenced by the decisive predominance of coins minted in the 60’s and 70’s of the 2nd century after Chr.
and a small admixture of first-century specimens minted until the reign of Antoninus Pius (15% for the
first and 9.5% for the second part of the deposit respectively, slightly more than 9% for the whole; diag. 2
and 3) as well as the lack of coins of the Severan dynasty. Since the first century bronze coins arrived in
the West Balt culture circle together with the second century coins,8 it is not surprising that one such coin
was placed next to the second century coins in the deposit in question. The hoard has a primary character.
None of the coins was added to the deposit after it arrived in the area of the West Balt culture circle. This
is evidenced, inter alia, by the fact that the extent to which the sestertii are worn is not dependent on the
minting time, which might suggest that some of them have remained longer in use.
Titus
Trajan
Hadrian
Antoninus Pius
Marcus Aurelius
Commodus
Marcus Aurel/Commodus
undetermined
undocumented
Diag. 2. The deposit of Melnikovo (part found in 1911) – percentage diagram.

Time and circumstances of the influx
The 60’s of the 2nd century after Chr. were the time when the mass influx of bronze coins on the
southern coast of the Baltic Sea began. Their appearance was connected with the interest in amber, which
continued popularity in Rome was the driving force behind the intensification of trade contacts with
the Barbarians as early as the 1st century after Chr.9 From the second half of the 2nd century onwards, the
equivalent in trade in amber were copper-alloyed coins – sestertii. Bronzes flowed into the Baltic Sea area
for quite a short period of about 80-100 years, until the 60’s of the 3rd century, when they were no longer
minted (see below).
7 One of the coins was dupondius of Antoninus Pius. The remaining ones are sestertii.
8 Zapolska 2013.
9 Bursche 1992; Nowakowski 1995; Kolendo 1998; Zapolska 2009; Zapolska 2013.
197
Titus
Hadrian
Antoninus Pius
Marcus Aurelius
undetermined
Diag. 3. The deposit of Melnikovo (part found after 2000) – percentage diagram.
At the same time (since the Marcomanic Wars), the Przeworsk, Wielbark and later the Cherniakh-
iv cultures began to receive huge amounts of denarii,10 which, like sestertii, were deposited. The reasons
for the influx of silver coins to Barbaricum should be seen in the political situation – during the ongoing
Marcomanic Wars on the central Danube, the denarii played a role of tributes paid to the so-called Superi-
ores Barbari, living north of the Carpathian Basin. However, the Marcomanic Wars prevented the existing
trade routes through the Carpathian passes from functioning on a larger scale.11 Therefore, the events of
the second half of the 2nd century contributed to the change of the existing trade routes, and therefore ses-
tertii flowed in a different road than before (see below).
The types
Coins from the second part of the deposit found at the beginning of the 21st century made it pos-
sible to analyse the hoard not only in terms of the state of preservation of sestertii, but also in terms of the
repeatability of types. The most frequently represented is the post-mortem coin issued by Marcus Aure-
lius for Faustina II, with Diana standing to the right, holding with both hands a lit torch and the legend
SIDERIBVS RECEPTA (RIC 1715), meaning “raised to the stars”. In this deposit, 5 such specimens have
been identified. The following types of coins minted during the reign of Marcus Aurelius were registered
in three pieces each: RIC 1063, 1096, 1230 and Marcus Aurelius for Faustina II RIC 1638. Twelve other
types appeared twice. Among them there were mainly coins of Marcus Aurelius, including one minted for
Commodus (RIC 1530), Faustina II (RIC 1651, 1663, 1703) and Lucilla (RIC 1751, 1765). Three types of
Antoninus Pius coins (RIC 855, 929, 992) also appeared in two copies.
With the above data at the disposal, one could possibly wonder whether these were particularly
appreciated or popular coins among the West Balt’s peoples. Such a hypothesis seems unlikely, since the
most frequent types of coins are those of the Marcus Aurelius issues, which were the most represented in
the deposit, so the probability of repetition of one of them was higher. In addition, the large representation
of Antoninus Pius and Marcus Aurelius coins was influenced by the fact that both emperors minted very
large numbers of sestertii, which was reflected both in the richness of types and the issues for the family
members.12 Another premise that contradicts this theory is that when converting coins into ornaments
and adapting them to suspension, the obverse was usually the representative side and the hole or suspen-
sion loop was made above the emperor’s head.
The final argument contradicting the theory of preferences of certain types is, however, the role
played by the bronze Roman coins in the hands of the West Balt tribes. Metallurgical analyses carried
out in the early 20th century by A. Bezzenberger show that the alloy used in the production of the flans is
identical to the alloy used for jewellery in the West Balt’s environment. The Bezzenberger theory was also
confirmed by research carried out a few years ago by O. Sharov and his colleagues.13 The theory of the use
10 The influx of denarii ended much earlier, during the reign of Septimius Severus (Bursche 1994, 472-475; Bursche
2004, 196-198; Bursche 2011, 69-71.
11 Bursche 1994, 471-473, 480.
12 Carson 1990, 46, 49, 52, 56.
13 Sharov et al. 2015; cf. Bezzenberger 1904, XVIII; Gaerte 1929, 212: Ihre Verwendung war eine doppelte: Entweder ver-
198
of bronze coins as a raw material can be confirmed by cases of sestertii discovered at settlement sites on
Bornholm and Fyn, outside the circle of Balt tribes settlement.
Two coins (one undefined and sestertius of Trajan) were found in a layer dating back to the Late
Roman Period/ Early Migration Period on the settlement of Lundeborg. They were accompanied by other
partly melted bronze objects.14 Another coin comes from a production settlement, most probably from a
bronze workshop in Hørup.15 A similar case is also known from the Polish territory, from the German-
ic-Baltic borderland – in the so-called foundry deposit discovered in Frombork there were three bronze
coins, including Antoninus Pius’s sestertius, which were certainly intended for melting. This deposit is
dated to the phases D3, which is the developed stage of Migration Period.16
It seems likely that the special predilection for the Antonine dynasty coins (Antoninus Pius and
Marcus Aurelius) was due to a simple reason – a zinc content of about 10%,17 although already significantly
reduced in comparison to the coins minted earlier, made sestertii still golden in colour while at the same
time quite large flans. The collecting and possession of the bronze raw material, which was then used to
produce jewellery according to local tastes, could also be associated with the prestige of its owner.18
The remaining deposits from the Dollkeim-Kovrovo culture
In the Dollkeim-Kovrovo culture area, 7 deposits have been found so far, together with the dis-
cussed hoard. In two of them: from Ivanovka (former Goltzhausen19) and Stasovo (former Mittel Warkau20)
the denarii have been deposited, the latter seems to be rather doubtful.21 Due to their composition of sil-
ver coins, they will not be used as a reference material. In other cases, we are dealing with the deposits of
bronze coins, of which we do not have certain data on one of them, so it will not be taken into account
in the analysis below.22 The remaining three deposits found in the following localities: Moršanskoe, Raj.
Zielenogradsk (former Schreitlacken23), Kudrinka, Raj. Zielenogradsk (former Backeln24) and Žukovskoe,
Raj. Zielenogradsk (former Nautzwinkel25) contained mainly sestertii, with a predominance of Antonine
dynasty issues. In all of them there were first-century coins – 2 of Galba and 1 of Vespasian and Domitian
and 1 of Nerva in Kudrinka,26 1 sestertius of Nerva in Moršanskoe27 (diag. 4) and 2 coins of Domitian and
2 of Nerva in the Žukovskoe deposit, respectively.28 Only the latter contained coins younger than the Com-
modus issue, including two sestertii of Septimius Severus. It follows that the structure of these deposits
is quite homogeneous. The hoards differ only in the proportion of coins minted during the reign of the
Emperors of the Antonine dynasty, which may indicate a slight difference in the timing of the formation of
these deposits. As has already been said, the Melnikovo hoard in question was most likely created in a rela-
tively short period of time, while the others could have been formed a little longer, which may be indicated
by the presence of a greater number of first-century coins as well as specimens minted at the beginning of
the Antonine dynasty.
wandte man sie als Schmuckanhänger, oder man übergab sie dem Schmelztigelgoß zu einheimischen Sachformen um.
14 Horsnæs 2006, 76, cat. no. 11; 84, cat. no. 56; see Horsnæs 2020.
15 Horsnæs 2006, 76, cat. no. 17.
16 Godłowski 1972, Zapolska 2014.
17 Caley 1964, 84-85.
18 Cf. Bursche 2008.
19 Engel Archive, Grenz Archive.
20 Bolin 1926, 223, no. 91.
21 A description of its contents is given, among others, in the Regling’s file: Vor Jahren, viele hundert Römer (Regling
Archive); other references to it can be found in the Memeler Dampfboot Beilage 28, November 1906: Dans la région de Memel
(Prusse), près de la mer, en 1906, on a fait une trouvaille importante de monnaies romaines, parmi lesquelles il y en avaitd’Auguste,
de Trajan et d’Antonin and in Blätter für Münzfreunde 1906, 3608: Anzahl Römer. August, Trajan, Pius, also gewiss Denarschatz.
22 This is a treasure from Povarovka (former Kirpehnen) consisting of 25-30 bronze coins: Schatz von Bronzemünzen,
25-30 St. Zusammen mit Fibel u.a. gefunden (Bolin 1926, 214, no. 36, I).
23 Regling Archive; Bolin 1926, 217, nr 55.
24 Bolin 1926, 210, no. 18.
25 Bolin 1926, 215, no. 44.
26 They accounted for a total of 304 coins, so their share in the deposit amounts to 1.6%.
27 A total of 1119 bronzes occurred in this deposit, so the share of a single first-century coin is negligible (0.08%).
28 In this deposit, first-century coins have the highest percentage of all hoards – out of 138 sestertii 4 of them were minted
in the first century, which is 2.9% of all specimens.
199
4.0%
3.5%
3.0%
2.5%
% coins
2.0%
1.5%
1.0%
0.5%
0.0%
100
103
106
109
112
115
118
121
124
127
130
133
136
139
142
145
148
151
154
157
160
163
166
169
172
175
178
181
184
187
190
193
196
61
64
67
70
73
76
79
82
85
88
91
94
97
Schreitlacken Backeln
Diag. 4. Comparison of deposits from Kudrinka (former Backeln) and Moršanskoe (former Schreitlacken);
made by Arkadiusz Dymowski.
Map 1. Deposits of sestertii from the Dollkeim-Kovrovo culture (drawing Piotr Deska).
1. Melnikovo, 2. Kudrinka, 3. Morshanskoe, 4. Zhukovskoe.
Of the above-mentioned deposits of sestertii, three of them (from Moršanskoe, Fedorovo and
Melnikovo) were found within a short distance of approximately 3.3 km of each other within the Ziele-
nogradsk Region. They were deposited near small rivers that flow into the Vistula Lagoon (Kaliningrad
Lagoon). The fourth hoard from Žukovskoe was discovered practically on the coast of the Vistula Lagoon.
These findings were therefore concentrated in the Pregoła catchment area, which served as a communica-
tion route and was a fragment of the so-called amber route leading from the estuary of the Vistula River to
Sambia.29(map 1, cf. map 2).
29 Skvortsov 2012.
200
Map 2. Deposits of sestertii from the Rhineland provinces and Barbaricum (drawing Piotr Deska).
The concentration of artifacts from Roman Period is similar, especially in case of the Roman im-
ports (including luxury items), the largest concentration of which is located in the western part of the
Sambian Peninsula. Perhaps there were ancient trade centres here, whose role in the communication be-
tween the Sambian Dollkeim-Kovrovo culture and the Wielbark culture on the Elbląg Upland and the
Bogaczewo culture in the east was enormous. In order to be able to estimate the role of Sambia in Roman
Period at least roughly and understand the processes occurring since the turn of the older and younger
Roman Period, further research on Roman imports, including coins, is necessary.30
Summing up, the deposits registered in the areas of Dollkeim-Kovrovo culture are characterised,
as can be seen from the data presented above, by homogeneity of denominations. Except for one case of
appearance of the Septimius Sever coin, there are no coins in the Dollkeim-Kovrovo culture deposits later
than the issues of the Antonine dynasty. All of them had rather primary character and were formed at the
end of the 2nd century after Chr. The exact time of their deposition is difficult to estimate. According to
the authors, this could have happened at the latest at the turn of the 2nd and 3rd centuries after Chr. From
the territory of Dollkeim-Kovrovo culture are currently not known the deposits of bronzes together with
denarii.31 Such a deposit was made only in the area of Bogaczewo culture in Szczytno, dist. loco.32
Deposits from the Roman Empire and the Roman Provinces
The analysis of the deposits of large Roman bronzes and their occurrence enables the reconstruc-
tion of the road they flowed into the Baltic Sea region. Hoards from the Roman provinces where sestertii
have circulated and where trade routes could have possibly run, will be briefly summarised below.33
30 Among the materials found in Sambia up to 2018 there are a large number of Roman bronze coins, Roman glass beads
and other imports discovered together with amber products and semi-finished amber products. This confirms that the area of
the Sambian Peninsula was the place where this valued by the Romans raw material, was obtained and (perhaps) its main “ex-
porter” (Skvortsov 2012).
31 Apart from the two deposits of the denarii themselves (from Ivanovka and Stasovo, cf. above), the deposits in which
silver coins were collected together with bronzes are not known.
32 This deposit was found on the border of the settlement of the Wielbark and Bogaczewo cultures. The cultural attribu-
tion of the deposit is therefore difficult to establish (Zapolska 2009).
33 The Melnikovo deposit will be compared to the hoards from province Italia, Gallia and Germania, while Raetia, Nori-
cum, Pannonia, Dacia, Thrace and Moesia will be excluded. As it has been shown, the bronze Roman coins could not flow into
201
Italia and Gallia Cisalpina
Sestertii circulated en mass within the Roman Empire and its provinces, so deposits of 1st, 2nd and
3rd centuries large Roman bronzes are quite abundant in this area. From the territories of Italy until the
1960s, at least 30 well-documented sestertii hoards were known.34 The recently developed and continuous-
ly expanded database of the Coin Hoard of Roman Empire project contains 67 deposits, which include
sestertii (http://chre.ashmus.ox.ac.uk).35 About half of these are grouped in the northern part of the Apen-
nine Peninsula, the province of Gallia Cisalpina at the time of the Empire, the rest are finds from around
Rome and Sardinia, and three deposits come from Sicily.36
Bronze deposits from Italy are dominated by sestertii, but also dupondii and asses, sometimes also
single antoniniani are found (e.g. in the hoards of Arluno,37 Bassano del Grappa,38 Bessano,39 Calcinato,40
Martellago,41 CaminnearPadua,42 Ponte Lambro,43 San Polo di Piave44). The vast majority of deposits con-
sists of first-, second- and third- century coins, although there is also a small group of hoards terminat-
ed with second century issues. These include deposits from Gonnoscondina in Sardinia45, Mussolente46,
Camin near Padua47 and Bessano del Grappa48 (diag. 5). The remaining ones, ending with third century
coins (diag. 6 and 7), are characterized by a high rate of issues of the Antonine and the Severan dynasty and
coins of Gordian III. In some deposits, the number of third-century coins reaches a similar percentage as
the second-century sestertii (diag. 6 and 7).49
350
300
250
200
MUSSOLENTE
150 GONNOSCODINA
CAMIN
100 BASSANO DEL GRAPPA
50
0
Gaius OR Domitian Nerva Trajan Hadrian Hadrian OR Antoninus Antoninus Marcus Commodus Didius Septimius Septimius
Claudius I Antoninus Pius Pius OR Aurelius Julianus Severus Severus OR
Pius Marcus Caracalla
Aurelius
Diag. 5. Deposits from the province of Italia terminated with emissions of Septimius Severus
(based on: https://chre.ashmus.ox.ac.uk/).
the West Balt’s culture circle from the Danube and Balkan provinces. In these provinces, finds of 2nd and 3rd c. sestertii are very
scarce and are dominated by the so-called limes falsa issues or bronzes minted in Viminacium or of the Provincia Dacia type,
which in turn are hardly known from the West Balt’s environment (Zapolska 2013).
34 Callu 1969, 117.
35 The database is being developed within the Coin Hoards of Roman Empire project in cooperation with numismatists
from practically all research institutions and museums.
36 This is rather related to the state of publication. The best elaborated are the deposits from the north-eastern part of
today’s Italy (see individual volumes RMRVe).
37 Vismara 1990; Vismara 1992; http://chre.ashmus.ox.ac.uk/hoard/13810.
38 RMRVe IV/2; http://chre.ashmus.ox.ac.uk/hoard/12485.
39 Chiaravalle 1982; http://chre.ashmus.ox.ac.uk/hoard/3159.
40 Arslan 1990, 49-88; http://chre.ashmus.ox.ac.uk/hoard/13917.
41 Arslan 1996, 9; http://chre.ashmus.ox.ac.uk/hoard/13919.
42 Gorini 1992; http://chre.ashmus.ox.ac.uk/hoard/12551.
43 Arslan 1996, 9; http://chre.ashmus.ox.ac.uk/hoard/13922.
44 RMRVe II/2; http://chre.ashmus.ox.ac.uk/hoard/12544.
45 Satta 1954; http://chre.ashmus.ox.ac.uk/hoard/13803.
47 Gorini 1992; http://chre.ashmus.ox.ac.uk/hoard/12551.
49 Callu 1969, 117; Buttrey 1972, 50.
202
160
140
120
100
80 MARTELLAGO
CALCINATO
60 BUSCA
BESANO 1918
40 ARLUNO
20
Diag. 6. Deposits from the province of Italia terminated with emissions of Trebonianus Gallus
300
250
200
150 SAN POLO DI PIAVE

SAN MARTINO DEL PIZZOLANO
100 RIOLA 1931
PONTE LAMBRO
50
ALTINO 1970-1990
Diag. 7. Deposits from the province of Italia terminated with emissions of Gallienus
Gallia
The hoards of sestertii from Gallia are in general concentrated in the northern part of the province,
Gallia Belgica and Gallia Lugdunensis,50 although there are cases of deposits registered in other areas. Ex-
amples include hoards from Bordeaux51 and Garonna.52
Deposits known from Gallia can be divided into three chronological groups: hoards ending with
issues of Commodus and Septimius Severus, constituting 30% of the finds (these are, among others, de-
posits from Septeuil,53 Senlis,54 Saint-Witz,55 Saint-Sauveur,56 cf. diag. 8), deposits terminated with issues of
50 Buttrey 1972, 44; van Heesch 1998; Doyen 2008, 184.
51 Buttrey 1972.
52 Étienne, Rachet 1984.
53 CTMAF IX:17; http://chre.ashmus.ox.ac.uk/hoard/7005.
54 CTMAF VIII:2.67; http://chre.ashmus.ox.ac.uk/hoard/7240.
55 CTMAF IX:9; http://chre.ashmus.ox.ac.uk/hoard/7032.
56 Trommenschlager, Groch 2015, 1-9; http://chre.ashmus.ox.ac.uk/hoard/13035.
203
Trebonianus Gallus, among which a small group are treasures with the latest coins of Severus Alexander
(24% of all deposits, including the group up to Alexander Sever group, which is 6%; diag. 9a and 9b),57 and
deposits ended with coins of Postumus (36% of all finds, diag. 10a and 10b).58
The first group of Gaul deposits (diag. 8) is dominated by sestertii of Hadrian and Trajan, and there
are also numerous Antonine dynasty issues. In the second group, among the hoards finished with Alexan-
der Sever coins, the highest percentage are the coins of Marcus Aurelius, with a very high rate of Hadrian
coins, which usually exceeds the number of Antoninus Pius coins. In the case of later deposits – ending
with issues of Trebonianus Gallus’ coins – we have a decisive predominance of coins of the Antonine dy-
nasty over the others (diag. 9a and 9b).
600
500
400
SEPTEUIL
SENLIS
SAINT-WITZ
300
SAINT-SAUVEUR 2013
SAINT-JUST
200 RAMPILLON
PIERREFONDS
PĂ‰CY
100
MORIENVAL
Diag. 8. Deposits from the province of Gaul terminated with emissions of Commodus and Septimius Severus
57 Deposits terminated with Alexander Severus issues, e.g.: Montbavin (CTMAF VIII:2.60; http://chre.ashmus.ox.ac.uk/
hoard/7119) and Les Mureaux (CTMAF IX:11; http://chre.ashmus.ox.ac.uk/hoard/7000). Among the hoards ending with coins
of Trebonianus Gallus there are i.a. deposits from: Villaines-la-Carelle (Hollard 2007; CTMAF III:39; http://chre.ashmus.ox.ac.
uk/hoard/5864) or from Davron (CTMAF IX:8; http://chre.ashmus.ox.ac.uk/hoard/6997).
58 E.g. deposits from: Tavres (Hollard 1992, 97; http://chre.ashmus.ox.ac.uk/hoard/12651), Muirancourt (Hollard 1992,
94; http://chre.ashmus.ox.ac.uk/hoard/7225), Landévennec (Hollard 1992, 93; CTMAF VIII:2.46; http://chre.ashmus.ox.ac.uk/
hoard/12565).
204
300
250
200
150 MONTBAVIN
LES MUREAUX
LAHOUSSOYE 2012
100
CHARNY
50
Diag. 9a. Deposits from the province of Gaul terminated with emissions of Severus Alexander
1000
900
800
700
600
500 ARNOUVILLE-LÈS-GONESSE
ÉPIAIS-RHUS
400 VILLAINES-LA-CARELLE 1890
DAVRON
300
200
100
Diag. 9b.
The youngest and the most numerous are the deposits containing Postumus issues (diag. 10a and
10b), which are practically unknown in the areas of Barbaricum (cf. below). In this group of hoards, the
greatest percentage is coins of the Antonine dynasty with the admixture of Severan coins. Many of these
deposits include, apart from bronze denominations, also antoniniani, which, although containing a very
small amount of silver, were treated as silver denominations.
205
200
180
160
140
120
100
LANDÉVENNEC
ÉLINCOURT-SAINTE-MARGUERITE
80
TAVERS
MUIRANCOURT
60 DARDEZ
CHAUNY
40 ANGICOURT
20
Diag. 10a. Deposits from the province of Gaul terminated with emissions of Victorinus
400
350
300
250
THIMERT-GÂTELLES
NÉRY
200
VITRY-SUR-SEINE
VERTAULT
150 VANNES
TOURS-SUR-MARNE
SAUVAGNY
100
ROUEN
50
Diag. 10b. Deposits from the province of Gaul terminated with emissions of Victorinus
Germania
Deposits of sestertii are concentrated mainly in the southern part of the province. The north-west-
ern part of the province is completely deprived of them.59 However, the bronze hoards of the southern part
are not as numerous as those of Gallia or Italy. Most of them have a similar structure to the deposits from
the discussed provinces, but most often they are composed only of coins of the Antonine dynasty (e.g. the
deposit from Horgauergreuth, dist. Augsburg,60 or from Faimingen, dist. Dillingen61). First-century sester-
tii appear in a few deposits, most often singularly. Their share in the pool of coins is at the level of 5-10%.
As examples we can use finds from Heidelberg-Handschuhsheim, dist. Heidelberg,62 in which one Vespa-
59 Berger 1992, 154.

60 FMRD I:7026.
61 FMRD I:7050.
62 FMRD II:1061.
206
sian’s sestertius, accompanying 9 coins of the Antonine dynasty, Mindelzell, dist. Krumbach,63 in which the
as of Neron was found together with 11 other coins of the Antonine dynasty. No later coins than the issues
of the Antonine dynasty appeared in these hoards, which could indicate that they had ceased to flow into
the province.
Barbaricum
On the territory of Barbaricum, the hoards of sestertii are concentrated in a fairly limited area and
are much smaller than those known from the Roman Empire, the provinces and the West Balt culture
circle. Most of them terminate with the issues of the Antonine dynasty or Septimius Severus (e.g. deposit
from Bad Gandersheim, dist. Northeim,64 Südergoog, dist. Pellworm-Nordfriesland65 or Dithmarschen,
dist. Wesselburen-Dithmarschen,66 diag. 11), one deposit from Neumünster67 ended with issues of Tre-
bonianus Gallus (diag. 11). The next two deposits included Postumus’ sestertii (deposits from Winnefeld,
distr. Northeim68) or Postumus’ and Victorin’s antoniniani (hoard from Finkenberg, dist. Heidelberg,69
diag. 12). The appearance of coins issued by the Imperium Galliarum in Germany is explained by the fact
that Germanic troops were involved in the warfare of the usurpers.70
14
12
10
Neumünster (Hortfund)
6
Fernneuendorf (Hortfund)
Bad Gandersheim (Hortfund)
Diag. 11. Deposits from Barbaricum terminated with emissions of Commodus and Septimius Severus
(based on: http://afe.dainst.org/AFE_RGK/).
63 FMRD I:7203.
64 FMRD VII:6004.
65 FMRD I:1023.
66 FMRD I:1118.
67 FMRD VIII:1036.
68 FMRD II:7051.
69 Berger, Wulf 2006.
70 Bemmann 2014, 180-184.
207
20
18
16
14
12
10
Winnefeld (Schatzfund)
8
Finkenberg (Schatzfund)
Diag. 12. Deposits from Barbaricum terminated with emissions of Postumus and Victorinus
(based on: http://afe.dainst.org/AFE_RGK/).
From the point of view of this study, the concentration of as many as five deposits (map 2) on the
North Sea coasts (Frisian Islands in Süderoog, Jutland in Neumünster and Dithmarschen) around the
Elbe estuary (Kleinwörden, distr. Hechthausen-Cuxhaven71) and the Baltic Sea (Hanshagen, distr. Ostvor-
pommern72) seems extremely important (map 2). Similarly, three other deposits come from the area of the
Vistula estuary from Gdańsk-Krakowiec, distr. Gdańsk,73 Gdańsk-Nowy Port, distr. Gdańsk74 and Pruszcz
Gdański, distr. Gdańsk.75 All three terminated with issues of the Antonine dynasty, the last of which, con-
sisted of 85 sestertii and was the largest. Deposits of sestertii with a known discovery context are not known
from other parts of Barbaricum, where these coins were usually registered as single finds in the settlement
area.76
The above analysis may indicate the direction of the inflow of sestertii to the Baltic Sea. It has most
likely taken place from Italy towards the Alpine passes, through the Rhineland provinces and after reach-
ing the shores of the North Sea by deep cut-in fjords of the Jutland Peninsula to the shores of the Baltic
Sea.77
Conclusion
The structure of this deposit from Melnikovo indicates that it was probably formed in a very short
time at the beginning of the reign of Commodus. Its structure does not differ significantly from the struc-
ture of other bronze coins hoards known from the areas of Dollkeim-Kovrovo culture, Barbaricum or Italy.
This indicates that the deposit has a primary character. It arrived in Sambia most probably at the end of the
2nd c. and was deposited at the latest at the turn of the 2nd and 3rd c. after Chr.
The similarity of the structure of the deposit of Melnikovo to the hoards known from Italia or the
Rhineland provinces may indicate these provinces as potential directions of the influx of Roman bronzes
to the Sambian Peninsula. The presence of several smaller sestertii hoards on the North Sea coast, includ-
ing one at the estuary of the Elbe and at the Baltic Sea, suggests that coins were transported by water. The
71 FMRD VII:8017.
72 FMRD XIV:1003.
73 Ciołek 2007, 50, cat. no. 72.
74 Ciołek 2007, 51, cat. no. 73.
75 Ciołek 2007, 186, cat. no. 265.
76 Zapolska 2013, 107-108.
77 Zapolska 2013, 112-115, map 2.
208
Jutland Peninsula fjords, which cut deep into the land, were probably used for this purpose.
The concentration of deposits in the western part of Sambia may indicate the leading role of
Dollkeim-Kovrovo culture in amber trade. It is likely that the population of this culture served as an inter-
mediary between the Germanic Wielbark culture and the West Balt’s Bogaczewo culture. It is also highly
probable that bronze coins were redistributed from Sambia also to the north, to the Stone Circle Graves
culture located on the Curonian Spit.78 The latter aspect, however, requires further study.
Despite the repetition of some types of coins, there is no reason to suspect that they were particu-
larly valued or chosen by the West Balt’s population. The hoard from Melnikovo was deposited with an aim
to its later collection and, most likely, to the use of coins as a raw material for the production of jewellery
suiting local tastes. It is very likely that the bronze held as a raw material was an indicator of the prestige
of its owner.
78 Michelbertas 2001; cf. Zapolska, Dymowski 2021.
209
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G. P. Satta. Rinvenimenti in Sardegna di monete dell’Impero Romano e dell’Impero Romano d’Oc-
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O. Sharov, I. Palaguta, S. Khavrin. Analiz kladov rimskikh monet w rayone Kopor’ya. – Arkheolog-
icheskie vesti, 21. Sankt-Peterburg, 148-161.
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K.N. Skvorzov. The Formation of asambian-natangian Culture Patrimonial Elite in the Roman
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L. Trommenschlager, P.-Y. Groch. Le trésor de sesterces de Saint-Sauveur (Somme). – Trésors
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N. Vismara. Il ripostiglio di Arluno (Milano), 1951. Milan.
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SOME OBSERVATIONS ON THE LARGE COIN HOARD
OF ROMAN DENARII FROM SERDICA
(2ND CENTURY BC – EARLY 3RD CENTURY AD)
Dochka Vladimirova-Aladzhova
In 2015 a large hoard was discovered during regular archaeological excavations of the „Saint
Nedelya“ square in Sofia – north site1. It consists of 2982 silver and 5 bronze coins, placed in a red-
lacquered ceramic pot on which the name of Selvius Callistus, who was probably the owner of the treasure,
is inscribed with greek letters. The coins date from the 2nd century BC – beginning of the 3rd century AD.
The newly discovered hoard is not a surprise for the researchers of ancient Serdica, but so far
in terms of number of the coins, it is the largest found in the city from this period, and its discovery
during archaeological excavations in a clear stratified environment enhances its importance as a source
for the life here. Again in 2015, during the excavations of the “Largo” in Sofia, a small hoard of 15 roman
Republican and Imperial denarii2 was found, and over the years there were reports of 6 hoards from the
Roman Republic and 72 from the Rome Empire period discovered in Serdica and the region3.
The “Saint Nedelya” hoard refers to the defined “mixed” type and includes three groups of coins –
Roman Republican and Imperial denarii, as well as bronze provincial coins of smallest nominal4. The latter
distinguish the hoard under consideration from those discovered so far in the country5.
In the present publication, I will focus on two conditionally defined by me groups of coins in the
hoard: the first includes the earliest dated specimens – the Republican denarii, the subsequent Imperial
denarii of the Julio-Claudian Dynasty (27 BC–68 AD) and these from the “Year of the Four Emperors” (68-
69) to Emperor Vespasian, founder of the Flavian Dynasty (69-96). The second group addresses the most
recently dated specimens, these of the “Year of the Five Emperors” (193) – Pertinax (193), Clodius Albinus
(193-197), Septimius Severus (193-211) and his family members – Julia Domna (193-217), Caracalla (197-
217), Plautilla (202-205) and Geta (198-212).
Coin Analysis
Chronologically earliest are the six Republican denarii with the names of the coin magistrates
L. Calpurnius Piso Caesoninus and Q. Servilius Caepio (100 BC), L. Marcius Philippus, P. Clodius M.f.
Turrinus, Marcus Aemilius Lepidus, and those of the Roman Empire belong to 18 emperors, 2 Caesars6, and
10 Empresses, with the smallest number belonging to the Julio-Claudian Dynasty, and the most numerous
being specimens from the Nerva-Antoninus period7.
The hoard from Serdica has some similarities with the largest for now, found during archeological
1 Кацарова, Горянова, Станев 2016, 550. Thanks to Dr. Veselka Katsarova for the opportunity to process and publish
the coins.
2 Стоянова, Прокопов 2018, 331-342.
3 Теодосиев 2017, 1, 581, 586, 591, 592, 594, 596.
4 Only two coins minted in Serdica during the time of the Emperors Caracalla and Geta gives the possibility of reliable
identification (209-211).
5 IRRCHBulg 2002, №№ 72-99; Paunov 2013, 255-273.
6 Elius and Clodius Albinus, who was proclaimed Emperor by his troops in 197, but shortly thereafter was killed in
battle with the legitimate Emperor Septimius Severus.
7 In the present work I address certain issues raised by the analysis of coins.
214
excavation, the one from Pavlikeni, which includes 3,722 coins8.
The earliest coin in the hoard (No. 1)9 is of L. Calpurnius Piso Caesoninus and Q. Servilius Caepio
100 BC10. Two quaestors of Rome - Q. Servilius Caepio, and Ostia, L. Calpurnius Piso, sitting in armchairs
between wheat stems are represented on the face of the denarius. This image is thematically related to
the Senate’s decision, according to which, the two quaestors should submit and promulgate a new law for
buying grain for which they received money, as well as to finance the same law. This fact is confirmed by
the abbreviation in the section of the reverse below the images of the two quaestors: AD FRV EMV EX SC
(Ad frumentum emundum Ex Senatus Consulto). Denarii of the same type were found in the treasures of
Topolovo, Plovdiv Region11 and Stoyanovo, Lovechko12.
Next are two denarii of L. Marcivs Philippus 56 BC13 (No. 2-3). According to the sources, the line of
Marcia is descended from Ancus Marcius, the fourth tsar of Rome, who is said to be the first to carry water
to Rome through an aqueduct. The equestrian statue is of Q. Marcius Rex, who was commissioned by the
Senate, while being a praetor in 144 BC, to repair the old aqueducts and to build a new one to supply the
Capitolium. This aqueduct is known as Aqua Marcia.
Coins with the same characteristics are known from the hoard from Smolyan14, a single specimen
from the museum in Stara Zagora15, Medovo hoard from the Chirpan region16 and the hoard from Preslav17.
The next two coins (No. 4-5) of P. Clodius M.f. Turrinus 42 BC18 are more common as single
specimens or in coin hoards in Bulgaria19.
Chronologically follows the denarius of M. Aemilius Lepidus and Octavian – 42 BC20 (No. 6).
According to information from the British Museum, this is a rare coin21. Marcus Aemilius Lepidus (89 or
88-13 or 12 BC) is a Roman patrician, a member of the Second Triumvirate and Pontifex Maximus22.
Next is a coin of Augustus as emperor (No. 7), minted in 18 BC in Spain (probably Colonia
Patricia)23.
The coins discussed above are rarely found in hoard and individually. The seven specimens,
representing 0.23% of the composition of the hoard, are relatively well preserved, slightly worn, which
indicate their short period of participation in the coin circulation.
Chronologically next in the hoard are six denarii (No. 8-13) of Emperor Nero (54-68), which are
more worn than the previous coins thus resembling the coins of the subsequent emperors who ruled in
AD 69 – Galba (June 68–January 69 AD) and Vitellius (April–December 20th, 69 AD). These observations
raise a number of questions regarding the “completion” of the find over time. Taking into account the
well-preserved early coins, the specimen of Augustus, in quality and chronology is close to the “Republics”,
moreover the subsequent coins have been minted more than eight decades later. The seven denarii may
have initially formed a small hoard, to which later coins were added, which, according to their worn cores,
8 These are 6 Roman Republican denarii – the earliest is of Mark Antony and Octavian (75-41 BC); 4 pieces legionary
emissions of Marcus Antonius (32 BC) (Цочев 1998; IRRCHBulg 2002, 58, no. 92), and the Roman imperial denarii are from
Nero, Galba, Otho to Lucius Verus and Lucilla 161 AD ( IRRCHBulg 2002, 58, No. 92)8. A large find of 1500 coins from
Petchenitza (Isperih), also has similarities to the treasure from Serdica – denar of Marcus Antonius (32-31 BC), from Nero to
Caracalla (IRRCHBulg 2002, 59, No. 93).
9 The Roman Republican denarii in this article are identified and dated after M. H. Crawford. Roman Republican
Coinage (RRC). Cambridge, 1974. The numbers in brackets are from the catalog to the article.
10 Crawford 1974, 330/ 1b.
11 Златарева 1963, 163, № 4.
12 CCCHBulg. 2007, № 295.
13 Crawford 1974, 425/ 1.
14 Прокопов 1991, 30, № 823; IRRCHBulg, 2002, №. 61; CCCHBulg, 2011, № 1205.
15 CCCHBulg. 2019, № 604.
16 CCCHBulg. 2019, №№ 2236; 2237; 2238; 2239; 2240.
17 CCCHBulg. 2019, №№ 2337; 2338.
18 Crawford 1924, 494/ 23.
19 Златарева 1963, 163, № 3-4; Доткова 2008, 2 екз. № 42, 43 – Tabl. IX/ 8 – 9; IRRCHBulg. 2002, №№ 25, 26, 27, 30;
41; CCCHBulg. 2007, № 339; CCCHBulg. 2011, № 1197; CCCHBulg. 2019, № 2289-2295.
20 Сrawford 1974, 495/ 2d.
21 http://davy.potdevin.free.fr/Site/crawford5-2.html
22 Weigel 1992, 9-10, 98.
23 For more information about the period see Goodman 1997; Jeffrey Tatum 2008.
215
have been longer in circulation.
According to Yordanka Youroukova, the Republican denarii were found to be in circulation in the
Bulgarian lands until the time of Emperor Claudius24. The studies of Evgeni Paunov show that this period
is longer and in the markets of the Roman Empire normally the “Republics” circulated most frequently,
along with the Imperial coins – from Marcus Antonius and Augustus to Trajan (when many of the heavily
worn out “republics” were withdrawn from circulation and reminted by the central mint in Rome, and
some of them circulated freely up to the time of the Severans, sometimes until 250 AD, such as the find
from the Devnya River25.
In hoards with Roman Republican and Imperial denarii, the former are usually heavily worn due to
their long circulation. In the hoard from Serdica “illogically”, the early dated coins are better preserved than
the chronologically later dated coins. Based on this I could suggest that the coins minted BC represented
a small treasure of seven relatively rare coins in which two of them were duplicated. The owner or owners
kept it as a treasure and over time the heirs added other coins to it26. Supporting this idea are the two
hoards from Medovo and Pravoslav from the fund of the museum in Stara Zagora. The first hoard includes
155 tetradrachms of Thassos Island and 155 Roman Repubican denarii, among which these of Magistrates
L. Marcius Philippus and P. Clodius M.f. Turrinus with several specimens, and the latest being 3 specimens
of Augustus from 17 BC, probably minted in Spain27. The second hoard contains 58 Republican denarii, of
which magistrate’s coins – 4 specimens of P. Clodius M.f. Turrinus and 2 specimens of L. Marcius Philippus,
and from the latest dated one denarius of Augustus (18 BC), minted in Colonia Patricia28. Close is another
small hoard of 11 coins stored in the Museum of Transylvania. It includes coins, such as those found in
Serdica, i.e. of L. Calpurnius Piso Caesoninus and Q. Servilius Caepio (100 BC), Rome; 3 coins of P. Clodius,
42 BC, Rome; 2 coins of Augustus, 29-27 BC, Spain29. The listed examples are to confirm my idea that the
Republican coins probably represent a small hoard or are part of a larger one, to which the Imperial denarii
have been added over the years.
The coins of Emperor Nero (54-68)30, the last emperor of the Julio-Claudian dynasty31, have been
minted in the last years of his reign: 64-65 AD – 3 pcs.32; 65-66 AD – 2 pcs.33 and 67-68 AD – 1 pc.34. On
five of the coins the inscription on the face is NERO CAESAR AVGVSTVS and on one is IMP NERO
CAESAR AVG P P. The reverses are of the type IVPITER CVSTOS, SALVS and ROMA.
According to the analyzes of the denarii from the Julio-Claudian dynasty to the reign of Nero, they
consist of pure silver and their weight remained unchanged until the beginning of Nero’s reign, when it
was reduced35. The beginning of the decline in the purity of the metal traditionally dates back to the year 64
AD, when some scholars believe the mint of denarii was transferred to Rome. A further decline in weight
followed, supposedly as a response to a financial pressure, especially after the catastrophic fire in Rome in
64 AD36. The weight of the pre-reform denarius according to the researchers is different – 3.54 g37; 3.7 g38;
24 Youroukova 1993, 343-356.

25 Паунов 2018, 8-15 and the cited there literature: Mouchmoff 1934, passim, IRRCHBulg. 2002, 48-50, no. 75, and other
works – Depeyrot 2004, passim; IRRCHBulg. 2002 – especially the finds № 72-99.
26 This thesis raises many questions, such as where this find was originally formed, on the territory of Serdica or in
another part of the empire, if the owner was associated with the army, etc. The limited number of known hoards with Roman
Republican coins on the territory of Sofia District – 5 pcs., represent 2.5% of the total number of known treasures and have a
density of 0.59% in number per 1000 sq. km; Теодосиев 2017, 581.
27 CCCHBulg. 2019, № 2315-2317.
28 CCCHBulg. 2019, №№ 2356-2356; 2378.
29 Găzdac, Călian, Alföldy-Găzdac 2008, 53
30 More about the life and rule of Nero see in Shotter 1999.
31 The coins from the Julio-Claudian dynasty (7pcs.) represent 0.23% of the hoard.
32 RIC I2, No. 53; RIC I2, No. 55
33 RIC I2, No. 60.
34 RIC I2, No. 72.
35 Walker 1976.
36 Butcher, Ponting 2005, 164-165.
37 Mac Dowall 1979, 136.
38 Mac Dowall 1979, 143.
216
3.57 g39; 3.47 g40; 3.63 g41 and 3.67 g42. The drop in the weight of Nero’s post-reform denarius with about
two tenths of a gram is considered reasonable43, but is cited differently, as 3.5 g44, 3.18 g45 3.36 g46 and 3.41
g47. The regulated weight is not clear, but is probably 1/96 of the Roman pound48.
The coins of Nero from the Serdica hoard were minted after the reform, as can be seen from their
weight: 2.89 g; 2.97 g 3.00 g; 3.06 g 3.20 g; 3.48 g. Even when the worn cores are taken into account, the
registered values are low. In addition, it is assumed that after 63-64 AD there is a change in the content
of silver49. The new denarii are very different from the ones “before the reform” and according to Mac
Dowall, they have different obverse legends, the portraits are more mature, and different types follow on
the reverse. The cited author proposes a chronology based on changes in the facial legend, where the key
is the title of emperor accepted by Nero as a praenomen in 66 AD. The denarii without the abbreviation
IMP, with the legends NERO CAESAR and NERO CAESAR AVGVSTVS, are from 64-65/6 AD, and the
legends IMP NERO CAESAR AVGVSTVS and IMP NERO CAES AVG P P are after these years. Many
reverse types are common for coins with and without IMP. However, some occur only in combination with
specific obverse legends (for example AVGVSTVS GERMANICVS, Nero upright, appears with NERO
CAESAR; military flags without legend, with IMP NERO CAES AVG P P). This fact in itself strongly
suggests that there is some development and not all of the averse legends are used simultaneously50.
Next are six coins of Emperor Galba (Servius Sulpicius Galba) (67-69) (No. 14-19), who was the first
to rule in the “Year of the Four Emperors”51. On five of them the obverse is with the head of the emperor
to the right (4 pcs.), 1 piece is with the head to the left and the inscription IMP SER GALBA AVG. The
reverses are of 4 different types: ROMA RENASC; SPQR OB CS – in wreath of oak (3 pcs.); VICTORIA
PR and DIVA AVGVST. The inscription on the face of the last coin is IMP SER GALBA CAESAR AVG.
Because the reign of Emperor Galba lasted only six months, all of his coins are dated June 68–January 69
AD. All specimens are minted in Rome and their weight in ascending order is: 2.90 g; 2.94 g; 3.01 g; 3.15
g; 3.18 g; 3.21 g, which is consistent with the results for the coins of Emperor Nero. Some of the denarii are
heavily worn (No. 14, 18, 19).
Chronologically follow the coins of Emperor Vitellius (Aulus Vitellius Germanicus), which ruled
for eight months in the “Year of the Four Emperors” – from April 16th to December 22nd 69 AD52. These are
seven coins (No. 20-26). The inscription on their face is: A VITELLIVS GERM IMP AVG TR P with the
head of the emperor to the right. The reverse types are five – CONCORDIA P R; LIBERI IMP GERM AVG
with the busts of his heirs; LIBERTAS RESTITVTA – 2 pcs.; PONT MAXIM – 2 pcs.; XV SOURCE SACR
FAC. All coins are minted in Rome. The measured weights are: 2.81 g; 2.95 g; 2.96 g; 2.97 g; 3.01 g; 3.08 g;
3.12 g and are within the limits of the specimens described herein, despite the heavily worn coins No. 20,
21, 24.
The Imperial denarii examined so far represent a total of 0.87% of the hoard.
Next are the coins of Emperor Vespasian (69-79) and his heirs.
The second conditionally differentiated group consists of 81 denarii and 2 AE coins, chronologically
the latest in the hoard53. The denarii are specimens of Pertinax – 2 pcs., one of which is postumos, minted
39 Walker 1976, 18.
40 Duncan-Jones 1994, 225.
42 RIC I2, 134.
43 Butcher, Ponting 2005, 164-165.
44 Mac Dowall 1979, 143.
45 Walker 1976, 18.
47 RIC I2, 141.
48 Butcher, Ponting 2005, 164.
49 Metcalf 1989, 68.
50 Butcher, Ponting 2005, 167.
51 See more about Emperor Galba in Greenhalgh 1975; Wellesley 2000.
52 Vitellius has never been recognized as an emperor by the Roman world, although he has been awarded by the Senate
with the usual honors for an emperor .
53 The coins are seriously damaged, making their identification difficult. In addition, it is difficult to explain the presence
of these smallest specimens from the mint in Serdica, among nearly three thousand silver coins.
217
during Septimus Severus period; Clodius Albinus – 5 pcs.; Septimius Severus (193-211) – 21 pcs.; Julia
Domna (170-217) – 11 pcs.; Caracalla (197-217) – 11 pcs. and 1 AE minted in Serdica; Plautilla (203-205)
– 15 pcs.; Geta (198-212) – 16 pcs. and 1 AE minted in Serdica; which represent 2.78% of all coins.
Pertinax (Publius Helvius Pertinax) is the first Emperor who ruled during the “Year of the Five
Emperors”. Initially, Pertinax was a grammar teacher (grammaticus), and later through the help of patronage
he was commissioned an officer in a cohort. In the Parthian war that followed, he was able to distinguish
himself, which resulted in a string of promotions, and after postings in Britain (as a military tribune of
the Legio VI Victrix) and along the Danube, he served as a procurator in Dacia. In 175 AD he received the
honor of a suffect consulship and until 185 AD, Pertinax was governor of the provinces of Upper and Lower
Moesia, Dacia, Syria and finally governor of Britain.
Pertinax takes part in the plot against Emperor Commod, who was killed during the night of
December 31st 192 AD. On the following day, the 66-year-old Pertinax, who at that time was acting as a
city prefect, came to power with the help of the praetorians. He took the power and the Roman Senate
officially recognized him as emperor. His austerity and strict discipline made him very unpopular within
the armies and plebs of Rome, and after 86 days on the throne (January 1st–March 28th 193 AD) he was
killed by those who rose him to power54. Despite his brief reign, Pertinax minted coins of gold, silver and
bronze, and the operating mints are in Rome and Alexandria. The coins are of various types on the reverse
and on the face the image of the emperor is characterized by the individual features of an adult man with
long beard and curly hair. This image matches the popular in the history opinion of Pertinax as a weak and
well-intentioned emperor55.
Pertinax coins are relatively rare for Bulgaria and are usually found in coin hoards, the information
for which was diligently described in the dissertation of Dr. Varbin Varbanov56. These are single specimens,
with exception of the treasure from the Devnya River, which includes 51 pieces57.
The first Pertinax coin from the hoard (No. 27) has the following description:
Obv. IMP CAES P HELV PERTIN AVG Laureate head of Pertinax to right.
Rev. VOT DECEN TR P COS II Pertinax, rigid and veiled, sacrificing to the left over a low altar,
from a patera held in his right hand58. The weight of the coin is 2.71 g.
The second coin (No. 28) was minted by Septimus Severus after Pertinax’s death, thus deifying and
honoring him, posing as his legal successor and avenger for his murder.
Obv. DIVVS PERT PIVS PATER, bare head of Pertinax right.
Rev. CONSECRATIO, eagle standing right on globe, head turned to look back59. The weight of the
coin is 3.28 g.
Chronologically, follow the Emperors who ruled for a short period of time during 193 AD – Didius
Julianus, Pescennius Niger and Clodius Albinus, with 5 denarii from the last one in the hoard60. The coins
of Clodius Albinus are divided into two main groups – the first includes the coins minted in Rome, while
he was a Caesar and the second coins minted in Lugdunum, while he was a pretender for the imperial
throne.
The coins (No. 29-33) in question are with inscription on the face: D CLODIVS ALBINVS CAES
– 2 pcs.; D CLOD SEPT ALBIN CAES – 1 pc; D CL SEPT ALBIN CAES – 2 pcs. and the image bare
head right. In one of the specimens No. 28, the image of the ruler differs from the others, his face is
with prominent cheekbones and a pointed nose. The reverse of all is from the type PROVID AVG COS,
Providentia standing left, holding scepter and wand over a globe at foot and type variant at (No. 32).
The fifth coin has the following description: D CL SEPT ALBIN CAES, bare head right and ROMAE
AETERNAE, Roma seated left on shield, holding Palladium and sceptre (No. 33). The coins have equally
worn surface and their weights are: 2.39 g; 2.40 g; 2.86 g; 3.00 g; 3.23 g. They were all minted in the mint
of Rome in the period 193 AD (4 pcs.) and 193-194/5 AD for the latest (No. 33).
54 For details on Pertinax‘s life, see. Birley 2005; Bowman 2005.
55 RIC IV/1, 5
56 Върбанов 2017, unpublished dissertation.
57 Mouchmov 1934; Gerov 1977, 166-167, No. 242; Лазаренко 2014, 265-331.
58 RIC IV/1, 13а.
59 RIC IV/1, 24а (Septimius Severus).
60 Birley 1996.
218
Septimius Severus (Lucius Septimius Severus) ruled for 18 years (from April 9th 193 to 211 AD),
founded the Severan dynasty and restored the confidence in the rule of the empire, which was lost in the
previous years61. Severus initiated several successful military campaigns, first against the Parthians, then
in Africa, and finally in Britain, and essentially reformed the empire by militarizing it. He skillfully used
his own coins62 as a propaganda tool for his personal virtue, for the security of the empire under his rule,
along with his wife Julia Domna and his two sons, for the stability of the government and the happiness of
all people63.
There are 21 denarii of Septimius Sevarus in the hoard of Serdica (No. 34-54). The silver coins have
the following inscriptions on its face: IMP CAE L SEP SEV PERT AVG – 6 pcs.; L SEPT SEV PERT AVG
IMP IIII – 1 pc.; L SEPT SEV AVG IMP XI PART MAX – 1 pc.; SEVERVS AVG PART MAX – 2 pcs.;
SEVERVS PIVS AVG – 11 pcs.
Eleven types are represented on the reverse side of these coins: LIBERAL AVG COS – 1 pc.; VIRT
AVG TR P COS – 5 pcs.; P M TR P II COS II P P – 1 pc.; FORTVNAE AVGG – 1 pc.; P M TR P VIII COS
II P P – 2 pcs.; PART MAX PM TR P VIIII – 2 pcs.; P M TR P XIII COS III P P – 2 pcs.; FELICITAS AVGG
– 2 pcs.; INDVLGENTIA AVGG in the section IN CARTH – 2 pcs.; VICT PART MAX – 3 pcs.
The weight of the Septimius Severus coins is in wide range – from 1.6764 to 3.38 g, their average
weight is 2.68 g, with 80,95% of them being lighter than 3 g. This is a serious deviation from the denarius
standard, which according to Walker for the period 193-211 AD was between 3.07 and 3.22 g65. At the
same time, the percentage of silver in them decreased from 66.66% in 193/4 AD to 33.33% in the period
196 -211 AD, accompanied by an increase in the percentage of the impurities in the metal66. The cited
indicators outline the trend of depreciation of the denarii67, increasing inflation and crisis in the empire
economics.
Five mints operated during the Septimius Severus rule in Alexandria, Emesa, Laodicea ad Mare,
Rome. The coins examined here are minted in the atelier of Rome, which has three periods68: the first 193-
197 AD, when the war against Niger, the return of the emperor to Rome and the war against Albin (196-
197 AD) occurred; the second 197-202/3 AD – the great eastern war and the return to Rome, and the third
203-209 AD followed by the British expedition of 209-211 AD, during which Severus died.
Next are 11 denarii (No. 55-65) of Julia Domna (193-211 AD), wife of Emperor Septimius Severus.
Her coins are of two series: 193-196 AD69 and 196-211 AD70. The inscription on the obverse in the first is
IVLIA DOMNA AVG – 1 pc., in the second is IVLIA AVGVSTA – 10 pcs. The reverse types are: VENERI
VICTR71; IVNO72; MATERIAL DEVM73 – 3 pcs.; PIETAS AVGG74 – 4 pcs.; SAECVLI FELICITAS75. All
specimens were cut in Rome and their weight varied between 2.38 and 3.66 g, 3.01 g on average.
In the hoard there are 11 denarii (No. 66-67) and 1 AE coin from Caracalla (Marcus Aurelius
Severus Antoninus Augustus) (196-217 AD) – son of Septimius Severus and Julia Domna. All denarii have
the following inscription on their face: ANTONINVS PIVS AVG. On their reverse 9 types were found:
61 For details on the emperor’s life see Birley 1999; Grant 1996.
62 RIC IV, 54-211; Suarez 2005, 172-180.
63 The analysis shows that on the face of the emperor’s coins there are 10 different images of the emperor’s bust combined
with 75 variants of inscriptions. On the reverse are described 303 different inscriptions and variants, combined with 200 image
types and variants.
64 The lowest is the weight of one of the two coins of type INDVLGENTIA AVGG in the IN CARTH section.
65 Walker 1976, 33-45; Walker 1978, 1-39; Harl 1996, 127.
66 Gitler, Ponting 2007, 375-397.
67 Depeyrot, Hollard 1987, 57-85; Bland 1996, 63-100; Boon 1965, 161-174.
68 RIC IV, 65. In addition to the aforementioned ateliers, it is quite possible that field mints had been organized to follow
the emperor thus securing the salaries of the troops by the coins produced by them. Supporting this idea is the lower (face) die
for production of Septimius Severus denarii found during excavations in ancient Serdica. Undoubtedly, this extraordinary find
is directly connected to the coin circulation during the rule of this emperor.
69 RIC IV, 165.
70 RIC IV, 166.
71 From the first series. RIC IV, No. 536.
72 RIC IV, No. 559.
73 RIC IV, No. 564.
74 RIC IV, No. 572.
75 RIC IV, No. 577.
219
PART MAX PON TR P V COS; PONTIF TR P VIII COS II; FELICITAS AVGG; LIBERALITAS AVGG V;
VICT PART MAX – 5 pcs.; VIRTVS AVGG; VOTA SVSCEPTA X. The earliest two denarii were minted in
202 AD76 and 205 AD77, the other nine were produced in the period 201-206 AD78, all of them were cut in
the Rome mint. Their weight is between 2.07 and 3.27 g, on average of 2.83 g. This emperor also has one
AE coin from one assarius, minted in Serdica79.
Next are 15 specimens (No.77-91) of the wife of Caracalla, Plautilla (Fulvia Plautilla) (202-205
AD). The inscription on the face of all coins is: PLAVTILLA AVGVSTA, and on the reverse PIETAS AVGG
– 1 pc.80 and VENVS VICTRIX – 14 pcs.81 All denarii were cut in the period 202-205 AD and their weight
varied between 1.66-3.57 g, an average of 2.94 g.
The last from this group are 16 denarii (No. 92-107) and 1 AE coin with the name of the younger
son of Septimius Severus – Geta (Publius or Lucius Septimius Geta Augustus), Caesar 198-209 AD; Co-
Augustus with Caracalla 209-212 AD82. The inscriptions on the face of the denarii are: P SEPT GETA
CAES PONT83 – 13 pcs.; P SEPTIMIVS GETA CAES84 – 2 pcs.; L SEPTIMIVS GETA CAES – 1 pc.85
The types on the reverse are: FELICITAS AVGG – 2 pcs.; FELICITAS PVBLICA – 4 pcs.; MINERVA –
1 pc.; NOBILITAS – 3 pcs.; PRINC IVVENT – 2 pcs.; PONTIF COS – 1 pc.; VOTA PVBLICA – 1 pc.;
LIBERALITAS AVGG V – 1 pc.86; FELICITAS TEMPOR – 1 pc.87 With the exception of the last coin,
which was minted in Laodicea ad Mare, the rest were produced in Rome between 198 and 209 AD, during
the rule of Geta. The weight of the denarii is in the range of 2.20-3.48 g, with an average of 2.74 g88. The AE
coin of Geta is also an assarius from the mint of Serdica89.
The denarii of Septimius Severus family discussed above are very well preserved, with high relief of
the images, no traces of surface wear, which indicates that if they have been in circulation at all, it has been
for a short time. At the same time, it is noticeable the lack of precision in the coin-cutting, the periphery of
the coins is with cracks, in some of the coins part of the metal is missing, and the images are not centered
in respect to the core. These are signs of a crisis in the monetary production, which is an integral part of
the great economic cataclysm in the empire90.
The huge military expenditures and the continuing inflation91 forced Emperor Caracalla to
undertake a monetary reform in 215 AD, the most important innovation of which being the introduction
of a new silver coin called antoninianus, which costs 2 “old” denarii but having silver content equal to 1 ½
denarii.
As a result of the devaluation of coins in circulation, their owners prefer to hide them and wait for
better trading days. In cases where they are not sought by the owner and the coins are left in the ground,
there are at least two reasons according to Rees, one of them is the death of their owner and the second
is the low exchange rate of the silver and its diminished quality.The known hoards from the territory of
present-day Bulgaria, for which data exist that they end with emissions of Septimius Severus and Caracalla,
76 RIC IV, No. 65.

77 RIC IV, No. 82.
78 RIC IV, No. 127-150, they represent 81.81% of the Caracalla coins.
79 Христова, Жеков 2007, № 12.18.1.22.
80 RIC IV, No. 367.
81 RIC IV, No. 369.
82 Birley 1999, i.
83 RIC IV, No. 8, 9a, 15b, 24.
84 RIC IV, No. 34b, 46.
85 RIC IV, No. 95.
86 RIC IV, No. 88. The common variety RIC 88 (RSC 68) is P SEPT PIVS AVG BRIT / LIBERALITAS AVG V, Liberalitas
standing left holding abacus and cornucopiae. The note in RIC (also RSC 68b, and not given a price), says: Variant of obv.
P SEPT.GETA.CAES.PONT., bust, draped, head bare, r., Mouchmov 1934, 119: hybrid? The reverse of Caracalla’s RIC 136
(illustrated in RIC and looks just like your reverse!) with the reverse of Caracalla’s RIC 137 (bust of Geta with that inscription)
cited by: http://www.wildwinds.com/coins/sear5/s7247.html#RIC_0088.
87 RIC IV, No. 95.
88 Half of the specimens are lighter than 3g.
89 Христова, Жеков 2007, № 12.22.22.2.
90 Mattingly 1932, 177-198.
91 Different sides of the problem are discussed in Gitler, Ponting 2003.
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are 45, but only two are of mixed type92, the hoard from Serdica being the third of this type and the most
numerous.
It is difficult today to determine the origin of the hoard from Serdica, but could be presumed that
the coins represent a soldier’s salary or are a sum accumulated as a profit from commercial transactions,
etc93. It is accepted that large coin hoards are more commonly discovered in areas where military units are
stationed, where soldiers get their salaries in denarii and then spend some of their money in the region of
their camp94.
Status of the excavation site95
The excavations conducted in the period 2015-2018 east of “St. Nedelya” square are on the terrain
that was explored during the rescue excavations in the 1950s96. The discovered and documented then walls
are dated by the researchers from the first half of 2nd century AD97. The present investigations showed
that the thickness of the cultural strata beneath the modern pavement of the square reaches 3.70-3.80 m,
which, according to Veselka Katsarova, refer to the Roman and Late Antiquity epoch and can be attributed
to two main periods. To the first period belong the constructions with foundations from river stones and
soldering prepared from white, sandy mortar, upgraded in height with adobe and covered with tiles. Of
greatest importance for the chronology of these constructions among all discoveries are four coins, whose
context of finding is indisputably related to the remains of this early architecture. Three of them are dated
from the 1st century AD (from the first half to the 80s of the same century), and one is from the second
quarter of the 2nd century AD. Based on the findings and stratigraphic observations during the survey,
the constructions from the first construction period refer to the end of 1st – the first half of the 2nd century
AD98.
During the second construction period the terrain was occupied almost entirely by the massive
walls of a public building with dimensions beyond the examined area in west and south direction.
Revealed are the northeastern part of the building and north of it line of a street with east-west orientation
(decumanus)99. The subsequent construction activities here, until the end of the Antiquity period, are
related to numerous reconstructions of the large public building, which do not change the construction
situation of the terrain, and because of that they are differentiated as separate phases of the second
construction period100. According to V. Katsarova, the period during which these buildings were destroyed
and the terrain cleared and prepared for new construction works could be associated with the large-scale
construction activities in Serdica during the reign of Emperor Marcus Aurelius, and in particular after 170
AD101. During excavations in the north side of “St. Nedelya” square, were found architectural remains from
the second construction period of a building with a large built-up area, massive walls and length along the
north-south axis exceeding 50 m. Its eastern facade is shaped like a monumental antium with a colonnade.
It was discovered during archeological excavations in the 1950s and is designated as “Building VI”102.
According to the present studies and their interpretation by the team of V. Katsarova, the original
plan of the building from the east included chain-arranged premises with approximately square plan and
similar dimensions, all having wide entrances from the east. The premises have no connection with each
other, as well as with the large premises developing west of them. According to the archaeological findings,
in the first half of the 3rd century these premises were used as shops, workshops, locals, etc. The northern
92 For a detailed analysis of the problems regarding the formation, composition and dating of the findings from the
1st–3rd c., see Върбанов 2017, unpublished dissertation. Various aspects of the problem see in: Reece 1981, 86-87; Reece 1988,
261-269; Reece 1995, 107-118; Reece 2008, 187-195.
93 It is possible that both assumptions are correct given the chronological range of the coins. The presence of small
bronze coins, together with the silver denarii in the pot, could be interpreted in the direction of the commercial nature of the
savings.
94 Paunov 2013, 300-316.
95 The issue was discussed in details by Veselka Katsarova in Кацарова 2020, 17-42.
96 Кацарова 2020, 17-42.
97 Иванов, Бобчев 1964, 15-16, обр. 9; Кацарова 2020, 17-42.
98 Кацарова 2020, 17-42.
99 Ibidem.
100 Ibidem.
101 Ibidem.
102 Иванов, Бобчев 1964, 43-49, Табл. XXVI; Кацарова 2020, 17-42.
221
end of the building is occupied by a large hall with a basilica plan (premises № 6), and the data for its
architectural appearance during the 2nd–3rd century indicate that it had public functions103.
The eastern premises of Building VI discovered in 2015-2018 are completely analogous to the “old“
excavations and show that this part of the city was a center of trade and craft production during the 2nd and
3rd centuries. After the middle of the 3rd century building VI underwent major reconstructions, which did
not change its plan, but rather the functions of its premises. The reason for this is probably a cataclysm, as
evidenced by the preserved floor levels with traces of fire104. These circumstances are directly related to the
discovery of the coin find in the large building VI, in premises № 1, on whose northern wall in a secluded
niche a pot with the Roman coin hoard was found105.
The archeological data from the terrain and the analysis of the treasure suggest that it was hidden
by its owner during the last reconstruction of the premises. The probable reason for this could be the
inflation in 3rd century and the depreciation of silver, circumstances forcing the owner to place the coins
in a ceramic pot and stash it in a specially prepared hiding place in one of the commercial premises that
may have been his own or under his control. Unfortunately, fatal events prevented him from acquiring the
hidden wealth, and that how it reached to the present days.
CATALOG
L. Calpurnius Piso Caesoninus and Q. Servilius Caepio, 100 BC, Rome.
Obv. Head of Saturn right, harpa behind, chin below
Rev. The two quaestors seated left between two grain ears. AD FRV EMV / EX SC in exergue.
1. AR, 17/18mm; 3.80 g; Crawford 330/ 1a. (Plate I, 1)
L. Marcius Philippus, 56 BC, Rome.
Obv. Diademed head of Ancus Marcius right; lituus behind
Rev. Equestrian statue right on an arcade of five arches; flower below horse.
2. AR, 16/18 mm; 3.71 g; Crawford 425/ 1. (Plate I, 2)
P. Clodius M.f. Turrinus, 42 BC, Rome.
Obv. Laureate head of Apollo right, lyre behind
Rev. Diana Lucifera standing facing, holding two long torches, bow and quiver on shoulder, P.
CLODIVS to right, M.F to left.
M. Aemilius Lepidus and Octavian, 42 BC, Rome.
Obv. LEPIDVS PONT MAX III V R P C, head of M. Lepidus to r.
Rev. C CAESAR IMP III VIR R P C, head of Octavian to r.
6. AR, 18/19 mm; 3.64 g; Crawford 495/ 2d. (Plate I, 6)
August, 18 BC, Spanish (Colonia Patricia?).
Obv. CAESARI AVGVSTO, laureate head right.
Rev. MAR-VLT, legionary eagle between standards in circular, hexstyle temple with domed roof.
7. AR, 19/19, 5 mm; 3.70 g; RIC I2, No. 105a. (Plate I, 7)
Nero (6)
Obv. NERO CAESAR AVGVSTVS, laureate head right.
Rev. IVPPITER CVSTOS, Jupiter seated left, holding thunderbolt and sceptre.
8. AR; 17/18 mm; 3.06 g; RIC I2, No. 53; Rome, 64-65 AD. (Plate I, 8)
9. AR; 17/18 mm; 3.20 g; RIC I2, No. 53; Rome, 64-65 AD. (Plate I, 9)
Obv. [NERO] CAESAR AVG [VSTVS], laureate head right.
Rev. Roma seated left, holding Victory, [ROMA] in exergue.
10. AR, 17/19 mm; 2.89 g; RIC I2, No. 55; Rome, 64-65 AD. (Plate I, 10)
Obv. NERO CAESAR AVGVSTVS, laureate head right.
103 Кацарова 2020, 17-42.
104 Кацарова 2020, 17-42.
105 Кацарова, Горянова, Станев 2016, 550.
222
Rev. Salus seated left, holding patera, SALVS in exergue.
Obv. IMP NERO CAESAR AVG P P, laureate head right.
Rev. Salus seated left, holding patera, SALVS in exergue.
Galba (6)
Obv. [IMP SER] GALBA AVG, laureate head right
Rev. [ROMA] RENA [SCEN], Roma standing left, holding Victory and transverse eagle tipped
sceptre.
14. AR, 18/19 mm; 2.90 g; RIC I2, No. 161; Rome, July 68–January 69 AD. (Plate I, 14)
Obv. IMP SER GALBA AVG, bare head right.
Rev. SPQR OB CS, legend in three lines within oak wreath.
Obv. IMP SER GALBA AVG, laureate head right
Rev. VICTORIA P R, Victory standing on globe left, holding wreath and palm branch.
18. AR, 17/18 mm; 2.94 g; RIC I2, No. 174; Roma, July 68–January 69 AD. (Plate I, 18)
Obv. IMP SER [GALBA] CAESAR AVG, laureate head left
Rev. DIVA [AVGV] STA, Livia standing left, holding patera and vertical sceptre.
Vitellius (6)
Obv. [A VIT] ELLIVS GERM IMP AVG TR P, laureate head right
Rev. CONCOR [DIA P R], Concordia seated left, holding patera and cornucopiae.
20. АR, 17/18mm; 3.08 g; RIC I2, No. 90; Rome, late April–December 20th 69 AD. (Plate I, 20)
Obv. [A VI] TELLIVS GERM IMP AVG TR P, laureate head right.
Rev. LIB [ERI IMP] GERM AVG, confronted busts of Vitellius’ son and daughter.
21. AR, 17/18 mm; 2.81 g; RIC I2, No. 101; Rome, late April–December 20th 69AD. (Plate I, 21)
Obv. A VITELLIVS GERM IMP [AVG] TR P, laureate head right.
Rev. LIBERT [AS] RES [TITVTA], Libertas, draped, standing facing holding pileus and long rod.
22. AR, 15/17mm; 2.96 g; RIC I2, No. 105; Rome, late April–December 20th 69 AD. (Plate I, 22)
23. AR, 17/18 mm; 3.12 g; RIC I2, No. 105; Rome, late April–December 20th 69 AD. (Plate I, 23)
Obv. A VITELLIVS GERM IMP AVG TR P, laureate head right.
Rev. PONT MAXIM, Vesta seated right, holding sceptre and patera.
Obv. A VITELLIVS GERM IMP AVG TR P, laureate head right.
Rev. XV VIR [SACR FAC], tripod, raven below, dolphin above.
26. AR, 16,5/17,5 mm; 3.01 g; RIC I2, No. 109; Rome, late April–December 20th 69 AD. (Plate I, 26)
Pertinax (2)
Obv. IMP CAES P HELV PERTIN [AVG], laureate head of Pertinax to right.
Rev. VOT DECEN TR P COS II, Pertinax, togate and veiled, sacrificing to left over a low altar, from
a patera held in his right hand.
27. AR, 17/18 mm; 2.72 g; RIC IV/1, 13а; Rome, January 1st–March 28th 193 AD. (Plate I, 27)
Obv. DIVVS PERT PIVS PATER, bare head of Pertinax right.
Rev. CONSECRATIO, eagle standing right on globe, head turned to look back.
28. AR, 18/18, 5 mm; 3.26 g; RIC IV/1, 24а (Septimius Severus). Rome, 193-194 AD. (Plate I, 28)
Clodius Albinus (5)
Obv. D CLODIVS ALBINVS CAES, bare head right.
Rev. PR [OVID] AVG COS, Providentia standing left, holding sceptre and wand over globe at foot.
223
29. AR, 17/18 mm; 2.40 g; RIC IV 1a; Rome, 193 AD. (Plate I, 29)
Obv. D CL SEPT ALBIN CAES, bare head right.
Rev. PR [OVID] AVG COS, Providentia standing left, holding sceptre and wand over globe at foot.
30. AR, 17/18 mm; 2.39 g; RIC IV 1c; Rome, 193 AD. (Plate I, 30)
Obv. D CL SEPT ALBIN CAES, bare head right.
Rev. PROVID AVG COS, Providentia standing left, holding sceptre and wand over globe at foot.
31. AR, 17/18 mm; 3.00 g; RIC IV 1c; Rome, 193 AD. (Plate I, 31)
Obv. D CLODIUS ALBINVS CAES, bare head, rigth.
Rev. PROVID [AV] G COS, Providentia standing left, holding sceptre and wand over globe at foot.
32. AR, 17/18 mm; 3.23 g; RIC IV 1a; Rome, 193 AD. (Plate I, 32)
Obv. D CLOD SEPT ALBIN CAES, head, bare, rigth.
Rev. ROMAE AETERNAE, Roma, helmeted, seated left on shield, holding palladium and sceptre.
33. AR, 18,5/19 mm.; 2.86 g; RIC IV 11b; Rome 193-194/5 AD. (Plate I, 33)
Septimius Severus (21)
Obv. IMP CAE L SEP [SEV] PERT AVG, laureate bust right.
Rev. LIBER [AL] AVG COS, Liberalitas standing left, holding counting board.
34. AR, 17/19 mm; 3.05 g; RIC IV 18; Rome, 193-194 AD. (Plate I, 34)
Obv. IMP CAE L SEP SEV PERT AVG, laureate head right.
Rev. VIRT AVG TR P COS, Virtus standing left, holding Victory and spear.
35. AR, 18/18,5 mm; 2.34 g; RIC IV 24; Rome, 193-194 AD. (Plate I, 35)
36. AR, 17,5/18 mm; 2.35 g; RIC IV 24; Rome, 193-194 AD. (Plate II, 36)
37. AR, 18/18,5 mm; 2.60 g; RIC IV 24; Rome, 193-194 AD. (Plate II, 37)
38. AR, 17/18 mm; 3.31 g; RIC IV 24; Rome, 193-194 AD. (Plate II, 38)
Obv. L S[EPT] SEV PE-RT AVG IM[P IIII], laureate head right.
Rev. P M TR [P II] COS II P P, emperor in military dress, standing left, holding globe and inverted
spear.
40. AR, 18/ 18,5 mm; 2.87 g; RIC IV 50; Rome, 194-195 AD. (Plate II, 40)
Obv. L SEPT SEV AVG IMP [XI] PART MAX, laureate head right.
Rev. FORTVNAE AVGG, Fortuna standing front with cornucopiae and rudder, prow at left.
41. AR, 18/19 mm; 2.65 g; RIC IV 126; Rome, 198 (late) or 199-200 AD. (Plate II, 41)
Obv. SEVERVS AVG PART MAX, laureate head right.
Rev. P M TR P VIII COS II P P, Victory flying left holding open wreath in both hands over round
shield set on low base.
42. AR, 17/18 mm; 3.38 g; RIC IV 150; Rome, 200 AD. (Plate II, 42)
Obv. SEVERVS PIVS AVG, laureate head right.
Rev. PART MAX PM TR P VIIII, trophy between two captives, with their hands supporting their
heads.
44. AR, 18,5/19,5 mm; 2.73 g; RIC IV 176; Rome, 201 (later) AD. (Plate II, 44)
45. AR, 18/19 mm; 2.36 g; RIC IV 176; Rome, 201(later) AD. (Plate II, 45)
Rev. P M TR P XIII COS III P P, Jupiter standing left, holding thunderbolt and sceptre, eagle at
foot left.
46. AR, 17/18,5 mm; 2.69 g; RIC IV 196; Rome, 205 AD. (Plate II, 46)
47. AR, 18/18,5 mm; 2.86 g; RIC IV 196; Rome, 205 AD. (Plate II, 47)
Rev. FELICITAS AVGG, Felicitas standing left, holding caduceus and cornucopiae.
224
Rev. INDVLGENTIA AVGG, IN CARTH below, Dea Caelestis in elaborate headdress riding right
on lion, holding thunderbolt and sceptre; below, water gushing from rocks left.
Rev. VICT PART MAX, Victory walking left, holding wreath and palm.
Julia Domna (11)
Obv. IVLIA DOMNA AVG, draped bust right.
Rev. VENERI VICTR, Venus standing right, naked to waist, leaning on column to left, holding
palm and apple.
Obv. IVLIA AVGVSTA, draped bust right.
Rev. IVNO, Juno standing half-left, holding patera and sceptre, peacock standing left, head turned
back.
Rev. MATER DEVM, Cybele, towered, enthroned left between two lions, leaning on drum and
holding branch and sceptre.
Rev. MATER DEVM, Cybele seated left between two lions, resting elbow on drum and holding
branch (no sceptre).
Rev. PIETAS AVGG, Pietas standing left, veiled, sacrificing on altar left and holding incense box.
Rev. SAECVLI FELICITAS, Isis, wearing polos on head, standing right, left foot on prow, holding
Horus; behind, rudder.
Rev. VENVS FELIX, Venus standing left holding apple and drawing out fold of drapery.
Caracalla (11)
Obv. ANTONINVS PIVS AVG, laureate and draped bust right.
Rev. PART MAX PO[N] TR P V COS, two Parthian captives seated on each side of a trophy of
captured arms.
Obv. ANTONINVS PIVS AVG, laureate and draped bust right.
Rev. PONTIF TR P VIII COS II, Salus seated left, feeding serpent coiled around altar.
Obv. ANTONINVS PIVS AVG, laureate draped bust right.
Rev. FELICITAS AVGG, Felicitas standing left, holding caduceus and cornucopiae.
68. AR, 18/19 mm; 2.89 g; RIC IV 127; Rome, 201-206 AD (Plate II, 68)
225
Rev. LIBERALITAS AVGG V, Liberalitas standing left, holding abacus and cornucopia.
Obv. ANTONINVS PIVS AVG, laureate, draped and cuirassed bust right.
Rev. VICT PART MAX, Victory walking left, holding palm and wreath.
70. AR, 18,5/20 mm; 3.15 g; RIC IV 144b; Roma, 201-206 AD. (Plate II, 70)
71. AR, 17,5/18,5 mm; 2.53 g; RIC IV 144b; Rome, 201-206 AD (Plate II, 71)
72. AR, 17,5/19 mm; 3.15 g; RIC IV 144b; Rome, 201-206 AD. (Plate III, 72)
73. AR, 17,5/20 mm; 2.79 g; RIC IV 144b; Rome 201-206 AD. (Plate III, 73)
Obv. ANTONINVS PIVS AVG, laureate, draped bust right.
Rev. VICTORIA PARTH MAX, Victory walking left, holding wreath and palm.
74. AR, 18/19 mm; 3.07 g; RIC IV 145; Rome, 201-206 AD. (Plate III, 74)
Rev. VOTA SVSCEPTA X, Caracalla standing left, togate, sacrificing from patera over altar.
Rev. VIRTVS AVGG, Virtus standing left, holding Victory and sceptre.
Plavtilla (15)
Obv. PLAVTILLA AVGVSTA, draped bust right, hair waved and drawn down on neck.
Rev. PIETAS AVGG, Pietas standing right holding sceptre and child.
77. AR, 18,5/19 mm; 3.08 g; RIC IV 367; Roma, 203 AD106. (Plate III, 77)
78. AR, 18/19 mm; 3.29 g; RIC IV 367; Rome, 203 AD. (Plate III, 78)
Obv. PLAVTILLA AVGVSTA, draped bust right, hair waved and drawn down on neck.
Rev. VENVS VICTRIX, Venus standing left holding apple & palm, leaning on shield, Cupid at her
feet.
79. AR, 17/18 mm; 1.67 g; RIC IV 369; Rome, 202-205 AD107. (Plate III, 79)
80. AR, 17,5/18 mm; 3.27 g; RIC IV 369; Rome, 202-205 AD. (Plate III, 80)
86. AR, 18,5/20 mm; 2.89 g; RIC IV 369; Roma, 202 AD. (Plate III, 86)
90. AR, 18/18,5 mm; 3.08 g; RIC IV 369; Rome, 202 AD. (Plate III, 90)
91. AR, 17/18,5 mm; 2.68 g; RIC IV 369; Rome, 202 AD. (Plate III, 91)
Geta (16)
Obv. P SEPT GETA CAES PONT, bare-headed, draped bust right.
Rev. FELICITAS AVGG, Felicitas standing left with caduceus and cornucopiae.
Obv. P SEPT GETA CAES PONT, bare-headed, draped and cuirassed bust right.
Rev. FELICITAS PVBLICA, Felicitas standing left, holding caduceus and cornucopia.
94. AR, 17/19 mm; 3.11 g; RIC IV 9a; Rome, 200-202 AD. (Plate III, 94)
106 http://www.wildwinds.com/coins/sear5/s7072.html#RIC_0367
107 http://www.wildwinds.com/coins/sear5/s7074.html#RIC_0369
226
Rev. NOBILITAS, Nobilitas standing right holding sceptre and palladium.
Obv. P SEPT GETA CAES PONT, bare-headed, draped and cuirassed bust right.
Rev. PRINC IVVENT, caesar standing left in military attire, holding branch and inverted spear.
101. AR, 18/19 mm; 3.07 g; RIC IV 15b; Rome, 200-202 AD. (Plate III, 101)
102. AR, 17/18 mm; 3.48 g; RIC IV 15b; Rome, 200-202 AD. (Plate III, 102)
Rev. VOTA PVBLICA, Geta standing left, sacrificing over tripod altar.
103. AR, 17,5/20 mm; 2.20 g; RIC IV 24; Rome, 200-202 AD. (Plate III, 103)
Obv. P SEPTIMIVS GETA CAES, bare-headed, draped bust right.
Rev. PONTIF COS, Minerva standing left, holding spear and leaning on shield.
Obv. P SEPTIMIVS GETA CAES, bare-headed, draped and cuirassed bust right.
Rev. MINERVA, Minerva standing left, leaning on shield and holding sceptre.
105. AR, 17/19,5 mm; 2.90 g; RIC IV 46; Rome, 203-208 AD. (Plate III, 105)
Obv. P SEPT GETA CAES PONT, draped bust right.
Rev. LIBERALITAS AVGG V, Liberalitas standing left with abacus and cornucopiae.
106. AR, 19/20 mm; 3.43 g; RIC IV 88; Rome. (Plate III, 106)
Obv. L SEPTIMIVS GETA CAES, bare headed, draped and cuirassed bust right, seen from behind.
Rev. FELICITAS TEMPOR, Felicitas standing facing, head left, holding caduceus and cornucopiae.
107. AR, 16/18 mm; 3.20 g; RIC IV 95; Laodicea ad Mare, 198-200 AD. (Plate III, 107)
227
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София, 9-58.
Кацарова 2020
В. Кацарова. Антична сграда под северната половина на площад „Св. Неделя“, гр. София. –
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Кацарова, Горянова, Станев 2016
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Прокопов 1991
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П. Стоянова, И. Прокопов. Колективна монетна находка от римски денари в Сердика (II
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М. Цочев. Монети и монетна циркулация в античните керамични центрове Павликени и
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http://davy.potdevin.free.fr/Site/crawford5-2.html
http://www.wildwinds.com/coins/ric/geta/t.html
http://www.wildwinds.com/coins/sear5/s7072.html#RIC_0367
http://www.wildwinds.com/coins/sear5/s7074.html#RIC_0369
Abbreviations
AE – bronze
g – grams
mm – millimeters
No. – number
Obv. – Obverse
Rev. – Reverse
231
232
233
234
COIN HOARD FOUND NEAR THE VILLAGE OF POKROVNIK,
BLAGOEVGRAD AREA IN ARCHAEOLOGICAL EXCAVATION
OF SITE № 2, STRUMA HIGHWAY
(Preliminary report)
Svetoslav Yordanov
In the last decades, during the large-scale investments in building of new road infrastructure in
the Republic of Bulgaria, priority was given to the development of highways and motorways: first in South
Bulgaria – “Trakia” and “Maritsa” highways, then followed by “Struma” highway1, still under construction.
Rescue archaeological excavations of site 2 were conducted near Pokrovnik village – 7 km west from the
city of Blagoevrad, prior to the beginning of building Lot 3.1 road part.
Rescue archaeological excavations of site 2, lot 3.1 of “Struma” highway were conducted during
two seasons in 2017 and 2018, both led by Ass. Prof. Zdravko Dimitrov from NAIM-BAS Sofia. The exca-
vations consisted of large teams of archaeologists and specialists. During the first archaeological campaign
in 2017 it was discovered that Site 2, in Shirinite locality bruises settlement inhabited from the 2nd until the
6th century AD. It was used as necropolis through the Ottoman period – 16th-17th century AD.2
During the second year of excavations the situation of Site 2 was gradually clarified. The first area
of 38 400 m2 was divided into three sectors: North, Center and South. In sector “North” the remains of
settlement and production facilities, 15 buildings made of perishable construction, with chronology II
till IV c. AD were discovered. In sector “Center” 11 buildings of a Roman vicus, ceramic furnaces, family
tomb complex from the Roman era (Roman mausoleum), warehouses from the Late Antiquity and an
Ottoman-period necropolis were excavated and researched. In sector “South” 11 furnaces were found, re-
mains of Roman villa – from Late Principate and villa rustica from the Late Roman and finally a post-villa
settlement from the 5th-6th century AD were found.3
For archaeological and research purposes a plan square grid was created, including letter symbols
from the short side (East – West), and numbers from the long side (North-South).
Coin Hoard Discovery

The hoard was discovered in square E 75, in sector “Center” near the outside northwest corner of
building XIX (fig. 1). It consists of four burned coins, glued in different degrees, and bent (fig. 2).The dis-
covery was not found in a pot, no clues were found to where were the coins stored, thus suggesting rotted
natural material.
After their discovery, the coins are cleaned out, but they are not separated. All of them are brought
under one common field inventory number – 2154. The four coins are all silver, from one denomination,
one is antoninianus of emperor Gordian III (238-244), from the fourth issue, minted between 01.01.241
AD and the end of July 243 AD.
Obv. IMP GORDIANVS PIVS F[EL AVG], bust, radiate, draped, cuirassed right.
Rev. IOVIS [STATOR], Jupiter standing front, head right, holding long scepter and thunderbolt.
Ref.: RIC IV, part III, № 85.
1 http://www.ncsip.bg/index.php?id=16.
2 Димитров и др. 2018, 374-377.
3 Димитров и др. 2019, 380-382.
235
The coins were in fire, which is the reason for their condition and for sticking together. They were
found in layer with very few archaeological materials – fragments of construction ceramics, close to a
building without being in the depth below the remaining findings of the researched areas.
A total of 26 coins were found and registered in and around square E 75, at a distance of up to 5
squares in all geographical directions (or 25 meters in each direction) or in a square with dimensions 50
to 50 meters. Among them there is only one silver coin found in square G 79 – denarius of Caracalla, but
the coin lacked traces of fire. In these circumstances it is difficult to connect other coins found in archae-
ological researches with this coin hoard. It is possible that the number of coins in the pile could have been
significantly higher or scattered and dispersed in the processing of the land. It could be that the coins were
found and taken by pastors, shepherds etc. We have no way of knowing exactly what happened.
The prepared full publication of Site 2 will publish the results from the archaeological research
as well as the materials discovered, including the numerous numismatic complexes originating from the
excavations as well the complete finds, the context and the location of the settlement during the different
eras of its existance. In immediate proximity - about 2 km south of Site 2, on the track of Struma highway
Lot 3.1, Site 1 is located, where also numerous archaeological discoveries and large number of coins were
discovered.4 The two newly explored sites complement our knowledge of the area, especially for the period
II-V c. AD. They reveal the settlements near the village of Skaptopara, known from inscription found in
1861 in vineyards between the village of Gramada and the town of Djumaya (now Blagoevgrad).5
4 Грозданова и др. 2018, 377 -380.

5 IGBulg IV, № 2236, 197-226.
236
Fig. 1
237
Fig. 2. The burnt coin find.
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Грозданова и др. 2018

Г. Грозданова, Т. Христова, С. Филипова. Спасителни археологически проучвания на обект
Мощанец 1, лот 3.1, АМ „Струма“. – Археологически открития и разкопки през 2017 г.
София, 377-380.
Димитров и др. 2018
З. Димитров, М. Райчева, Н. Русев. Спасителни археологически разкопки на селище от
римската епоха и късната античност до Благоевград (Обект 2, лот 3.1, АМ „Струма“). –
Археологически открития и разкопки през 2017 г. София, 374-377.
Димитров и др. 2019
З. Димитров, М. Райчева, Н. Русев. Спасителни археологически разкопки на римска вила
рустика и селище – обект № 2 на АМ „Струма“ до Благоевград. – Археологически открития
и разкопки през 2018 г. София, 380-382.
IGBulg IV
G. Mihailov. Inscriptiones Greacae in Bulgaria Repertae. Serdicae, 1966, 197-226.
RIC IV, part III
H. Mattingly, E. Sydenham, C. Sutherland. Roman Imperial Coinage. Vol. IV, part III. Gordian III
– Uranius Antoninus. London, 1949.
238
ROMAN COIN HOARD FROM LEVKA VILLAGE,
SOUTHEASTERN BULGARIA
Miroslava Dotkova
In 1941, while playing along the River Levka bank in the area of the village of the same name,
Svilengrad region, children found silver Roman coins scattered to shallow depth in the soil. Probably all or
almost all of the coins from the accidental find entered the National Museum of Archaeology in Sofia1.
The village of Levka is located on the southern slopes of Sakar Mountain, in the valley of the river
known under the same name. It is 12 km northeast of Svilengrad and 25 km northwest of Edirne, the an-
cient Hadrianopolis. The remains of a Thracian settlement and a fortress from the early 1st millennium BC,
as well as a large tumular necropolis have been discovered at the site of Altan Tepe northwest of the mod-
ern village. West of Levka, at the site of Manda Gyol, the traces of numerous dolmens have been registered,
contemporary to the settlement2. Ruins of a fortress and a settlement identified as the Medieval Bishop’s
center of Levka, one of the most significant towns from the same period at the southern foot of Sakar
Mountain were found southeast of the village. The artifacts from the Middle Ages found, mostly pottery
shards, are dating from the 9th–10th and 12th–14th c.3 All available data shows the continued occupation of
the area of the present-day village since the early Iron Age to the late Middle Ages.
Some other coin hoards are also known from the region of Levka village. Only two years after the
discovery of the hoard discussed here, another hoard was found in the vicinities of the village, in 1943,
composed of 5-6 kg silver Roman coins hidden in a ceramic pot. Although larger than the first one, only
16 coins of it entered the Museum of Archaeology in Plovdiv, as the earliest pieces of them belong to the
time of Septimius Severus (193-211), and the latest ones to Philip the Arab (244-249)4.
In 1973 and 1974, a part of another coin hoard entered the Museum in Haskovo, also found in the
area of Levka. Similar to the others, it contents silver coins but from an earlier period – Late Hellenistic
New Style tetradrachms of Thassos, Maroneia and Athens, tetradrachms of Byzantium, First Macedonian
district and of the Quaestor Aezilas. The hoard was concealed about 70s or 60s BC5.
The hoard discussed here is homogeneous composed of silver Roman coins only. Nevertheless,
they belong to emissions of two different denominations – denarii and antoninianii. Its chronological
frames are from AD 74 to AD 247-249, the earliest coin of Emperor Vespasianus (69-79) and the latest - a
very well preserved antoninianus of Philip son as Augustus (246-249).
There is some discrepancy regarding the number of coins and the composition of the hoard men-
tioned in the initial publication and its actual content. According to the first report they are 66 coins but
it turned out that their total number has been mistaken and in the museum’s fund there are 67 coins from
this hoard.
The first publication about the hoard from Levka6 presents 7 coins of Caracalla (198-217) but ac-
tually two of them are emissions of Elagabalus (218-222). One of the total 8 coins of Philip the Arab (244-
249) actually belongs to his son Philip (246-249). According to the present analysis, the Levka hoard con-
tains coins of the following emperors: Vespasianus 1; Antoninus Pius 1; Commodus 2; Septimius Severus
1 Герасимов 1946, 236.

2 Аладжов 1997, 128.
3 Аладжов 1997, 129.
4 Колев 1971, 169.
5 Пенчев 2016, 275.
239
11; Julia Domna 12; Caracalla 5; Geta 7; Plautilla 1; Elagabalus 2; Julia Maesa 1; Severus Alexander 2;
Maximinus I 1; Gordian III 13; Philip I the Arab 7; and Philip son 1.
The hoard of Levka contains single issues of certain emperors of the dynasty of the Antonines,
as well as coins of almost all emperors from Septimius Severus to Philip the Arab. Only coins of certain
emperors, from 3rd century who had a very short period of reign, such as Macrinus (217-218) and Pupi-
enus and Balbinus (238), are missing. The coins issued in the central mint of Rome prevail although some
single issues were struck in the Eastern mints - 1 in Laodicea and 2 in Antioch. All the coins belong to
well-known and widely spread types. The coinage of Gordian III (238-244) is represented by the largest
number of coins - 13, but in fact, the emissions, issued during the reign of Septimius Severus (193-211)
take up the largest part of the hoard - 32 issues, almost half of the hoard composition (Septimius Severus
11; Julia Domna 11; Caracalla 2; Plautilla 1; Geta 7).
Concerning the denominations, the hoard comprises 46 denarii and 21 antoninianii as from Gor-
dian III (238-244) onwards the emissions consist only of antoninianii.
The coins have different state of preservation, but most of them are in a good condition, although
they have participated in circulation. Only one of Gordian III’s antoninianus is missing 1/3 part of the
blank (No. 59). A couple of the coins of Septimius Severus and Gordian III are distinguished by their in-
ferior quality and lower silver content in their composition (No. 10; No. 54; No. 55), and one of Caracalla
as Caesar is a fourré (No. 28). However, their presence among the rest of the coins shows that they partic-
ipated as equals to the others in the circulation and were hidden together with them.
The hoards ending with issues of Philip the Arab (244-249) are among the most numerous ones
discovered on the territory of today’s Bulgaria. About 180 of them are known so far and most probably
their number will continue to grow as a result of archaeological researches and accidental finds. The num-
ber of hoards with terminus post quem issues of Philip the Arab discovered on the territories north of
Haemus, in the province of Moesia Inferior, is almost equal to the one known from the south of Haemus,
in the province of Thrace. Their concentration in Thrace is mainly to the central area of the province, along
the Hebros and Tonzos Rivers.
In the region, where the village of Levka is located, coin hoards with the same terminus post quem
are known also from the villages of Dripchevo7, Shishmanovo8, Preslavets9, Svetlina10, Kapitan Petko
Voyvoda11 and Topolovgrad12. Most of the above hoards are composed of silver coins only, and some of
them as the hoard from Topolovgrad and Preslavets are mixed comprising also provincial bronze emis-
sions of the mints in Thrace; the hoard from Kapitan Petko Voyvoda contained provincial bronze coins
only. All of the mentioned hoards are coming from a small area located between the Hebros and Tonzos
Rivers as the point of their confluence is near Hadrianopolis (map 1). The provenance of these hoards indi-
rectly confirms that during their invasion to Thrace in the mid 3rd c., the Goths followed the currents of the
great rivers not only because of the ease of movement and using them as a landmark, but also due to the
fact that most of the ancient settlements were located along them. The area of the village of Levka belonged
to the urban territory of the large antique center of Hadrianopolis and was affected by one of the waves of
the Gothic raids. Although failing to capture the town, the Goths ravaged the unfortified settlements on its
territory. Having in mind the latest coin in the composition of the hoard, belonging to Philip II and struck
between AD 247 and 249, its concealment has as a terminus post quem the same years. One of the possible
reasons for hiding the Levka hoard is the incursion of the Goths in alliance with the Carpi in AD 248 when
they besieged Marcianopolis and raveged the eastern areas of Moesia Inferior and Thrace.
Considering the circumstance that usually some time passed between the date of the latest emis-
sion in the composition of a hoard and the moment of its concealment, a period determined by a variety
of events, most probably the hoard in question was hidden a bit later. In Thrace, as an inland province, new
emissions entered the circulation slower compared to Moesia Inferior. Most probably the hoard was bur-

9 Божкова, Динчев 2015, 48.
10 Юрукова 1978, 59.
11 Славова 2006, 201.
12 Юрукова 1985, 60.
240
ied during the invasion of the Goths in AD 250/251 under the reign of Emperor Trajan Decius (249-251).
According to the data of the written sources, the raid from 250-251 was the most devastating that hit large
areas of the Balkan provinces.
Taking into account the relatively small amount of the hoard comprising 67 coins, it comes among
the most commonly discovered coin hoards in the Bulgarian lands, formed by the cash or savings of their
owner. The circumstances of the discovery of the coins scattered to shallow depth in the soil, show that
most probably they were laid in an organic material purse rotten with time, hidden from any extreme
events, possibly with the idea of being taken out again later.
Of the numerous coin hoards buried in the mid-3rd c., much less is published from the province of
Thrace than from Moesia Inferior. This circumstance requires the need to process and publish as many of
these hoards as possible together with the data coming from the archaeological research when available in
order to clarify a number of problems related to the historical events of this period.
CATALOGUE
Vespasian (69-79)
1. Obv. [IMP CAE]SAR VESPASIANVS AVG, head, laureate, r.
Rev. PON MAX / TR P COS V, Emperor seated r. on curule chair, holding scepter and branch.
AR, 3.17 g; 16.5/18.5 mm; 6 h; RIC II/I 702; Rome AD 74, Plate I, 1.
Antoninus Pius (138-161)

2. Obv. ANTONINVS AVG PIVS PP TR P XVIII, head, laureate, r.
Rev. COS IIII, Annona standing l., holding corn ears in r. hand and placing l. hand on modius set on
ship.
AR, 3.15 g; 17.5/17 mm; 12 h; RIC III 239; Rome AD 154-155, Plate I, 2.
Commodus (176-192)
3. Obv. M ANTONINVS COMMODVS AVG, head, laureate, r.
Rev. [TR P VII IMP] IIII COS III PP, Annona standing l., holding corn ears and cornucopiae; at feet
l., modius.
AR, 3.35 g; 16/16.5 mm; 6 h; RIC III 28; Rome AD 181-182, Plate I, 3.
4. Obv. COMM ANT AVG P BRIT, head, laureate, r.
Rev. ANN P M TR P X IMP VII COS IIII PP, Annona standing l., holding statuette and cornucopiae,
modius l. and prow r. at her feet.
AR, 3.51 g; 17 mm; 12 h; RIC III 106, Rome AD 184-185, Plate I, 4.
Septimius Severus (193-211)

5. Obv. [L SEPT] SEV PE[RT AVG] IMP VIII, head, laureate, r.
Rev. VOTA PVBLICA, Emperor, veiled, standing l., sacrificing out of patera over altar.
AR, 2.52 g; 17.5/16.5 mm; 6 h; RIC IV/I 96a; Rome AD 196-197, Plate I, 5.
6. Obv. SEVERVS AVG PART MAX, head, laureate, r.
Rev. RESTITVTOR VRBIS, Emperor, in military dress, standing l., sacrificing with patera over tripod
and holding spear.
AR, 2.75 g; 18.5/17 mm; 12 h; RIC IV/I 167a; Rome AD 200-201, Plate I, 6.
7. Obv. SEVERVS PIVS AVG, head, laureate, r.
Rev. PM TR P XIII COS III PP, Annona standing l., holding corn ears and cornucopiae; at feet l.,
modius.
AR, 2.95 g; 19/18 mm; 6 h; RIC IV/I 198; Rome AD 205, Plate I, 7.
8. Obv. As No. 7.
Rev. PM TR P XV COS III PP, Genius standing l., sacrificing out of patera over altar and holding corn ears.
241
AR, 2.26 g; 18/18.5 mm; 6 h; RIC IV/I 209; Rome AD 207, Plate I, 8.
9. Obv. As No. 7.
Rev. PM TR P XVIII COS III PP, Jupiter standing l., holding thunderbolt and scepter; by him two
children standing one r., one l.
AR, 2.09 g; 19/18 mm; 6 h; RIC IV/I 233; Rome AD 210, Plate I, 9.
10. Obv. As No. 7.
Rev. [PM] TR P … COS III [PP], Figure standing l.
AR, 1.60 g; 18/20 mm; 6 h; Rome AD 202-210, Plate I, 10.
11. Obv. As No. 7.
Rev. FVNDATOR PACIS, Septimius, veiled, standing l., holding branch and roll.
AR, 3.25 g; 17/18 mm; 6 h; RIC IV/I 265; Rome AD 202-210, Plate I, 11.
12. As No. 11.
AR, 2.77 g; 19/18 mm; 6 h; Plate I, 12.
13. Obv. As No. 7.
Rev. LIBERALITAS AVGG V, Liberalitas standing l., holding abacus and cornucopiae.
AR, 3.39 g; 19/19,5 mm; 2 h; RIC IV/I 277; Rome AD 202-210, Plate I, 13.
14. Obv. As No. 7.
Rev. LIBERALITAS AVG VI, as No. 13.
AR, 2.92 g; 18/19 mm; 12 h; RIC IV/I 278a; Rome AD 202-210, Plate I, 14.
15. Obv. SEVERVS PIVS AVG BRIT, head, laureate, r.
Rev. VICTORIAE BRIT, Victory advancing r., holding wreath and palm.
AR, 3.78 g; 19 mm; 7 h; RIC IV/1 332; Rome AD 210-211, Plate I, 15.
Julia Domna
16. Obv. IVLIA AVGVSTA, bust draped, r.
Rev. FELICITAS, Felicitas standing l., holding caduceus and scepter.
AR, 2.92 g; 20/19 mm; 6 h; RIC IV/1 551; Rome AD 196-211, Plate I, 16.
17. Obv. As No. 16.
Rev. HILARITAS, Hilaritas standing l., holding long palm and cornucopiae.
AR, 2.96 g; 18.5/18 mm; 12 h; RIC IV/1 556; Rome AD 196-211, Plate I, 17.
18. Obv. As No. 16.
Rev. IVNO, Juno standing l., holding patera and scepter; at feet l, peacock.
AR, 3.02 g; 19/18.5 mm; 6 h; RIC IV/1 559; Rome AD 196-211, Plate I, 18.
19. Obv. As No. 16.
Rev. MATER AVGG, Julia Domna seated l., holding branch in quadriga of lions.
20. Obv. As No. 16.
Rev. PIETAS PVBLICA, Pietas standing front by altar, raising both hands.
AR, 2.79 g; 18 mm; 6 h; RIC IV/1 574; Rome AD 196-211, Plate I, 20.
21. As No. 20.
AR, 3.37 g; 19/17 mm; 6 h; Plate I, 21.
22. Obv. As No. 16.
Rev. PVDICITIA, Pudicitia seated l., r. hand on breast, l. on arm of chair.
AR, 2.53 g; 19.5/20.5 mm; 12 h; RIC IV/1 576; Rome AD 196-211, Plate I, 22.
23. As No. 22.
AR, 3.17 g; 19/17.5 mm; 6 h; Plate I, 23.
24. Obv. As No. 16.
Rev. SAECVLI FELICITAS, Isis standing r., l. foot on prow, holding Horus; to l. altar and rudder.
25. As No. 24.
AR, 3.02 g; 18/16.5 mm; 6 h; Plate II, 25.
242
26. Obv. As No. 16.
Rev. VENVS FELIX, Venus standing front, holding apple and drawing drapery from shoulder.
AR, 3.01 g; 18/15.5 mm; 12 h; RIC IV/1 580; Rome AD 196-211, Plate II, 26.
27. Obv. IVLIA PIA FELIX AVG, bust draped, r.
Rev. VESTA, Vesta seated l., holding simpulum and scepter.
AR, 2.85 g; 19.5/18.5 mm; 12 h; RIC IV/1 391; Rome AD 211-217, Plate II, 27.
Caracalla (198-217)
28. Obv. ANTONINVS PIVS AVG, bust laureate, draped, r.
Rev. INDVLGENTIA AVGG / IN CARTH, the Dea Caelestis, holding thunderbolt and scepter, riding
on lion running r. over waters gushing from rock.
AR (fourré), 2.90 g; 18/18.5 mm; 6 h; RIC IV/1 130; Rome AD 201-206, Plate II, 28.
29. Obv. ANTONINVS [PIVS] AVG, head, laureate, r.
Rev. PONTIF TR P XI COS III / PROF, Caracalla on horseback, r., holding spear, in front, captive.
AR, 2.64 g; 18 mm; 6 h; RIC IV/1 108; Rome AD 208, Plate II, 29.
30. Obv. ANTONINVS PIVS AVG BRIT, head, laureate, r.
Rev. INDVLG FECVNDAE, Indulgentia seated l. on curule chair, holding scepter.
AR, 2.71 g; 19 mm; 6 h; RIC IV/1 214; Rome AD 210-213, Plate II, 30.
31. Obv. As No. 30.
Rev. MONETA AVG, Moneta standing l., holding scales and cornucopiae.
32. Obv. As No. 30.
Rev. PM TR P XVI COS IIII PP, Libertas standing l., holding pileus and rod.
AR, 3.72 g; 19/18 mm; 6 h; RIC IV/1 209a; Rome AD 213, Plate II, 32.
Plautilla
33. Obv. PLAVTILLA AVGVSTA, bust, draped, r.
Rev. PIETAS AVGG, Pietas standing r., holding scepter and child.
AR, 3.43 g; 19.5/18 mm; 6 h; RIC IV/1 367; Rome, Plate II, 33.
Geta
34. Obv. L SEPTIMIVS GETA CAES, bust, draped, r.
Rev. FELICITAS TEMPOR, Felicitas standing l., holding caduceus and cornucopiae.
35. Obv. As No. 34.
Rev. SPES PVBLICA, Spes advancing l., holding flower and raising skirt.
36. Obv. L SEPT GETA CAES PONT, bust, draped, r.
Rev. SECVRIT IMPERII, Securitas seated l., holding globe.
AR, 3.22 g; 18.5/18 mm; 6 h; RIC IV/1 20; Rome AD 200-202, Plate II, 36.
37. Obv. As No. 36.
Rev. VICT AETERN, Victory flying l., holding in both hands wreath over shield.
38. Obv. GETA CAES PONT COS, bust, draped, cuirassed, r.
Rev. VOTA PVBLICA, Geta standing l., sacrificing out of patera over tripod and holding roll.
39. Obv. P SEPTIMIVS GETA CAES, bust, draped, cuirassed, r.
Rev. MINERVA, Minerva standing l., leaning on shield and holding spear.
243
40. Obv. As No. 39.
Rev. MARTI VICTORI, Mars advancing r., holding spear and trophy.
AR, 1.94 g; 18/17.5 mm; 12 h; RIC IV/1 103; Laodicea ad Mare AD 203, Plate II, 40.
Elagabalus (218-222)
41. Obv. IMP ANTONINVS PIVS AVG, bust, laureate draped, r.
Rev. FORTVNAE REDVCI, Fortuna standing l., holding rudder placed on globe and corcucopiae.
AR, 2.95 g; 20/18.5 mm; 6 h; RIC IV/II 83a; Rome AD 218-222, Plate II, 41.
42. Obv. ANTONINVS PIVS FEL AVG, bust, laureate draped, cuirassed, r.
Rev. TEMPORVM FEL, Felicitas standing l., holding patera and caduceus.
AR, 2.80 g; 18/17.5 mm; 6 h; RIC IV/II 201; Antioch AD 218-222, Plate II, 42.
Julia Maesa
43. Obv. IVLIA MAESA AVG, bust draped, r.
Rev. SAECVLI FELICITAS, Felicitas standing l., holding caduceus and sacrificing over altar., in field
r., star.
AR, 2.49 g; 19/18 mm; 6 h; RIC IV/II 271; Rome AD 218-222, Plate II, 43.
Severus Alexander (222-235)

44. Obv. IMP C M AVR SEV ALEXAND AVG, bust, laureate draped, r.
Rev. AEQVITAS AVG, Aequtas standing l., holding scales and cornucopiae.
AR, 3.24 g; 17.5 mm; 6 h; RIC IV/II 127; Rome AD 222-228, Plate II, 44.
45. Obv. As No. 44.
Rev. VICTORIA AVG, Victoria advancing l., holding wreath and palm.
AR, 3.44 g; 18.5/18 mm; 11 h; RIC IV/II 180; Rome AD 222-228, Plate II, 45.
Maximinus I (235-238)
46. Obv. IMP MAXIMINVS PIVS AVG, bust, laureate draped, cuirassed, r.
Rev. VICTORIA AVG, Victoria advancing r., holding wreath and palm.
AR, 2.65 g; 20/19 mm; 6 h; RIC IV/II 16; Rome AD 235-236, Plate II, 46.
Gordian III (238-244)

47. Obv. IMP CAES M ANT GORDIANVS AVG, bust, radiate, draped, cuirassed, r.
Rev. AEQVITAS AVG, Aequtas standing l., holding scales and cornucopiae.
AR 3.27 g; 23/20 mm; 6 h; RIC IV/III 34; Rome January 1st–March (?) AD 240, Plate II, 47.
48. Obv. As No. 47.
Rev. PM TR P II COS PP, Gordian standing l., sacrificing out of patera over altar and holding wand.
AR, 3.74 g; 24/22 mm; 5 h; RIC IV/III 37; Rome January 1st–March (?) AD 240, Plate II, 48.
49. Obv. IMP CAES GORDIANVS PIVS AVG, bust, radiate, draped, cuirassed, r.
Rev. CONCORDIA AVG, Concordia seated l., holding patera and double cornicopiae.
AR, 4.56 g; 22/19.5 mm; 1 h; RIC IV/III 52; Rome March–May (?) AD 240, Plate III, 49.
50. Obv. IMP GORDIANVS PIVS FEL AVG, bust, radiate, draped, cuirassed, r.
Rev. ROMAE AETERNAE, Roma seated l. on shield, holding Victory and spear.
AR, 4.41 g; 23/20 mm; 12 h; RIC IV/III 70; Rome March–May (?) AD 240, Plate III, 50.
51. Obv. As No. 50.
Rev. LAETITIA AVG N, Laeticia standing l., holding wreath and anchor.
AR, 3.90 g; 22/21.5 mm; 6 h; RIC IV/III 86; Rome AD 241-243, Plate III, 51.
52. As No. 51.
AR, 3.86 g; 20/21 mm; 6 h; Plate III, 52.
244
53. Obv. As No. 50.
Rev. PM TR P IIII COS II PP, Apollo seated l., holding branch and resting l. hand on lyre.
AR, 4.04 g; 21.5/21 mm; 6 h; RIC IV/III 88; Rome AD 241-243, Plate III, 53.
54. Obv. As No. 50.
Rev. VIRTVTI AVGVSTI, Hercules standing r., resting r. hand on hip and l. hand on club set on rock.
55. As No. 95.
AR, 2.93 g; 22/20 mm; 6 h; Plate III, 55.
56. Obv. As No. 50.
Rev. FORT REDVX, Fortuna seated l., holding rudder and cornucopiae, under seat wheel.
57. Obv. As No. 50.
Rev. FORTVNA REDVX, as No. 56.
AR, 3.63 g; 21/22.5 mm; 12 h; RIC IV/III 144; Rome AD 243-244, Plate III, 57.
58. Obv. As No. 50.
Rev. MARS PROPVG, Mars advancing r., holding spear and shield.
59. Obv. As No. 50.
Rev. [SAECV]LI FEL[ICIT]AS, Gordian standing r., holding spear and globe.
AR, 2.11 g; 21/17 mm; 5 h; RIC IV/III 216; Antioch AD 242-244, Plate III, 59.
Philip I (244-249)
60. Obv. IMP M IVL PHILIPPVS AVG, bust, radiate, draped, cuirassed, r.
Rev. PM TR P II COS PP, Philip I seated l., holding globe in r. hand and scepter in l. hand.
AR, 3.39 g; 23/21 mm; 12 h; RIC IV/III 2 b; Rome AD 245; Plate III, 60.
61. Obv. As No. 60.
Rev. ADVENTVS AVGG, Philip I on horse l., raising r. hand and holding spear.
AR, 4.06 g; 22/23.5 mm; 12 h; RIC IV/III 26 b; Rome AD 244-247, Plate III, 61.
62. Obv. As No. 60.
Rev. ANNONA AVGG, Annona standing l., holding corn-ears over modius and cornucopiae.
AR, 4.14 g; 22/21 mm; 6 h; RIC IV/III 28 c; Rome AD 244-247, Plate III, 62.
63. Obv. As No. 60.
Rev. FELICITAS TEMP, Felicitas standing l., holding long caduceus and cornucopiae.
AR, 4.83 g; 23/22 mm; 12 h; RIC IV/III 31; Rome AD 244-247, Plate III, 63.
64. Obv. As No. 60.
Rev. LAETIT FVNDAT, Laetitia standing l., holding wreath and rudder.
AR, 4.17 g; 22 mm/22.5; 6 h; RIC IV/III 36 b; Rome AD 244-247, Plate III, 64.
65. Obv. As No. 60.
Rev. ROMAE AETERNAE, Roma seated l., holding Victory and scepter, at her side – shield.
AR, 3.57 g; 21.5/22 mm; 5 h; RIC IV/III 44 b; Rome AD 244-247, Plate III, 65.
66. Obv. As No. 60.
Rev. VIRTVS AVG, Virtus seated l. on cuirass, holding branch and spear.
AR, 3.89 g; 21.5 mm; 1 h; RIC IV/III 53; Rome AD 244-247, Plate III, 66.
Philip II (246-249)
67. Obv. IMP PHILIPPVS AVG, bust, radiate, draped, cuirassed, r.
Rev. PAX AETERNA, Pax standing l., holding branch and transverse scepter.
AR, 3.72 g; 22.5/21.5 mm; 12 h; RIC IV/III 231 c; Rome AD 247-249, Plate III, 67.
245
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Аладжов 1997
Д. Аладжов. Селища, паметници, находки от Хасковския край. Хасково.
Божкова, Динчев 2015
Б. Божкова, В. Динчев. Колективна монетна находка (края на II – първата половина на III в.)
от с. Преславец, община Харманли. – Нумизматика, сфрагистика и епиграфика, 11, 39-56.
Т. Герасимов. Колективни находки на монети през последните години. – Известия на Бъл-
гарския археологически институт, XV, 235-244.
Т. Герасимов. Колективни находки на монети през последните години. – Известия на Архе-
ологическия институт, XVIII, 400-404.
Т. Герасимов. Колективни находки на монети през 1951, 1952, 1953 и 1954 година. – Извес-
тия на Археологическия институт, XХ, 602-611.
Колев 1971
К. Колев. Колективни находки на монети през 1968 година. – Годишник на Народния архе-
ологически музей – Пловдив, VII, 169-170.
Пенчев 2016
В. Пенчев. Колективна находка от късноелинистически тетрадрахми, намерена в землище-
то на село Левка, Свиленградско. – Известия на Националния исторически музей, XXVIII,
269-278.
Славова 2006
М. Славова. Монети от колекцията на Борис Колев. – Известия на Регионален исторически
музей – Хасково, III, 200-205.
Юрукова 1978
Й. Юрукова. Монетните находки, открити в България през 1975 и 1976 г. – Археология, 4,
58-62.
Юрукова 1985
Й. Юрукова. Монетните находки, открити в България през 1982 г. – Археология, 2, 58-64.
RIC II, I
I. Carradice, T. Buttrey. The Roman Imperial Coinage. Vol. II, part I. Vespasian to Domitian. Lon-
don, 2007.
RIC III
H. Mattingly, E. Sydenham. The Roman Imperial Coinage. Vol. III. Antoninus Pius to Commodus.
London, 1962.
RIC IV/I
H. Mattingly, E. Sydenham. The Roman Imperial Coinage. Vol. IV. Part I. Pertinax to Geta. Lon-
don, 1962.
RIC IV/II
H. Mattingly, E. Sydenham, C. Sutherland. The Roman Imperial Coinage. Vol. IV. Part II. Macrinus
to Pupienus. London, 1962.
RIC IV/III
H. Mattingly, E. Sydenham, C. Sutherland. The Roman Imperial Coinage. Vol. IV. Part III. Gordian
III – Uranius Antoninus. London, 1962.
246
247
PLATE I
1 2 3
4 5 6
7 8 9
10 11 12
13 14 15
16 17 18
19 20 21
22 23 24
Plate I. Vespasian 1, Antoninus Pius 2, Commodus 3-4, Septimius Severus

5-15, Julia Domna 16-24.
248
PLATE II
25 26 27
28 29 30
31 32 33
34 35 36
37 38 39
40 41 42
43 44 45
46 47 48
Plate II. Julia Domna 25-27, Caracalla 28-32, Plautilla 33, Geta 34-40,
Elagabalus 41-42, Julia Maesa 43, Severus Alexander 44-45, Maximinus I
46, Gordian III 47-48.
249
PLATE III
49 50 51
52 53 54
55 56 57
58 59 60
61 62 63
64 65 66
67
Plate III. Gordian III 49-59, Philip I 60-66, Philip II 67.
250
ROMAN COIN HOARD FROM THE VILLAGE OF
DOLNA KABDA
Nikola Rusev, Stefan Ivanov
The village of Dolna Kabda is located in the Northeastern Bulgaria, about 90 km to the south of
Danube River. The modern settlement belongs to Popovo municipality, Targovishte region and its land
occupies the southern part of the administrative division. Geographically, the described area is a section of
Fore Balkan Mountain, where the terrain is quite hilly and cut by several tributaries of Cherni Lom River
(fig. 1).
Even now, about 2 km to the east of the village, on the top of a height, the ruins of one impressive
Early Byzantine fortress are well visible. The place is naturally protected by vertical slopes and the relief
is flat only to the east (fig. 2). This topographic advantage is successfully used during the building of the
stronghold and it is an example of the fortification strategy in the Late Antiquity provinces to the south of
Lower Danube in the late 5th and 6th century.
The fortress nearby the village of Dolna Kabda is unknown for the archaeological science until the
1960s of 20th century. Accidently found, the site became quickly a place for excavations. In the first 3 years
of the 1960s D. Ovcharov conducted investigations researching the defensive system and stratigraphy.1 For
this short period he managed to unearth the eastern gate, flanked by two pentagonal towers, parts of the
fortress wall and one big edifice interpreted as guard building, which are marked on the general plan (fig.
3). In terms of chronology the researcher points two different phases of inhabitation. According to him
the earlier one is related to the Early Byzantine period (end of the 5th – 6th c.) and the second stage, after
prolonged hiatus, belongs to the Early Middle Ages (9th – 10th c.).2
In archaeological documentation and reports of D. Ovcharov, kept in the archive of Targovishte
Regional Museum of History, there is more unpublished information. To the south/ southwest of the for-
tress’ gate two more buildings and perhaps a storehouse were excavated. Unfortunately their exact place
is not recorded on the layout. On the ground of stratigraphic observations, the specific features of the
fortification system and the discovered materials the building of the fortress is dated in the end of 5th – the
beginning of 6th century. There are sure evidences that the stronghold is burnt down and abandoned in
the end of the 6th century. A representative sample of finds kept in the fund of museum mentioned above
consists of clay lamps made in a mold or on potter’s wheel3, ceramic vessels (fine- and coarse ware, ampho-
rae)4, a bronze fibula5 and three small bronze distaffs6. All the materials are widespread and well known
and according to many dated parallels they refer generally to the 6th century.
Besides the ceramic vessels and bronze small objects only five single coins were discovered during
the excavations (or at least these five numismatic monuments are available in the museum funds). From
modern perspective such a small amount of finds seems unrealistic, but this is the material we have. The
limited number doesn’t allow any certain conclusions on the coin distributions, that’s why the single coin
finds, are listed very briefly. As per their chronology they are put in three groups: Roman period, Late
Roman period and Early Byzantine period. The first one includes two bronze specimens, which belong
1 Овчаров 1971, 18-26; Динчев 2006, 18, обр. 52.

2 Овчаров 1971, 26-27.
3 Кузманов 1992, 41, 43, 47, Types XXXV, XXXVIII and XLI.
4 Кузманов 1985, 14-15, Type VIII.
5 Генчева 2004, 56-57, Type 20a.
6 Рау 2004, 65, Third group.
251
to the provincial issues of Septimius Severus and Plautilla (mint of Nicopolis ad Istrum), all struck not
later than year 211. The next group brings together three bronze coins, which cover long period from the
end of 3rd to shortly after the middle of 5th century. Here should be mentioned a badly preserved follis of
Diocletian (type of GENIO POPVLI ROMANI), an Æ3 sample typical for the coinage of Arcadius and
Honorius (type of VIRTVS EXERCITI) and one Æ4 coin identified with the name of Marcian according
to monogram on the obverse. The last chronological group is presented by half follis struck in the mint of
Thessalonica not earlier than 538/539. It approximately corresponds with two coins emitted in the reign
of Justin II and mentioned in the publication of D. Ovcharov.7 These three examples, although limited in
quantity, actually mark the final of the first stratigraphic stage in the fortress.
In 1962 in the so-called building № 2 south/ southwest of the fortress’ gate was found a Roman coin
hoard. Its first announce was made by T. Gerasimov two years later, who published the identification of D.
Ovcharov. According to the researcher the hoard was registered close to the building’s wall and consisted
of 201 specimens (denarii and antoniniani).8 Then only 63 of the coins were recognized (denarii: Septimius
Severus – 1, Geta – 2, Severus Alexander – 1, Caracalla – 3, Julia Mamaea – 1, Julia Maesa – 4, Maximinus
I Thrax – 5 and Gordian III – 4; antoniniani: Gordian III – 31, Philip I the Arab – 8, Philip II – 1 and Ota-
cilia Severa – 2), the rest of them were in bad condition and for that reason unidentified. Besides this brief
reference the coins remained unpublished entirely up to now. The hoard is very interesting, because it is
the first example from the present territory of Bulgaria, when such a big group of Roman coins is found in
the context of 6th century dwelling.
Nowadays in the fund of Targovishte museum are kept 190 coins. They all are burnt and most of
them are in very bad condition. All the numismatic monuments form two groups.9 The first one of them is
compact and consists of 188 silver coins (denarii and antoniniani) struck in the period of 2nd – 3rd century.
The second group is presented by two asynchronous specimens – one AE antoninianus emitted during the
reign of Carus in 282-285 AD (cat. No. 189; Plate IX, 189) and an AE Half follis (20 nummi) which belongs
to the coinage of Justin I or Justinian I (cat. No. 190; Plate IX, 190). Analyzing the coins can be considered
that the first series compounds the real coin hoard and the second one of later dated examples is acci-
dentally mixed and unreasonably added by the researcher. The work with the materials points a different
picture known so far. The condition of coins and their final processing allow us to put them into three
separate sections: well identified – 161 sps (85.6%) (cat. No. 1-161) (graph 1), uncertainly identified – 14
sps (7.4%) (cat. No. 162-175) (graph 2) and unidentified – 13 sps (6.9%) (cat. No. 176-188).
According to the quantitative analysis the earliest three samples from the first section belong to the
issues of Antoninus Pius (Plate I, 1) and Commodus (Plate I, 2-3), composing just 1.9% from the hoard.
The next 22 coins represent the mint of Septimius Severus (Plate I, 4-14) and his family (denarii of Julia
Domna (Plate I, 15-16), Caracalla (Plate I, 17-21) and Geta (Plate I, 22-25)). The coinage of Severan dynas-
ty is 13.7% of the total. Another small group shows 9 denarii of Macrinus (Plate I, 26), Diadumenian (Plate
I, 27), Elagabalus (Plate I, 28-29) and Julia Maesa (Plate II, 30-34) and forms just 5.6% of the hoard. The
following 30 silver coins are struck during the reign of Severus Alexander (Plate II, 35-53), Julia Mamaea
(Plate II, 54-58) and Maximinus I Thrax (Plate II, 59-61; Plate III, 62-64). All these denarii represent 18.6%
of the total number. The largest group consists of coins of Gordian III (Plate III, 65-83; Plate IV, 84-104;
Plate V, 105-125; Plate VI, 126-135). The included 71 specimens (8 denarii and 63 antoniniani) compose
44.1% from the hoard. The latest dated numismatic monuments belong to the mint of Phillip I the Arab
(Plate VI, 136-146; Plate VII, 147-154) and his family – Otacilia Severa (Plate VII, 155-159) and Philip II
(Plate VII, 160-161). All the 26 silver coins (1 denarius and 25 antoniniani), emitted not later than 247 AD,
indicate 16.1%.
The number of the hoard is completed by another 27 badly preserved coins. Fourteen of them are
uncertainly identified and presumably refer to the coinages of Hadrian (Plate VII, 162), Antoninus Pius
(Plate VII, 163), Caracalla or Elagabalus (Plate VII, 164), Elagabalus (Plate VII, 165), Severus Alexander
(Plate VII, 166-167; Plate VIII, 168-169), Julia Mamaea (Plate VIII, 170), Severan dynasty (Plate VIII,
7 Овчаров 1971, 26.
9 The preparation and writing of this article is mostly the result of the scientific initiative and energy of V. Varbanov. He
also has the main merit in completing the catalog.
252
171), Gordian III (Plate VIII, 172-173), Philip I the Arab (Plate VIII, 174) and Gordian III or Philip I the
Arab (Plate VIII, 175) (7.4% of the total amount of the hoard). Thirteen silver coins, which are malformed
and melted can’t be recognized and identified (Plate VIII, 176-188). According to their metric data and
based on the parallels discussed above they can also be dated in the 3rd century, but not later than the reign
of Philip I the Arab (6.9% of the total amount of the hoard).
From the territory of Bulgaria are well known 173 hoards ending with coins of Philip the Arab, but
only 47 of them are published. 82 are found in Northern Bulgaria and Northern Dobruja and 89 are from
the region to the south of Balkan Mountains. 106 consist of only silver coins, 23 are mixed and 44 are com-
posed by bronze provincial coins. The latest coins from Dolna Kabda are struck in the period 246-248. The
hoards in Bulgaria mark only period of hiding not earlier than 248. In contrast in Romania the finds with
coins of Philip I the Arab show two periods. The first one is dated in 245, and the second one in 248.10 Up
to now this earlier period cannot be registered in Bulgaria. Probably the time of hiding or losing is during
the invasion of Goths in 248 or in 250-251 in the reign of Trajan Decius. This theory is confirmed especially
by the data from Southern Bulgaria.
The scientific explanation of this Roman coin hoard’s appearing in the Early Byzantine fortress is
not clear enough. All the published information concerning the archaeological data and stratigraphy of
the site testifies the lack of any earlier materials and structures than the end of 5th – beginning of 6th cen-
tury. The mentioned circumstance supports the fact that the coin hoard was not discovered by chance in
the same area during some digging or building activities in the Late Antiquity. Therefore, we should take
a look at the region nearby the stronghold at Dolna Kabda. According to unpublished notes and field ob-
servations recorded in the reports of D. Ovcharov at the foot of the hill, where the fortress was built there
are remains of unfortified settlement. It was placed on a terrace with a slope to the south and occupies
a territory on the both banks of small river called Kyumyurdzhi dere. Unfortunately the remains of that
habitation are not precisely dated and can’t be point undoubtedly as synchronous to the coin hoard and
its potential location. Anyway, the existence of antique village is supported by the registration of tumulus
necropolis. It consists of six tumuli documented to the west and southwest of Dolna Kabda and 3 km away
from the fortress. All the burial mounds are presumably dated to the Roman period, but no one is archae-
ologically excavated so far.
The next place close to the fortress is the Roman settlement under the modern village of Marchino,
which is about 2.4 km to the northwest of stronghold. It is not investigated until now, but in its area sev-
eral years ago was found a small coin hoard of antoniniani of Trajan Decius, which is already published.11
Perhaps the proximity of location and dating in the middle of 3rd century of these two hoards refers to the
same events – the collision between Goths and Romans.
Though, the coin hoard from Dolna Kabda had a unique history. It was first found in the 6th centu-
ry – about three centuries after its initial loss. Then, it was lost again in the end of 6th century to be discov-
ered anew in 1962. And now, in 2021, the silver coin hoard of Dolna Kabda was presented to you and can
take its place in the list of published ones.
10 Petac 1998, 27-40.

11 Varbanov, Rusev 2016, 107-125.
253
CATALOG12
Well identified coins

Antoninus Pius
1. Obv. ANTONINVS–AVG [PIVS P P], laureate head right.
Rev. [T]R POT–CO[S I]II[I], Pax standing left, holding branch and cornucopiae.
AR Denarius; 16.7 х 17 mm; 2.58 g; 12 h; Rome, AD 145-161(Forth consulate), Plate I, 1.
Commodus
2. Obv. M CO[MMODVS]–ANTONINVS A[VG], laureate head right.
Rev. [TR P VIII IMP] V–COS IIII P P, Roma standing left, holding Victory and spear.
AR Denarius; 18.5 х 18 mm; 3.16 g; 6 h; RIC III, No. 49; Rome, AD 183 (variation in the inscription of the obverse),
Plate I, 2.
3. Obv. [M] COMM AN[T] P–[FEL A]VG BRIT, laureate bust right.
Rev. LAE[TITI–AE A]VG, Laetitia standing left, holding corn-ears and rudder on globe.
AR Denarius; 18.6 х 18 mm; 2.91 g; 1 h; RIC III, No. 201; Rome (probably AD 189), Plate I, 3.
Septimius Severus
4. Obv. [L SE]PT SEV PE–[RT AVG IMP IIII], laureate head right.
Rev. P M TR P II–COS II P P, Minerva standing left, holding spear and round shield.
AR Denarius; 16.8 х 18.6 mm; 2.47 g; 1 h; RIC IV, part I, No. 49; Rome, AD 194-195, Plate I, 4.
5. Obv. Legend illegible. Laureate head right.
Rev. Legend illegible. Severus on horse pacing right, holding spear.
AR Denarius; 16.7 х 16.3 mm; 2.77 g; 1 h (probably RIC IV, part I, No. 494; Laodicea, AD 196-197), Plate I, 5.
6. Obv. [L] SEP[T] S[E]V PE[RT]–AVG [IMP…], laureate head right.
Rev. Legend illegible. Figure seated left.
AR Denarius; 15.7 х 16.8 mm; 2.48 g; 1 h, AD 194-198, Plate I, 6.
7. Obv. L SEPT SEV PERT–AVG IMP X, laureate head right.
Rev. ANNО–NAE AVGG, Annona standing left, foot on prow, holding corn-ears and cornucopiae.
Rev. [MA]RTI PA–[CIFERO], Mars standing left, foot on cuirass (?), holding branch and spear reversed.
AR Denarius; 16.7 х 17.4 mm; 2.93 g; 1 h; RIC IV, part I, No. 113 or 133А; Rome, AD 197-200, Plate I, 8.
9. Obv. [L SEPT] SEV PЕR[T–AVG IMP…], laureate head right.
Rev. […]–COS II P P, Victory advancing left, holding wreath and palm.
AR Denarius; 16.6 х 17.2 mm; 2.98 g; 12 h, AD 194-202, Plate I, 9.
10. Obv. SEVERVS–PIVS AVG, laureate head right.
Rev. P M TR P XIII–COS III P P, Annona standing left, holding corn-ears and cornucopiae; at feet, left,
modius.
AR Denarius; 18.6 х 18.2 mm; 2.24 g; 7 h; RIC IV, part I, No. 198; Rome, AD 205, Plate I, 10.
Rev. Legend illegible. Female figure seated left, holding cornucopiae.
AR Denarius; 16 х 15.5 mm; 3.14 g; 1 h; AD 193-211, Plate I, 11.
12. Obv. Legend illegible. Laureate bust right.
Rev. Legend illegible. Victory advancing left (?).
AR Denarius; 15.7 х 16.2 mm; 2.84 g; 12 h; AD 193-211, Plate I, 12.
Rev. Legend illegible. Victory advancing left.
AR Denarius; 16.5 х 17.5 mm; 1.85 g; 1 h; AD 193-211, Plate I, 13.
14. Obv. Legend illegible. Bust right.
Rev. Legend illegible. Uncertain type.
AR Denarius; 18.1 х 18.2 mm; 1.64 g; AD 193-211, Plate I, 14.
12 The coins are identified after RIC (Mattingly, H., Sydenham, E. 1936. Roman Imperial Coinage, volume ІV, part I;
Mattingly, H., Sydenham, E. 1938. Roman Imperial Coinage, volume ІV, part ІI; Mattingly, H., Sydenham, E., Webb, P. 1949.
Roman Imperial Coinage, volume ІV, part IIІ).
254
Julia Domna
15. Obv. [IVLIA DO]–MNA [AVG], draped bust right.
Rev. Legend illegible. Ceres standing left, holding corn-ears and lighted torch.
AR Denarius; 16.4 х 16 mm; 1.70 g; 7 h; RIC IV, part I, No. 616А-618; Emesa or Laodicea, AD 193-196, Plate I, 15.
16. Obv. IVLIA PIA–FELIX AVG, draped bust right.
Rev. MATRI–DEVM, Cybele, towered, standing front, head left, holding drum and sceptre, resting left arm
on column.
AR Denarius; 17 х 18.2 mm; 1.99 g; 7 h; RIC IV, part I, No. 383; Rome, AD 211-217, Plate I, 16.
Caracalla
17. Obv. M AVR ANTO[N–CAES PONTIF], draped bust right, bare head.
Rev. [MARTI]–VLTORI, Mars advancing right, holding spear and trophy.
18. Obv. ANTONINVS–[PIVS AVG], laureate head right.
Rev. PONTIF TR P X COS II, Securitas seated right, propping head on right hand and holding sceptre: in
front, altar.
19. Obv. ANTONINVS [PI]VS–AVG B[RIT], laureate head right.
Rev. P M TR P XV COS III P P, Serapis, wearing polos on head, standing front, head left, raising right hand
and holding transverse sceptre.
20. Obv. ANTONINVS PIVS AVG BRIT, laureate head right.
Rev. MARTI PROPVGNATORI, Mars hurrying left, holding spear and trophy.
AR Denarius; 17.7 х 20 mm; 3.11 g; 6 h; RIC IV, part I, No. 223; Rome, AD 210-213, Plate I, 20.
21. Obv. [ANT]ONINVS PIVS AVG GERM, laureate head right.
Rev. P M TR P XVIIII COS IIII P P, Sol, standing front, head left, raising right hand and holding globe.
AR Denarius; 19.2 х 20 mm; 2.70 g; 7 h; RIC IV, part I, No. 281b; Rome, AD 216, Plate I, 21.
Geta
22. Obv. P SEPT GETA–CAES PONT, draped bust right, bare head.
Rev. FELICITAS–PVBLICA, Felicitas standing left, holding caduceus and cornucopiae.
AR Denarius; 18.3 х 19.6 mm; 2.77 g; 6 h; RIC IV, part I, No. 9а; Rome, AD 200-202, Plate I, 22.
23. Obv. [P SEP]TIMIVS–GETA CAES, draped bust right.
Rev. PONTIF–COS, Minerva standing left, leaning on shield and holding spear.
AR Denarius; 19.6 х 18.6 mm; 2.67 g; 6 h; RIC IV, part I, No. 34b; Rome, AD 203-208, Plate I, 23.
24. Obv. P SEPTIMIVS–GETA CAES, draped bust right, bare head.
Rev. PONTIF–COS II, Genius, naked, standing left, sacrificing out of patera over lighted altar and holding
corn-ears.
AR Denarius; 18.7 х 19.3 mm; 2.93 g; 7 h; RIC IV, part I, No. 59a; Rome, AD 209, Plate I, 24.
25. Obv. P SEPTIMIVS–GETA CAES, draped bust right, bare head.
Rev. PONTIF–COS II, Genius, naked, standing left, sacrificing out of patera over lighted altar and holding
corn-ears.
AR Denarius; 18.9 х 18.8 mm; 2.12 g; 7 h; RIC IV, part I, No. 59a; Rome, AD 209, Plate I, 25.
Macrinus
26. Obv. [IMP] C M OPEL SEV MA[CRINVS AVG], laureate bust right.
Rev. [IOVI C]ONSERVATORI, Jupiter, nude, standing left, holding thunderbolt and sceptre.
AR Denarius; 18.2 х 18.8 mm; 2.20 g; 1 h; RIC IV, part II, No. 72; Rome, AD 217-218, Plate I, 26.
Diadumenian
27. Obv. Legend illegible. Head bare right, bust draped.
Rev. PRINC [IVVENTVTIS], Diadumenian, standing front, head right or left, holding standard and scep-
tre; on right, two standards surmounted by eagle, wreath on hand.
AR Denarius; 19.7 х 20.1 mm; 2.37 g; 1 h; RIC IV, part ІІ, No. 102, 104 or 105; Rome, AD 217, Plate I, 27.
255
Elagabalus
28. Obv. [IMP] CAES M AVR ANTONINVS AVG, laureate draped bust right.
Rev. MARS VICTOR, Mars, nude, with flowing cloak, advancing right, holding spear and trophy.
AR Denarius; 18.9 х 19.1 mm; 2.01 g; 12 h; RIC IV, part II, No. 123; Rome, AD 218-222, Plate I, 28.
29. Obv. Legend illegible. Laureate draped bust right (probably horned).
Rev. [INVI]CTVS SACERDOS AVG, Elagabalus standing left, sacrificing over tripod, holding patera and
branch (downwards); on ground right, a horn; in field, star.
AR Denarius; 19 х 19.8 mm; 2.64 g; 7 h; RIC IV, part II, No. 88; Rome or No. 191, Antioch, AD 218-222, Plate I, 29.
Julia Maesa
30. Obv. [IVL]IA–MAESA AVG, diademed bust right.
Rev. IVN[O], Juno, veiled, standing left, holding patera and sceptre; peacock at her feet to left.
AR Denarius; 18.7 х 18.6 mm; 2.29 g; 1 h; RIC IV, part II, No. 256; Rome, AD 218-222, Plate II, 30.
31. Obv. IVLIA MAESA AVG, bust right.
Rev. PIETA–S AVG, Pietas standing left, raising right hand over lighted altar, and holding incense box.
32. Obv. [IVLIA M]AЕ[SA AVG], bust right.
Rev. [PV]DI[CITIA], Pudicitia seated left, raising veil and holding sceptre.
33. Obv. IVLIA MAE[SA AVG], draped bust right.
Rev. SAECVLI FELICITAS, Felicitas standing left, holding long caduceus and sacrificing over lighted altar;
in field left, star.
AR Denarius; 18 х 18.4 mm; 2.20 g; 7 h; RIC IV, part II, No. 272; Rome, AD 218-222, Plate II, 33.
34. Obv. IVLIA MAE[SA AVG], draped bust right.
Rev. [SAECV]LI FELICITAS, Felicitas standing left, holding long caduceus and sacrificing over lighted
altar; in field left, star.
Severus Alexander
35. Obv. [IMP] C M AVR SEV ALE[XAND AVG], draped bust right.
Rev. P M TR P[…], Salus seated left feeding snake coiled round altar, resting left elbow on chair.
AR Denarius; 18.6 х 19.3 mm; 1.99 g; 6 h; Rome, AD 222-224, Plate II, 35.
36. Obv. [IMP C M A]VR SЕV ALEXAND AVG, draped bust right.
Rev. Legend illegible. Salus seated left feeding snake coiled round altar, resting left elbow on chair.
AR Denarius; 17.7 х 19 mm; 2.36 g; 6 h; Rome, AD 222-224, Plate II, 36.
37. Obv. IMP C M AVR S[EV]–ALEXAND AVG, draped bust right.
Rev. ANNO–N–A AV[G], Annona standing left, holding corn-ears and cornucopiae; at her feet left, modi-
us.
AR Suberate denarius; 18.9 х 20.5 mm; 2.62 g; 7 h; RIC IV, part II, No. 133; Rome, AD 222-228, Plate II, 37.
38. Obv. [IMP C M AVR SEV AL]ЕXAND AVG, draped bust right.
Rev. LIBERALITAS AVG, Liberalitas standing left, holding abacus and cornucopiae.
AR Denarius; 17.4 х 18.3 mm; 2.01 g; 6 h; RIC IV, part II, No. 148; Rome or No. 281; Antioch, AD 222-228, Plate II, 38.
39. Obv. IMP C M AVR SEV [ALЕXA]ND AVG, draped bust right.
Rev. [LIBER]ALI–TAS AVG, Liberalitas standing left, holding abacus and cornucopiae.
AR Denarius; 17.6 х 20.4 mm; 1.74 g; 1 h; RIC IV, part II, No. 148; Rome or No. 281; Antioch, AD 222-228, Plate II, 39.
40. Obv. [IM]P C M AVR S[EV ALЕ]XAND AVG, draped bust right.
Rev. LIBE[RT]AS AVG, Libertas standing left, holding pileus and cornucopiae.
AR Denarius; 17 х 19.3 mm; 1.77 g; 6 h; RIC IV, part II, No. 156; Rome, AD 222-228, Plate II, 40.
41. Obv. IMP C M AVR SEV–ALEXAND AVG, draped bust right.
Rev. PAX–[AV]G, Pax running left, holding olive-branch and sceptre.
42. Obv. [I]MP [C M AVR SEV–A]LEX[AND A]VG, draped bust right.
Rev. PAX–AVG, Pax running left, holding olive-branch and sceptre.
AR Denarius; 17.1 х 20 mm; 2.39 g; 1 h; RIC IV, part II, No. 168; Rome, AD 222-228, Plate II, 42.
43. Obv. [IMP C M AVR] SEV ALEXAND AVG, draped bust right.
Rev. P M TR P V–COS II P P, Emperor standing left, sacrificing over a tripod and holding a scroll.
256
AR Denarius; 18.9 х 20.1 mm; 2.75 g; 12 h; RIC IV, part II, No. 55; Rome, AD 226, Plate II, 43.
44. Obv. IMP C M AVR SEV–ALEXAND AVG, draped bust right.
Rev. P M TR P VI–COS II P P, Pax running left, holding olive-branch and sceptre.
AR Denarius; 19.2 х 20 mm; 2.80 g; 5 h; RIC IV, part II, No. 67; Rome, AD 227, Plate II, 44.
45. Obv. IMP SEV AL[E–X]AND AVG, laureate head right.
Rev. VIRT–V–S AV[G], Emperor in military dress, walking right, carrying spear and trophy.
46. Obv. [IM]P SEV ALE–[XAN]D AVG, laureate head right.
Rev. P M TR P VIII–[COS] III P P, Libertas standing left, holding pileus and transverse sceptre.
AR Denarius; 17.5 х 18.8 mm; 2.79 g; 6 h; RIC IV, part II, No. 95; Rome, AD 229, Plate II, 46.
47. Obv. IMP SEV ALE–XAND AVG, laureate head right.
Rev. P M TR P VIIII–COS III P P, Sol standing right, head turned left, raising right hand and holding globe.
AR Denarius; 20 mm; 2.85 g; 7 h; RIC IV, part II, No. 102; Rome, AD 230, Plate II, 47.
48. Obv. [IMP AL]EXANDER PIVS AVG, draped bust right.
Rev. […]–COS III PP, Sol radiate, walking left, and holding whip.
AR Denarius; 20 х 19.8 mm; 2.26 g; 12 h; RIC IV, part II, Rome, AD 231-235, Plate II, 48.
49. Obv. [IMP ALEXANDE]R PIVS [AVG], draped bust right.
Rev. Legend illegible. A figure standing left.
50. Obv. […]G, laureate head right.
Rev. LIBERTAS AVG, Liberalitas standing left, holding abacus and cornucopiae.
51. Obv. […]ND AVG, laureate bust right.
Rev. Legend illegible. Uncertain type, figure standing left.
AR Denarius; 18.5 x 14.5 mm; 1.75 g; 6 h; AD 222-235, Plate II, 51.
52. Obv. […]AND AVG, bust right.
Rev. Legend illegible. Uncertain type, figure standing left, holding cornucopiae.
AR Denarius; 16.5 х 17.5 mm; 3.37 g; 1 h; AD 222-235, Plate II, 52.
53. Obv. […]SEV A[…], laureate bust right.
AR Denarius; 19 х 17 mm; 1.67 g; AD 222-235, Plate II, 53.
Julia Mamaea
54. Obv. IVLIA MA–MAEA AVG, diademed draped bust right.
Rev. FECVN[D]–AVGVS[TAE], Fecunditas standing left, holding hand over a child and holding patera and
cornucopiae.
55. Obv. IVLIA MA[MAEA AVG], draped bust right.
Rev. IVNO CONSER[VATRIX], Juno, diademed, and veiled standing left, holding patera and sceptre; at her
feet, peacock.
56. Obv. IVLIA MA–MAEA AVG, diademed bust right.
Rev. VE–S–TA, Vesta, veiled, standing left, holding palladium and upright sceptre.
57. Obv. IVLIA M[AMAEA AV]G, diademed bust right.
Rev. […]S A[…], figure, standing left.
AR Denarius; 18.6 х 19 mm; 1.78 g; 7 h; Rome, AD 222-235, Plate II, 57.
58. Obv. [IVLIA MAM]AEA AVG, diademed bust right.
Rev. Legend illegible. Figure, standing left.
Maximinus I Thrax
59. Obv. IMP MAXIMINVS PIVS AVG, laureate, draped and cuirassed bust right.
Rev. P M TR P P P, Emperor, in military dress, standing left, between two standards, leaning left on spear
and raising right hand.
AR Denarius; 19 х 19.9 mm; 2.19 g; 7 h; RIC IV, part II, No. 1; Rome, AD 235, Plate II, 59.
257
60. Obv. [IMP MAXIMI]NVS PIVS AVG, laureate, draped and cuirassed bust right.
Rev. FIDES–MI–LITVM, Fides standing facing, head left, holding military standard in each hand.
AR Denarius; 18 х 19.8 mm; 2.26 g; 12 h; RIC IV, part II, No. 7А; Rome, AD 235-236, Plate II, 60.
61. Obv. IMP MAXIMINVS PIVS AVG, laureate, draped and cuirassed bust right.
Rev. PROVIDENTIA AVG, Providentia standing left, holding wand over globe and cornucopiae.
62. Obv. MAXIMINVS PIVS AVG GERM, laureate, draped and cuirassed bust right.
Rev. PAX–AVGVSTI, Pax standing left, holding branch and transverse sceptre.
AR Denarius; 19.5 х 20.5 mm; 2.99 g; 6 h; RIC IV, part II, No. 19; Rome, AD 236-238, Plate III, 62.
Rev. FIDES M–I–LITVM, Fides standing facing, head left, holding military standard in each hand.
AR Denarius; 18.6 mm; 2.20 g; 6 h; RIC IV, part II, No. 18А; Rome, AD 236-238, Plate III, 63.
Rev. VICT–ORIA GERM, Victory standing left, holding wreath and palm; seated captive at her feet.
AR Denarius; 18.2 х 20.6 mm; 2.50 g; 1 h; RIC IV, part II, No. 23; Rome, AD 236-238, Plate III, 64.
Gordian ІІІ
65. Obv. IMP CAES M ANT GO[RDIANVS] AVG, radiate, draped and cuirassed bust right.
Rev. IOVI CONSE–RVATORI, Jupiter standing front, head left, holding thunderbolt in right hand over
Gordian standing left and vertical sceptre in left hand.
AR Antoninianus; 20.8 х 21.2 mm; 2.47 g; 1 h; RIC IV, part ІІI, No. 2; Rome, AD 238-239, Plate III, 65.
66. Obv. IMP CAES M ANT GORDIANVS AVG, radiate, draped and cuirassed bust right.
Rev. IOVI CONSE–RVATORI, Jupiter standing front, head left, holding thunderbolt in right hand over
Gordian standing left and vertical sceptre in left hand.
67. Obv. [IM]P CAES M A[NT] GORDIANVS AVG, radiate, draped and cuirassed bust right.
Rev. PAХ A–[V]GVSTI, Pax standing front, head left, holding branch up in right hand and transverse scept-
er in left.
68. Obv. IMP [CAES M] ANT GORDIANVS [AVG], radiate, draped and cuirassed bust right.
Rev. [PAX] A–VGVSTI, Pax standing front, head left, holding branch up in right hand and transverse scept-
er in left.
AR Antoninianus; 22.2 х 21 mm; 3.46 g; 6 h; RIC IV, part ІІI, No. 3; Rome, AD 238-23, Plate III, 68.
Rev. PROVIDENTIA AVG, Providentia standing front, head left, holding globe in right hand and trans-
verse scepter in left.
70. Obv. IM[P CAES] M ANT GORDIANVS AVG, radiate, draped and cuirassed bust right.
Rev. PROVIDENTIA AVG, Providentia standing front, head left, holding globe in right hand and trans-
71. Obv. [IMP CAES M ANT GOR]DIANVS AVG, radiate, draped and cuirassed bust right.
Rev. PROVIDENT[IA AVG], Providentia standing front, head left, holding globe in right hand and trans-
72. Obv. [IMP CAES] M ANT GORDIANVS АVG, radiate, draped and cuirassed bust right.
Rev. VICTORIA AVG, Victory advancing left, holding wreath and palm.
AR Antoninianus; 20.9 x 22.2 mm; 3.76 g; 12 h; RIC IV, part ІІI, No. 5; Rome, AD 238-239, Plate III, 72.
Rev. VIRTVS–AVG, Virtus, in military dress, standing front, head left, resting right hand on oval shield, set
on ground, and holding vertical spear in left.
74. Obv. [IMP CAES M] ANT GORDIANVS AVG, radiate, draped and cuirassed bust right.
258
75. Obv. [IMP] CAES M ANT [GORDIANVS] AVG, radiate, draped and cuirassed bust right.
Rev. V[IRTV]S–[AV]G, Virtus, in military dress, standing front, head left, resting right hand on oval shield,
set on ground, and holding vertical spear in left.
Rev. CONCORDIA AVG, Concordia seated left on throne, holding patera and double cornucopiae.
AR Antoninianus; 22.3 х 22.7 mm; 3.42 g; 12 h; RIC ІV, part ІІІ, No. 35; Rome, AD 240, Plate III, 77.
78. Obv. IMP CAES GORDIANVS PIVS AVG, radiate, draped and cuirassed bust right.
Rev. VIR–TV–S AVG, Virtus, helmeted, in military dress, standing front, head left, holding branch and
spear; shield rests against right foot.
AR Antoninianus; 21.6 х 23.2 mm; 3.73 g; 1 h; RIC IV, part ІІI, No. 56; Rome, AD 240, Plate III, 78.
79. Obv. IMP GORDIANVS PIVS FEL AVG, radiate, draped and cuirassed bust right.
Rev. AEQVITAS AVG, Aequitas standing front, head left, holding scales and cornucopiae.
AR Antoninianus; 21.7 х 21.8 mm; 4.46 g; 2 h; RIC ІV, part ІІІ, No. 63; Rome, AD 240, Plate III, 79.
Rev. ROMAE AETERNAE, Roma, helmeted, in military dress, seated left on shield, holding Victory and
spear.
AR Antoninianus; 22.6 х 21.8 mm; 4.77 g; 1 h; RIC ІV, part IIІ, No. 70; Rome, AD 240, Plate III, 80.
81. Obv. IMP GORDIANVS [PIVS FE]L AVG, radiate, draped and cuirassed bust right.
Rev. CONCORDIA MILIT, Concordia seated left on throne, holding patera and double cornucopiae.
AR Antoninianus; 21.9 х 20.7 mm; 2,19 g; 1 h; RIC ІV, part IIІ, No. 65; Rome, AD 240, Plate III, 81.
Rev. LIBERALITAS AVG II, Liberalitas standing front, head left, holding abacus and cornucopiae.
AR Antoninianus; 21.8 х 21.6 mm; 3.05 g; 1 h; RIC ІV, part IIІ, No. 66; Rome, AD 240, Plate III, 82.
83. Obv. IMP GORDIANVS PIVS FE[L] AVG, radiate, draped and cuirassed bust right.
Rev. LIBERA[LITAS AVG] III, Liberalitas standing front, head left, holding abacus and cornucopiae.
AR Antoninianus; 20 х 21.2 mm; 2.03 g; 5 h; RIC ІV, part IIІ, No. 67; Rome, AD 240, Plate III, 83.
84. Obv. IM[P GORDIANVS PI]VS FEL AVG, laureate, draped and cuirassed bust right.
Rev. Legend illegible. Gordian on horse pacing left, raising right hand and holding spear.
AR Denarius; 16.6 x 20.2 mm; 1.82 g; 8 h; RIC IV, part ІІI, No. 81; Rome, AD 240, Plate IV, 84.
Rev. AETER–[NIT]ATI AVG, Sol standing front, head left, raising right hand and holding globe.
AR Antoninianus; 21.3 x 22.1 mm; 2.49 g; 1 h; RIC ІV, part ІІІ, No. 83; Rome, AD 241-243, Plate IV, 85.
Rev. AETER–NI[TA]TI AVG, Sol standing front, head left, raising right hand and holding globe.
AR Antoninianus; 23.3 x 21.9 mm; 2.35 g; 6 h; RIC ІV, part ІІІ, No. 83; Rome, AD 241-243, Plate IV, 86.
Rev. AETER–N–ITATI AVG, Sol standing front, head left, raising right hand and holding globe.
AR Antoninianus; 21.7 x 22 mm; 3.62 g; 1 h; RIC IV, part ІІI, No. 83; Rome, AD 241-243, Plate IV, 87.
88. Obv. IMP G[ORDIANVS PIVS] FEL AVG, radiate, draped and cuirassed bust right.
Rev. AETER–[NITATI A]VG, Sol standing front, head left, raising right hand and holding globe.
AR Antoninianus; 21.6 x 23.1 mm; 2.79 g; 1 h; RIC IV, part ІІI, No. 83; Rome, AD 241-243, Plate IV, 88.
Rev. IOVI–STATORI, Jupiter standing front, head right, holding long sceptre and thunderbolt.
AR Antoninianus; 20.7 х 20.4 mm; 3.39 g; 1 h; RIC ІV, part ІІІ, No. 84; Rome, AD 241-243, Plate IV, 89.
Rev. IOVI–S[TAT]O[RI], Jupiter standing front, head right, holding long sceptre and thunderbolt.
Rev. IOVI–STATORI, Jupiter standing front, head right, holding long sceptre and thunderbolt.
AR Antoninianus; 20.6 х 21 mm; 3.96 g; 1 h; RIC ІV, part ІІІ, No. 84; Rome, AD 241-243, Plate IV, 91.
259
Rev. LAETITIA AVG N, Laetitia standing left, holding wreath and anchor.
AR Antoninianus; 21.5 х 22.1 mm; 4.33 g; 6 h; RIC IV, part ІІI, No. 86; Rome, AD 241-243, Plate IV, 92.
93. Obv. [IMP G]ORDI[ANVS P]IVS FEL AVG, radiate, draped and cuirassed bust right.
Rev. LAETI[TIA AVG N], Laetitia standing left, holding wreath and anchor.
Rev. LAE[TI]TIA AVG N, Laetitia standing left, holding wreath and anchor.
Rev. [LAETI]TIA AVG N, Laetitia standing left, holding wreath and anchor.
96. Obv. IMP GORD[IANVS PIVS FEL AVG], radiate, draped and cuirassed bust right.
Rev. [LAETIT]IA AVG [N], Laetitia standing left, holding wreath and anchor.
97. Obv. IMP GORDIANVS PIVS [FEL AVG], radiate, draped and cuirassed bust right.
Rev. P M TR P IIII COS II P P, Apollo, bare to waist, seated left, holding branch and resting left elbow on
lyre.
Rev. P M TR P IIII COS II P P, Gordian, in military dress, standing right, holding transverse spear and
globe.
Rev. [P] M [T]R P V COS II P P, Gordian, in military dress, standing right, holding transverse spear and
globe.
AR Antoninianus; 20.9 x 23.2 mm; 3.49 g; 6 h; RIC IV, part ІІI, No. 93; Rome, AD 241-243, Plate IV, 99.
Rev. VIRTVTI AVGVSTI, Hercules, naked, standing right, resting right hand on hip and resting left on club
set on rock; lion-skin beside club.
102. Obv. IMP GORDIANVS PIVS FEL AVG, laureate, draped and cuirassed bust right.
Rev. AETERN–ITATI AVG, Sol standing front, head left, raising right hand and holding globe.
AR Denarius; 18.4 x 20.4 mm; 2.54 g; 7 h; RIC ІV, part ІІІ, No. 111; Rome, AD 241-243, Plate IV, 102.
103. Obv. IMP GORDIANVS PIVS F[EL AVG], laureate, draped and cuirassed bust right.
Rev. P M [TR P III COS II P P], Apollo, bare to waist, seated left, holding branch and resting left elbow on
lyre.
AR Denarius; 18.7 х 20.8 mm; 2.31 g; 6 h; RIC ІV, part ІІІ, No. 114; Rome, AD 241-243, Plate IV, 103.
104. Obv. IMP GORDIANVS [PIVS FEL AVG], laureate, draped and cuirassed bust right.
Rev. [P] M TR [P III COS II P P], Apollo, bare to waist, seated left, holding branch and resting left elbow on
lyre.
AR Denarius; 20.1 х 19.7 mm; 2.13 g; 6 h; RIC ІV, part ІІІ, No. 114; Rome, AD 241-243, Plate IV, 104.
AR Denarius; 19.4 mm; 2.01 g; 6 h; RIC IV, part ІІI, No. 116; AD 241-243, Plate V, 105.
106. Obv. IMP [GORDIANVS PI]VS FEL AVG, laureate, draped and cuirassed bust right.
Rev. [VIRTVTI AVGV]ST[I], Hercules, naked, standing right, resting right hand on hip and resting left on
club set on rock; lion-skin beside club.
AR Denarius; 16.6 x 21.9 mm; 1.81 g; 1 h; RIC IV, part ІІI, No. 116; AD 241-243, Plate V, 106.
107. Obv. IMP GORDIANVS P[IVS FEL AVG], laureate, draped and cuirassed bust right.
Rev. PIETAS AVGVSTI, Pietas, veiled, standing front, head left, raising both hands.
AR Denarius; 18.9 х 19.3 mm; 2.17 g; 6 h; RIC IV, part ІІI, No. 129; Rome, AD 241, Plate V, 107.
260
Rev. SECVRITAS PVBLICA, Securitas seated left, holding sceptre and propping head on left hand.
AR Denarius; 18.3 х 19 mm; 2.08 g; 1 h; RIC IV, part ІІI, No. 130; Rome, AD 241, Plate V, 108.
Rev. FELICIT TEMP, Felicitas standing left, holding long caduceus and cornucopiae.
AR Antoninianus; 21.3 х 22.4 mm; 3.52 g; 7 h; RIC ІV, part ІІІ, No. 140; Rome, AD 243-244, Plate V, 109.
110. Obv. [IMP GORDIANVS] PIVS FEL AVG, radiate, draped and cuirassed bust right.
Rev. [FELICIT] TE[MP], Felicitas standing left, holding long caduceus and cornucopiae.
111. Obv. IMP [GORDIANVS PIVS] FEL AVG, radiate, draped and cuirassed bust right.
Rev. [FELICIT T]EMP, Felicitas standing left, holding long caduceus and cornucopiae.
Rev. FORT REDVX, Fortuna seated left, holding rudder and cornucopiae; under seat, wheel.
113. Obv. [IMP GORDIANVS] PI[VS F]EL AVG, radiate, draped and cuirassed bust right.
Rev. FORTVNA REDVX, Fortuna seated left, holding rudder and cornucopiae; under seat, wheel.
Rev. MARS PROPVG[NAT], Mars hastening right, holding transverse spear and shield.
AR Antoninianus; 20.3 x 22.6 mm; 2.32 g; 1 h; RIC IV, part ІІI, No. 146; Rome, AD 243-244, Plate V, 114.
Rev. MARTEM PROPVGNATOREM, Mars hastening right, holding transverse spear and shield.
Rev. [PRO]VID[ENT…AVG], Providentia standing left, holding wand over globe and sceptre.
AR Antoninianus; 21.2 х 21.6 mm; 3.10 g; 1 h; RIC IV, part ІІI, No. 149-150; Rome, AD 243-244, Plate V, 116.
Rev. SECVR–I[T PER]P, Securitas standing left, legs crossed, holding sceptre and resting left arm on col-
umn.
118. Obv. [IMP] GORDIANVS PIVS FEL [AVG], radiate, draped and cuirassed bust right.
Rev. SECVRIT [PER]P, Securitas standing left, legs crossed, holding sceptre and resting left arm on column.
AR Antoninianus; 19.3 mm; 1.84 g; 6 h; RIC IV, part ІІI, No. 151; Rome, AD 243-244, Plate V, 118.
Rev. VICTORIA AETERNA, Victory standing left, leaning on shield and holding palm; under shield, cap-
tive.
AR Antoninianus; 19.9 x 22 mm; 3.19 g; 1 h; RIC IV, part ІІI, No. 156; Rome, AD 243-244, Plate V, 119.
Rev. [FI]D[E]S [MI]LITVM, Fides standing left, holding two standards.
AR Antoninianus; 20.8 x 21.5 mm; 3.29 g; 12 h; RIC IV, part ІІI, No. 209; Antioch, AD 242-244, Plate V, 120.
Rev. ORIE–N–S AVG, Sol standing left, raising right hand and holding globe.
AR Antoninianus; 21.5 х 22.2 mm; 2.92 g; 12 h; RIC ІV, part ІІІ, No. 213; Antioch, AD 242-244, Plate V, 121.
122. Obv. IMP [GORDIANVS PI]VS FEL [AVG], radiate, draped and cuirassed bust right.
Rev. ORIE–N–[S A]VG, Sol standing left, raising right hand and holding globe.
Rev. SAECVLI FELICITAS, Gordian standing right, holding spear and globe.
AR Antoninianus; 22 х 21.4 mm; 3.19 g; 1 h; RIC ІV, part ІІІ, No. 216; Antioch, AD 242-244, Plate V, 123.
Rev. [SA]ECVLI F–ELICIT[AS], Gordian standing right, holding spear and globe.
125. Obv. […]PIVS FEL AVG, radiate, draped and cuirassed bust right.
Rev. [CONCO]RD[IA …], Concordia seated left on throne, holding patera and double cornucopiae.
AR Antoninianus; 19.8 х 20.8 mm; 2.51 g; 12 h; RIC IV, part ІІI, No. 64-65; Rome, AD 240 or No. 180; Antioch, AD
261
238-239, Plate V, 125.
126. Obv. IMP GORD[IANVS PI]VS FEL AVG, radiate, draped and cuirassed bust right.
Rev. CONCORDIA[…], Concordia seated left on throne, holding patera and double cornucopiae.
AR Antoninianus; 21.3 х 23 mm; 3.93 g; 5 h; RIC IV, part ІІI, No. 64-65; Rome, AD 240 or No. 180; Antioch, AD 238-
239, Plate VI, 126.
127. Obv. IMP GOR[DIANVS] PIVS FEL AVG, radiate, draped and cuirassed bust right.
Rev. Legend illegible. Female figure seated left.
AR Antoninianus; 21.3 х 20.4 mm; 3.0 g; 7 h; Rome or Antioch, AD 240-244, Plate VI, 127.
Rev. […]G[…], uncertain type.
Rev. […]TR[…], uncertain type. Figure standing front, head left.
130. Obv. [IMP G]ORDIANVS PIVS [FEL] AVG, radiate, draped and cuirassed bust right.
Rev. Legend illegible. Uncertain type, figure standing front, head left.
AR Antoninianus; 22.3 х 23.8 mm; 3.92 g; 7 h; AD 240-244, Plate VI, 130.
Rev. P M TR P[…]COS II P P, Gordian, in military dress, standing right, holding transverse spear and globe.
AR Antoninianus; 21.8 х 22.3 mm; 3.46 g; 6 h; RIC IV, part ІІI, № 91-94; Rome, AD 241-243, Plate VI, 131.
132. Obv. IMP GORDIANV[S PIV]S FEL AVG, radiate, draped and cuirassed bust right.
Rev. Legend illegible. Sol standing left, raising right hand and holding globe.
AR Antoninianus; 22 х 21.1 mm; 3.02 g; 7 h; RIC IV, part ІІI, No. 83; Rome, AD 241-243 or No. 213, Antioch, AD
242-244, Plate VI, 132.
Rev. PROVID[ENT…AV]G, Providentia standing left, holding wand over globe and sceptre.
AR Antoninianus; 24.2 х 23 mm; 3.0 g; 5 h; RIC IV, part ІІI, No. 149-150; Rome, AD 243-244, Plate VI, 133.
134. Obv. IMP GORDIAN[…], radiate bust right.
Malformed AR Antoninianus; 19.8 х 21.6 mm; 4.85 g; AD 238-244, Plate, VI, 134.
135. Obv. Legend illegible. Radiate, draped and cuirassed bust right.
Rev. Legend illegible. Mars hastening right, holding transverse spear and shield.
AR Antoninianus; 21.8 х 20.8 mm; 1.89 g; 6 h; RIC IV, part ІІI, No. 145-147; Rome, AD 243-244, Plate VI, 135.
Philip I the Arab

136. Obv. IMP M IVL PHILIPPVS AVG, radiate, draped and cuirassed bust right.
Rev. P M TR P II COS P P, Philip I seated left, on curule chair, holding globe and short scepter.
AR Antoninianus; 21.2 х 22.1 mm; 2.46 g; 12 h; RIC IV, part ІІI, No. 2 b; Rome, AD 245, Plate VI, 136.
Rev. [ADVENT]VS–[AVGG], Philip I on horse pacing left, raising right hand and holding spear.
AR Antoninianus; 22 х 22.8 mm; 3.16 g; 1 h; RIC IV, part ІІI, No. 26 b; Rome, AD 244-247, Plate VI, 137.
138. Obv. IMP M IVL [PHILI]PPVS AVG, radiate, draped and cuirassed bust right.
Rev. AEQVITAS AVGG, Aequitas standing left, holding scales and cornucopiae.
AR Antoninianus; 20.9 х 22.1 mm; 2.86 g; 1 h; RIC IV, part ІІI, No. 27 b; Rome, AD 244-247, Plate VI, 138.
Rev. ANNONA AVGG, Annona standing left, holding corn-ears over modius and cornucopiae.
AR Antoninianus; 19.7 х 22.8 mm; 2.97 g; 1 h; RIC IV, part ІІI, No. 28 с; Rome, AD 244-247, Plate VI, 139.
140. Obv. [I]MP M IVL PHILIPPVS AVG, radiate, draped and cuirassed bust right.
Rev. [AN]NO[N]A AVGG, Annona standing left, holding corn-ears over modius and cornucopiae.
AR Antoninianus; 23 х 24.2 mm; 3.51 g; 7 h; RIC IV, part ІІI, No. 28 с; Rome, AD 244-247, Plate VI, 140.
141. Obv. [IMP M I]VL PHILIPPVS [AVG], radiate, draped and cuirassed bust right.
Rev. [ANNO]N[A] AVGG, Annona standing left, holding corn-ears over modius and cornucopiae.
142. Obv. IMP M IV[L PHILIPPVS A]VG, radiate, draped and cuirassed bust right.
Rev. [ANN]ONA A[VGG], Annona standing left, holding corn-ears over modius and cornucopiae.
262
143. Obv. [IMP M IVL] PHI[LIPPVS AVG], radiate, draped and cuirassed bust right.
Rev. [FI]DES MILIT, Fides standing left, holding two standards.
Rev. [LIBERA]LITA[S AVG], Liberalitas standing left, holding abacus and cornucopiae.
Rev. PAX–AETER[N], Pax running left, holding branch and transverse sceptre.
AR Antoninianus; 20.8 х 22.2 mm; 2.26 g; 1 h; RIC IV, part ІІI, No. 41 ; Rome, AD 244-247, Plate VI, 145.
Rev. RO[M]AE [AETERNAE], Roma seated left, holding Victory and sceptre; at her side shield.
Rev. VICTORIA–AVG, Victory advancing right, holding wreath and palm.
AR Antoninianus; 22.1 х 23.6 mm; 3.90 g; 11 h; RIC IV, part ІІI, No. 49 b; Rome, AD 244-247, Plate VII, 147.
Rev. VIR–TVS–AVG, Virtus seated left on cuirass, holding branch and spear; shield behind cuirass.
AR Antoninianus; 22.9 х 21.8 mm; 2.46 g; 12 h; RIC IV, part ІІI, No. 53; Rome, AD 244-247, Plate VII, 150.
151. Obv. [I]MP M IV[L PHILIPPVS AVG], radiate, draped and cuirassed bust right.
AR Antoninianus; 18.1 х 22.7 mm; 2.13 g; AD 244-247, Plate VII, 151.
152. Obv. [IMP C M IVL PHILIP]PVS P F AVG P M, radiate, draped and cuirassed bust right.
Rev. Legend illegible. Female figure standing left.
AR Antoninianus; 21 х 19.6 mm; 2.13 g; 3.64 g; 1 h; RIC IV, part ІІI, No. 63; Antioch, AD 244-249, Plate VII, 152.
153. Obv. IMP M IVL PH[ILIPPVS] AVG, radiate, draped and cuirassed bust right.
Rev. Legend illegible. Uncertain type. Figure standing left.
AR Antoninianus; 22.7 х 23.7 mm; 1.74 g; 7 h; AD 244-247, Plate VII, 153.
154. Obv. [IMP M IVL PHILIPP]VS AVG, laureate, draped and cuirassed bust right.
Rev. Legend illegible. Figure standing left.
AR Denarius; 19.9 х 22.5 mm; 2.58 g; 1 h; AD 244-247, Plate VII, 154.
Otacilia Severa
155. Obv. MАRCIA OTACIL SEVERA AVG, diademed, draped, on crescent bust right.
Rev. [P]I[E]T[AS AV]G, Pietas standing left, raising right hand and holding box of perfume.
AR Antoninianus; 20 х 22.9 mm; 2.16 g; 6 h; RIC IV, part ІІI, No. 120 b; Rome, AD 244-246, Plate VII, 155.
156. Obv. MARCIA OTACIL–SE[VERA AVG], diademed, draped, on crescent bust right.
Rev. [P]VD[I]C[ITIA] AVG, Pudicitia, veiled, seated left, with right hand drawing veil, transverse scepter in
left.
AR Antoninianus; 22.3 х 23.4 mm; 2.63 g; 1 h; RIC IV, part ІІI, No. 123 c; Rome, AD 244-246, Plate VII, 156.
157. Obv. M OTACIL SEVERA AVG, diademed, draped, on crescent bust right.
Rev. CONCORDIA AVGG, Concordia seated left, holding patera and double cornucopiae.
AR Antoninianus; 21.9 х 23.3 mm; 3.57 g; 1 h; RIC IV, part ІІI, No. 125 с; Rome, AD 246-248, Plate VII, 157.
158. Obv. M OTACIL SEVERA AVG, diademed, draped, on crescent bust right.
Rev. CONCORDIA AVGG, Concordia seated left, holding patera and double cornucopiae.
AR Antoninianus; 21 х 21.2 mm; 2.78 g; 7 h; RIC IV, part ІІI, No. 125 с; Rome, AD 246-248, Plate VII, 158.
159. Obv. [M] OTACIL [SEVERA AVG], diademed, draped, on crescent bust right.
Rev. [CO]NCORD[IA AVGG], Concordia seated left, holding patera and double cornucopiae.
263
Philip II
160. Obv. M IVL PHILIPPVS CAES, radiate, draped and cuirassed bust right.
Rev. PRINCIPI IVVENT, Philip II, in military dress, standing right, holding globe and transverse globe.
161. Obv. [IMP M IVL] PHILI[PPVS AVG], radiate, draped and cuirassed bust right.
Rev. [AETER]–NIT IMPER, Sol advancing left, rising right hand and holding whip.
AR Antoninianus; 23 х 22 mm; 3.20 g; 12 h; RIC IV, part ІІI, No. 226; Rome AD 246-247, Plate VII, 161.
Uncertainly identified coins

Hadrian
AR Denarius; 16.2 mm; 2.43 g; 6 h; AD 117-138, Plate VII, 162.
Antoninus Pius
Rev. […]I COS II, female figure standing right, holding cornucopiae.
AR Denarius; 15.9 х 15.6 mm; 1.74 g; AD 150-161, Plate VII, 163.
Caracalla/ Elagabalus
164. Obv. […]S[…], radiate bust right.
Rev. Legend illegible. Uncertain type, figure standing left, raising right hand.
AR Antoninianus; 20.6 х 21.8 mm; 2.06 g; 1 h; AD 198-222, Plate VII, 164.
Elagabalus
165. Obv. IMP AN[…]G, bust right.
Severus Alexander
Rev. LIBE[…], Liberalitas standing left, holding abacus and cornucopiae.
AR Denarius; 19 х 17 mm; 2.35 g; 6 h; AD 222-235, Plate VII, 166.
167. Obv. […]AVG, bust right.
Rev. Legend illegible. Uncertain type, helmeted figure standing left, holding spear and shield.
Rev. Legend illegible. Uncertain type, Victory advancing right.
AR Denarius; 18.9 х 20 mm; 2.06 g; 1 h; AD 222-235, Plate VIII, 168.
Rev. Legend illegible. Uncertain type
AR Denarius; 19 х 18.1 mm; 2.19 g; 1 h; AD 222-235, Plate VIII, 169.
Julia Mamaea
170. Obv. Legend illegible. Draped bust right.
Rev. […]M[…], figure standing right, holding sceptre.
AR Denarius; 17.9 х 19.9 mm; 2.20 g; 6 h; AD 222-235, Plate VIII, 170.
Severan dynasty
Rev. […]S[…]AVG, uncertain type.
AR Suberate denarius; 18.7 х 19.5 mm; 1.65 g; 12 h; first third of 3rd century AD, Plate VIII, 171.
Gordian III
172. Obv. Legend illegible. Radiate bust right.
264
AR Antoninianus; 19.5 х 18.3 mm; 1.62 g; 7 h; AD 238-244, Plate, VIII, 172.
AR Denarius; 17.9 х 17.2 mm; 0.78 g; 6 h; Rome, AD 240-243, Plate VIII, 173.
Philip I the Arab

174. Obv. […] AVG, radiate, draped and cuirassed bust right.
AR Antoninianus; 21.8 х 21.4 mm; 1.74 g; AD 244-249, Plate VIII, 174.
Gordian III/ Philip I the Arab

Rev. [L]AETIT[…], Laetitia standing left.
AR Antoninianus; 21.1 mm; 1.65 g; 12 h; AD 238-249, Plate VIII, 175.
Unidentified coins (3rd century AD)

Rev. P M TR P […] I CO[S…]
AR Denarius; 17.5 х 17.6 mm; 1.70 g; 6 h; first third of 3rd century AD, Plate VIII, 176.
Rev. Legend illegible. Uncertain type, male figure standing left.
AR Antoninianus; 21.7 х 25 mm; 3.84 g; 1 h; AD 238-249, Plate VIII, 177.
Rev. Legend illegible. Uncertain type, figure seated left (?).
AR Antoninianus (fragment); 19.5 х 17.2 mm; 2.07 g; 2 h; AD 238-249, Plate VIII, 178.
179. Obv. Legend and image unpreserved.
Rev. Legend and image unpreserved.
AR Antoninianus (fragment); 21 х 15.2 mm; 1.14 g; AD 238-249, Plate VIII, 179.
AR Antoninianus; 22.9 х 22.3 mm; 4.45 g; AD 238-249, Plate VIII, 180.
Rev. IO[…], uncertain type.
AR Antoninianus (fragment); 21.7 х 16.8 mm; 1.63 g; 6 h; AD 238-249, Plate VIII, 181.
AR Antoninianus; 19 x 20 mm; 2.78 g; AD 238-249, Plate VIII, 182.
AR Antoninianus; 21.5 x 22 mm; 4.14 g; AD 238-249, Plate VIII, 183.
AR Antoninianus; 22.5 x 20 mm; 3.52 g; AD 238-249, Plate VIII, 184.
One or two melted AR coins; 18.2 х 17.4 mm; 4.55 g; 2nd–3rd century AD, Plate VIII, 185.
One or more melted AR coins; 14.5 х 14.7 mm; 3.84 g; 2nd–3rd century AD, Plate VIII, 186.
Melted and malformed AR Denarius; 19.5 х 12 mm; 4.02 g; 2nd–3rd century AD, Plate VIII, 187.
Malformed AR Antoninianus; 18.5 х 14 mm; 4.47 g; 3rd century AD, Plate VIII, 188.
265
Later coins accidentally mixed with the hoard
Carus
189. Obv. IMP [C]ARVS P F AVG, radiate and cuirassed bust right.
Rev. PAX E–XE–[RCITI], Pax standing left, holding olive-branch and ensign.
Mintmark: PXX[I]
AE Antoninianus; 20.4 х 22.6 mm; 2.82 g; 6 h; RIC V, part ІI, No. 75; Ticinum, AD 282-285, Plate IX, 189.
Justin I or Justinian I
190. Obv. […]V[…], bust right.
Rev. K, above star.
AE Half follis; 22.5 х 23.4 mm; 8.17 g; 6 h; AD 518-538, Plate IX, 190.
266
Fig. 1. Location of village of Dolna Kabda.
Fig. 2. Topography of the fortress (a view from the south).
Fig. 3. General plan of the excavated part of the fortress.
267
50
45
40
35
30
25
20
15
10
5
0
Graph 1. Dolna Kabda coin hoard – well identified coins.
35
30
25
20
15
10
5
0
Graph 2. Dolna Kabda coin hoard – uncertainly identified coins.
268
PLATE I
1 2 3 4
5 6 7 8
9 10 11 12
13 14 15 16
17 18 19 20
21 22 23
24 25 26
27 28 29
Plate I. Antoninus Pius 1, Commodus 2-3, Septimius Severus 4-14, Julia Domna 15-16, Caracalla
17-21, Geta 22-25, Macrinus 26, Diadumenian 27, Elagabalus 28-29.
269
PLATE II
30 31 32 33
34 35 36 37
38 39 40 41
42 43 44 45
46 47 48 49
50 51 52 53
54 55 56 57
58 59 60 61
Plate II. Julia Maesa 30-34, Severus Alexander 35-53, Julia Mamaea 54-58, Maximinus I, Thrax 59-
61.
270
PLATE III
62 63 64 65
66 67 68
69 70 71
72 73 74
75 76 77
78 79 80
81 82 83
Plate III. Maximinus I, Thrax 62-64, Gordian III 65-83.
271
PLATE IV
84 85 86
87 88 89
90 91 92
93 94 95
96 97 98
99 100 101
102 103 104
Plate IV. Gordian III 84-104.
272
PLATE V
105 106 107
108 109 110
111 112 113
114 115 116
117 118 119
120 121 122
123 124 125
Plate V. Gordian III 105-125.
273
PLATE VI
126 127 128
129 130 131
132 133 134
135 136 137
138 139 140
141 142 143
144 145 146
Plate VI. Gordian III 126-135, Philip I, the Arab 136-146.
274
PLATE VII
147 148 149
150 151 152
153 154 155
156 157 158
159 160 161
162 163 164
165 166 167
Plate VII. Philip I, the Arab 147-154, Otacilia Severa 155-159, Philip II 160-161, uncertainly
identified coins: Hadrian 162, Antoninus Pius 163, Caracalla/Elagabalus 164, Elagabalus 165,
Severus Alexander 166-167.
275
PLATE VIII
168 169 170
171 172 173
174 175 176
177 178 179
180 181 182
183 184 185
186 187 188
Plate VIII. Severus Alexander 168-169, Julia Mamaea 170, Severan dynasty 171, Gordian III 172-
173, Philip I, the Arab 174, Gordian III/Philip I, the Arab 175, unidentified coins 176-188.
276
PLATE IX
189 190
Plate IX. Carus 189, Justin I/Justinian I 190.
277
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Генчева 2004
Е. Генчева. Римските фибули от България от края на I в. пр. н.е. до края на VI в. на н.е.
София.
Археологическия институт, ХХVII, 237-248.
Динчев 2006
В. Динчев. Ранновизантийските крепости в България и съседните земи (в диоцезите Thracia
и Dacia). (Разкопки и проучвания, XXXV). София.
Кузманов 1985
Г. Кузманов. Ранновизантийска керамика от Тракия и Дакия (IV – началото на VII в.).
(Разкопки и проучвания, XIII). София.
Кузманов 1992
Г. Кузманов. Антични лампи. Колекция на Националния археологически музей. София.
Овчаров 1971
Д. Овчаров. Две ранновизантийски крепости от Североизточна България. – Археология, 4,
18-31.
Рау 2004
К. Рау. Вотивни пръчици – малки хурки от територията на България. – Археология, 1-2,
61-68.
Petac 1998
E. Petac. Consideraţii cu privire la data finală a tezaurelor monetare îngropate la mijlocul sec. III p.
Chr. în Dacia romană de la sud de Carpati. – Studii şi cercetări de numismatică, XII, 27-40.
Varbanov, Rusev 2016
V. Varbanov, N. Rusev. Regarding some dispersed coin hoards from Lower Moesia (the middle of
the 3rd century AD). – In: Arheologia Mileniului I p.Chr. Identităţi şi schimburi cultural în mileniul
I p. Chr. Ploeşti, 107-125.
278
COIN HOARDS FROM ANCHIALOS – 2ND-3RD CENTURY AD
(PRELIMINARY REPORT)
Anton Karabashev
Sources on Anchialos earliest history are quite scanty. Only Strabo, a Greek historian and geogra-
pher has mentioned Anchialos as “the town of the Apollonians”. Presumably, Anchialos has emerged as a
trading post of the neighboring Apollonia. The exact date of its foundation can still be guessed.1 A decree
(an inscription on a stone plate) found years ago during archeological excavations in Istria, sheds light on
an episode of the town’s history. From this inscription it is clear that, about the 2nd century BC Anchialos
has existed as a fortress with strong walls that have been attacked and destroyed by the neighboring Me-
sembrians. After the end of the war in which the Apollonians under whose protection Anchialos was, the
fortress walls were rebuilt again.2
The town has risen significantly after the Romans came. It turned into a center of a strategy (an area
within the Thracian Kingdom). Due to its location (four roads connected it to the inland and the rest part
of the coast), Anchialos turned into the significant center all over the western Black Sea coast.3
Anchialos was built in accordance with the Roman architecture, with straight decussating streets,
with regular insulae and monumental buildings, with a town square (forum) around which the main pub-
lic buildings were located. The town was surrounded by a fortress wall, the images of which are preserved
on Anchialos coins fromthe 2nd-3rd centuries AD. Two marble blocks with inscriptions say that statues of
Roman emperors Caracalla (211-217AD) and Severus Alexander (222-235 AD) have been erected in the
town. Anchialos has been visited by Roman emperors (one report indicates that on the 28th of October 291
AD, Emperor Diocletian has arrived here) in whose honor magnificent celebrations have been organized.4
The town has minted bronze coins, since the time of Antoninus Pius (138-161 AD) to Gordian III
(238-244 AD) with the images of Roman emperors. The reverse of the coins contains various images that
give information about the cults spread at that time in Anchialos, about some games and competitions,
and about the fortress wall etc.5
As a result of regular archaeological excavations carried out in the period 2007-2013, it was found
that the town was located in the area of Paleokastro during the Roman and part of the Medieval period.
The excavations revealed remains of streets, the water supply and sewerage systems, as well as buildings of
Roman, Late Antiquity and the Middle Ages.6
The intensive modern construction in St. George neighbourhood of Pomorie in the last years has
necessitated an intensive investigation of the ancient and medieval town. The Water Cycle of Pomorie
project, implemented in the period of 2014-2015, gave a great chance for the archeology of the town. The
rescue excavations were carried out in sectors of the fortification system, as well as the water supply, sew-
erage and street systems of ancient Anchialos. Foundations of monumental public and private buildings
1 Лазаров и кол. 2000,13.

2 Лазаров и кол. 2000, 15-17.
3 Иречек 1974, 791-792; Лазаров и кол. 2000, 18-21, 33.
4 Лазаров и кол. 2000, 32, 36-37.
5 Strack 1912, 7-17; Мушмов 1912, 153-163; Тачев 2018, 16-17.
6 Торбатов, Михайлов 2008, 427-429; Торбатов 2009, 327-330; Торбатов 2010, 288-291; Торбатов 2011, 255-257;
Даскалов 2009, 677-680; Даскалов 2010, 544-547; Даскалов, Карабашев 2013, 426-428; Торбатов, Карабашев 2014, 239-
241.
279
have been discovered. Some of them are decorated with mosaic flooring.7
85 graves from the necropolis of Roman town (located about 2 km west of Paleokastro) have been
discovered and studied, with valuable and interesting finds result.8
Very important results of the archaeological studies in 2018 are achieved by the team of Sergey
Torbatov. Sections of the southern and western fortress walls have been discovered and studied, as well as
a remarkable glassproduction complex from the Roman age.9
Monuments and finds discovered in recent years reveal rich material about the culture of the an-
cient inhabitants of our town, about the historical significance of Anchialos in the past and its importance
in the Black Sea coast during the Antiquity and the Medieval period, its economic, spiritual and cultural
progress.
Coin hoards from Anchialos of the period 2nd-3rd century are the object of the present work.10 The
study of these numismatic complexes allows not only to reveal the composition of the monetary circula-
tion in the town, but also to clarify important economic and political processes. Thus, the hoards of the
period are also valuable historical sources. Studying coin hoards helps to reconstruct the economic picture
of the area in different historical periods. It also gives an opportunity to study the composition and dy-
namics of monetary circulation and trade relations and contacts.11
Coin hoard ending with coins of Commodus.

The hoard was discovered during rescue excavations at the Western Necropolis of Anchialos12 (see
Pomorie map, Anchialos I). The hoard of five coins was discovered in the tomb of a boy about 10 years old
(tomb 62). Two dice were also placed upon the coins. In the same tomb, two fragmented glass vessels, and
a strongly corroded strigil, were found.13 All five coins are minted in Anchialos. The earliest belongs to An-
toninus Pius. This is an extremely rare and interesting type, which represents the emperor sacrificing over
an altar, and in front of him a man presenting gifts (Plate I.1). This interesting type of image represents the
cult of the emperor in the local religious beliefs in Anchialos.14 The worn sides of the coin indicate that it
has been in circulation for a long time. The next four coins bear on their obverses the image of Emperor
Commodus. They impress with the precise craftsmanship of images making. The Emperor on horseback
(Plate I. 2), the statue image of Venus Pudica (Plate Ι. 5), Heracles (Plate I. 3), and a dolphin between two
fish (Plate Ι. 4), are the types found. The name of the provincial governor Marcus Caecilius Servilianus (186
AD)15 is inscribed on the reverse with the image of the emperor on horseback. This peculiarity, as well as
the fact that the coins of Commodus are relatively well preserved and little circulated, suggests that prob-
ably soon after this year the coins were placed in the tomb. In general, the find from Anchialos necropolis
reflects the monetary circulation at Anchialos market in the rule of Emperor Commodus.
The Antonines period marks the development and the progress of urban processes in Thrace and
Lower Moesia that have began during the reign of Emperor Trajan. These processes include many of the
factors affecting the monetary circulation in Anchialos, such as the large population increase due to the ar-
rival of people from other provinces, the construction activities, the expansion of territory at the expense
of old strategies, and the begining of a new economic life.16
Coin hoards ending with coins of Severan Dynasty.

There are two coin hoards dated from the Severan period. The first hoard (Pomorie map, Anchi-
7 Торбатов, Драгоев 2015, 311-313; Александров 2015, 330-333; Александров, Дойчев 2015, 324-327; Иванов
2016, 355-359.
8 Иванова, Крумов 2015, 300-303; Иванова 2017, 76-82.
9 Торбатов, Драгоев, Иванов 2019, 250-253; Торбатов, Иванова 2019, 253-255.
10 I take the opportunity to express my gratitude to Assoc. Prof. Sergei Torbatov, Assoc. Prof. Oleg Alexandrov and Bily-
ana Ivanova for the convenience given to process the numismatic material from the archaeological studies of ancient Anchialos.
11 Howgego 2014, 307-309.
12 Иванова 2017, 76.
13 Иванова 2017, 77.
14 Тачев 2018, 19.
15 Strack 1912, 227, № 441.
16 Геров 1980, 31-33, 102-107; Тачева 2004, 63-70.
280
alos II) was discovered in room No. II of a building in a burnt layer above the floor level, during regular
archaeological excavations in 2009.17 It consists of 3 silver denarii and nine bronze coins (Table II). Three
Hellenistic coins are the earliest ones – one of Maroneia, minted between 398 and 348/347BC (Plate II. 1),
the second one – of the town of Ainos, minted in the period 280-200 BC (Plate II. 2) and the third one is
poorly preserved, burned and corroded, with a missing part of the periphery (Plate II. 3).
Three Hadrian’s coins follow in chronological order. Two denarii minted in 137 AD. On the reverse
of them Salus and Fides are depicted (Plate II. 4-5).
The next specimen is an Anchialos coin of Antoninus Pius with Artemis’ image on the reverse
(Plate IІ. 6). Two coins of Emperor Antoninus Pius follow again. One of them is poorly preserved with
erased inscriptions of the mint and the second coin is minted in Anchialos, with an image of Heracles. A
silver denarius of Faustina the Younger with image of Diana is perfectly preserved (Plate II. 7). A rare
Anchialos coin of Lucilla has an image of Cybele on the reverse (Plate II. 8). A specimen of Еmperor Com-
modus minted in Anchialos again, with image of Asclepius and Hygeia on the reverse follows. A provincial
bronze coin of Geta, which is with erased inscriptions and with image of a female figure, on the reverse is
the latest coin in the find.
The chronological interval between the earliest (4th-3rd Century BC) and the latest coins in the find
(211 AD) is about 500 years. Discovering Hellenistic and provincial Roman coins within one and the same
spot indicates the long circulation of the first ones in later periods. Facts attesting such a long coin circu-
lation are known elsewhere.18 They reveal a nearly five-century lasting circulation on the Inner Anchialos
market of copper Hellenistic coins from the cities of Ainos and Maroneia.
In general, Anchialos coins are predominant in the hoard. Its intensive accumulation has happened
mainly during the time of the Antonines – the first half of the 2nd century.
The second hoard was found in sq. 4 of Sector III (Pomorie Map, Anchialos ΙΙΙ) during regular
archaeological excavations in 2008.19 It consists of three coins - Sabina’s denarius, Antoninus Pius’ bronze
coin minted in Anchialos, and a pseudo-autonomous Anchialos coin (Table III). Sabina’s denarius is heavily
worn out and has a Concordia image on the reverse (Plate III. 1). Anchialos coin of Antoninus Pius has an
image of Cybele on its reverse (Plate III. 2). The pseudo-autonomous coin has obverse image of Anchialos
Eponym with a tiara, and on its reverse Asclepius with a stick with a coiled snake is presented (Plate III. 3).
The pseudo-autonomous coin is also the latest in the hoard. The reason to refer this find to this period is
based on a thesis of German numismatist Max Strack. In his study of the coinage of Anchialos, he makes
a serious typological and stylistic analysis, comparing the images on the stamps of small denomination
coins of Septimius Severus and Geta. On the basis of these profound studies, Strack reaches the conclusion
that the coinage of pseudo-autonomous coins has begun in the period of Severans, i.e., in the first quarter
of the 3rd century.20
The composition of both hoards shows that coins from earlier periods are also involved in the
monetary circulation of the town of Anchialos.
The growth of coin finds from Anchialos region, as well as the intensification of the coinage of its
mint for the period of Severans, can be explained by the development of urban life with all economic and
financial consequences.21
Coin hoards ending with coins of Gordian III - Trajan Decius.

The first hoard is also discovered during regular archeological excavations in 2010.22 It was found in
sector III, sq. 17, 21 and 22 (Pomorie map, Anchialos IV). The coins were found in a channel under rooms
V and VI of building γ. All specimens were burned, with a thick layer of residues, including sand. Some
of the coins were found soldered to the bricks from the floor as a result of the high burning temperature23.
17 Торбатов 2010, 290.
18 Фролова 1986, 45.
19 Field inventory of regular excavations in Sector III in 2008.
20 Strack 1912, 210-211.
21 Гущераклиев 2008, 315-317; Гущераклиев 2015, 14-16.
22 Торбатов 2011, 256; Карабашев 2015, 257-258.
23 Field inventory of regular excavations in Sector III in 2010.
281
There are 26 coins, 9 of which are poorly preserved and damaged (Table IV). According their
metrology, the last ones are from the second and first denominations. Regarding the mints and emperors,
the rest 17 well-preserved, are distributed as follows: Anchialos: 10, of which Faustina II 1, Commodus 2,
Septimius Severus 1, Maximinus I Thrax 5, and 1 pseudo-autonomous coin (Plate IV. 9); Deultum: 3, of
which for Macrinus 1, Julia Mamaea 1, Gordian III 1; Pautalia: 1 Julia Domna; Marcianopolis: 1 Caracalla;
Hadrianopolis: 1 Caracalla; Tomis: 1 Gordian III (Plate IV).
Only on the reverse of the coins from Pautalia of Julia Domna and from Marcianopolis of Caracal-
la, we have the names of provincial governors: Sicinnius Clarus (202-203)24 and Iulius Faustinianus (207-
210)25.
In the hoard there are the coins of high denominations. According their metrology, five specimens
refer to the fourth denomination. These are coins of Anchialos, Hadrianopolis, Pautalia and Marcianopolis.
Only Anchialos’ coins are of the third denomination – 5, one for Faustina II and four minted during the
time of Maximinus I Thrax. The coins of the second denomination are a total of 5 coins, two specimens
of Anchialos for Commodus and Septimius Severus and three specimen of Deultum for Macrinus, Julia
Mamaea and Gordian III. Only a pseudo-autonomous coin of Anchialos is of the smallest, first denomi-
nation.26 The ratio between the number of coins of the small denomination and those of the higher one is
almost equal.
With respect to coin types represented in the find, images of Greco-Roman and Eastern deities
occur – Zeus standing for Deultum coin minted in the time of Gordian III (Plate IV. 12); Demeter with
ears and a torch – for Anchialos coins, from the time of Faustina II and Maximinus I Thrax (Plate IV. 5-6);
Artemis the Huntress – from Deultum of the time of Julia Mamaea (Plate IV. 11); Asclepius and Hygeia –
from Anchialos coins minted in the time of Maximinus I Thrax (Plate IV. 7), and coins from Pautalia of
Julia Domna (Plate IV. 13); Cybele – from Anchialos coins from the time of Septimius Severus (Plate IV. 3);
Triptolemus – from Hadrianopolis of the time of Caracalla (Plate IV. 14); Homonoia – from Marcianopolis
during the period of Caracalla (Plate IV. 15).27
Local images are presented on the coins from Anchialos – a closed town gates and two towers of the
time of Emperor Maximinus I Thrax (Plate IV. 8). The fish type also occurs – in Anchialos (Plate IV. 1, 4).
The emperor is represented on a Deultum coin of the period of reign of Macrinus (Plate IV. 10).28
The images on an Anchialos’ coin minted during the reign of Emperor Commodus and a medallion
of Tomis with the name and image of Gordian III are of particular interest. Both specimens impress with
their rarity, preservation and fineworkmanship. On the reverse of Commodus coin (Plate IV. 2), the Venus
Pudica type, known as well from the coins of his wife Crispina29, is again represented. The medallion of
Tomis is distinguished for its highly artistic style of craftsmanship and careful reproduction of the smallest
details in iconography (Plate IV. 16). On the reverse, Tyche is depicted with a turret-crown representing
the town’s walls, standing to the left, holding a scepter and a cornucopiae. On bottom left – Pontus is de-
picted to the waist with a horn on his head.30
The earliest coin in the find is that of Commodus, minted in Anchialos. A coin of Deultum and the
medallion of Tomis minted for Gordian III are the latest ones.
Bearing in mind the degree of preservation of the coins and medallion of Gordian III, the conceal-
ing of the hoard could be related to one of the many invasions of barbarian tribes that became especially
significant after the time of reign of Emperor Gordian III.31
Other hoards containing bronze provincial coins of the territory of Anchialos and the present-day
24 Ботева 1997, 149.

25 Ботева 1997, 66, Pick 1898, 213, 617.
26 Карабашев 2015, 257-258.
27 Карабашев 2015, 258.
28 Jurukova 1973, № 32, Драганов 2006, № 74, Карабашев 2015, p. 258.
29 Strack 1912, 229, 451.
30 Мушмов 1912, 123, No. 2209, Pick, I / 2, 858, No. 3365.
31 Велков 1979, 296-299.
282
Burgas region are known. These are the treasures of Belila32, Ruen33, Preobrajentsi34. Coins of Gordian
III, Philip I, Trajan Decius are their terminus post quem. Other hoards, such as the treasures of Vulchin,
Tas-Tepe, Iskra (Karnobat region) and Pirne (Aytos region), consist only of silver Roman imperial coins –
denarii and antoniniani.35
The next, according to chronology find is discovered in the rescue archaeological excavations of
the town of Pomorie Water Cycle project, along the road-bed of Strandzha Str. at the crossing with P. Vo-
lov Str. in North District36 (Pomorie map, Anchialos V). It consists of 5 coins – one of Mesembria, three of
Marcianopolis and another one which due to its poor condition, cannot be determined (Table V). Their
characteristic feature is that on their obverses there are double opposite images, and on the reverses, the
numerical letter E – the fifth denomination, is signed. The first coin minted in Marcianopolis has opposite
busts of Macrinus and Diadumenian on the obverse. It is mintedin the period of AD 217-218 and the name
of Pontianus, legate is inscribed on its reverse. Hygeia is represented on the reverse (Plate V. 1). The next
two coins have opposite busts of Elagabalus and Julia Maesa on the obverses. On the reverse the name of
Julius Antonius Seleucus, the legate who ruled in the period of AD 218-222, is inscribed. Hermes and Con-
cordia are represented on their reverses (Plate V. 2-3). The latest coin in the find is with the bust images of
Philip I and Otacilia Severa on the obverse. It is minted in Mesembria and Dionysus is represented on the
reverse (Plate V. 4).
The historical sources and archaeological monuments known to this day are categorical about the
events of the middle of the 3rd century AD – Barbarian invasions have swarmed over the Danubian Limes
and the lands south of it are put to complete devastation and ruin. After the first attacks of Carpi in AD 239
and AD 245, the next severe one, registered in the sources, is of Goths – in AD 250, when the tribes cross
the Balkan Mountains and besiege Philippopolis. The townis put to robbery and many of its inhabitants
are killed.37 We can assume that the concealing of the two finds is related both to the threat of numerous
barbaric invasions during the 3rd century in Lower Moesia and Thrace and to various private reasons con-
cerning their owner unknown to us.
The significant number of hoards discovered in the region of silver imperial and autonomous
bronze coins of town governments, the concealing of which should be related to the invasion of Goths,
Carpi, Taifals, Vandals, Hasdingi and Peukini in AD 248, or more likely, to the Gothic invasion in 250-251,
give an idea of daily monetary circulation in the middle of the 3rd century AD.38
It is thought that the coin hoards ending with coins of Trajan Decius are concealed because of
Gothic attacks, as the same may be the reason for the burial, as well of those ending with coins of Trebo-
nianus Gallus.39 At this stage of the study, there are no clear demarcating lines dividing the coin hoards
according to the reigns. The last coin is simply the earliest possible date for concealment, but it cannot
be determined how long after the coin has been minted the coin hoard is buried.40 According to ancient
sources, after the massive attack of Carpi in 245-247 AD the Lower Danube area has become an arena of
constant attacks by Barbarians. In 249, a great invasion of Goths and Carpi to the Lower Danube began,
which continued until the beginning of the reign of Trebonian Gal in 251. The invasions of these tribes
also continued during this emperor’s time. These events are reflected in the geographical spread of the sites
where the coin hoards are discovered.41
Most likely, at the same events a coin hoard is concealed and discovered in 2015 when a new hotel
is built in Pomorie (Pomorie map, Anchialos VI). It was reported that it was placed in a pot, of unspecified
number (130?) of denarii and antoniniani of the 2nd-3rd century and was quickly wasted by the finders.42
32 Юрукова 1981, 128.
33 Юрукова 1985, 60.
34 Кияшкина 2003, 85-111.
35 Герасимов 1955, 605; Филов 1910, 227; Лазаров 1965, 157-177.
36 Александров 2015, 330-333.
37 Велков 1979, 296-299; Върбанов 2017, 48.
38 Герасимов 1955, 65; Кияшкина 2003, 85-111; Лазаров 1965, 157-177; Юрукова 1981, 128; Юрукова 1985, 60.
39 Găzdac 2012, 176.
40 Găzdac 2012, 176; Върбанов 2017, 54-55.
41 Găzdac 2012, 176-177.
42 Василев 2019.
283
According to the information, the hoard included coins of Antoninus Pius, Marcus Aurelius, Commodus,
Didius Julianus, Septimius Severus, Geta, Gordian III, Philip I, Otacilia Severa and Herennia Etruscilla
(Table VI).
Unfortunately, the incomplete composition of the find and the scarce information at our disposal
do not allow us to comment on the time of accumulation and the reason for its possible concealment.
Coin hoards ending with coins of Gallienus.

The period is represented by three coin hoards. Two of them are discovered in 2017 during rescue
excavations at two adjacent burned and destroyed premises of a residential and business complex (villa
suburbana) located at the southwestern part of Paleokastro, Pomorie outside the urbanized territory of
Roman Anchialos (Pomorie map, Anhialos VII).
The first hoard consists of 27 coins – as 20 of them are bronze from provincial mints from Lower
Moesia and Thrace and 7 are billon antoniniani. The provincial coins are of the following cities: Anchialos
5 (Plate VI. 9-13), Marcianopolis 5 (Plate VI. 4-8), Dionysopolis 3 (Plate VI. 17-19), Odessos 3 (Plate VI.
14-16), Mesembria 1 (Plate VI. 20) and Hadrianopolis 1 (Plate VI. 3). Antoniniani belong to Emperor Gal-
lienus, minted in the period of his independent rule (Plate VII. 1-5). Poorly preserved and damaged coins
(with deleted inscriptions) are 4 (Table VI).
Anchialos mint is presented with a high denomination. This is Gordian III’s medallion – with an
image on the reverse of one of Heracles’ labours – the capture of the Ceryneian hind (Plate VI. 13). It has
been in circulation for a long time, as evidenced by its heavily erased surface. The next denomination
consists of five assarii and is represented by double busts on the obverse and the numeral letter E marked.
Their number is the largest in the find, a total of 13. Their distribution is as follows: Anchialos 1 for Gordian
III and Tranquillina; Dionysopolis 3 for Gordian III and Serapis; Marcianopolis 3 for Caracalla and Julia
Domna and 2 for Macrinus and Diadumenian; Odessos 1 for Gordian III and Serapis and 2 for Gordian III
and Tranquillina; Mesembria 1 for Philip I and Otacilia Severa.
The names of provincial governors are inscribed only on the coins of Marcianopolis, which affords
an opportunity for closer dating of these issues: Quintilianus (215) for the double bust coins of Caracalla
and Julia Domna, and Pontianus (217-218) for double bust coins of Macrinus and Diadumenian.43
Two coins of Anchialos for Gordian III are also assigned to the five assarii denomination.On the
reverse of one of them a fortress gate is represented and an award table for the winners of sports compe-
titions on the second (Plate VI. 10-11). The next denominations that are presented in the find are a coin
of Caracalla of four assarii and other two of three assarii of Maximinus I Thrax. The coin of Caracalla is
minted in Hadrianopolis and has a reverse image of Homonoia (Plate VI. 3). Maximinus I Thrax’s coin is
minted in Anchialos. On the reverse of it an image of Dionysus is represented (Plate VI. 9).
The earliest in the find is a poorly preserved specimen of Septimius Severus, with deleted inscrip-
tions and images on the reverse. The latest in the hoard are the antoniniani of Emperor Gallien (Plate VII.
1-5). They were minted in the period about AD 260-268.
The second coin hoard according to its content and character is close to the previous one. It was
discovered as mentioned in the rescue excavations at the same site from which the first find came (Pomorie
map, Anhialo VIII). And it is mixed, consisting of 14 provincial bronze coins and 6 antoniniani. Their total
number is 20. The distribution of the coins is as follows: Anchialos 2, of which 1 for Maximimus I Thrax
and 1 for Gordian III (Plate VIII. 8-9); Byzantion 1 for Septimius Severus (Plate VIII. 2); Dionysopolis 1 for
Gordian III and Tranquillina (Plate VIII. 11); Marcianopolis 5, 2 of which for Caracalla and Julia Domna,
1 for Caracalla and Geta, 1 for Macrinus and Diadumenian, 1 for Gordian III and Serapis (Plate VIII. 3-7);
Mesembria 1 for Philip II and Serapis (Plate VIII. 14); Odessos 1 for Gordian III and Serapis (Plate VIII.
10); Tomis 2 for Philip I and Otacilia Severa (Plate VIII. 12-13); Unclear mint 1 for Antoninus Pius (Plate
VIII. 1); billon antoniniani 6, 4 of which for Gallienus and 2 for Salonina (Plate VIII. 15-20; Table VIII).
In this find, only on the coins of Marcianopolis and Byzantion the names of the legates of Lower
Moesia and the governors of Thrace are inscribed as follows:
43 Христова, Жеков 2013, 85, 127.
284
Byzantion:
- Septimius Severus –Gaius Sallius Aristenetos and Elias Iredos (197)
Marcianopolis:
- Caracalla and Geta – Flavius Ulpianus (210-211)
- Caracalla and Julia Domna– Quintilianus (215)
- Macrinus and Diadumenian– Pontianus (217-218)
- Gordian III and Serapis – Tullius Menophilus (239-240).
The hoard is dominated by coins of high denomination and those of double images on the obverse.
The Byzantion coin minted for Septimius Severus is of the highest denomination – eight assarii. On the
reverse an image of two torches is represented. The coins of Marcianopolis, Odessos and Dionysopolis with
double images on the obverse are of five assarii. A specimen of Anchialos with one image – of Gordian II
is also assigned to this group of the five assarii coins.
The next denomination, of the four assarii consists of: one coin of Anchialos minted for Maximinus
I Thrax; two coins of Tomis, one of which was minted for Gordian III and Tranquillina and the other – for
Philip I and Otacilia Severa; and a coin of Mesembria for Philip II.
Zeus, Hades-Serapis, Hygieia, Glycon are represented on the coins of Marcianopolis. On the coins
of Anchialos, an athlete and Tyche are represented. Images of Asclepius and Homonoia are on the coins of
Tomis. Hygieia is represented on Mesembria coins. On the coin of Odessos Tyche is represented and on that
of Dionysopolis Homonoia is depicted.
Billon antoniniani include 4 coins of Gallienus, minted during the period of his sole rule, AD 260-
268, and 2 coins of his wife, Salonina. Three coins have been minted in Antioch, one in Mediolanum, one
in Syria, and one coming from unknown mint in Asia.
The earliest coin is a heavily worn specimen of Antoninus Pius with deleted inscription and image
on the reverse, and billon antoniniani of Emperor Gallienus are the latest.
As a whole, the two hoards give us a rare snapshot of the coin circulation in the third quarter of the
3rd century or the second half of the 3rd century. They illustrate the intentional selection of the older bronze
provincial coins. This may make some sense because during this period antoniniani faced an accelerated
decline in quality. Since 238 to 270 AD, antoniniani underwent abrupt decrease in weight and purity. It
became a billon coin and later - entirely copper, so there were no silver coins at the beginning of the reign
of Aurelian.44 A particularly rapid decrease, mainly in the silver content, was observed during the difficult
period of 253-260, which was marked by attacks and political separation of the empire. The next phase is
reached when, in the very mint of Rome, the intense and abundant minting of Gallienus in AD 266 and
the subsequent production of coins of Claudius II mark the final decline of antoniniani.45 These processes
make bronze provincial coins more attractive with their higher weight and metal content. Towards the
middle of the 3rd century, most mints in Lower Moesia and Thrace suspended their activities. Nevertheless,
the coins of town governments continued circulating. Similar coin hoards containing copper antoniniani
and bronze provincial coins are also examples of that.46
It all depends on whether it is a true coin hoard collected from circulation or a result of a selection
process. This is difficult to determine, but there are several indications. As mentioned, it seems that the
owner did not choose only the best specimens. The presence of very light, worn and even damaged coins
indicates that the coins were taken directly from the circulation. The average high age of the coins is of
interest, which is may be an indication of the selection of old provincial bronzes of higher metal content
and weight. But this (to some extent) may reflect the overall aging of the circulating amount of coins. Par-
allels with other similar finds indicate that many worn-out old bronze coins of town governments of the
2nd century played an important role in the coin circulation in the second half of the 3rd century.47
Both hoards could be related to the burning and destroying of Anchialos during the great Gothic
invasion in the period of 267-269/270, attested in the written sources and registered in archaeological
44 Bland 2012, 517-519.
45 Estiot 2012, 541.
46 Юрукова 1987, 110-112; Торбатов 1990, 50-55; Гущераклиев 2000, 24-26; Радославова, Дзанев 2003, 139; Дзанев
2005, 127-135.
47 Юрукова 1987, 110-112; Торбатов 1990, 50-55; Гущераклиев 2000, 27; Върбанов 2017, 340.
285
studies.48
Within the chronological limits of the period considered, another hoard comes also from the area
of the town of Pomorie (Pomorie map, Anchialos IX). According to reports, this find was accidentally
discovered in the 19th century and scattered quickly.49 It was composed of the antoniniani of the emperors
Gordian III, Philip I and Gallienus (Table I).
According to Varbin Varbanov, from the territory of present-day Bulgaria, 36 coin hoards are
known, ending with coins of Valerian and Gallienus, 12 of which are from southern Bulgaria.50 Their
concealment and stay in the earth has been associated with the great invasion in 267.51 However, their
incomplete composition allows their connection with the invasions in the time of Claudius II Gothicus to
be also presumed.52
The composition of the coin hoards allows the road-beds that connected Anchialos region with
the near significant urban centers during this period to be figured. A few more finds mark an antique
route used by the Gothic invaders in AD 267-270, when after the attacks against Nicopolis ad Istrum and
Marcianopolis, they have made their way to Anchialos and have conquered it.53 The treasures are concealed
near the village of Ticha, Sliven region54, Kipilovo and between the villages of Medven and Shehovo, Sliven
region55. The terminus post quem in them are coins of Emperor Claudius II Gothicus (268-270). The find
from the archaeological site of Foros, Kraimorie District, Burgas is with the same date of concealment.
There, during rescue excavation in premises of Roman villa, 22 antoniniani of the emperors Trajan Decius
to Claudius II Gothicus are discovered.56 At the same time, the coins also mark their simultaneous con-
cealment. Apparently, Goths used a road from Nicopolis ad Istrum via the present-day village of Ticha.
From there, south towards Kotel Pass, the road has made for southeast, across Vida Peak towards Medven,
from where has descended towards Karnobat Pass and thence towards Black Sea coast.57
The coin finds from Pomorie fill up the complex of treasures of the period of 2nd-3rd century. They
show a direct connection with the economic and political processes. A part of them are related to the fre-
quent placement of coins at burials. Others are related to Gothic invasions and inflationary processes in
the empire.
During the examined period, regional provincial, as well as imperial of the Capital Mint coins
were circulating in Anchialos. Judging by the coins in the hoards, Anchialos actively cooperated not only
with cities in Thrace province but also with cities in Lower Moesia and Asia Minor. Until the middle of
the 3rd century, silver denarii and antoniniani were circulating in the settlement, along with bronze coins,
including those of currently operating in Lower Moesia and Thrace ateliers of town governments. In fact,
this is the time of the most intensive coin circulation in the town. The precarious political situation in the
middle and second half of the 3rd century created the preconditions for aggravation of the social and eco-
nomic crisis in Roman Empire. Increasing inflationary processes have led to deterioration in the quality
of coins and, together with the threat of Gothic invasions in Anchialos region, have prompted local people
to conceal valuables.
48 ЛИБИI, 1958, 343; Торбатов, Карабашев 2014, 241. During regular archaeological studies in 2013 of premises in the
so-called building γ, in a stratum burned down a billon antoninianus of Emperor Gallienus, of the period AD 253-260, that was
on fire was also discovered.
49 Авдев 1981, 28.
50 Върбанов 2014, 255.
51 Gerov 1977, 142-143.
52 Върбанов 2014, 55.
53 ЛИБИ I, 1958, 343; Върбанов 2017, 338-339.
54 Динкова 1992, 49-55.
55 Герасимов 1965, 250; Ковачев 2001, 10; Върбанов 2014, 255; Върбанов 2017, 339.
56 Николов 2014, 21-31.
57 Ковачев 2001, 10; Върбанов 2014, 256.
286
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Tables
Table I
City of Pomorie (Anchialos IX)
Emperors Coins Denomination
Gordian ІІІ Unknown antoninian
Philip the Arab Unknown antoninian
Gallienus Unknown antoninian
Total: Unknown
Total number discovered: Unknown
With erased inscriptions: -
Table II
City of Pomorie (Anchialos II)
Emperors Mints Coins Denomination
Hadrian Anchialos 3 denarius
Faustina the Younger 1 denarius
Antoninus Pius Anchialos 2 bronze
Lucilla Anchialos 1 bronze
Commodus Anchialos 1 bronze
Geta Anchialos 1 bronze
Maroneia Hellenistic 1 bronze
Ainos Hellenistic 1 bronze
Total: 11
Total number discovered: 12
With erased inscriptions: 1
Table III
City of Pomorie (Anchialos III)
Sabina 1 denarius
Pseudo-autonomous Anchialos 1 bronze
Total: 3
298
Table IV
City of Pomorie (Anchialos IV)
Faustina II II Anchialos 1 bronze
Commodus Anchialos 1 bronze
Septimius Severus Anchialos 1 bronze
Maximus I Anchialos 5 bronze
Pseudo-autonomous Anchialos 1 bronze
Makrin Deultum 1 bronze
Julia Mamaea Deultum 1 bronze
Gordian ІІІ Deultum 1 bronze
Julia Domna Pautalia 1 bronze
Caracalla Hadrianopolos 1 bronze
Caracalla Marcianopolis 1 bronze
Gordian ІІІ Tomi 1 bronze
Total: 17
With erased inscriptions: 9
Table V
City of Pomorie (Anchialos V)
Makrin and Diadumenian Marcianopolis 1 bronze
Elagabalus and Julia Maesa Marcianopolis 2 bronze
Caracalla and Julia Domna Marcianopolis 1 bronze
Philip I and Otacilia Severa Mesembria 1 bronze
undetermined Marcianopolis? 1 bronze
Total: 6
299
Table VI
City of Pomorie ( Anchialos VI)
Emperors Coins
Antoninus Pius unknown antoninians denariuses
Marcus Aurelius unknown antoninians denariuses
Faustina the Younger unknown antoninians denariuses
Lucilla unknown antoninians denariuses
Commodus unknown antoninians denariuses
Crispina unknown antoninians denariuses
Didius Julianus unknown antoninians denariuses
Septimius Severus unknown antoninians denariuses
Geta unknown antoninians denariuses
Gordian ІІІ unknown antoninians
Philip the Arab unknown antoninians
Otacilia Severa unknown antoninians
Herennia Etruscilla unknown antoninians
Total: unknown
Total number discovered: 130 ?
Table VII
City of Pomorie (Anchialos VII)
Septimius Severus 1 bronze
Caracalla 1 bronze
Caracalla Hadrianopol 1 bronze
Maximinus Thrax Anchialos 1 bronze
Gordian ІІІ Anchialos 3 bronze
Gordian and Tranquillina Anchialos 1 bronze
Gordian and Sarapis Dionysopol 3 bronze
Gordian and Sarapis Odessos 1 bronze
Gordian and Tranquillina Odessos 2 bronze
Philip the Arab and Otacilia Mesembria 1 bronze
Gallienus 5 antoninian
undetermined antoniniani 2 antoninian
Total: 27
300
Table VIII
City of Pomorie (Anchialos VIII)
Maximinus Anchialos 1 bronze
Gordian ІІІ Anchialos 1 bronze
Septimius Severus Byzantion 1 bronze
Gordian and Tranquillina Dionysopol 1 bronze
Caracalla and Geta Marcianopolis 1 bronze
Gordian III and Sarapis Marcianopolis 1 bronze
Son Philip and Sarapis Mesembria 1 bronze
Gordian III and Sarapis Odessos 1 bronze
Gordian III and Tranquillina Tomi 1 bronze
Philip I and Otacilia Severa Tomi 1 bronze
Antoninus Pius 1 bronze
Gallienus 4 antoninian
Salonina 2 antoninian
Total: 20
301
A REDISCOVERED HOARD FROM AQUINCUM AND THE
QUESTION OF THE ABANDONMENT OF THE CIVIL TOWN
Lajos Juhász
The discovery of a coin hoard is always cause for great joy and excitement. This feeling is paired
with confusion, if this finding is made in a museum several decades after its unearthing. This was the case
while working on the coin finds from the civil town of Aquincum, and coming across a group of relatively
well-preserved silver coins from the middle of the 3rd c. AD. According to the inventory book they be-
longed to a 41-piece coin hoard, of which fortunately all pieces were still preserved. Naturally, I checked
the numismatic literature and could only find a simple mention in T. Pekáry’s article about the coin circu-
lation of Aquincum.1 After consulting with the museum staff, they could only provide the original short
field report published in 1951.2 Here, the excavator János Szilágyi states that the hoard was discovered in
the summer of 1949, during the laying of water pipes approximately 18 m NW of the Museum building
and 6 m W of the surrounding lapidarium (fig. 1). He also notes that the coins were found together in
a small hole at 110 cm depth. Furthermore, he gives a preliminary interpretation of the find: „the newly
minted 41 double denarii hoard… was hidden away around 265 AD, obviously after the news of a barbarian
invasion, as the modest result of a generation’s savings.”3 This explanation resonates the traditional views on
coin hoards.4 Since the hoard was found during the laying of water pipes, only a narrow trench was dug
up, thus not leaving much room for contextual analysis. During the same works a kiln was found nearby,
and a structure with two pillars, but their dating and relation to the hoard is unknown.
Important to note is that even at the time of its discovery, the hoard seemed in good condition
for Szilágyi, which is still the case compared to the other coins from Aquincum, where the coin material
generally is quite worn. Interestingly enough, the excavator does not make notice of any container i.e. the
coins were in direct contact with the soil, but still retained their shiny appearance.
The 41 coins are compound of 2 denarii of Julia Maesa and Maximinus Thrax, the rest are antonin-
iani from Philip I to Gallienus (fig. 2). The time span of the hoard is 42 years from 218 to 260 AD. Most
of the coins (58.5%) are issues of Valerian and his family. The dating is based on the Eauze hoard, when it
differs from the dates given in the RIC.
Not surprisingly the distribution of the mints shows a dominance of Rome (83%) with only 4 coins
from Antioch, 3 from Viminacium5 and a single one from Colonia Agrippinensium6 (fig. 3).
The antoninianus minted for Hostilian Caesar (No. 13) in Antioch is a unique variant of the one
listed in RIC with the officina IV under the bust.7 Three other coins are also variants of the pieces recorded
in the RIC with different obverse legend (No. 30), different bust (No. 29) or lack of mint-mark (No. 40),
but these are found in the Eauze hoard.
The closing coin of the hoard is the GERMANICVS MAX V of Gallienus (No. 33) dated to 258-259
1 Pekáry 1953, p. 110.
2 Szilágyi 1951, p. 133.
3 Here Szilágyi also makes some erroneous remarks on Julia Maesa being the wife of Septimius Severus. Szilágyi 1951,
p. 133.
4 For the development of the coin hoard’s interpretation see Bland 2018, p. 7-9; Guest 2015, p. 101-105.
5 The RIC lists them under Mediolanum.
6 The RIC lists it under Lugdunum.
7 The RIC 201 only lists VII mark under the bust. The same officina mark, but with Victory running right is known
from a private collection: http://www.forumancientcoins.com/gallery/displayimage.php?album=4862&pos=63 (last visited
10.04.2020). The same mint officina mark and the same mint reverse are minted for Hostilian Augustus, RIC 209.
302
AD (Lugdunum) by the RIC, and July-August of 259-260 AD (Colonia Agrippinensium) according to the
Eauze hoard. The piece, which is still of relatively high silver content, shows some wear that would indicate
a short circulation.8 In general, the appearance of the earlier antoniniani of Valerianus and Gallienus is
nicer than the later ones, which explained by the worse quality of the coins themselves.
The distribution of the coins according to the issuers shows a peak under Philip I and Valerian’s
and Gallienus’ joint reign. The coin/year index, on the other hand, displays higher values for Trajan Decius
and Aemilianus with a climax under Valerian and Gallienus (fig. 4).
The chronological distribution table (fig. 5) attempts to show the hoard according to years, despite
the only roughly dated pieces. This was done by adding a value to all the years the coin can be dated to.
The result clearly shows a peak under Philip in year 246-247 AD, with the previous year leading up to it.
However, the spike in 251 AD might be misleading, since both the coins from Trajan Decius’ and Treboni-
anus Gallus’ rule are counted in this year. This is also true for 253 AD, although half of the coins, the two
of Aemilianus are surely dated to this year. The year 254 AD with 11 coins leads up to the clear peak for the
hoard in year 255 and 256 AD, with 14 and 15 coins respectively. Year 257 AD again has the same value as
for 254 AD, while in the next year a gradual decline with 9 coins starts. The curve shows an abrupt fall in
years 259-260 AD with a single coin. The composition of the hoard with high number of pieces just before
its closing indicates that these were directly taken out of circulation.9
For the more precise evaluation of the Aquincum hoard, it is important to compare it with the
great number of fully known Pannonian hoards, closing under the joint reign of Valerian I and Gallienus.10
Below they are listed chronologically according to their earliest coin.
From Galba
Szalacska I11 (200 pcs), Enying12 (2043 pcs Galba/Hadrianus)
From Titus
Berndorf13 (242 pcs), Szalacska III14 (50 pcs), Görgeteg15 (459 pcs)
From Antoninus Pius
Balozsameggyes16 (337 pcs), Felsőtengelic17 (1090 pcs), Kistormás18 (809 pcs),
From Commodus
Garčin I19 (227 pcs), Korong20 (2290 pcs)
From Septimius Severus
Bosna21 (37 pcs), Dvorska22 (471 pcs), Gorsium23 (3089 pcs), Kab-hegy24 (141 pcs), Nagyvenyim25
(1233 pcs), Szalacska IV26 (905 pcs),
From Caracalla
8 How much this can be explained by the transportation from the mint to the Pannonian frontier is hard to say. On this
matter see Bland 2018, p. 69.
9 Fitz 1978, p. 237-238, 276.
10 The only partially known coins were excluded because of the uncertainty of their data, thus e.g. the Mérges, Baracs or
Tapolca-Szentgyörgyhegy hoards were not included. Börzsönyi 1915, p. 98; FMRU II, p. 121-123; Fitz 1978, p. 180; Huszár 1963,
158; RAFMU II, p. 159-162; FMRU I, 27.
11 Fitz 1978, p. 197-198.
12 The majority of the coins (721 pieces) were issued by Gordian III and only 27 were by Valerian and Gallienus. Bíróné
Sey 1971-1972, 6-7. cf. Fitz 1978, p. 187-189.
13 Fitz 1978, p.169-171.
14 Fitz 1978, p. 194-195.
15 Only 3 coins were earlier than Gordian III. Fitz 1978, p.174-175.
16 Gold jewellery and a silver fibula were hidden with the coins. Bíróné-Sey et al. 1971, p. 190-193, p. 197-203.
17 Albeker, Bíróné Sey 1970, p.14-21; Bíróné Sey 1971-1972, p. 3-8.
18 Bíróné Sey 1963, p. 55-63; Fitz 1978, p. 192-194.
19 Vulić, Farac 2014, p. 42-43.
20 FMRSl II, p. 393-420, no. 466.
21 Fitz 1978, p. 171-172.
22 Vulić, Farac 2014, p. 48-49.
23 FMRU I, p. 343-358.
24 RAFMU II, 100-105; Kubitschek 1903, p. 107-110.
25 FMRU I, p. 272-279.
26 Fitz 1978, p. 198-200.
303
Apetlon27 (360 pcs closing with Regalianus)
From Elagabalus
Baláca28 (86 pcs), Garčin II29 (51 pcs), Intercisa I30 (256 pcs), Intercisa III31 (257 pcs), Nagyvázso-
ny-Felsőcsepely32 (40 pcs closing with Regalianus), Szakcs33 (871 pcs), Zalaszentgrót34 (40 pcs)
From Gordian III
Carnuntum35 (53 pcs), Janja36 (26 pcs), Maradik37 (248 pcs), Oštra Luka II38 (34 pcs), Szalacska V39
(37 pcs)
Beyond the above listed hoards K. Bíróné-Sey mentions an unpublished one from Balatonboglár
consisting of 40 antoniniani closing in the 250s AD.40 The Croatian Ivanac collection also possesses a 40
antoniniani hoard from an unknown findspot starting with Gordian III and closing in 260 AD.41 Hoards
outside of Pannonia, but found close to its borders ending with Valerian are known from Hochneukirch-
en42 (241 pcs from Antoninus Pius), Tulln43 (1743 pcs from Septimius Severus) and Smederevo44 (8738 pcs
from Caracalla).
The Aquincum hoard contained 58.5% coins by Valerian and Gallienus. A similarly large propor-
tion can be seen in the Apetlon (62.5%), Hochneukirchen (61%), Intercisa I (64%) and Szakcs (66.8%)
hoards. The composition of the hoard indicates that the coins were taken immediately from circulation
i.e. it reflects the coins in use at the time of its burial. The few Severan issues, but high number of coins of
Velarian is primarily characteristic of the Pannonian hoards.45 The hoard closing at the middle of the 3rd
AD mostly consist of antoniniani and a small number of denarii, which is explained by the dominance of
the radiate coins from 238 AD onwards that were produced in greater quantity, but lower silver content.46
Thus the hoard from the civil town of Aquincum fits nicely into the previously observed tendencies. These
depots closing with Valerian show the greatest concentration regionally in Pannonia and are most likely
linked to the Germanic and Sarmatian invasion of 258-260 AD, recorded in the written sources.47 The
hoards are found in the north-western, southern and middle part of the province, which scientists have
tried to explain with the uncertainties around the usurpation of Regalianus and Ingenuus, as well as the
barbarian invasions.48 The Aquincum hoard is the only one closing in 260 AD, found in the northern and
north-eastern part of Pannonia.49
The new hoard also has valuable information on the monetary circulation of the civil town. Inter-
27 Fitz 1978, p. 166-167.
28 RAFMU II, p. 107-110.
29 Vulić, Farac 2014, p. 43.
30 Fitz 1978, p. 191-192. cf. FMRU I, p. 174-178.
31 FMRU I, p. 179-180.
32 RAFMU II, p. 99-100.
33 Kerekes 1914, p. 145-146.
34 Torbágyi 1997, p. 105-109.
35 Fitz 1978, p. 172-173.
36 Vulić, Farac 2014, p. 46.
37 One coin is missing from the listing. Nađ 2012, p. 400/18.
38 Vulić, Farac 2014, p. 44-45.
39 Fitz 1978, p. 200-201.
40 Bíróné-Sey et al. 1971, p. 199. n. 54; Bíróné Sey 1971-1972, p. 3. n. 1.
41 Vulić, Farac 2014, p. 48-49.
42 Fitz 1978, p. 163-164.
43 Fitz 1978, p. 161-162.
44 Fitz 1978, p. 202-203.
45 Fitz 1978, p. 238.
46 The exception to the rule is the Balozsameggyes, Berndorf, Bušetina and Oberdorf hoards that contain more denarii
than antoniniani. The latter one is even more peculiar, since its closing date is 267-268 AD. Bíróné-Sey et al. 1971, p. 201-203;
Fitz 1978, p. 164-165, p. 169-171.
47 Paneg. Constantio Aug. dictus 10,2; Eutrop. 9, 8, 2; Euseb. Chron. 220; Iord. Rom. 287; Mócsy 1974, p. 205-209; Fitz
1978, p. 325-329; Mócsy, Fitz p. 1990, 45.
48 Bíróné Sey 1963, p. 67-69; Albeker, Bíróné Sey 1970, p. 23; Bíróné Sey 1971-1972, p. 6-7; Fitz 1978, p. 325-326; Găzdac
2010, p. 85-86. n. 98.
49 The Brigetio II, Bajót-Péliföldszentkereszt, Solymár and Budaörs hoards all close with Trebonianus Gallus. FMRU III,
57-61, p. 213; Rómer 1869, p. 77-84; Kaba 1984, p. 7-17.
304
estingly enough, there are relatively few coins from the joint reign of Valerian I and Gallienus, 27 in total
(fig. 6). If we deduct the 24 coins from this hoard, then we are only left with 3 pieces from a period with
considerable minting activity. Furthermore, we only find 20 coins from the sole reign of Gallienus, when
the output was even greater. This is surprising, since across the Empire and at several Pannonian sites
(Carnuntum, Gorsium, Intercisa) this is the most well-represented period of the 3rd AD coin circulation.50
The later coins are also quite low in number from Aquincum and all the other archaeological materials
suggest that the civil town was presumably peacefully abandoned in the 2nd half of the 3rd AD.51 The process
was most likely connected with the deteriorating fortifications, as well as the disturbances and insecurity
caused by the barbarian invasions mentioned in the written sources. This phenomenon is not unique,
since the civil town of Brigetio was abandoned under Trebonianus Gallus and probably also the civil set-
tlements along the Danube stretch until Aquincum.52
Summary
The hoard containing 41 silver coins discovered just a few meters from the museum building in
the civil town in Aquincum was unearthed in 1949, but left unpublished since then. It is an important tes-
timony of the barbarian invasion in Pannonia from 258-260 AD, undermining the civil population’s sense
of security. The hoard fits well into the great number of depots already known from the province, although
not from this northern, north-eastern part. The hoard closing in 260 AD is also an important evidence of
abandonment of the civil settlements generally observed in the region. The buildings of Aquincum’s civil
town were still used in modern times for the hiding and safekeeping of treasures by a young perpetrator,
who tried to hide stolen golden jewellery among the ruins while escaping from the police in July 2019.53
50 Găzdac, Humer 2013, p. 37, 40.

51 Láng 2018, p.151-164.
52 Juhász 2018, p. 18-19.
53 https://www.blikk.hu/aktualis/belfold/az-aquincumi-romok-ala-rejtette-a-lopott-arany-nyaklancot-a-budapesti-tol-
vaj/szpd3vt (last visited 2020.02.18)
305
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Weight
No. Date Mint Den. (g) Obv. legend Rev. legend RIC Eauze
1. Julia Maesa 218-222 Rome d 2.39 IVLIA MAESA AVG PVDICITIA 268 393
Maximinus IMP MAXIMINVS P M TR P II COS
2. Thrax 236 Rome d 3.24 PIVS AVG PP 3 611
IMP M IVL ANNONA
3. Philip I 244-247 Rome ant 4.59 PHILIPPVS AVG AVGG 28c 789
IMP M IVL ANNONA
4. Philip I 244-247 Rome ant 3.38 PHILIPPVS AVG AVGG 28c 789
IMP M IVL AEQVITAS
5. Philip I 244-247 Rome ant 2.94 PHILIPPVS AVG AVGG 27b 787-788
IMP PHILIPPVS ROMAE
6. Philip I 247-249 Rome ant 3.76 AVG AETERNAE 65 804
M IVL PHILIPPVS PRINCIPI
7. Philip II 244-246 Rome ant 3.77 CAES IVVENT 219 843
IMP M IVL AEQVITAS
8. Philip II 246-249 Antioch ant 4.30 PHILIPPVS AVG AVGG 240
IMP M IVL P M TR P VI
9. Philip II 249 Antioch ant 3.51 PHILIPPVS AVG COS P P 235
IMP C M Q
TRAIANVS DECIVS
10. Trajan Decius 249-251 Rome ant 3.44 AVG VICTORIA AVG 29c 899
IMP C M Q
TRAIANVS DECIVS ADVENTVS
11. Trajan Decius 249-251 Rome ant 3.14 AVG AVG 11b 885
Herennius Et- Q HER ETR M[ES] PRINCIPI [IV]
12. ruscus caesar 250-251 Rome ant 3.50 DECIVS NOB C VENTVTIS 147c 950
C OVAL OSTIL
Hostilianus MES COVINTVS VICTORIA
13. caesar 251? Antioch ant 3.37 CAESAR AVG 201 var 966 var
Trebonianus IMP CAE C VIB LIBERTAS
14. Gallus 251-253 Rome ant 3.35 TREB GALLVS AVG AVGG 38 986
IMP CAE C VIB AEQIVTAS
15. Volusianus 251-253 Rome ant 3.56 VOLVSIANO AVG AV[G]G 166 1077
IMP AEMILIANVS MARTI P -
16. Aemilianus 253 Rome ant 3.85 PIVS FEL AVG ROPVGT 6 1104
IMP AEMIL[IAN]VS DIANAE
17. Aemilianus 253 Rome ant 3.11 PIVS FEL AVG VICTRI 2b 1111
IMP C P LIC FIDES
18. Valerian I 253 Rome ant 3.42 VALERIANVS AVG MILITVM 89 1135
IMP C P LIC VICTORIA
19. Valerian I 254 Rome ant 2.43 VALERIANVS AVG AVGG 125 1141
IMP C P LIC DIANA
20. Valerian I 254-255 Antioch ant 2.98 VALERIANVS AVG LVCIFERA 212 1554
IMP VALERIANVS
21. Valerian I 257 Viminacium ant 3.29 P AVG PROVID AVGG 248 1387
IMP C P LIC
VALERIANVS P F APOLINI
22. Valerian I 256-257 Rome ant 3.06 AVG COSERVAT 72 1146
308
IMP C P LIC
VALERIANVS P F [AP]OLINI
23. Valerian I 256-257 Rome ant 3.05 AVG COSERVA 72 1146
[IMP] C P LIC [VA] VICTORIA
24. Valerian I 256-257 Rome ant 2.56 LERIANVS P F AVG AVGG 128 1164
[IMP C P LI]C
VALERIANVS P F P M TR P IIII
25. Valerian I 256 Rome ant 3.89 AVG COS IN P P (sic!) 142 1160
[IMP C P LI]C
VALERIANVS P F VICTORI[A AV]
26. Valerian I 255-256 Rome ant 2.89 AVG GG 126 1174
IMP C P LIC CONCORDIA
27. Gallienus 254 Rome ant 3.39 GALLIENVS AVG EXERCIT 132 1217
IMP C P LIC IOVI
28. Gallienus 254-255 Rome ant 2.76 GALLIENVS AVG CONSERVA 143 1220
IMP C P LIC VICTORIA
29. Gallienus 257-258 Rome ant 2.81 GALLIENVS AVG AVGG 169 var 1255
IMP GALLIENVS P
30. Gallienus 257 Viminacium ant 3.10 F AVG VICT GERM 404 1425
IMP GALLIENVS APOLINI [CON]
31. Gallienus 257-258 Rome ant 3.23 P F AVG GERM SERVA 126 var 1278
IMP GALLIENVS
32. Gallienus 257-258 Rome ant 2.23 P F AVG GERM VIRTVS AVGG 186 1265
Colonia
Agrippi- GALLIENVS P F GERMANICVS
33. Gallienus 258-259 nensium ant 3.72 AVG MAX V 18 1512
P LIC VALERIANVS IOVI
34. Valerian II 253-255 Viminacium ant 3.32 CAES CRESCENTI 13 1438
[P] C L VALERIANVS
35. Valerian II 254-255 Rome ant 2.53 NOB CAES PIETAS AVGG 20 1338
Mariniana DIVAE CON - SECRA
36. diva 254 Rome ant 2.28 MARINIANAE - TIO 6 1321
37. Salonina 257-258 Rome ant 3.00 SALO[NIN]A AVG IVNO REGINA 29 1326
38. Salonina 257-258 Rome ant 2.45 SALONINA AVG IVNO REGINA 29 1326
IV[NO REG]
39. Salonina 257-258 Rome ant 2.41 SALONINA AVG INA 29 1326
CORN SALONINA
40. Salonina 260-268 Rome ant 2.38 AVG PIETAS AVG 21 var 1432
COR[N SALO]NINA
41. Salonina 253 Rome ant 2.03 AVG VES[T]A 39 1437
309
Fig. 1. The old Aquincum Museum and the surrounding lapidarium building and the findspot of the hoard.
(Szilágyi 1951, 134/21).
5
4
2
1
Fig. 2. The distribution of the hoard according to the obverses.
Colonia
Viminacium
Agrippinensium
7%
2%
Antioch
10%
Rome
81%
Fig. 3. The distribution of mints.
310
30
24
25
20
15
10 7
4
5 2 2
1 1 3.43
1.4 2 1 2
0 0.25 0.33
Elagabalus Maximinus Philippus I Trajan Decius Trebonianus Aemilianus Valerian I and
Thrax Gallus Gallienus
Fig. 4. The distribution of the hoard according to the issuers and coin/year.
16
15
14 14
12
11 11
10
9
8
6 6
55
4 4 4 4
3
2 2 2
11111 1 1 11
0 000 00 00000000000 0000000 00000
215 217 219 221 223 225 227 229 231 233 235 237 239 241 243 245 247 249 251 253 255 257 259 261 263 265
Fig. 5. The distribution of the Aquincum hoard according to years.
60 56
52
50
39
40 35
30 25 27
23
20
20 16
10 7 7 5
2 4
0
Fig. 6. 3rd c. coin circulation in civil town of Aquincum.
311
PLATE I
1 2 3
4 5 6
7 8 9
10 11 12
13 14 15
16 17 18
19 20 21
Plate I. Julia Maesa 1, Maximinus Thrax 2, Philip I 3-9, Trajan Decius 10-11, Herennius Etruscus 12,
Hostilianus 13, Trebonianus Gallus 14, Volusianus 15, Aemilianus 16-17, Valerian I 18-21.
312
PLATE II
22 23 24
25 26 27
28 29 30
31 32 33
34 35 36
37 38 39
40 41
Plate II. Valerian I 22-26, Gallienus 27-33, Valerian II 34-35, Mariniana 36, Salonina 37-41.
313
A HOARD OF THIRD-CENTURY COINS
(DENARII AND ANTONINIANI) FROM OSTAPKIVTSI
(UKRAINE)
Кyrylo Мyzgin, Аnton Perederey
It was September 2017, when one of the authors of this publication received information about a
hoard of the Roman coins from the 3rd century AD featuring denarii and antoniniani discovered in a forest
near Ostapkivtsi village, Horodok district, Khmel’nyts’kyi oblast’ of Ukraine, not far from Bedrykivtsi vil-
lage, on the bank of the Smotrych river1 (map 1). According to the account in possession, the finders col-
lected coins during a month, within an area of 10 x 30 m, within small groups of a few coins each. The total
number of coins was about 300. Unfortunately, we have information only about a little more than a half of
the finds, 168 pieces total. According to the data obtained, no traces of packing or any other accompanying
artifacts were discovered. The average depth of deposition was 20–30 cm, with a few coins discovered at
the depth of 40 cm.
The coins were minted by 15 specimens (see List of coins): Septimius Severus (2 specimens), Car-
acalla (3 specimens), Geta (2 specimens), Heliogabalus (2 specimens), Alexander Severus (8 specimens,
including 4 pieces of Julia Mamaea), Maximinus I Thrax (1 specimen), Gordian II (1 specimen), Gordian
III (109 specimens), Philip the Arab (21 specimens, including 2 pieces of Philip II and 2 pieces of Otacilia
Severa), Philip II (2 specimens), Trajan Decius (6 specimens, including 1 piece of Herennius Etruscus and
1 piece of Hostilian), Trebonianus Gallus (2 specimens), Volusian (4 specimens), Gallienus (2 specimens,
including 1 piece of Salonina), and Valerian I (3 specimens, including 1 piece commemorative of Egnatia
Mariniana) (fig. 1-9). The oldest coin in the hoard is a denarius of Septimius Severus minted in Rome in
209 AD (no. 1; RIC 226), and the latest is an antoninianus of Valerian I minted in 258-259 AD in Lugdu-
num (no. 164; RIC 12). Unfortunately, neither the total weight of the assemblage, nor the weight of its part
that survived, nor the weights of particular coins are known. We would like to notice that, in visual ap-
pearance, the coins are of very good, and in some cases, perfect state of preservation, i.e. there is minimal,
sometimes hardly visible wear and a lack of corrosion.
The composition of coins in the hoard is typical of the 3rd century. We would like to highlight espe-
cially interesting antoninianus of Egnatia Mariniana, the wife of Valerian I, and the mother of Gallienus2
(fig. 10: 1). These extraordinary rare specimens were minted post-mortem, since she likely passed away
before the rise to power of Valerian or immediately after it3. Coins portraying Egnatia Mariniana were
specimend in gold (aurei), silver (antoniniani and quinarii), and bronze (sestertii and asses) in the mints
of Roma and Viminacium4. There is a discussion concerning the chronology of these coins. For instance,
the Roman Imperial Coinage catalogue dated all the emissions commemorating Mariniana to 254-257 AD,
but the sole type of quinarius from 253 AD5. D. Sear date the issue to 253-254 AD, when the coins featur-
1 The present publication has been prepared as a part of the project Crisis of the Roman Empire in the 3rd c.: causes and
reflection in ancient sources (project supervisor is Prof. Аdam Ziółkowski, Faculty of History, University of Warsaw), financed
by the National Science Centre of Poland (DEC-2017/25/B/HS3/01299).
2 Petersen 1943, 75, no 39; Chausson 1997, 315.
3 Burns 2007, 232-233.
4 Doyen 1988, 47. According to E. Besly and R. Bland, the coins featuring standing peacock were produced in the Ro-
man mint; cf.: Besly, Bland 1983, 23.
5 Webb 1968, 64-65.
314
ing her portrait were minted in Viminacium6. Moreover, J.-M. Doyen suggested their narrow chronology
from the end of September to the early October 253 AD7. Apart from the find from Ostapkivtsi, we know
at least two more similar but unpublished coins from modern Ukraine’s territory: they were discovered in
Vinnytsia oblast’ (fig. 10: 2) and Khmel’nyts’kyi oblast’ (fig. 10: 3). Two antoniniani of Mariniana were part
of the hoard from Perevalnoye (Crimea; see bellow) 8. Just for the reference, there is only one antoninianus
of the same kind discovered in modern Poland, in the Kujawy country9. In the territory of the Empire,
there are much more similar finds. For instance, by the early March 2020 only the database Coin Hoards of
the Roman Empire10 includes accounts of 153 hoards which contained antoniniani portraying Mariniana.
It is well known that the distribution of the Roman coins from the first to fifth century AD in the
eastern Barbaricum area was related mostly to the population that created the sites of the Cherniakhiv ar-
chaeological culture11. By the finder’s accounts, the closest Cherniakhiv settlement was located 1.5 km far
from the place where the hoard was found. It is not quite clear, what exact settlement he was talking about.
However, the description of the findspot of the hoard (in a forest, in between of Ostapkivtsi and Bedryki-
vtsi villages), give us reasons to infer that the assemblage in question was discovered somewhere halfway
from already known Cherniakhiv settlements near modern villages of Zhuravlyntsi and Veselets’, on the
Skvyla river12, Bedrykivtsi on the side of the Smotrych river13, and Nove Porichchia on the Trostianets’
river14. No other Cherniakhiv site has been discovered in a vicinity of Ostapkivtsi village so far.
The findspot of the hoard is located in the micro-region between the Smotrych river and the other
left tributaries to the middle Dniester and the upper reaches of Pivdennyi Buh (Southern Bug), with a great
concentration of the sites from the Later Roman period. According to some researchers15, there was a hot-
bed where the Cherniakhiv culture has shaped. Among the arguments is the concentration of the Roman
imports’ finds from the early ‘Ruzhychianka’ stage of the Cherniakhiv culture (stages C1b–C2; 230s–270s
AD) in the said area16. Among the examples indicating the early chronology of the Cherniakhiv antiquities
in this region, there are the finds of Roman military diplomas17 and bronze vessels, particularly cauldrons
of the type Eggers 63–6518.
A large number of stray finds was discovered in the same region with the hoard under study, in-
cluding Roman coins, their copies and imitations. It is only fair to state that this fact became generally rec-
ognized not so long ago. For instance, in the catalogues compiled by M. Braichevs’kyi19 and V. Kropotkin20,
according to the accidental finds of coins, Khmel’nyts’kyi oblast’ and its south-western area in particular,
doesn’t look extraordinary saturated with numismatic finds from the Roman period. Only two coin hoards
originating from this administrative oblast’ of Ukraine known until recently: treasures of a few denarii
from Malievtsi21 and plausibly Verbychna22. However, the picture changed drastically in recent years, when
the ‘metal detector age’ started. An example could be a hoard of Roman denarii (total number of coins
is 70) containing, among others, one barbaric imitation of denarius, discovered not so long ago, 25 km
south from Ostapkivtsi, in vicinity of Skypche village23. Moreover, there are two coin deposits originating
from the territory of the Perehinka (Balakyri) 2 site, dated to the Later Roman period and located about
6 Sear 2005, 276.

7 Doyen 1988, 50.
8 Чореф, Якушечкин 2016, 584-585.
9 Dymowski 2012, 93-94.
10 https://chre.ashmus.ox.ac.uk
11 Мызгин 2013.
12 Гуцал и др. 2011, 47-48.
13 Гуцал и др. 2011, 45.
14 Гуцал и др. 2011, 51.
15 Магомедов 2001, 139; Щукин 2005, 132.
16 Гороховский 1988, 42-43.
17 Надвiрняк и др. 2016b, 175-176.
18 Надвiрняк, Погорiлець 2016, 49, рис. 10.
19 Брайчевський 1959.
20 Кропоткин 1961; Кропоткин 1966; Кропоткин 2000.
21 Кропоткин 1961, 85, № 1145.
22 Кропоткин 1961, 84, № 1121.
23 Myzgin et al. 2020.
315
30 km east from Ostapkivtsi: a hoard of sestertii from the 2nd and 3rd centuries (9 specimens)24 and a hoard
of antoniniani (41 specimens)25. Besides, the region supplies a great number of finds of aurei from the 3rd
century AD26, bronze provincial Roman coins from the 2nd and 3rd centuries AD27, and barbaric imitation
of Roman coins featuring gold and gold-plated28, silver and silver-plated pieces29, and cast copies of dena-
rii30. Regarding the latter, the sites of workshops which produced coins discovered in this area31.
The silver and billon coins from the first half of the third century AD in the Cherniakhiv culture
area, were considered a rather rear phenomenon until recently32. Until the 2010s, there were only seven as-
semblages containing third century denarii or antoniniani discovered in Eastern Europe. Three assemblag-
es occurred in the area in between the Dniester and the Prut rivers, including hoards from Protiahailivka
(23 coins survived; they were minted by Severus Alexander, Gordian III, and Philip the Arab), Tiraspol’
(11 coins survived; they were minted by Alexander Severus, Gordian III, and Philip the Arab), and Va-
sil’evka (15 coins survived, from Severus Alexander to Trebonianus Gallus)33; one small hoard contained
seven antoniniani (from Severus Alexander to Trajan Decius) was found near the Myshkivtsi village in
Volhynia34; finally, three more hoards are documented in the Crimean peninsula: in Kerch’ (71 coins from
Septimius Severus to Valerian I), Voikovo (7 coins survived, from Caracalla to Valerian), and Dolinnoe
(120 coins total, from Caracalla to Trajan Decius)35 (map 2).
The ‘age of metal detectors’ made important amendment to the above-described picture: from the
early 2010s, metal-detectorists’ illegal searches resulted in hundreds of single finds of denarii and antonin-
iani from the period in question. New accounts of new finds appeared in various treasure-hunters’ forums
and auctions in the Internet almost every day. Our monitoring of these resources contributed to the ac-
counts of the hoards of denarii and antoniniani in the forest-steppe and forest zones of Eastern Europe.
Among them, there is the aforementioned deposit from Perehinka (Balakyri) in Khmel’nyts’kyi oblast’,
which was discovered in 2009 as accumulation of 41 antoniniani minted from 238 AD (Gordian III) to
251-253 AD (Trebonianus Gallus and Volusian)36. In the mid-summer of 2015, a hoard of third-century
AD denarii and antoniniani was discovered in vicinity of Haisyn town in Vinnytsia oblast’; it comprised
32 coins minted from 213 AD (Caracalla) and 251-253 AD (Trebonianus Gallus and Volusian)37. In 2016,
a hoard from the Perevalnoye village in Crimea was published, which contained at least 34 denarii and
antoniniani (from Antoninus Pius to Volusian)38. There also exist unpublished accounts of a find made in
2018 or 2019: it was a hoard of antoniniani from Vinnytsia oblast’, comprising more than 500 coins minted
from Septimius Severus to Gordian III; there also is a hoard discovered a few years ago in vicinity of Odes-
sa, comprising at least 44 coins from the age of Gallienus and Claudius II (map 2).
During our previous analysis of the hoards from Haisyn and Perehinka, we paid attention that
these two assemblages finished with the coins of Trebonianus Gallus and Volusian39. Another interesting
fact is the picture suggested by the analysis of known isolated finds (including the most recent discover-
ies) of antoniniani: they split into two quite pronounced groups. The peak of the finds in the first group
coincides with the reign of Gordian III40, following the sharp decline after Trajan Decius, Volusian, and
24 Nadvirniak et al. 2016.
25 Надвiрняк и др. 2016a.
26 Мызгин 2016, 143; Bursche, Niezabitowska-Wiśniewska 2018, 258, fig. 8.
27 Myzgin 2018, 95-96.
28 Myzgin et al. 2018, 229, fig. 5.
29 Dymowski, Myzgin, fortcoming, map 1.
30 Надвiрняк, Погорiлець 2018, 17-21; Надвiрняк, Погорiлець 2019, 32.
31 Надвiрняк, Погорiлець 2019, 35.
32 Мызгин 2013, 223; Nadvirniak et al. 2016, 203, note 21.
33 Розуменко 1982, 135-136.
34 Bursche 1996, 154, no. 56.
35 Кунина 1962, 329-342; Абрамзон, Фролова 2008, 385-386; Пиоро, Герцен 1974, 81-90; for the antoniniani found in
the Crimea, see also: Чореф 2012, 162-166.
36 Nadvirniak et al. 2016.
37 Кодацкий, Мызгин 2017.
38 Чореф, Якушечкин 2016.
39 Myzgin 2017, 150-151; diagr. 2.
40 This is certainly related to a great number of these coins minted in the period of the mentioned emperor; cf.: Bland
316
Trebonianus Gallus41. For instance, similar situation presented in the Wielbark culture area in modern
Poland.42 Generally, we agree with A. Bursche who suggested that the coins from the group under analysis,
penetrated into the Barbaricum possibly in relation to the defeat of the Romans in the battle of Abritus in
251 AD and, in result, to the renewal of Trebonianus Gallus’ subsidies paid to the barbarians43. Today’s
view of the relation between the Cherniakhiv culture people and the victory at Abritus seems indisputable,
confirmed by a strikingly great number of finds of aurei, mostly minted by Trajan Decius44. The antonini-
ani from the analysed period are still containing a high percentage of silver45; by all appearance, barbarians
received them eagerly. We would like to pay attention to the similarity of the chronological structure of the
antoniniani hoards from the Cherniakhiv culture area and the treasures from the Balkan provinces, which
deposition related to the invasions of barbaric tribes, during the Gothic wars in the 3rd century AD46.
The peak of the second group of antoniniani falls on the coins minted either during the joint
reign of Gallienus and Valerian, or to the first years of Gallienus’ sole reign; the number of coins belong
to the next rulers considerably declined47. It was the period when the Empire greatly increased the scale
of antoniniani mintage, by reducing their silver content48. From the last years of Gallienus reign, these
coins could be called billon, but conditionally, since they actually turned into copper mintages with this
silver-plating. The appearance of this group most probably related to the military political activities of the
barbarians in the 260s–270s AD. Simultaneously, the population of the Eastern Barbaricum actively re-
ceived aurei which chronological profile much resembled the antoniniani finds49. An indirect evidence of
this barbarians’ activity there could be the finds of bronze cauldrons of the Eggers 63–65 type (see above).
In this turbulent period, barbarian troops could be widely attracted to service in the imperial army and
also recruited by its enemies (usurpers). As an example, the inflow of antoniniani minted from 248/249
and 259 AD to the Luboszyce culture area (north-western Poland) is related to the payments for the possi-
ble service of local population in Raetia or the Rhine border50. The finds of aurei of Postumus and Tetricus
I allowed the researchers to suppose that the Cherniakhiv barbarians served in the Gallic empire51, thus
echoing M. Shchukin’s hypothesis suggested earlier52.
From the perspective of the antoniniani from modern Poland’s territory53, the finds of the latest
antoniniani in the Cherniakhiv culture area, dating from the last years of Gallienus to Aurelian and Di-
ocletian, should logically be separated from the second group thus making specific chronological group
number three. In our point of view, physical nature of the coins could be a rather clear criterion splitting
the third group from the second. Although the first and second groups comprised from the coins with
high percentage of silver and good state of preservation (faint wear and corrosion)54, the coins of the third
group are mainly in extremely bad condition. For instance, this group plausibly included the unpublished
hoard from Odessa which contained late antoniniani of Gallienus and Claudius II. It seems that the cir-
cumstances and the sources whence these coins penetrated to the barbarians differed from those of the
coins of the first and second groups. They will be researched in specific publication.
Despite of facts mentioned earlier the hoard from the present publication does not fit in this recon-
struction: the overwhelming majority of its coins belongs to the first chronological group (from the spec-
imens of Septimius Severus to the age of Trebonianus Gallus and Volusian inclusive), but still it includes
2012, 517, fig. 28.52.
41 Myzgin 2017, 152.
42 Dymowski 2012, 98; plate 1.
43 Bursche 1996, 97, 127.
44 Bursche 2013; Мызгин 2016.
45 Kool 2016, 88, Tab. 15, Fig. 6.
46 Varbanov 2012, 289, 301; Минкова 2015, 34.
47 Myzgin 2017, 152.
48 Bland 2012, 530.
49 Myzgin 2017, 152.
50 Bursche 1996, 97, 127.
51 Мызгин, Филатов 2018, 361-362.
52 Щукин 2005, 143.
53 Dymowski 2012, 94-100; Bursche 1996, 97-98.
54 Moreover, it means that not so long time passed between their mintage, coming to the barbarians’ hands, and depo-
sition in the ground.
317
five coins minted by Valerian and Gallienus, that is to say, forming the second chronological group. More-
over, it is important to bear in mind that this discussion addresses only a half of the assemblage, though
the composition of the rest remains unknown.
Since the total composition of the Ostapkivtsi hoard is not available, it would be extraordinary
difficult to suggest the sources of its origins. On one hand, its core could comprise the antoniniani paid
by Trebonianus Gallus, but later this collection could receive coins from alternative sources. An argument
supporting this suggestion could be the comparative analysis of the Ostapkivtsi and Haisyn hoards, with
their coinciding profiles as long as the specimens of Trebonianus Gallus and Volusian (chart 1). For com-
parison, the profile of the Perevalnoye hoard from Crimea, which has a very similar set of specimens, is
completely different55 (chart 2). However, the statistical selection is still not enough to be confident about
this interpretation.
On the other hand, all this collection could be a payment to a barbarian or a barbaric group for
their service for the Empire. The analysis of the hoards featuring antoniniani and denarii from the third
century AD discovered in the Balkan and Rhine provinces has revealed that the composition similar to
the Ostapkivtsi hoard was not typical: in a line with a big number of coins from the age of Maximinus I
and Gordian III, they almost always contained many coins of Valerian and Gallienus56. If our assumption
is correct, it would add an important correction into the notion of the accumulation nature of the third
century coins in the eastern area of the Barbaricum.
55 The authors of the publication of this hoard believe that its inflow into the territory of Crimea was the result of suc-
cessful raids to the Balkan provinces during the Gothic wars (Cf. Чореф, Якушечкин 2016, 585). However, it is possible that
the receipt of these coins has a different nature.
56 According to the accounts accumulated in the database accessible at: https://chre.ashmus.ox.ac.uk, and especially the
hoards from Ostrovanec (Serbia), Szalacska IV and Nagyvenim (Hungaria), Kurilovec (Croatia), Vitrival (Belgium), Oštra Luka
(Bosnia and Herzegovina), AutunVI (France), and others. There is only one hoard of a very similar structure but absolutely
different quantitative composition of coins: it was discovered in Olteni (Romania): Mitrea 1971.
318
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321
Map 1. Hoard from Ostapkivtsi on the map of Eastern Europe and approximate findspot of the deposit
(from Google Earth map).
Map 2. Hoards with antoniniani on the territory of Eastern Europe. 1 – Myshkivtsi; 2 – Ospatkivtsi; 3 –
Perehinka (Balakiri) 2; 4 – Vinnytsia oblast’ (approx.); 5 – Haisyn; 6 – Vasil’evka; 7 – Protiahailivka; 8 –
Tiraspol’; 9 – Odessa (environs); 10 – Dolinnoe; 11 – Perevalnoe; 12 – Voikovo; 13 – Kerch.
322
Denomination
Date,
No RIC Obverse Reverse Mint Notes
AD
SEPTIMIUS SEVERUS
P M TR P XVII COS III P P: Jupi-
ter, naked except for cloak over l.
SEVERVS PIVS AVG: Head of shoulder, stg. l., holding thun-
1 d 226 Rome 209
Septimius Severus, laureate, r. derbolt in r. hand and sceptre in
l. hand; at feet, two children stg.,
one r. and one l.
INDVLGENTIA AVGG: Dea
Caelestis, draped, riding r. on
SEVERVS PIVS AVG: Head of lion, holding thunderbolt in r.
2 d 266 Rome 202-210
Septimius Severus, laureate, r. hand and sceptre in l. hand; be-
low, water gushing from rock; IN
CARTH in ex.
CARACALLA
PONTIF TR P III: Sol, radiate,
ANTONINVS AVGVSTVS: Bust naked except for cloak over l.
3 d 30a of Caracalla, laureate, draped, shoulder, stg. front, head l., hold- Rome 200
cuirassed, r. ing globe in extended r. hand and
spear in l. hand
P M TR P XVIIII COS IIII P P:
ANTONINVS PIVS AVG Serapis, wearing polos on head,
4 an 280e GERM: Bust of Caracalla, radi- stg. front, head l., raising r. hand Rome 216
ate, draped, cuirassed, r. and holding transverse sceptre in
l. hand
P M TR P XX COS IIII P P: Sol,
ANTONINVS PIVS AVG radiate, naked except for cloak
5 an 293f GERM: Bust of Caracalla, radi- over l. shoulder, stg. front, head l., Rome 217
ate, draped, cuirassed, r. raising r. hand and holding whip
in l. hand
GETA
P SEPT GETA CAES PONT:
P SEPT GETA CAES PONT: Bust
6 d 9a Bust of Geta, bare-headed, Rome 200-202
of Geta, bare-headed, draped, r.
draped, r.
PROVID DEORVM: Providentia,
P SEPTIMIVS GETA CAES:
draped, stg. l., holding in r. hand
7 d 51 Bust of Geta, bare-headed, Rome 203-208
wand over globe set on ground
draped, r.
and sceptre in l. hand
ELAGABALUS
VICTOR ANTONINI AVG:
IMP CAES M AVR ANTON- Victory, winged, draped, advanc-
8 an 155e INVS AVG: Bust of Elagabalus, ing r., holding wreath in extended Rome 218-222
radiate, draped, r. r. hand and palm sloped over l.
shoulder in l. hand
VICTORIA AVG: Victory,
IMP ANTONINVS PIVS AVG: winged, draped, flying r., holding
9 d 161b Bust of Elagabalus, laureate, diadem (or garland) with both Rome 218-222
draped, r. hands; to either side, shield; in
field, star
323
SEVERUS ALEXANDER
P M TR P COS P P: Mars, hel-
IMP C M AVR SEV ALEXAND
meted, in military attire stg. l.,
10 d 7c AVG: Bust of Severus Alexander, Rome 222
holding olive-branch in r. hand
laureate, draped, r.
and spear reversed in l. hand
ANNONA AVG: Annona,
IMP SEV ALEXAND AVG:
draped, stg. l., holding two corn-
11 d 187 Head of Severus Alexander, Rome 228-231
ears in r. hand and cornucopiae in
larueate, r.
l. hand; r. foot on prow
IMP SEV ALEXAND AVG: Bust
FIDES MILITVM: Fides, draped,
12 d 193c of Severus Alexander, laureate, Rome 228-231
std. l., holding two standards
draped, r.
PROVIDENTIA AVG: Providen-
IMP ALEXANDER PIVS AVG: tia (or Annona), draped, stg. l.,
13 d 250d Bust of Severus Alexander, laure- holding two corn-ears in r. hand Rome 231-235
ate, draped, cuirassed, r. and cornucopiae in l. hand; on
ground, modius
SEVERUS ALEXANDER: JULIA MAMAEA
FELICITAS PVBLICA: Felicitas,
IVLIA MAMAEA AVG: Bust
draped, std. l., holding caduceus
14 d 338 of Julia Mamaea, diademed, Rome 225-235
in r. hand and cornucopiae in l.
draped, r.
hand
IVNO CONSERVATRIX: Juno,
IVLIA MAMAEA AVG: Bust of diademed, veiled, draped, stg.
15 d 343 Rome 225-235
Julia Mamaea, draped, r. l., holding patera in r. hand and
sceptre in l. hand; at feet, peacock
PVDICITIA: Pudicitia, veiled,
IVLIA MAMAEA AVG: Bust
draped, std. l., r. hand placed on
16 d 347 of Julia Mamaea, diademed, Rome 225-235
lips, and holding sceptre in l.
draped, r.
hand
VESTA: Vesta, veiled, draped, stg.
IVLIA MAMAEA AVG: Bust of
17 d 360 l., holding palladium in r. hand Rome 225-235
Julia Mamaea, diademed, r.
and up-r. sceptre in l. hand
MAXIMINUS I
IMP MAXIMINVS PIVS AVG: FIDES MILITVM: Fides, draped,
18 d 7a Bust of Maximinus I, laureate, stg. front, head l., holding mili- Rome 235-236
draped, cuirassed, r. tary standard in each hand
GORDIAN II
PROVIDENTIA AVGG: Prov-
identia, draped, stg. l. with
IMP M ANT GORDIANVS AFR
legs crossed, leaning l. arm on
19 d 1 AVG: Bust of Gordian II, laure- Rome 238
column, holding wand in r. hand
ate, draped, cuirassed, r.
over globe and cornucopiae in l.
hand
GORDIAN III
FIDES MILITVM: Fides, draped,
IMP CAES M ANT GORDIAN-
stg. front, head l., holding vertical
20 an 1 VS AVG: Bust of Gordian III, Rome 238-239
standard in r. hand and transverse
radiate, draped, cuirassed, r.
sceptre in l. hand
324
VIRTVS AVG: Virtus, helmeted,
IMP CAES M ANT GORDIAN- in military attire, stg. front, head
21 an 6 VS AVG: Bust of Gordian III, l., resting r. hand on oval shield Rome 238-239
radiate, draped, cuirassed, r. set on ground and holding verti-
cal spear in l. hand
22 an 6 As above As above Rome 238-239
P M TR P II COS P P: Providen-
tia, draped, stg. front, head l.,
23 an 18 VS AVG: Bust of Gordian III, Rome 239
holding globe in extended r. hand
and transverse sceptre in l. hand
24 an 18 As above As above Rome 239
P M TR P II COS P P: Victory,
IMP CAES M ANT GORDIAN- winged, draped, advancing l.,
25 an 19 VS AVG: Bust of Gordian III, holding wreath in extended r. Rome 239
radiate, draped, cuirassed, r. hand and palm, sloped over l.
shoulder, in l. hand
CONCORDIA AVG: Concordia,

draped, std. l. on throne, holding
patera in extended r. hand and
double cornucopiae in l. hand

LIBERALITAS AVG II: Liberal-
itas, draped, stg. front, head l.,
holding abacus in r. hand and
cornucopiae in l. hand
IMP CAES M ANT GORDIAN- in military attire, stg. front, head
29 an 39 VS AVG: Bust of Gordian III, l., holding branch in r. hand and Rome 240
radiate, draped, cuirassed, r. spear in l. hand; against r. side,
shield resting
small part
30 an 39 As above As above Rome 240 between 6 and
8 h missed
AEQVITAS AVG: Aequitas,
IMP CAES GORDIANVS PIVS
draped, stg. front, head l., holding
31 an 51 AVG: Bust of Gordian III, radi- Rome 240
scales in extended r. hand and
corncuopiae in l. hand
CONCORDIA AVG: Concordia,
IMP CAES GORDIANVS PIVS
draped, std. l. on throne, holding
patera in extended r. hand and
double cornucopiae in l. hand
P M TR P II COS P P: Gordian
IMP CAES GORDIANVS PIVS III, veiled, togate, stg. front, head
34 an 54 AVG: Bust of Gordian III, radi- l., sacrificing out of patera in r. Rome 240
ate, draped, cuirassed, r. hand over altar and holding wand
in l. hand
AEQVITAS AVG: Aequitas,
IMP GORDIANVS PIVS FEL
draped, stg. front, head l., holding
scales in extended r. hand and
corncuopiae in l. hand
325
CONCORDIA MILIT: Concor-
IMP GORDIANVS PIVS FEL dia, draped, std. l. on throne,
36 an 65 AVG: Bust of Gordian III, radi- holding patera in extended r. Rome 240
ate, draped, cuirassed, r. hand and double cornucopiae in
l. hand
LIBERALITAS AVG III: Liberal-
itas, draped, stg. front, head l., RIC 137 - AVG
holding abacus in r. hand and IIII, 241 AD?
cornucopiae in l. hand
P M TR P II COS P P: Gordian
IMP GORDIANVS PIVS FEL III, veiled, togate, stg. front, head
39 an 68 AVG: Bust of Gordian III, radi- l., sacrificing out of patera in r. Rome 240
ate, draped, cuirassed, r. hand over altar and holding wand
in l. hand
ROMAE AETERNAE: Roma, hel-
meted, in military attire, std. l. on
shield, holding Victory in extend-
ed r. hand and spear in l. hand
IMP GORDIANVS PIVS FEL in military attire, stg. front, head
43 an 71 AVG: Bust of Gordian III, radi- l., holding branch in r. hand and Rome 240
ate, draped, cuirassed, r. spear in l. hand; against r. side,
shield resting
AETERNITATI AVG: Sol, nude
except for cloak around shoul-
45 an 83 AVG: Bust of Gordian III, radi- Rome 241-243
ders, stg. front, head l., raising r.
hand and holding globe in l. hand
IOVI STATORI: Jupiter, nude,

stg. front, head l., holding long
sceptre in r. hand and thunder-
bolt in l. hand
326
LAETITIA AVG N: Laetitia,

draped, stg. l., holding wreath in
extended r. hand and anchor set
on ground in l. hand
P M TR P III COS II P P: Apollo,

nude to waist, std. l., holding
branch in extended r. hand and
resting l. elbow on lyre
P M TR P IIII COS II P P: Apollo,
327
77 d 88 As above As above Rome 241-243
P M TR P V COS II P P: Apollo,
P M TR P III COS II P P: Gordian

III, in military attire, stg. r., hold-
ing transverse spear in r. hand
and globe in l. hand
P M TR P IIII COS II P P: Gor-
dian III, in military attire, stg.
r., holding transverse spear in r.
hand and globe in l. hand
P M TR P V COS II P P: Gordian
III, in military attire, stg. r., hold-
ing transverse spear in r. hand
and globe in l. hand
P M TR P VI COS II P P: Gor-
dian III, in military attire, stg.
hand and globe in l. hand
VIRTVTI AVGVSTI: Hercules,

nude, stg. r., resting r. hand on
hip and resting l. hand on club set
on rock; beside club, lion-skin
328
LAETITIA AVG N: Laetitia,

draped, stg. l., holding wreath in
95 d 113 AVG: Bust of Gordian III, radi- Rome 241-243
extended r. hand and anchor set
on ground in l. hand
IMP GORDIANVS PIVS FEL PIETAS AVGVSTI: Pietas, veiled,
96 d 129 AVG: Bust of Gordian III, laure- draped, stg. front, head l., raising Rome 241
ate, draped, cuirassed, r. both hands above her head
FELICITAS TEMPORVM: Felic-
itas, draped, stg. l., holding long
caduceus in r. hand and cornu-
copiae
FORTVNA REDVX: Fortuna,
IMP GORDIANVS PIVS FEL draped, std. l., holding rudder
98 an 144 AVG: Bust of Gordian III, radi- set on ground in r. hand and Rome 243-244
ate, draped, cuirassed, r. cornucopiae in l. hand; under
seat, wheel
MARS PROPVG: Mars, helmet-
ed, in military attire, hastening
hand and shield in l. hand
MARTEM PROPVGNATOREM:
IMP GORDIANVS PIVS FEL Mars, helmeted, in military attire,
100 an 147 AVG: Bust of Gordian III, radi- hastening r., holding transverse Rome 243-244
ate, draped, cuirassed, r. spear in r. hand and shield in l.
hand
PROVID AVG: Providentia,
draped, stg. l., holding wand in
r. hand over globe set on ground
and sceptre in l. hand

tia, draped, stg. l., holding globe
in extended r. hand and sceptre
in l. hand
SECVRIT PERP: Securitas,
draped, stg. l. with legs cross,
leaning l. arm on column, and
holding sceptre in r. hand
SECVRITAS PERPETVA: Securi-
tas, draped, stg. l. with legs cross,
leaning l. arm on column, and
holding sceptre in r. hand
329
VICTOR AETER: Victory,

winged, draped, stg. l., leaning
on shield, and holding palm in l.
hand; under shield, seated captive
VICTORIA AETERNA: Victory,
winged, draped, stg. l., leaning
on shield, and holding palm in l.
hand; under shield, seated captive

tia, draped, stg. l., holding globe
113 an 193 VS AVG: Bust of Gordian III, Rome 238-239
in extended r. hand and sceptre
in l. hand
FORTVNA REDVX: Fortuna,
draped, std. l., holding rudder set Anti-
114 an 210 AVG: Bust of Gordian III, radi- 242-244
on ground in r. hand and cornu- ochia
copiae in l. hand;
Anti-
115 an 210 As above As above 242-244
ochia
Anti-
ochia
MARTI PACIFERO: Mars, hel-
meted, in military attire, hasten-
AVG: Bust of Gordian III, radi- Anti-
117 an 212 ing l., wearing shield on l. arm, 242-244
ate, cuirassed, seen from behind, ochia
holding branch in extended r.
r.
hand and spear in l. hand
IMP GORDIANVS PIVS FEL ORIENS AVG: Sol, radiate, nude
AVG: Bust of Gordian III, radi- except for cloak around shoul- Anti-
118 an 213 242-244
ate, cuirassed, seen from behind, ders, stg. l., raising r. hand and ochia
r. holding globe in l. hand
Anti-
ochia
Anti-
ochia
Anti-
ochia
IMP GORDIANVS PIVS FEL SAECVLI FELICITAS: Gordian
AVG: Bust of Gordian III, radi- III, in military attire, stg. r., hold- Anti-
122 an 216 242-244
ate, cuirassed, seen from behind, ing transverse spear in r. hand ochia
r. and globe in l. hand
Anti-
ochia
Anti-
ochia
Anti-
ochia
Anti-
ochia
330
Anti-
ochia
Anti-
ochia
PHILIP I
P M TR P IIII COS II P P: Felic-
IMP PHILIPPVS AVG: Bust of
itas, draped, stg. l., holding long
129 an 5 Philip the Arab, radiate, draped, Rome 247
caduceus in r. hand and cornuco-
cuirassed, r.
piae in l. hand
without oficci-
SAECVLARES AVGG: Lion, na number in
130 an 12var Philip the Arab, radiate, draped, Rome 248
walking r. ex.: engraver
cuirassed, r.
error?
SAECVLARES AVGG: Antelope,
131 an 21 Philip the Arab, radiate, draped, Rome 248 6th officina
walking l., VI in ex.
cuirassed, r.
ADVENTVS AVGG: Philip the
IMP M IVL PHILIPPVS AVG:
Arab, on horse, pacing l., raising
132 an 26 Bust of Philip the Arab, radiate, Rome 244-247
r. hand and holding spear in l.
draped, cuirassed, r.
hand
IMP M IVL PHILIPPVS AVG: AEQVITAS AVGG: Aequitas,

27b
133 an Bust of Philip the Arab, radiate, draped, stg. l., holding scales in r. Rome 244-249
var
cuirassed, r. hand and cornucopiae in l. hand
27b
134 an As above As above Rome 244-249
var
ANNONA AVGG: Annona,
draped, stg. l., holding corn-ears
in r. hand over modius and cor-
nucopiae in l. hand
FELICITAS TEMP: Felicitas,
draped, stg. l., holding long cadu-
ceus in r. hand and cornucopiae
in l. hand
ROMAE AETERNAE: Roma,
IMP M IVL PHILIPPVS AVG: helmeted, draped, std. l., holding
137 an 45 Bust of Philip the Arab, radiate, Victory, winged, draped, in r. Rome 244-247
draped, cuirassed, r. hand and sceptre in l. hand; at
side, shield and altar to l.
VIRTVS AVG: Virtus, draped,
IMP M IVL PHILIPPVS AVG: seated, on cuirass, l., holding
138 an 53 Bust of Philip the Arab, radiate, branch in r. hand and spear in l. Rome 244-247
draped, cuirassed, r. hand; shield sometimes behind
cuirass
IMP PHILIPPVS AVG: Bust of AETERNITAS AVGG: Elephant,
139 an 58 Philip the Arab, radiate, draped, guided by driver with goad and Rome 247-249
cuirassed, r. wand, walking l.
331
IMP PHILIPPVS AVG: Bust of helmeted, draped, std. l., holding
141 an 65 Philip the Arab, radiate, draped, Victory, winged, draped, in r. Rome 247-249
cuirassed, r. hand and spear in l. hand; at her
side, shield and in front, altar
IMP M IVL PHILIPPVS AVG: AEQVITAS AVGG: Aequitas,

Anti-
143 an 82var Bust of Philip the Arab, radiate, draped, stg. l., holding scales in r. 244-247
ochia
cuirassed, l. hand and cornucopiae in l. hand
Anti-
144 an 82var As above As above 244-247
ochia
IMP M IVL PHILIPPVS AVG: helmeted, draped, std. l., holding
145 an 106a Bust of Philip the Arab, radiate, Victory, winged, draped, in r. Rome 244-249
draped, cuirassed, r. hand and spear in l. hand; at side,
shield
PHILIP I: PHILIP II
M IVL PHILIPPVS CAES: Bust PRINCIPI IVVENT: Philip II,
146 an 218 of Philip II, radiate, draped, stg. l., holding globe in r. hand Rome 244-246
cuirassed, r. and standard in l. hand
PHILIP I: OTACILIA SEVERA

OTACIL SEVERA AVG: Bust
SAECVLARES AVGG IIII: Hip-
148 an 116 of Otacilia Severa, diademed, Rome 248
popotamus, stg. r.
draped, on crescent, r.
CONCORDIA AVGG: Concor-
M OTACIL SEVERA AVG: Bust
dia, draped, std. l., holding patera
149 an 126 of Otacilia Severa, diademed, Rome 246-248
in r. hand and cornucopiae in l.
draped, on crescent, r.
hand; to l., altar
PHILIP II
IMP M IVL PHILIPPVS AVG: PAX AETERNA: Pax, draped, stg.

150 an 227 Bust of Philip II, radiate, draped, l., holding branch in r. hand and Rome 246-247
cuirassed, r. transverse sceptre in l. hand
LIBERALITAS AVGG III: Philip

IMP PHILIPPVS AVG: Bust the Arab and Philip II, std. l. on
151 an 230 of Philip II, radiate, draped, curule chairs; Philip the Arab Rome 247-249
cuirassed, r. nearer spectator, holds short
sceptre
TRAIANUS DECIUS
IMP C M Q TRAIANVS PANNONIAE: The two Pannoni-
DECIVS AVG: Bust of Trajan ae, both veiled, draped, stg. r. and
153 an 26 Rome 249-251
Decius, radiate, draped, cui- l., facing each other, clasping r.
rassed, r. hands before standard in centre
IMP C M Q TRAIANVS DE- VBERITAS AVG: Uberitas,

152 an 28 CIVS AVG: Bust of Traianus draped, stg. l., holding purse in r. Rome 249-251
Decius, radiate, draped, r. hand and cornucopiae in l. hand
332
CONSECRATIO: Rectangular
DIVO VESPASIANO: Head of
154 an 80 altar, with four panels in front, Rome 250-251
Divus Vespasianus, radiate, r.
lighted
CONSECRATIO: Eagle, with
DIVO TITO: Head of Divus
155 an 81 open wings, stg. front on bar, Rome 250-251
Titus, radiate, r.
head r.
TRAIANUS DECIUS: HERENNIUS ETRUSCUS
PRINCIPI IVVENTVTIS:
Q HER ETR MES DECIVS NOB
Herennius, in military attire, stg.
156 an 147c C: Bust of Herennius Etruscus, Rome 250-251
l., holding wand in r. hand and
radiate, draped, r.
transverse spear in l. hand
TRAIANUS DECIUS: HOSTILIAN
MARS PROPVG: Mars, helmet-
C VAL HOS MES QVINTVS
ed, in military attire, advancing
157 an 176 N C: Bust of Hostilian, radiate, Rome 250
r., holding spear in r. hand and
draped, r.
shield in l. hand
TREBONIANUS GALLUS
AETERNITAS AVGG: Aeternitas,
IMP CAE C VIB TREB GALLVS
draped, stg. l., holding phoenix
158 an 30 AVG: Bust of Trebonianus Gal- Rome 251-253
on globe in r. hand and raising
lus, radiate, draped, cuirassed, r.
skirt at side with l. hand
IMP C C VIB TREB GALLVS PIETAS AVGG: Pietas, veiled,
Medio-
159 an 72 AVG: Bust of Trebonianus Gal- draped, stg. l., raising both hands; 251-253
lanum
lus, radiate, draped, cuirassed, r. to l., altar
VOLUSIAN
CONCORDIA AVGG: Concor-
IMP CAE C VIB VOLVSIANO
dia, draped, std. l., holding patera
160 an 168 AVG: Bust of Volusian, radiate, Rome 251-253
in r. hand and double cornucopi-
ae in l. hand
IMP CAE C VIB VOLVSIANO PAX AVGG: Pax, draped, stg. l.,
162 an 179 AVG: Bust of Volusian, radiate, holding branch in r. hand and Rome 251-253
draped, cuirassed, r. transverse sceptre in l. hand
VIRTVS AVGG: Virtus, helmet-
IMP C C VIB VOLVSIANVS
ed, wearing military attire, stg. r., Medio-
163 an 206 AVG: Bust of Volusian, radiate, 251-253
leaning on shield, holding spear lanum
in r. hand
VALERIAN I
IOVI CONSERVATORI: Jupiter,
IMP C P LIC VALERIANVS nude except of cloak draped over
165 an 92 AVG: Bust of Valerian, radiate, l. shoulder, stg. l., holding thun- Rome 254
draped, r. derbolt in r. hand and sceptre in
l. hand
but, must
Medio- probably, Co-
ORIENS AVGG: Sol, radiate,
VALERIANVS P F AVG: Bust of lanum lonia Agrip-
164 an 12 walking l., raising r. hand, holding 258-259
Valerian, radiate, draped, r. (listed in pinensis mint,
whip in l. hand
RIC) 1st emission,
AD 257-258
333
VALERIAN I: EGNATIA MARINIANA
DIVAE MARINIANAE: Bust of
CONSECRATIO: Peacock, look- Vimi-
168 an 3 Mariniana, veiled, draped, on 253-254 or 257 AD?
ing l., with tail spread nacium
crescent, r.
GALLIENUS
IMP GALLIENVS P AVG: Bust SALVS AVGG: Salus, draped, stg. Medio-
166 an 399 257
of Gallienus, radiate, draped, r. r., feeding serpent held in arms lanum
GALLIENUS: SALONINA
VENVS FELIX: Venus, veiled,
SALONINA AVG: Bust of
draped, std. l., holding apple in r. Lugdu-
167 an 7 Salonina, diademed, draped, on 257-258
hand and sceptre in l. hand; at her num
crescent, r.
feet, captive
334
Fig. 1. Coins from Ostapkivtsi hoard. Unscaled. Numbers correspond to numbers in the List of coins.
335
336
337
338
339
340
341
342
Fig. 10. Finds of Matiniana’s antoniniani from the territory of Chernyakhiv culture. Unscaled. 1 – Ostap-
kivtsi hoard; 2 – Vinnytsia oblast’; 3 – Khmel’nyts’kyi oblast’.
343
344
10.00%
20.00%
30.00%
40.00%
50.00%
60.00%
70.00%
10.00%
20.00%
30.00%
40.00%
50.00%
60.00%
70.00%
0.00%
0.00%
Chart 2. Ratio between coins in hoards from Ostapkivtsi and Perevalnoye.
Chart 1. Ratio between coins in hoards from Ostapkivtsi and Haisyn.

Antoninus Pius Septimius Severus
Septimius Severus Caracalla
Caracalla Geta
Geta
Macrinus
Macrinus
Elagabal
Ostapkivtsi
Elagabal
Ostapkivtsi
Severus Alexander Severus Alexander
Macrinus Macrinus
Maksiminus I Maksiminus I
Gordian II Gordian II
Perevalnoye
Gordian III Gordian III
Haisyn
Philipp I Philipp I
Philipp II
Philipp II
Trajan Decius
Trajan Decius
Hostilian
Hostilian
Trebonianus Gallus
Volusian Trebonianus Gallus
Valerian I/Gallien Volusian
Gallien Valerian I/Gallien
NUMISMATIC DATA FOR DATING THE CONSTRUCTION OF
THE MAIN FORTIFICATION WALL OF PETRICH KALE
Maria Manolova-Voykova, Igor Lazarenko
In Memory of Professor Valentin Pletnyov (1962–2017).

Petrich Kale was Valyo’s biggest dream and hope. He began the excavations with the kind of enthusiasm, ded-
ication and passion as only those in love with science are privileged to know.
The fortress of Petrich Kale is located at the north-western tip of the Avren Plateau, on a sheer
rocky promontory above the village of Razdelna, Beloslav Municipality. The site is naturally protected and
has a wide view of the entire Devnya Valley, the Provadiya Plateau and Beloslav Lake.
In Medieval written sources, the fortified town was known by various names. The earliest record is
by the Arab geographer al-Idrissi from the year 1153, in which he describes the town of Batarni as a flour-
ishing town, medium-sized, a nice town.1In an account of the events of the second half of the 13th century,
Manuel Philes called the same settlement Πετρίον (Petrion)2, and in a synodal deed of the 14th century it
was recorded by the name of Πετρίν (Petrin).3 The town came to the attention of Western European au-
thors in relation to the campaign of King Wladyslaw III Jagiello (1434–1444) against the Turks in 1444.
They used various Latinized names which are derivatives of Petrich: Pezechium4, Perresse5, Petrzecz6, Petrus
and Peterspurkt7. Its strategic location and solid walls were noted in the texts. On November 7, 1444, it was
conquered by the King’s troops. Before proceeding to Varna, they burned it and destroyed the fort walls.
After this defeat, the site remained uninhabited.
The first excavations at Petrich Kale were carried out in the early 1960s. A part of the inner fortifi-
cation wall and the central gate were revealed at that time.8 A large arched cistern was uncovered, ending
at a secret passage to the north – a stairway descending to the base of the cliff (fig. 1). The lower part of the
stairway has collapsed, and the depth of the passage that has been preserved to date is over 10 m.
The excavations were resumed in 2014.9 Research work has been conducted annually, and until
2019, it has provided new information that has substantially corrected the initial idea of the time of con-
struction and operation of the fort.
Fortification system
Archaeological research confirms the written record of the well-organized three-tier defence of
the town during the Middle Ages. The only possible access from the plateau to the east had been blocked
by a moat and two stone walls. The visible width of the moat before it was cleared had been about 5 m,
and the depth had been up to 2 m. Immediately next to the moat, situated to the west, a proteichisma was
erected. It was probably built in the 5th–6th century, when additional barriers became established as a new
1 Недков 1960, 81.

2 Man. Phil. Του θαυμ. στρατ., 174.
3 QMGB, No. 50.
4 Коларов 1973, 247.
5 Мирски 1910, 86.
6 Мирчев 1964, 89.
7 Коларов 1970, 184.
8 Плетньов 1995, 224.
9 Плетньов и др. 2015, 675-678.
345
and widespread element of fortress construction.10 The proteichisma has a traceable length of 65 m and
a thickness of 1.60 m. In some sectors, the preserved height is more than 5 m. Its southern end reaches a
large defensive structure (tower?) with a trapezoidal plan, which was partially explored in 2017.11
The main inner fortification wall completely blocks the access to the rock promontory. Its route
which is over 170 m in length, starts from the northern edge of the rocks and ends near the cistern (fig. 1).
From the east, it is reinforced by three rectangular towers, the northernmost of which is only traced on the
ground.
The fortress wall is 3–3.20 m thick. It is constructed of cut limestone blocks held together with
mortar and an emplekton of broken rubble and mortar. The wall structure was erected using a scaffolding,
with its horizontal platforms standing on beams placed across the width of the wall. A wooden ladder had
been attached to the inner face of the wall at the bend to the access-way for the south tower. Ten sock-
ets have been revealed there, left by massive wooden beams with rectangular cross-sections. The highest
opening is twice as large and served as a support for an intermediate platform before the subsequent ascent
of the ladder to the platforms above the south tower or above the curtain wall (fig. 2).
Stratigraphic data and habitation chronology

The fortress was inhabited continuously from the beginning of the 9th until the mid-15th century.
The architectural remains of the Late Medieval period have lost almost all their characteristic features. The
construction techniques used (masonry of broken rubble held together by clay mortar and/or non-durable
frame-built structures) proved not to be resistant to the local climatic conditions. In the Medieval cultural
stratum, a significant quantity of coins, representative specimens of metalwork, and decorated pottery of
foreign origin were found. They are evidence of regular relations with some urban centres along the Black
Sea coast and the inland Bulgarian territories.
The data on the way of life in the fortified area during the Early Middle Ages are still scant, and
mainly come from pottery fragments of vessels made on a manual pottery wheel. There is also a dugout
which was studied in 2015, and there, together with pottery typical for the 10th century, coins of the Byz-
antine Emperor Constantine VII Porphyrogenitus (AD 913–959) and a lead seal of the Bulgarian Prince
Boris-Michael (AD 852–889) were found.12
The Late Antique period was revealed during the first stage of the excavations. The abundance of
hoisting material, as well as the location of the fortress in an inaccessible, strategic location, have led the
researchers to link its construction to the large-scale fort construction of the 5th–6th centuries.13 However,
new archaeological studies show a different picture. Indeed, the fortress was actively inhabited during the
Early Byzantine era, but its construction took place in an earlier period, as will be shown.
In 2015, the north-west corner of a monumental building with a brick floor from the 6th century
was discovered.14 It is not yet clear what its purpose had been, but the presence of column footings suggests
that it was used for representative purposes. Two more buildings from the 6th century were recorded in
2017 and 2018.15 One is attached to the fortification wall, north of the access-way to Tower 1, just in front
of the fortress ladder. It provided the first solid evidence that the fortress wall had been erected before the
6th century. The floor level was revealed under a dense layer of tegulae and imbrices formed by the collapse
of the roof and the charred beams of the roof-bearing structure. The findings in the stratum between the
roof rubble and the floor indicate that the dating of the room can be referred to the second half of the
6th century. Test trenching at the same point underneath the 6th century room, showed that the deeper
stratum is 2.2 m thick and contains materials from the Early Byzantine and Late Roman eras. It justifies
a further correction of the date of construction of the fortress, referring it to the second half of the 3rd or
the beginning of the 4th century.16 New data on the chronology of construction were provided by the 2019
10 Динчев 2006, 11.

11 Плетньов и др. 2018, 527.
12 Плетньов и др. 2016, 722; Лазаренко 2019, 359-360, No. 1; 367, No. 1.
13 Овчаров 1982, 20; Плетньов 1995, 244; Динчев 2006, 13-14, 87.
14 Плетньов и др. 2016, 722-723, fig. 1.
15 Плетньов и др. 2018, 528-529, fig. 1; Манолова-Войкова, Лазаренко 2019, 505-506, fig. 1.
16 Манолова-Войкова, Лазаренко 2019, 506.
346
excavations of the south tower (Tower 1) and the coin hoard from the 3rd century found in a layer of rubble.
Tower No. 1 (south tower) at the main fortification wall

The excavations of the tower began in 2017. The facility’s plan and size are unusual for Late Antiq-
uity and the Middle Ages. The tower is rectangular, completely extending about 11 m in front of the line
of the fortress wall, with face width of 9 m (fig. 3). Its internal dimensions are 7.40 x 5.50 m. The entrance,
1.30 m wide, is located in the centre of the west tower wall. The space of the tower is divided into two
roughly equal parts (east and west) by a 0.50 m wide transverse wall. Embrasures were shaped across the
three outer walls, functionally connected to the second floor (fig. 4).
The west room, already completely studied, has a fully preserved first floor and a partly preserved
second floor. The height of the south wall reaches 4.20 m, and that of the north wall – 4.80 m (fig. 5). The
first two rows of the masonry are constructed of tightly arranged quadra blocks arranged in the Läufer–
Binder system. Above them, the walls are made of smaller limestone blocks, and their front surface is cov-
ered with a thick coat of mortar plaster. The first floor is 2.90 m high. It ends at the sockets of large beams
with circular cross-section (0.25–0.35 m in diameter) that had supported the floor of the second level.
The entrance to the tower is shaped as a passageway through the entire thickness of the masonry of
the west wall. It is 1.5 m long and 1.3 m wide. It ends with an arch constructed of 13 wedged blocks with
trapezoidal faces (fig. 6). The face surface of the keystone is decorated with a round concave medallion
intended as an inlay (fig. 7).
The stratigraphic layers in the two parts of the tower – east and west – show that they were used
in different periods of time. The eastern premises had functioned as intended in the 13th–14th centuries,
until the fortress was destroyed in the 1440s. Their interior was filled with rubble comprising stones, quad-
ra blocks and mortar, including entire segments of the masonry. Below them, there remained a thin fill
of dark earth, in which a small amount of pottery from the 14th and the first half of the 15th century was
found. The latest positively dated finds of this layer, which give a terminus post quem for the demolition
of the walls, are a coin of Sultan Mehmed I (1413–1421) and a nut from a crossbow trigger mechanism,
which probably was lost here during the crusader army’s attack in 1444. What follows is a blockade of
mortar and building materials formed during earlier demolitions. Evidence of the period in which these
happened can be found in the stratigraphic layers and the finds in the adjacent western premises.
Research in the west premises of the tower has thrown doubt over whether it was used in the Mid-
dle Ages. Unlike the east part, a thin Late Medieval layer mixed with humus soil has been found here (fig.
8, layer 1). Immediately underneath that, there begins a layer of destruction rubble composed of mortar,
quadra blocks, broken rubble stones from the emplekton, fragments of the walls with preserved masonry,
parts of wall plasters painted in Pompeian red and putties with reed imprints from the crumbled ceilings.
The homogeneous mass of the fill is 2.70 m thick next to the south wall of the tower and 3.10 m next to the
north wall (fig. 8, layer 2). Deeper, there is a layer of varying height (from 0.30 m in the northern part of
the premises to 0.73 m in the southern part) consisting of dark earth mixed with mortar, charcoal, tegulae
and imbrices from the roof that had collapsed before the walls (fig. 8, layer 3). Below it, just above the floor
level, there is a layer 0.25–0.30 m thick (fig. 8, layer 4) of dark earth with charcoal, ash, animal bones, a few
fragments of red slip vessels and pottery made by hand. The floor level had been smoothed with clayed
earth (fig. 8, layer 6). A small sondage at its northeast corner indicated that it had been levelled on a sub-
strate of small rubble stones and compacted dark earth (fig. 8, layer 5).
The scarce finds from the lowest stratigraphic levels in the western part of the tower do not allow
any firm conclusions to be drawn as to the time of its construction and initial occupation. Of the materials
found in the layer of destruction rubble (fig. 8, layer 2), only the period before which the tower had al-
ready been functioning can be determined. In this huge mass of mortar and building materials, fragments
of glass vessels, two red slipware bowls and two lamps (fig. 9) were found. One of the lamps has a specific
decoration – a stylized rosette on the disk, of triple relief rays with relief points centred in between (fig.
9, 2). It was produced in Nicopolis ad Istrum or in Odessos in the 3rd century.17 The bowls have a shallow
body, a wide profiled periphery and a low foot. Their inner surface is covered with red slip and concentric
17 Кузманов, Минчев 2018, 61, 62, 177.
347
circles are carved on the bottoms. The origin of the form can be associated with Form 6, Type B of African
Red Slip ware from the early and mid-2nd century18, but the composition of the clay and the quality of the
slip suggest that their origin is local. Similar forms are known from the production of the pottery centre in
Butovo which dates to the period after the mid-2nd century.19 In the same context, most coins of the hoard
were found around a large collapsed segment of the masonry (fig. 8, layer 2, find-spots I–V). It can be as-
sumed that, at the time of the collapse, the objects and the coins had been on the second floor of the tower.
A sondage made in the antechamber of the tower revealed a similar stratigraphic situation as in
the interior of the west premises, and therefore coins from the destruction layer and upper surface of the
Roman layer are included in the following analysis of the coin hoard (fig. 10, find-spots VI–X).
Coins from the destroyed west wall of Tower No. 1

On October 7th, 8th, 10th, 11th and 16th 2019, during the clearing of the west premises (3.45 x 5.60
m) on the first floor of Tower No. 1, in the thick destruction layer of mortar, stones and entire sections
of walls, as well as on the floor of the tower, 35 coins were collected. They were found on an area of 2 sq.
m in two larger groups of 16 pcs. and 12 pcs. respectively, two smaller groups of 3 pcs. and 2 pcs., and,
separately, 2 more coins. Another 7 coins were found on October 19th, 21st and 24th, 2019, in a sondage in
the antechamber of the tower (1.80 x 6.00 m), immediately next to the west wall. Two of them came from
a destruction layer of mortar and stones, and the other five – from a layer of brown earth mixed with roof
tiles between the rubble from the wall and the antechamber floor. In 2020 during the field conservation of
Tower 1, a coin was discovered in a bed of a decayed wooden beam in the masonry of southern wall. In Oc-
tober, the same year, the excavation continued in the southeastern room of the tower where 3 other coins
were found: one – in the destruction layer (of mortar and stones), and two others in the layer between the
destructions and the floor of the tower. Before cleaning, their surface was not covered in mortar. Some
were burnt. It therefore cannot be assumed that they had been built into the wall during the erection of
the tower – a common practice in the construction of fortification walls and public buildings during Late
Antiquity and the Middle Ages. Five of the six locations of the finds in the west room of the tower were
close together and on top of a layer of brown earth with broken roof tiles on its floor. The fact that the coins
were scattered inside and outside the tower suggests that, originally, they had not been placed in a vessel
or a purse. They had probably in a niche or a hole left by the construction scaffolding (?) somewhere in the
west wall and, as it collapsed, they scattered among the ruins. These clarifications are important in order
to define them as parts of a single compact group of a closed archaeological complex, i.e. a coin hoard.
The coins can be divided into Greek Imperial coins and Roman Imperial coins. The former are
bronze specimens from the V (Є, Е), ІV½ (Δ<) and IV denominations, minted in the Lower Moesian and
Thracian cities of Marcianopolis, Odessos, Tomis, Anchialos and Mesambria for the Emperors Septimius
Severus (AD 193–211), Antoninus (called ‘Caracalla’) (AD 198–217), Macrinus (AD 217–218), Antoninus
(called ‘Elagabalus’) (AD 218–222), Severus Alexander (AD 222–235), Maximinus I ‘Thrax’ (AD 235–
238), Gordian III (AD 238–244) and Philip I ‘the Arab’ (AD 244–249) and for members of their families.
The second group consists of silver denarii and billon antoniniani of the Emperors Vespasian (AD 69–79),
Antoninus (called ‘Caracalla’) as Caesar (AD 195–198), Severus Alexander (AD 222–235), Gallienus (AD
253–268) and Claudius II ‘Gothicus’ (AD 268–270).
The coins of Claudius II ‘Gothicus’ are coinage issues dated in the periods: ca. September 268 –
mid-269 (No. 38); ca. September 268 – the end of 269 (Nos. 37 and 46); ca. the end of 268 – the end of 269
(No. 42); mid-269 – the spring of 270 (Nos. 39–41). Their minting must have preceded the great barbarian
invasion of migratory nature20 that, according to written sources, affected the eastern half of the province
of Moesia Inferior, including Marcianopolis, in 26921. The city was attacked but not captured, however the
other settlements in the area may have fallen victim to the invaders. It is not clear whether the smaller
fortresses resisted at all, or were abandoned before the arrival of the barbarians, or whether the latter
used them in the battles with the Roman army that followed. Scriptores Historiae Augustae reads: ‘Pugna-
18 Hayes 1972, 29-31.
19 Sultov 1985, 64-65, Type 6, Table XXVIII/1.
20 Vulpe 1938, 273-275; Vulpe, Barnea 1968, 263; Торбатов 1990, 52.
21 SHA. Divus Claudius, IX, 3; Zosimus, I. 42, 2.
348
tum est enim apud Moesos et multa proelia fuerunt apud Marcianopolim’ (‘Indeed, the war was fought in
Moesia and many battles took place at Marcianopolis’).22 It was probably around these events that part of
the second floor of the south tower of Petrich Kale fortress was destroyed. The antechamber and the west
premises on the first floor remained buried, and although their area above the demolition rubble has been
used over the following centuries, the ruins were not cleared but only evened out at the height of the mod-
ern-day ground level.23
As the latest coins from the 3rd century found so far during the excavations at Petrich Kale are two
antoniniani of Emperor Aurelian (AD 270–275) (Nos. 23 and 24 of the single finds), there is a possibility
that the destruction of the tower happened after 269. In the autumn of 271, Aurelian fought the barbari-
ans in Thrace and defeated them north of the Danube.24 When exactly the 3rd-century settlement was de-
stroyed will be clarified in the future, because the cultural stratum of the Roman era in the interior of the
fortress has been reached only by soundings in limited areas.
Historically and archeologically, the coins from the destruction rubble of the tower enable us to
conclude that by 269, or a few years later, the main fortress wall with the three towers along its course al-
ready existed. It is hard to say when it was built. The only information of fortification construction in the
area of Marcianopolis in the 2nd–3rd centuries comes from an epigraphic monument found in the area of the
village of Nevsha, Provadiya Municipality. It is understood from it that, in 152, the governor of the prov-
ince of Thrace C. Gallonius Fronto Q. Marcius Turbo built phruri (guard posts), which were to protect the
border of Marcianopolis in regio Gelegetiorum.25 In the absence of other written sources, the dating of the
fortress of Petrich Kale can only be determined by the architectural plan and the shape of the towers. They
are rectangular and protrude entirely in front of the curtain wall. This characteristic feature dates back to
the 240s at the earliest, because fortification construction up to and during the time of the Emperors of
the Severan Dynasty (AD 193–235) featured towers built behind the wall or only partially protruding.26 J.
Lander describes rectangular towers protruding in front of the wall in fortifications from the period be-
tween the Emperors Maximinus I ‘Thrax’ and Claudius II ‘Gothicus’ and indicates a dating, as proposed by
their researchers, during the reign of Emperor Gallienus.27 It is supposed that repairs of the fortress walls
or new fortification of the towns in Dobrudzha under Gallienus were undertaken due to the planned with-
drawal of the Romans from the province of Dacia, with the Lower Danube limes becoming the first line of
defence against the tribes living north of the Danube. The withdrawal itself took place during the reign of
Emperor Aurelian, but preparations for it began as early as under Gallienus.28 The same applies, and is even
more justified, for the western part of the province of Moesia Inferior, which fell within the bounds of the
newly created province of Dacia Ripensis.29 Inside the province of Moesia Inferior, the focus turned to the
strategic locations along the passes of the Balkan Mountains. Already in the first years of Gallienus’s reign,
a new military unit was sent to Sostra in the Trojan Pass on the Oescus – Philippopolis road.30
The blocking of the rock massif on the Avren plateau was hardly an isolated case in the province of
Moesia Inferior. All large-scale fortifications were usually the result of invasions, so the wall of Petrich Kale
was probably built after one of the barbarian attacks during the reign of the Emperors Gordian III (AD
22 SHA. Divus Claudius, IX, 3.

23 Манолова-Войкова 2019, 101-102.
24 SHA. Divus Aurelianus, XXII, 2.
25 Мирчев 1961, 15, No. 14, 20, fig. 12; Boïadjiev 2000, 134 sq., No. 63. The inscription is a fragment. Of the name of the
Emperor’s legate (legatus Augusti), only the surname Turbo has been preserved in its entirety. Therefore, it is assumed that it may
be part of the name of the provincial governor of Moesia Inferior for the period 154-156, T. Flavius Longinus Q. Marcius Turbo
(Thomasson 2009, 50). In mid-2nd century, Marcianopolis was within the province of Thrace, and although it bordered on Moe-
sia Inferior, the inscriptions similar in terms of content, paleography and dating, are from Thrace. That is why it is assumed that
the inscription found near the village of Nevsha describes fortification activities undertaken by C. Gallonius Fronto Q. Marcius
Turbo.
26 Lander 1984, 5-149.
27 Lander 1984, 162-165.
28 Barbu 1978, 143-150.
29 Zahariade 2014-2015, 119-154.
30 Христов 2007, 12; Hristov 2015, 296.
349
238–244)31, Philip I ‘the Arab’ (AD 244–249)32, Trajan Decius (AD 249–251)33, Trebonianus Gallus and
Volusian (AD 251–253)34 or Valerian I (AD 253–260) and Gallienus (AD 253–268)35. Currently, however,
it is not possible to specify a more precise dating within the range 238–268.
Although the number of coins in the hoard is not large, their value is too great for everyday ‘pocket
money’. It is noteworthy that the bronze ones, with the exception of one, have two busts on the obverse, of
the largest V (Є, Е) and ІV½ (Δ<) denominations, predominant in the hoards hidden around the middle
of the 3rd century in the city territory of Marcianopolis.36 They also dominate in terms of quantity among
the city coins found during the excavations at Petrich Kale. Out of 12 coins, 7 are of the V (Є, E) denom-
ination, 2 are of the ІV½ (Δ<) denomination, 1 is of the IV denomination and 1 is of the I denomination.
The intensive minting of coins of a high denomination in the Lower Moesian and Thracian cities in the
second quarter of the 3rd century can be explained by the increased military activity and the need for
bronze coins for the Roman army units deployed in Moesia Inferior or passing through the province.37 This
circumstance makes it difficult to determine if the last owner of the hoard was a military man or a civilian.
The coins had been left in the wall on the second floor of a fortress tower, which suggests that he must have
been a serviceman. The construction of a fortress implies the presence of a garrison in the protected area.
This was probably formed by the so-called burgarii – local people who were drafted for military service
with guard and police functions under the command of an officer (centurio) of the Roman army.38 There-
fore, it can be assumed that the coins were in the possession of one of these individuals.
Finding a hoard with such composition is not unexpected. In the 3rd century, in Moesia Inferior and
Thrace, city coins, denarii and antoniniani were used in parallel and, when necessary, were hidden together
– either mixed or sorted by type.39 This is typical of the 40s, 50s and 60s of the century. That time, due to
the frequent barbarian invasions, was also the peak of hidden coin hoards. In the largest number of mixed
coin hoards, the latest coins are of Philip I ‘the Arab’40; however, in terms of number of coins, the largest
hoards were hidden during the independent rule of Emperor Gallienus – for instance, the hoard from
Mangalia (ancient Callatis), Constanta Region, Romania, which contains about 7,000 provincial coins and
2,175 denarii and antoniniani41, and the hoard from the village of Rositsa, General Toshevo Municipality42,
composed of 640 provincial coins and 820 denarii and antoniniani.
From the time of Emperor Claudius II ‘Gothicus’ characterized by the largest-scale Gothic inva-
sion, there has been only one known similar hoard until now. It came from the ruins of Antique buildings
in the Shan Kaya locality near the village of Onogur, Tervel Municipality, not far from the Roman and
Early Byzantine fortified settlement of Palmat(ae) situated alongside the route of the road between Duros-
torum and Marcianopolis.43 In terms of composition and quantity, it is very similar to what is presented in
this publication. It consists of 30 provincial bronze coins of the V denomination of the cities of Marcianop-
olis, Odessos, Tomis, Anchialos and Mesambria, struck during the reigns of the Emperors Macrinus, Anton-
inus (called ‘Elagabalus’), Severus Alexander, Gordian III and Philip I ‘the Arab’ and for members of their
families, and 9 billon antoniniani of Valerian I, Gallienus, Salonina and Claudius II ‘Gothicus’. The coins
had been burnt in a fire. There is no information on the specific archaeological context in which they were
found or whether they were part of a larger group, since they were not discovered during excavations.44
Although the hoard from the village of Onogur was found more than 30 years ago, so far there has
been no information on another one that would include a predominant amount of bronze provincial coins
31 Dexipp, fr. 13; SHA. Max. et Balb., XVI, 3; SHA. Gordiani tres, XXVI, 3-4.
32 Iord. Get. 89-94; Zosim, I, 23, 1.
33 Dexipp, fr. 17-19; Iord. Get. 101-103; Zosim, I, 23, 2-3; Lact. De mort. pers. IV, 3; Aur. Victor. XXIX, 1.
34 Zosim, I, 24.
35 Zosim, I, 29, 34-35; SHA. Gallieni duo, XIII, 6; Aur. Victor. XXXIII, 3.
36 Лазаров 1996.
37 Юрукова 1987, 100-107.
38 Кацаров 1927, 110-111; Fuhrmann 2012, 224-225; Syvänne 2015, 51-52.
39 Гущераклиев 2000, 26; Varbanov 2012, 293-295, maps 2-4.
40 Varbanov 2012, 294, map 3.
41 Vertan 2002, 277-279.
42 Tacchella 1893, 51-77.
43 Tab. Peut., §23; Torbatov 2000a, 63; Torbatov 2000b, 60-62; Ivanova, Sharankov 2012, 279-280.
44 Торбатов 1990, 50-55.
350
and fewer antoniniani dated up to Claudius II ‘Gothicus’. For this reason, it remained chronologically and
typologically isolated from the other hoards of the 3rd century in the eastern part of the province of Moesia
Inferior. With the discovery of the coins in the ruins of the fortress tower of Petrich Kale, it became clear
that it is a mix of coins that is common for its time, and that other similar finds can be expected. The two
hoards are a sure confirmation of some observations already made about the use of city coins in the third
quarter of the 3rd century.
After Emperor Philip I ‘the Arab’, city coinage minting in Moesia Inferior and Thrace died off. In the
eastern half of the Balkan Peninsula, only Serdica and Augusta Traiana minted coins for Gallienus. How-
ever, they had no distribution in nowadays north-eastern Bulgaria. Of the cities located here, Odessos and
Nicopolis ad Istrum countermarked coins with denominational countermarks, but when this happened
precisely is not very clear. Nicopolis ad Istrum’s countermarks were placed on coins dating back to the time
of Emperor Commodus (AD 177–192) and to some Emperors of early Severan Dynasty (AD 193–217).
It is supposed that this happened at the end of Gordian III’s reign or a bit later.45 Of Odessos it can be said
with certainty that the countermarking took place during or after the reign of Philip I ‘the Arab’, since the
latest known coin with the Odessos countermark is one of Philip II as Caesar (AD 244–247).46 Clearly,
however, the already minted coins continued to circulate, and, judging by the hoards from the village of
Onogur and from Petrich Kale, this was the case until at least 269. The logical end of their widespread use
was the monetary reform of Emperor Aurelian, which took away the right of the cities to mint coins47, but
even after that individual specimens happened to end up in hidden hoards (the hoards from the village
of Sennik, Sevlievo Municipality, and from the village of Ovchaga, Provadiya Municipality).48 During the
reign of Claudius II ‘Gothicus’ they might have even been valued more than the billon antoniniani.
In the two hoards, the provincial coins of the highest denomination predominate. If they are sep-
arated from the antoniniani, their composition in terms of percentage by cities and rulers does not differ
from that of the hoards only of bronze coins in the south-eastern periphery of the province of Moesia Infe-
rior, ending with issues of Emperor Philip I ‘the Arab’. This fact raises the question of whether some of the
hoards with provincial coins that end with issues of Philip I ‘the Arab’ were hidden not around the time
of the barbarian attacks during his reign or that of his successor Trajan Decius, but much later, during the
invasions towards the end of the reign of Gallienus, Claudius II ‘Gothicus’49 or even Aurelian50. This would
explain the surprisingly small number of hoards in Moesia Inferior (only the one from the village of On-
ogur) hidden during the otherwise biggest Gothic invasion of 269. This fact has been given consideration,
and it has been suggested that some of the hoards from the province, in which the latest coins are those of
Emperor Gallienus, may have been hidden not during the events of 267/268, but in 269.51 Another expla-
nation may be sought through the hypothesis that, in the Scriptores Historiae Augustae written in the 4th
century, the events of the end of Gallienus’ reign and the beginning of the reign of Claudius II ‘Gothicus’
had been deliberately misrepresented at the will of Caesar Constantius I ‘Chlorus’ (Caesar: AD 293–305,
Augustus: AD 305–306), and the invasion that ended with the battle of Naissus actually happened in
267/268 during the lifetime of Gallienus.52 Claudius II ‘Gothicus’, fought the remnants of the defeated
Goths, who fortified themselves in the Gessaces mountain (part of the Eastern Balkan Mountains?) and,
from there, attacked Marcianopolis in 269, and Anchialos and Nicopolis ad Istrum53 in the beginning of 270.
If all the hoards with bronze coins were hidden in the period 247–251, and there was no minting of
new city issues after 247, then what bronze coins were used to fill in the deficit thus occurring? It is possible
then, that coins may have been countermarked in Nicopolis ad Istrum and in Odessos, but the counter-
marks are for the III and the IV denominations and had local circulation mainly within the territories of
the two cities. Coins with Odessos countermarks have also been found in the eastern part of the city area of
45 Юрукова 1987, 91.
46 Lazarenko 2001, 56, Pl. IV, No. 13, 57, No. 15.
47 Vagi 1999, 367-368.
48 Гущераклиев 2000, 38, No 44, 51, No 109.
49 Гущераклиев 2000, 27; Върбанов, Русев 2005, 107-120; Varbanov 2012, 298.
50 Гущераклиев 2000, 27.
51 Торбатов 1990, 52-53.
52 Grant 1985, 171; Vagi 1999, 353; Христов 2007, 12; Орачев 2013, 174-180, 209-218.
53 Орачев 2013, 175-176, 214-215, 217-218.
351
Marcianopolis, but this is due to the geographical proximity – the distance between the two cities is 24 Ro-
man miles.54 Judging by the hoards from the village of Onogur and from Petrich Kale, it seems that quite a
number of the coins of the V denomination minted in the first half of the 3rd century in Marcianopolis and
the Western Pontic cities remained among the population and were used in the next quarter of a century.
An answer to the question of the time of the hiding of the homogeneous hoards of provincial coins
can be sought in two ways. One way is to compare the archaeological environment and the general chro-
nology of the coin complexes, when the hoards were found during excavations in settlements with visible
traces of destruction in the middle or the second half of the 3rd century. The other way is by the degree of
wear of provincial coins in hoards found outside settlements. By that degree, it is possible to estimate how
long they had been in active use before they were hidden. In this respect, the hoard from Petrich Kale is
important because it shows what the average coins of the various rulers from the 3rd century looked like as
of the year 269.
In the hoards from the village of Onogur and from Petrich Kale, the bronze coins occur many
times more frequently than the otherwise common antoniniani of Gallienus and Claudius II ‘Gothicus’.
The reason may be the greater number of provincial coins in the circulation environment from which
these hoards had been formed, or the value of the two types of coins. With the former hypothesis, it should
be assumed that the city coins were generally more. This is possible given the intensive minting of V-de-
nomination coins with two busts on the obverse in Marcianopolis and the Western Pontic cities, and the
somewhat delayed entry of the antoniniani in the local circulation. However, such an assumption cannot
be conclusively confirmed by the ratio between the two types of coins with the individual specimens of
the Petrich Kale excavations. They are, in terms of chronology and places of minting, largely identical to
the coins of the hoard in Tower No. 1. During the archaeological excavations, 11 provincial coins were
found, of Marcianopolis (7 pieces), Tomis (2 pieces), Mesambria (1 piece), Olbia (1 piece) from issues for
Antoninus (called ‘Caracalla’), Severus Alexander (AD 222–235), Gordian III (AD 238–244) and Philip
II as Caesar, and 8 antoniniani of Gallienus (3 pieces) and Claudius II ‘Gothicus’ (5 pieces). There are also
two antoniniani of Emperor Aurelian.
The second possibility – that the city coins had been more expensive and that is why they dominate
the hoards, seems more acceptable. Although it is not known what the ratio of bronze coins to billon an-
toniniani had been, there is no doubt that they had retained the value of the metal used in them, whereas
silver in the antoniniani during the reign of Claudius II ‘Gothicus’, was in minimal quantity or not includ-
ed at all. Taking into account the manner in which only coins of the highest denomination were picked,
which is characteristic of all hoards from the city territory of Marcianopolis, then their owners must have
kept them intentionally.55
Nevertheless, it should be taken into consideration that, of the 11 city coins found in the other
studied sectors of Petrich Kale, only two are not of the V denomination. Therefore, the hoard from Tower
No. 1 may have been formed in this way, because V-denomination coins predominated in the circulation
environment. In such case, it should not be considered as a selection, but as a momentary sample of the
coins available among the inhabitants of the fortress.
Two coins from the Petrich Kale hoard (Nos. 15 and 16) make it possible to specify chronologically
the mandates of three provincial governors in Moesia Inferior during the reign of Emperor Severus Alex-
ander. They are from issues for Severus Alexander, on the obverse of which he is presented together with
his mother Julia Mamaea. They were struck with the same obverse die, but are inscribed with the names of
different provincial governors – Tib. Iulius Festus and Um(brius) Terebentinus.
The legates Augusti Tib. Iul(ius) Festus, Um(brius?) Terebentinus and Fir. Philopappus are known
only from the coins of Marcianopolis. During their mandates, coins with images of Emperor Severus Al-
exander and his grandmother Julia Maesa56 on the obverse were minted. She died in 224 or 225.57 For
this reason, it can be taken for granted that they had held the post between 222, when Severus Alexander
became Emperor, and 226, with the reservation that the third one of them had taken up his post during
54 IAA, §228, 3-4.
55 Торбатов 1990, 51.
56 AMNG I, 1, 293-297, NrNr 1051-1067.
57 Vagi 1999, 293.
352
Julia Maesa’s lifetime. In 227, provincial governor of Moesia Inferior was already L. Mantennius Sabinus.58
Due to the ascertained use of the same obverse die for Marcianopolis coins of Um(brius?) Terebentinus and
Fir. Philopappus for Severus Alexander and Julia Mamaea, the sequence of their mandates has been estab-
lished.59 Now that one can see the use of the same obverse die for coins of Tib Iul(ius) Festus and Um(bri-
us?) Terebentinus, the direct succession of the mandates of Tib. Iul(ius) Festus, Um(brius?) Terebentinus and
Fir. Philopappus has been confirmed. Knowing that L. Annius Italicus Honoratus60 was provincial governor
of Moesia Inferior in 224, the chronological framework for the three imperial legates can be limited within
the period from 224 till 226/227. The mandate of Fir. Philopappus commenced in 225, during the lifetime
of Julia Maesa, and can be dated within the time from 225 to 226/227. His predecessor, Um(brius?) Tere-
bentinus, also held the post in 225. Tib. Iul(ius) Festus must have been sent to Moesia Inferior in 224 or 225.
It is more likely that this happened as early as 224.
The hoard from Petrich Kale contains a Marcianopolis coin named after the provincial governor
Iulius Gaetulicus. His mandate was originally dated in the first years of Severus Alexander’s reign – 222–
22461, but, as it was pointed out later, he is the only one who has coinage for Severus Alexander and Julia
Mamaea, but not for Severus Alexander and Julia Maesa.62 It is therefore assumed that his mandate had
been between 232 and 235. He had most likely been the penultimate or last provincial governor of Moesia
Inferior during the reign of Severus Alexander63, since in 234 this post was held by C. Messius Quintus
Decius Valerinus.64
Two coins of Anchialos (Nos. 27 and 44) supplement the information on the reverse dies used in
this city during the reign of Gordian III. With them, the number of the known dies for V-denomination
coins of the issue for Gordian III and Tranquillina with type “Eagle” becomes 1465, and with type “Hygieia”
– 1266. The total number of reverse dies is increased to 165.67 A combination of the obverse die that was
used to strike coin No. 27 with a reverse die for the “Hygieia” type was also not known.68
Upon a comprehensive review of the provincial coins from the excavations at Petrich Kale (the
hoard from the tower and the individual specimens from the other sectors), their distribution by cities is
noteworthy. Quite naturally, the coins of Marcianopolis (29) are predominant among them. Next in num-
ber are the coins of Tomis (4), Mesambria (5) and Anchialos (6). They entered the city territory of Marcia-
nopolis from the north and from the south with the movement of people and goods along the main roads
connecting Marcianopolis with Noviodunum (Isaccea, Romania)69 and Anchialos.70 It is not clear why there
is only one coin of Odessos. Odessos coins are not uncommon in the Marcianopolis region, but in this case,
they are the least represented among the V-denomination coins. Somewhat unexpected is the discovery
of a Roman coin of a small denomination of Olbia. Before ending it its circulation at Petrich Kale, it had
probably been in some Moesian or Thracian coastal town. The only other Olbia coin from the 3rd century
that can definitely be associated with a particular place of use in Moesia Inferior bears a denominational
countermark of Odessos.71 It is a coin of Severus Alexander as well, but the countermarking shows that it
had been in Odessos during the reign of Philip I ‘the Arab’ or later. Therefore, we assume that the Olbian
coin from Petrich Kale had originally been in Odessos, and from there it was transferred inland in Moesia
Inferior.
The coins found so far outline the habitation of the rock ridge during the Roman era in two periods
– the middle/the third quarter of the 3rd century, and the end of the 4th/the very beginning of the 5th cen-
58 Thomasson 2009, 54.
59 Лозински 2008, 253.
60 Fitz 1966, 51.
61 AMNG I, 1, 281; Pippidi 1962, 178-181; Fitz 1966, 51.
62 Лозински 2008, 254.
63 Лозински 2008, 254-255.
64 Thomasson 2009, 54.
65 Тачев 2018, 30-31.
66 Тачев 2018, 71.
67 Тачев 2018, 286, Tab. 2, 288, Tab. 4.
68 Тачев 2018, 278-279.
69 Велков 2011, 276.
70 Маджаров 2009, 215-222.
71 Lazarenko 2001, 52, No. 1, 53, Pl. I, No. 1.
353
tury. Only three earlier Roman coins were found – asses of Hadrian (AD 117–138) and of Antoninus Pius
as Caesar (AD 138) under Hadrian, and dupondius of Marcus Aurelius as Caesar (AD 139–161) under
Antoninus Pius. They were probably also used in the 3rd century, because there are sestertii, dupondii and
asses from the 1st–2nd century72 in some of the hoards with provincial coins, whereas dupondii and asses
were countermarked with denominational countermarks of Odessos in the middle/the second half of the
3rd century73. Most Roman imperial coins are of Claudius II ‘Gothicus’ (12 pieces). Of his predecessor –
Gallienus, there are 4 pieces, and of his successor Aurelian – 2 pieces. The inflow of coins abruptly ceased
after Aurelian. Although there are individual specimens from the 330s, 340s and 350s, the next large group
of coins in a clearly delineated archaeological stratum are of Emperors of the Theodosian Dynasty (AD
379–457). Almost all date from the last decade of the 4th century and the first decade of the 5th century.
Although the 3rd century settlement existed only briefly, the fortress wall with the towers in front of
it had a different fate. It turned out to be one of the few reliable examples of the use of a Roman fortification
for its original purpose for centuries. It was finally abandoned 1,200 years after it was built. Although there
is no authoritative information, the main reason why the place was no longer inhabited was, most likely,
precisely the destruction of the fortress in the autumn of 1444.
72 Гущераклиев 2000, 26.

73 Lazarenko 2001, 52-54, Nos. 2, 6, 8, Pls. I–II, Nos. 2, 6, 8, 56-57, Nos. 18, 19, Pl. IV, Nos. 16-17.
354
CATALOGUE
I. The Coins of the Hoard Found in Tower No. 1
The coins found during excavations in 2019
GREEK IMPERIAL COINS
PROVINCE OF Moesia Inferior
Marcianopolis
Septimius Severus and Julia Domna (AD 193–211),

legatus Augusti pro praetore consularis Flavius Ulpianus (AD 210–213)74
1. Obv. АV K Λ СEΠT СEV[HPOC] ІОVΛІΑ// ΔОМΝΑ/ CEB. Confronting laureate-headed draped

and cuirassed bust of Septimius Severus, right, and draped bust of Julia Domna, left.
Rev. V ΦΛ ОVΛΠІΑΝО/ V МΑΡΚІΑΝОΠОΛІΤΩΝ. Hades-Serapis, kalathos on head, seated left,
extending right hand over Cerberus before him, holding long sceptre in left hand. Ground line. Є
(mark of value) in field to left.
Ӕ; V denomination; 26.5/27.5 mm; 11.46 g; 1 h.
Ref.: AMNG I, 1, S. 223, Nr. 597; Varbanov 2005а, 120, Nos. 858-859; Христова, Жеков 2013, 51, No.
6.15.6.1.
Find-spot II. Field Inventory No. 3/2019 (Pl. I/1).
Antoninus (called ‘Caracalla’) and Julia Domna (AD 212–217),

legatus Augusti pro praetore consularis Quintilianus (AD 213–216)
2. Obv. [АΝΤΩΝІ]ΝОС [ΑVГОVСΤОС І]ОVΛІΑ ΔОМ/ ΝΑ. Confronting laureate-headed bust of

Caracalla, right, and draped bust of Julia Domna, left.
Rev. VΠ ΚVΝΤІΛІΑΝОV МΑΡΚІΑΝОΠ[ОΛІΤΩΝ]. Demeter standing facing, head left, holding
corn-ears in right hand and long torch in left hand. Є (mark of value) in field to left.
Ӕ; V denomination; 28/26.5 mm; 11.46 g; 7 h.
Ref.: AMNG I, 1, S. 223, Nr. 658 (rev. var.); Varbanov 2005а, 129 No. 1018; Христова, Жеков 2013, 80,
No. 6.19.5.2.
Find-spot IV. Field Inventory No. 23/2019 (Pl. I/2).
3. Obv. АΝΤΩΝІΝОС ΑVГОVСΤОС ІОVΛІΑ ΔОМΝΑ. As Nо. 2.

Rev. VΠ ΚVΝΤІΛІΑΝ/ ОV МΑΡΚІΑΝОΠОΛІΤΩΝ. Homonoia standing facing, head left, wearing
kalathos and long garment, holding patera in outstretched right hand over lighted and garlanded altar
and cornucopia in left hand. Ground line. Є (mark of value) in field to left.
Ӕ; V denomination; 27 mm; 10.63 g; 7 h.
Ref.: AMNG I, 1, S. 226, Nr. 677; Varbanov 2005а, 130, No. 1030 (var.); Христова, Жеков 2013, 91, No.
6.19.36.6.
74 Dating of the mandates of legatus Augusti pro praetore consularis:
Flavius Ulpianus (AD 210–213), Quintilianus (AD 213–216) and Pontianus (AD 217) after Ботева 1997, 331;
Iulius Antonius Seleucus (AD 220–221) after Fitz 1966, 51;
Tib. Iul(ius) Festus (AD 224–225), Um(brius?) Terebentinus (AD 225) and Iulius Gaetulicus (AD 232–234 or AD 234–235)
after Лозински 2008, 252-254 and according to this article;
Tullius Menophilus (AD 239–240) after Thomasson 2009, 55;
Prosius Tertullianus (AD 242–244) after Fitz 1966, 53.
355
Find-spot III. Field Inventory No. 35/2019 (Pl. I/3).
4. Obv. АΝΤ/ ΩΝІΝОС ΑVГОVСΤОС ІОVΛІΑ Δ/ ОМΝΑ. As Nо. 2.

Rev. VΠ ΚV/ ΝΤІΛІ/ ΑΝОV МΑΡΚІΑ// ΝОΠОΛІΤΩ/ Ν. Façade of a tetrastyle temple, acroteria
and antefixa along roof, statue of Serapis within holding hand upraised and sceptre, Є (mark of value)
to left.
Ref.: AMNG I, 1, S. 229, Nr. 689; Varbanov 2005а, 131, figs. 1046, 1049 (var.), 132, No. 1049; Христова,
Жеков 2013, 96, No. 6.19.46.12.
5. Obv. [АΝΤΩΝІΝОС ΑVГОVС]ΤО[С ІОVΛІΑ] ΔОМΝΑ. As Nо. 2.

Rev. VΠ Κ[VΝΤІΛІΑ/ ΝОV МΑΡΚІΑΝ]ОΠОΛІΤΩΝ. Façade of a tetrastyle temple, acroteria and
antefixa along roof, statue of Homonoia standing left, holding phiale over altar, and cornucopiae. E
Ref.: AMNG I, 1, S. 230, Nr. 692 (var.); Varbanov 2005а, 131, No. 1046 (var.); Христова, Жеков 2013, 98,
No. 6.19.46.21.
Macrinus and Diadumenian (AD 217–218),

legatus Augusti pro praetore consularis Pontianus (AD 217)
6. Obv. AVT K OΠEΛ CEV MAKP[EINOC K M OΠ]EΛ АΝΤΩΝEІΝОС. Confronting laureate-head-

ed bust of Macrinus, right, and bare-headed bust of Diadumenian, left. Same obverse die as 8 and 10.
Rev. VΠ ΠOΝ[ΤІΑΝОV МΑ]/ ΡΚІΑΝОΠОΛІ[Τ]ΩΝ. Serapis standing facing, head left, wearing
kalathos, raising right arm, holding drapery and long sceptre in left hand. Ground line. E (mark of
value) in field to right.
Ӕ; V denomination; 26.5 mm; 10.88 g; 12 h.
Ref.: AMNG I, 1, S. 236, Nr. 719 (var.); Varbanov 2005а, 143, Nos. 1213; Христова, Жеков 2013, 120, No.
6.24.6.2.
Find-spot VII. Field Inventory No. 49/2019 (Pl. I/6).
7. Obv. AVT K М OΠ[EΛ CE]V MAKPEINOC K M [OΠEΛ] АΝΤ[ΩΝEІΝОС]. As Nо. 6.

Rev. VΠ ΠOΝ[ΤІΑΝОV МΑ/ ΡΚІΑΝОΠО]ΛІΤΩΝ. Hera standing facing, head left, holding patera
in right hand over flaming altar and leaning left on sceptre, at his feet, eagle. Ground line. [E] (mark
of value) in field to right.
Ӕ; V denomination; 26.3/26 mm; 11.77 g; 1 h.
Ref.: AMNG I, 1, S. 236, Nr. 722; Varbanov 2005а, 142, Nos. 1185–1185a; Христова, Жеков 2013, 115,
No. 6.24.3.3.
Find-spot VIII. Field Inventory No. 60/2019 (Pl. I/7).
8. Obv. AVT K OΠEΛ CEV MAKPEINOC K M OΠEΛ АΝΤΩΝEІΝОС. As Nо. 6. Same obverse die as
Nо. 6 and Nо. 10.
Rev. VΠ ΠOΝΤІΑΝОV МΑΡ/ ΚІΑΝО[ΠОΛІΤΩΝ]. Apollo standing facing, head right, naked,
placing right hand on head and holding bow in left, and quiver to left, to right, serpent coiled around
tree stump. Ground line. E (mark of value) in field to left.
Ref.: AMNG I, 1, S. 237, Nr. 726 (var.); Varbanov 2005а, 140 Nos. 1146–1147; Христова, Жеков 2013,
124, No. 6.24.7.16.
356
9. Obv. [AVT K OΠEΛ] CEV MAKP[EIN]OC K M OΠ[EΛ АΝΤΩΝEІΝОС]. As Nо. 6.
Rev. VΠ ΠOΝΤІΑΝОV [МΑΡ/ ΚІΑΝОΠОΛІΤΩΝ]. Nemesis-Aequitas standing facing, head left,
holding scales in right hand and cornucopiae in left hand. Ground line. E (mark of value) in field to
right.
Ӕ; V denomination; 28/29 mm; 16.17 g; 7 h.
Ref.: AMNG I, 1, S. 244, Nr. 760; Varbanov 2005а, 143, Nos. 1208–1209 (var.); Христова, Жеков 2013,
143, No. 6.24.35.11.
Find-spot III. Field Inventory No. 24/2019 (Pl. I/9).
10. Obv. AVT K OΠEΛ [CEV MAKPE]INOC K M OΠEΛ АΝΤΩΝEІΝО[С]. As Nо. 6. Same obverse die
as Nо. 6 and Nо. 8.
Rev. VΠ ΠOΝΤІΑΝ/ ОV МΑΡΚІΑΝО// ΠОΛІΤΩ/ [Ν]. Façade of a tetrastyle temple, acroteria and
antefixa along roof, statue of Asclepius standing facing, holding serpent-staff in right hand, the left in
front of the chest. E (mark of value) in field to left.
Ref.: AMNG I, 1, S. 248, Nr. 783 (var.); Varbanov 2005а, –; Христова, Жеков 2013, 153, No. 6.24.46.7.
Antoninus (called ‘Elagabalus’) and Julia Maesa (AD 218–222),

legatus Augusti pro praetore consularis Iulius Antonius Seleucus (AD 220–221)
11. Obv. АVΤ∙K∙М∙ΑVPH[ΛІОС] АΝΤΩ[ΝEІ]ΝОС ІОVΛІΑ MAIC AVГ. Confronting laureate-head-

ed bust of Elagabalus, right, and diademed and draped bust of Julia Maesa, left.
Rev. VΠ ІОVΛ ANT СEΛE/ VKОV МΑΡΚІΑΝОΠОΛІ// ΤΩΝ. Demeter standing facing, head left,
holding corn-ears in right hand and long torch in left hand. Ground line. E (mark of value) in field
to right.
Ref.: AMNG I, 1, S. 273, Nr. 945 (var.); Varbanov 2005а, 165 No. 1619; Христова, Жеков 2013, 203, No.
6.28.5.1–2 (var.).
12. Obv. АVΤ∙K∙М∙ΑVPHΛІОС АΝΤΩΝEІΝОС ІОVΛІΑ MAICA. As Nо. 9.

Rev. VΠ ІОVΛ ANT СEΛEVKОV МΑΡΚІΑΝОΠОΛІΤΩ// Ν. Asclepius standing facing, head left,
holding serpent-staff in right hand, the left in front of the chest. Ground line. E (mark of value) in
field to left.
Ref.: AMNG I, 1, S. 275, Nr. 955; Varbanov 2005а, 165, No. 1615; Христова, Жеков 2013, 209, No.
6.28.20.3.
13. Obv. АVΤ K М ΑVP АΝΤΩΝEІΝОС ІОVΛІ[Α MAICA ΑVГ]. Confronting laureate-headed draped
and cuirassed bust of Elagabalus, right, and diademed and draped bust of Julia Maesa, left.
Rev. VΠ ІОVΛ ANT СEΛEVKОV МΑΡ[ΚІ]ΑΝОΠОΛІΤΩΝ. Homonoia standing facing, head left,
holding patera in right hand and cornucopiae in left hand. Ground line. E (mark of value) in field to
left.
Ref.: AMNG I, 1, S. 276, Nr. 964 (obv, rev. var.); Varbanov 2005а, 165, No. 1629 (var.); Христова, Жеков
2013, 214, No. 6.28.36.6.
Find-spot V. Field Inventory No. 39/2019 (Pl. II/13).
357
Severus Alexander and Julia Maesa (AD 222–224/5),
legatus Augusti pro praetore consularis Tib. Iul(ius) Festus (AD 224–225)
14. Obv. [АVΤ] K М ΑVP СEVH AΛEZAΝ[ΔPОC ІОVΛІΑ MAECA]. Confronting laureate-headed
draped and cuirassed bust of Severus Alexander, right, and diademed and draped bust of Julia Maesa,
left.
Rev. VΠ ΤІB ІОVΛ ФНСТОV МΑΡΚІΑΝОΠОΛІΤ/ ΩΝ. Nemesis standing facing, head left, hold-
ing scales in right hand and cornucopiae in left hand; wheel at feet. E (mark of value) in field to right.
Ref.: AMNG I, 1, S. 223, Nr. 1055 (rev. var.); Varbanov 2005а, –; Христова, Жеков 2013, 245, Nos.
6.33.35.3–6 (rev. var.).
Find-spot IV. Field Inventory No. 36/2019 (Pl. II/14).
Severus Alexander and Julia Mamaea (AD 222–235),

15. Obv. [АVΤ K М ΑVP] СEVH AΛEZAΝΔPОC ІОVΛІΑ MAMAIA. Confronting laureate-headed
draped and cuirassed bust of Severus Alexander, right, and diademed and draped bust of Julia Ma-
maea, left. Same obverse die as 16.
Rev. VΠ ΤІB ІОVΛ ФНСТО/ V МΑΡΚІΑΝОΠОΛІΤΩΝ. Ares standing facing, head right, wearing
crested helmet, holding inverted spear in right hand and shield set down at his feet. Ground line. E
6.34.11.1.
Find-spot II. Field Inventory No. 10/2019 (Pl. II/15).

legatus Augusti pro praetore Um(brius?) Terebentinus (AD 225)
16. Obv. АVΤ K М ΑVP [СEVH AΛEZAΝΔPОC] ІОVΛІΑ MAMAIA. As Nо. 15. Same obverse die as
Nо. 15.
Rev. [HГ ОVM ΤEPEBENT]EINОV МΑΡΚІΑΝОΠО// ΛІΤΩΝ. Zeus enthroned left, holding patera
in outstretched right hand, leaning left on sceptre. Ground line. E (mark of value) in field to right.
Ref.: AMNG I, 1 – ; Varbanov 2005а, 177, No. 1830; Христова, Жеков 2013, 248, No. 6.34.1.3.

legatus Augusti pro praetore consularis Iulius Gaetulicus
(AD 232–234 or AD 234–235)
17. Obv. [АVΤ] K М ΑV СEVH AΛEZAΝΔPОC ІОV MAMMЄA. As Nо. 15.

Rev. VΠ ОVΛ ГEΤОVΛIKОV МΑΡΚІΑΝОΠОΛІΤ. Tyche standing facing, head right, holding rud-
der in left hand and cornucopia in right hand. Ground line. E (mark of value) in field to right.
Ref.: AMNG I, 1 S. 297, Nr. 1069 (var.); Varbanov 2005а, 178, No. 1840; Христова, Жеков 2013, 254, No.
6.34.38.6.
358
Gordian III and Serapis (AD 238–244),
legatus Augusti pro praetore consularis Tullius Menophilus (AD 239–240)
18. Obv. [АNΤWNOC ГOPΔIAΝОC AVГ]// AVT K M. Confronting laureate-headed draped and cui-
rassed bust of Gordian III, wearing paludamentum, right, and bust of Serapis, draped and wearing
kalathos, left.
Rev. VΠ MHNOΦIΛО[V/ МΑΡΚІΑΝОΠО// Λ/ І/ Τ/ Ω]. Athena standing facing, head left, wearing
helmet and long garment, resting right hand on shield, holding spear in left hand. Ground line. E
Ref.: AMNG I, 1, S. 310, Nr. 1135 (var); Varbanov 2005а, 187, No. 1994, fig. 1944; Христова, Жеков 2013,
269, No. 6.37.4.1.
Find-spot III. Field Inventory No. 25/2019 (Pl. II/18).
19. Obv. [M АNΤ ГOP]ΔIAΝОC// AVГ. As Nо. 18.

Rev. VΠ MHNOΦIΛО/ V МΑΡΚІΑΝОΠ// ОΛІΤΩΝ. Nemesis-Aequitas standing facing, head left,
holding scales in right hand and cubit-rule in left arm; at her feet, wheel. Ground line. E (mark of
Ref.: AMNG I, 1 S. 314, Nr. 1154 (var.); Varbanov 2005а, 191, No. 2001 (var.); Христова, Жеков 2013, 281,
No. 6.37.35.10.
Gordian III and Tranquillina (AD 238–244),

legatus Augusti pro praetore consularis Prosius Tertullianus (AD 242/243–244)
20. Obv. ΑVΤ Κ Μ ΑΝΤ ΓΟΡΔΙΑΝΟC ΑVΓ CЄ// ΤΡΑΝΚVΛ/ ΛЄΙΝΑ. Confronting laureate-headed
draped and cuirassed bust of Gordian III, wearing paludamentum, right, and diademed and draped
bust of Tranquillina, left. Same obverse die as 21.
Rev. VΠ TEPTVΛΛIA[NОV МΑΡΚІΑΝ]// ОΠОΛEІΤ/ ΩN. Zeus enthroned left, holding patera in
outstretched right hand, leaning left on sceptre; at his feet, eagle. Ground line. E (mark of value) in
field to left.
Ref.: AMNG I, 1, S. 317, Nr. 1172; Varbanov 2005а, 195, No. 2061, fig. 2061; Христова, Жеков 2013, 286,
No. 6.38.1.1.
Find-spot VII. Field Inventory No. 51/2019 (Pl. II/20).
21. Obv. ΑVΤ Κ Μ ΑΝΤ ΓΟΡΔΙΑΝΟC ΑVΓ CЄ// ΤΡΑΝΚVΛ/ ΛЄΙΝΑ. As Nо. 20. Same obverse die as
Nо. 20.
Rev. VΠ TEPTVΛΛIA/ NОV МΑΡΚІΑΝО// ΠОΛEІΤ// Ω/ N. Façade of a tetrastyle temple, acrote-
ria and antefixa along roof, statue of Tyche standing facing, wearing kalathos, holding rudder in right
hand and cornucopia in left hand. E (mark of value) in field to left.
Ref.: AMNG I, 1, S. 321, Nr. 1192; Varbanov 2005а, 195, No. 2057, fig. 2057; Христова, Жеков 2013, 291,
No. 6.38.46.2.
Find-spot III. Field Inventory No. 26/2019 (Pl. II/21).
359
Odessos
Gordian III and Theos Megas (AD 238–244),

coinage issue of AD 238–241
22. Obv. АNΤΩNIOC ГOPΔIAΝОC// AVT K MA. Confronting laureate-headed draped and cuirassed
bust of Gordian III, wearing paludamentum, right, and bust of Theos Megas, draped and wearing
kalathos, cornucopia behind, left.
Rev. OΔHC/ C/ EІ/ ΤΩΝ. Serapis standing facing, head left, wearing kalathos, raising right arm, hold-
ing drapery and long sceptre in left hand. Ground line. E (mark of value) in field to left.
Ref.: AMNG I, 2, S. 574, Nr. 2330; Varbanov 2005а, 365, No. 4533.
Find-spot X. Field Inventory No. 73/2019 (Pl. II/22).
Tomis

23. Obv. [ΑVΤ] Κ Μ ΑΝΤ [ΓΟΡ]ΔΙΑΝΟC ΑVΓ CЄ// ΤΡΑΝΚVΛ/ ΛΕΙΝΑ. Confronting laureate-headed
bust of Tranquillina, left.
Rev. MHTΡO NTOV/ OV TOMEΩ/ C. Hera standing facing, head left, holding patera in right hand
and leaning left on sceptre, Ground line. Δ< (mark of value) in field to left.
Ӕ; IV½ denomination; 27.5/26.7 mm; 12.54 g; 0.5 h.
Ref.: AMNG I, 2, S. 890, Nr. 3517; Varbanov 2005a, 446, No. 5691.
Philip II as Caesar (AD 244–247) under Philip I ‘the Arab’ (AD 244–249) and Serapis
24. Obv. Μ ΙΟVΛΙΟϹ ΦΙΛΙΠΠΟϹ// ΚΑΙϹΑΡ. Confronting bare-headed draped and cuirassed bust of
Philip II, wearing paludamentum, right, and bust of Serapis, draped and wearing kalathos, left.
Rev. MHTΡOΠ ΠON/ TOV TOMEΩC. Tyche standing facing, head right, wearing kalathos, holding
rudder in right hand and cornucopia in left hand. Ground line.
Ӕ; IV½ denomination; 26.8/27 mm; 13.30 g; 7 h.
PROVINCE OF THRACE
Anchialos
Maximinus I ‘Thrax’ (AD 235–238)
25. Obv. ΑVΤ ΜΑΞΙΜΕΙ/ ΝΟIC ΕVCΕΒΗC ΑVΓ. Laureate-headed bust of Maximinus I ‘Thrax’, right.
Rev. AΓXI/ A/ Λ/ EΩN. Dolphin swimming to right between two tunnies, upper swimming to left,
lower swimming to right.
Ӕ; IV denomination; 26/25.5 mm; 11.52 g; 4 h.
Ref.: AMNG II, 1, S. 269, Nr. 604 (var.); Varbanov 2005b, 48, Nos. 494–495 (var.); Тачев 2018, 604–605,
Nos. 251–253, Pl. 117, Nos. 251–253.
Find-spot III. Field Inventory No. 27/2019 (Pl. III/25).
360
26. Obv. ΑVΤ Κ Μ ΑΝΤ ΓΟΡΔΙΑΝ[ΟC ΑVΓ ∙CABEI]N∙// ΤΡΑΝΚVΛΛΙ/ [ΝΑ]. Confronting laure-
ate-headed draped and cuirassed bust of Gordian III, wearing paludamentum, right, and diademed
and draped bust of Tranquillina, left. Under Gordian III’s bust, over the inscription of the name Tran-
quillina, the letters WN are imprinted in negative.
Rev. OV/ ΛΠIANΩN/ AΓXIAΛEΩN. Zeus standing facing, head left, holding thunderbolt in right
hand, left resting on long sceptre. Ground line.
Ref.: AMNG II, 1, S. 281, Nr. 648; Varbanov 2005b, 66, No. 740; Тачев 2018, 654–657, Nos. 7–19, Pls.
142–143, Nos. 7–19.
Find-spot II. Field Inventory No. 14/2019 (Pl. III/26).
27. Obv. ΑVΤ Κ Μ ΑΝΤ ΓΟΡΔΙΑΝΟC ΑVΓ CЄ∙// ΤΡΑΝΚVΛ/ [ΛΙΝΑ]. As Nо. 26.
Rev. OVΛΠIANΩN/ AΓXIAΛEΩN. Hygieia standing facing, head right, feeding serpent held in right
arm from patera in outstretched left hand. Ground line.
Ref.: AMNG II, 1, S. 286, Nr. 666 (var.); Varbanov 2005b, 67, Nos. 765–767; Тачев 2018, 692–699, Nos.
294–331, Pls. 161–164, Nos. 294–331 (var.).
28. Obv. ΑVΤ Κ Μ ΑΝΤ ΓΟΡΔΙΑΝΟC ΑVΓ CЄB// ΤΡΑΝΚVΛ/ ΛEΙΝΑ. As Nо. 26.
Rev. OVΛΠIAN/ WN/ AΓXIAΛE// WN. Athena Nikephoros (Roma?) seated left, wearing a Corin-
thian helmet, holding Nike with wreath and palm branch in outstretched right hand and spear in left
hand; shield resting on throne in the back. Ground line.
Ref.: AMNG II, 1, – ; Varbanov 2005b, 67, No. 752, fig. 752; Тачев 2018, 682–683, Nos. 217–219, Pl. 156,
Nos. 217–219.
Mesambria
Philip I ‘the Arab’ and Otacilia Severa (AD 244–249)
29. Obv. ΑVΤ Μ ΙΟΥΛ ΦΙΛΙΠΠΟϹ Μ W// Τ ϹΕΒΗΡΑ/ ϹΕΒ. Confronting laureate-headed draped and
cuirassed bust of Philip I ‘the Arab’, wearing paludamentum, right, and diademed and draped bust of
Otacilia Severa, left.
Rev. ME/ CAMB/ ΡIANΩN. Nemesis-Aequitas standing facing, head left, holding scales in right hand
and cornucopiae in left hand. Ground line.
Ref.: Varbanov 2005b, 356, No. 4260; Karayotov 2009, 424–425, Pl. CXLIV, Nos. 254–257; Jekov 2018, 48,
No. 7.41.35.1.
Find-spot I. Field Inventory No. 1/2019 (Pl. III/29).
30. Obv. ΜΑΡ ΙΟVΛΙΟϹ ΦΙΛΙΠΠΟϹ// ΚΑΙϹΑΡ. Confronting bare-headed bust of Philip II, wearing
paludamentum, right, and bust of Serapis, draped and wearing kalathos, left. Same obverse die as Nо.
31 and Nо. 32.
361
Rev. MECAMBΡ/ IANΩN. Zeus standing facing, head left, naked to waist, holding patera in out-
stretched right hand, left resting on sceptre; at his feet, eagle, standing left, head right, wings spread.
Ground line.
Ref.: Varbanov 2005b, 361, No. 4299; Karayotov 2009, 442–443, Pl. CLIII, Nos. 417–418; Jekov 2018, 53,
No. 7.44.1.1.
31. Obv. ΜΑΡ ΙΟVΛΙΟϹ ΦΙΛΙΠΠΟϹ// ΚΑΙϹΑΡ. As Nо. 30. Same obverse die as Nо. 30 and Nо. 32.
Rev. M/ ECA/ MBΡIANΩN. The Emperor (Philip I ‘the Arab’) or Caesar (Philip II) in military attire
riding right on horseback, wearing cuirass, fluttering paludamentum and boots, raising right arm.
Ground line.
Ref.: Varbanov 2005b, 359, No. 4287; Karayotov 2009, 442–443, Pl. CLIII, Nos. 420–421; Jekov 2018, 61,
No. 7.44.34.1.
Find-spot X. Field Inventory No. 74/2019 (Pl. III/31).
32. Obv. ΜΑΡ ΙΟVΛΙΟϹ ΦΙΛΙΠΠΟϹ// ΚΑΙϹΑΡ. As Nо. 30. Same obverse die as Nо. 30 and Nо. 31.
Rev. MECAMB/ Ρ[IA]NΩN. Hygieia standing facing, head right, feeding serpent held in right arm
from patera in outstretched left hand. Ground line.
Ref.: Varbanov 2005b, 360, No. 4291 (var.); Karayotov 2009, 448–449, Pl. CLVI, Nos. 488–492; Jekov 2018,
60, No. 7.44.21.3.
Find-spot IV. Field Inventory No. 37/2019 (Pl. III/32).
ROMAN IMPERIAL COINS
Vespasian (AD 69–79)
33. Obv. IMP [CAESAR VE]SPASIANV/ S AVG. Laureate-headed bust of Vespasian, right.
Rev. PON M[AX]/ TR P COS [VI or VII]. Pax seated left, holding olive-branch in extending right
hand and resting left arm on chair. Ground line.
AR; denarius; 17/18 mm; 2.88 g; 5 h.
Date: AD 75 or AD 76.
Ref.: RIC II, 24, No. 90 or 26, No. 101, Roma.
RIC SFRE II, 1, No. 772 or No. 852, Roma.
Find-spot IX. Field Inventory No. 63/2019 (Pl. III/33).
Antoninus (called ‘Caracalla’) as Caesar (AD 195–198)

under Septimius Severus (AD 193–211)
34. Obv. M AVR ANTONI[NVS] CAES. Bare-headed bust of Caracalla, wearing paludamentum, right.
Rev. SECVRITAS/ PERPE[TVA]. Minerva standing facing, head left, wearing helmet and long gar-
ment, resting right hand on shield, holding spear in left hand. Ground line.
AR; denarius; 18/16 mm; 3.11 g; 1 h.
Date: AD 197.
Ref.: RIC IV, I, 212, No. 2, Roma.
Find-spot IX. Field Inventory No. 64/2019 (Pl. III/34).
362
Severus Alexander (AD 222–235)
35. Obv. [IMP] C M AVR SEV/ ALEXAND AVG. Laureate-headed draped and cuirassed bust of Severus
Alexander, wearing paludamentum, right.
Rev. PAX/ AVG. Pax advancing left, holding olive-branch in extending right hand and sceptre in left
hand. Ground line.
AR; denarius; 17.5/17 mm; 2.35 g; 11 h.
Date: AD 226.
Ref.: RIC IV, II, 83, No. 168, Roma.
Gallienus (AD 253–268)
36. Obv. GALLIENVS AVG. Radiate-headed bust of Gallienus, right.

Rev. MARTI [PA]CIFERO. Mars, in military attire, standing facing, head left, holding olive-branch in
right hand and resting on shield, spear propped against left arm.
Billon; antoninianus; 21/21.5 mm; 2.47 g; 5 h.
Date: AD 264–266.
Ref.: RIC V, I, 151, No. 236, Roma.
Find-spot III. Field Inventory No. 29/2019 (Pl. IV/36).
Claudius II, ‘Gothicus’ (AD 268–270)
37. Obv. IMP C CLAV/ DIVS AVG. Radiate-headed draped and cuirassed bust of Claudius II, right.
Rev. VICT/ ORIA AVG. Victoria standing facing, head left, holding wreath in extending right hand
and palm in left hand. Ground line.
Billon; antoninianus; 19.5/21 mm; 2.72 g; 6 h.
Date: ca. September 268 – the end of 269.
Ref.: RIC V, I, 219, No. 104, Roma; http://www.ric.mom.fr/en//coin/167
Find-spot VI. Field Inventory No. 44/2019 (Pl. IV/37).
38. Obv. IMP CLAVDI[VS P F AVG]. As Nо. 37.

Rev. FELI/ C T/ EMPO. Filicitas standing facing, head left, holding caduceus in extending right hand
and sceptre in left hand. Ground line. Officina mark T (=3) in ex.
Date: ca. September of 268 – mid-269.
Ref.: RIC V, I, 223, No. 145, Mediolanum; http://www.ric.mom.fr/en/coin/35
39. Obv. IMP CLAVDIVS P F AVG. As Nо. 37.

Rev. FIDE/ S/ M/ ILIT. Fides Militum standing facing, head left, holding standard in each hand.
Ground line.
Billon; antoninianus; 18.8/17.5 mm; 4.03 g; 6 h.
Date: mid-269 – the spring of 270.
40. Obv. IMP CLAV[DIVS] P F AVG. As Nо. 37.

Rev. P[A/ X]/ A/ VG. Pax advancing left, holding olive-branch in extending right hand and transverse
sceptre in left hand. Ground line. Officina mark T (=3) in ex.
363
Find-spot III. Field Inventory No. 31 (Pl. IV/40).
41. Obv. [IMP CLAVDIVS] P F AVG. As Nо. 37.

Rev. PROVID AVG. Providentia standing facing, head left, holding globe in right hand and cornuco-
piae in left hand. Ground line. Officina mark P (=1) in ex.
Billon; antoninianus; 17/19 mm; 4.80 g; 12 h.
Find-spot I. Field Inventory No. 2/2019 (Pl. IV/41).
42. Obv. [IMP CLAV]DIVS AVG. As Nо. 37.

Rev. [A]EQVITAS [AVG]. Aequitas standing facing, head left, holding scales in right hand and cor-
nucopiae in left hand. Ground line.
Date: ca. the end of 268 – the end of 269 or ca. early – mid-270.
Ref.: RIC V, I, 228, No. 197, Antioch; http://www.ric.mom.fr/en/coin/1030; www.ric.mom.fr/en/coin/1066
The coins found during excavations in 2020
PROVINCE OF Moesia Inferior
Marcianopolis
Severus Alexander and Julia Maesa (AD 222–224/5),

43. Obv. АVΤ K М ΑVP СEVH AΛ[EZAΝΔPОC ІОVΛ]ІΑ MAECA•. Confronting laureate-headed
draped and cuirassed bust of Severus Alexander, right, and diademed and draped bust of Julia Maesa,
left.
Rev. VΠ ΤІB ІОVΛ ФНС[ТОV МΑΡΚІΑΝОΠО]ΛІ/ ΤΩΝ. Fourfold coiled serpent, with head erect,
right. E (mark of value) in field to left.
Ref.: AMNG I, 1, S. 295, Nr. 1062; Varbanov 2005а, 181, No. 1875; Христова, Жеков 2013, 243, Nos.
6.33.22.3.
Find-spot XIII. Field Inventory No. 5/2020 (Pl. IV/43).
PROVINCE OF THRACE
Anchialos

44. Obv. [Α]VΤ Κ Μ ΑΝΤ ΓΟΡΔΙΑΝΟC ΑVΓ CA[B]// ΤΡΑΝΚVΛΛΙ/ ΝΑ. Confronting laureate-headed
364
Rev. OVΛΠIANWN AΓ/ XIA[ΛEΩN]. Eagle standing facing, head right, on thunderbolt, wings
spread, holding wreath in beak.
Ref.: AMNG II, 1, S. 289, Nr. 678; Varbanov 2005b, 63, No. 691 (rev. var); Тачев 2018, 656–665, Nos.
22–79, Pls. 143–147, Nos. 22–79 (rev. var).
Find-spot XIII. Field Inventory No. 6/2020 (Pl. IV/44).
45. Obv. [ΑVΤ] Κ Μ ΑΝΤ ΓΟΡΔΙΑΝΟC ΑVΓ CЄB// [ΤΡ]ΑΝΚVΛ/ [ΛЕ]ΙΝΑ. Confronting laure-
ate-headed draped and cuirassed bust of Gordian III, wearing paludamentum, right, and diademed
and draped bust of Tranquillina, left.
Rev. [OVΛΠIANW]N / AΓXIAΛEWN. Homonoia, kalathos on head, standing facing, head left,
holding patera in right hand and cornucopiae in left hand. Ground line.
Ref.: AMNG II, 1, S. 288, Nr. 674 (rev. var.); Varbanov 2005b, 64, No. 714 (rev. var); Тачев 2018, 710–711,
No. 434, Pl. 170, Nos. 434.
Find-spot XI (Pl. IV/45).
Claudius II ‘Gothicus’ (AD 268–270)
46. Obv. IMP C CLAVDIVS AVG. Radiate-headed draped and cuirassed bust of Claudius II, right.
Rev. VIRT/ VS/ AVG. Virtus standing facing, head left, holding olive branch in right hand and spear
in left hand, a shield rest against his leg. Ground line.
Date: ca. September 268 – the end of 269.
Ref.: RIC V, I, 219, No. 109, Roma; http://www.ric.mom.fr/en//coin/202
Find-spot XII. Field Inventory No. 1/2020 (Pl. IV/46).
FIND- SPOTS I–XIII:
Find-spot I. Found on 07.10.2019. Sector: Tower No. 1, Western room, sq. G8/11, level 192.25 m. Coordi-
nates: northern wall of the tower – 2.9 m, dividing wall – 0.20 m. Context: Destruction layer (fig. 8, layer
2).
Find-spot II. Found on 07.10.2019. Sector: Tower No. 1, Western room, sq. G8/11, level 192.52 m. Coordi-
2).
Find-spot III. Found on 08.10.2019. Sector: Tower No. 1, Western room, sq. G8/11, level 192.76 m. Co-
ordinates: northern wall of the tower – 3.50 m, dividing wall – 2.20 m. Context: Destruction layer (fig. 8,
layer 2).
Find-spot IV. Found on 10.10.2019. Sector: Tower No. 1, Western room, sq. G8/11, level 193.20 m. Co-
ordinates: northern wall of the tower – 2.65 m, dividing wall – 2.20 m. Context: Destruction layer (fig. 8,
layer 2).
Find-spot V. Found on 11.10.2019. Sector: Tower No. 1, Western room, sq. G8/11, level 193.20 m. Coordi-
2).
365
Find-spot VI. 16.10.2019. Sector: Tower No. 1, sondage in the antechamber of the tower, sq. F8/15, level
192.94 m. Coordinates: northern wall of the vestibule – 2.90 m, western wall of the tower – 0.10 m. Con-
text: Destruction layer (fig. 10, layer 3).
Find-spot VII. Found on 19.10.2019. Sector: Tower No. 1, sondage in the antechamber of the tower, sq.
F8/15, level 193.25 m. Coordinates: northern wall of the vestibule – 3.20 m, western wall of the tower –
1.10 m. Context: Destruction layer (fig. 10, layer 3).
Find-spot VIII. Found on 21.10.2019. Sector: Tower No. 1, sondage in the antechamber of the tower, sq.
1.60 m. Context: Dark layer between Destruction layer and the floor level of the tower (fig. 10, layer 4).
Find-spot IX. Found on 21.10.2019. Sector: Tower No. 1, sondage in the antechamber of the tower, sq.
0.90 m. Context: Dark layer between Destruction layer and the floor level of the tower (fig. 10, layer 4).
Find-spot X. Found on 24.10.2019. Sector: Tower No. 1, sondage in the antechamber of the tower, sq.
F8/15, level 192.64 – 192.50 m. Coordinates: northern wall of the vestibule – 1.70 m, western wall of the
tower – 1.20 m. Context: Dark layer between Destruction layer and the floor level of the tower (fig. 10,
layer 4).
Find-spot XI. Found on 12.11.2020. Sector: Tower No. 1, Western room, sq. F8/16, level 192.20 m. Coor-
dinates: southern wall of the tower – 0 m, dividing wall – 2.50 m. Context: In a bed of a horizontal beam
of masonry (fig. 8, layer 2).
Find-spot XII. Found on 05.10.2020. Sector: Tower No. 1, Southeast room, sq. F8/17, level 192.35 m. Co-
ordinates: southwest corner of the room. Context: Destruction layer.
Find-spot XIII. Found on 06.10.2020. Sector: Tower No. 1, Southeast room, sq. F8/17, level 192.40 m. Co-
ordinates: southern wall of the tower – 1.20 m, dividing wall – 1.80 m. Context: Dark layer.
II. Single coins (1st–3rd c.) from the excavations of Petrich Kale, survey in 1961 and 2014–2019.
PROVINCE OF Moesia Inferior,
Marcianopolis
Antoninus (called ‘Caracalla’) and Julia Domna (AD 212 – 217),

legatus Augusti pro praetore consularis Quintilianus (AD 213–216)
1. Obv. АΝΤΩΝІΝОС ΑVГО[VСΤОС ІОVΛІΑ ΔОМΝΑ СЄ]. Confronting laureate-headed bust of

Caracalla, right, and draped bust of Julia Domna, left.
Rev. VΠ ΚVΝΤІΛІΑΝОV МΑΡΚІΑΝ[ОΠОΛІΤ]//Ω //Ν. Draped bust of Serapis, wearing kalathos,
left. Э (mark of value) in field to right.
6.19.6.7, var.
366
Find-spot: Found on 28.06.1961. Context: Sector VІІ sq. 11/3, depth from the surface 0.50 m, Е – 1.5 m;
S – 2.30 m. Field Inventory No. 499/1961 (Pl. V/1).
2. Obv. АΝΤΩΝІΝОС ΑVГОVСΤОС ІОVΛІΑ ΔОМΝΑ СЄ. As Nо. 1.

Rev. VΠ ΚVΝΤІΛІΑΝОV МΑΡΚІΑΝОΠОΛІΤ/ ΩΝ. Apollo naked, standing by altar facing, head
left, holding patera in extending right hand and olive branch in left hand. Ground line. Є (mark of
value) in field to left.
Ref.: AMNG I, 1, S. 224, Nr. 664; Varbanov 2005а, 128, No. 1004; Христова, Жеков 2013, 83, No. 6.19.7.8.
Find-spot: Found on 20.10.2015. Context: sq. F7/16, depth from the surface 2 m, north of the building
foundation. Field Inventory No. 107/2015 (Pl. V/2).
3. Obv. АΝΤΩΝІΝОС ΑVГОVСΤОС ІОVΛІΑ ΔОМΝΑ. As Nо. 1.

Rev. VΠ ΚVΝΤІΛІΑ[ΝОV] МΑΡΚІΑΝОΠОΛІΤΩΝ. Tyche standing facing, head right, wearing
kalathos, holding rudder in right hand and cornucopia in left hand. Ground line. Є (mark of value)
in field to left.
Ref.: AMNG I, 1, S. 227, Nr. 678; Varbanov 2005а, 132 No. 1054; Христова, Жеков 2013, 91–93, Nos.
6.19.38.1–14 (var.).
Find-spot: Found on 12.10.2018. Sq. F8/19. Context: bulk layer. Field Inventory No. 24/2018 (Pl. V/3).
4. Obv. АΝΤΩΝІΝОС ΑVГО[VС]ΤОС ІОVΛІΑ ΔОМ/ ΝΑ. As Nо. 1.

Rev. [VΠ ΚVΝΤІΛ]ІΑΝОV/ МΑΡΚІΑΝОΠОΛІ[ΤΩΝ]. Tyche standing facing, head right, wearing
kalathos, holding rudder in right hand and cornucopia in left hand. Ground line. Є (mark of value)
in field to left.
Ref.: AMNG I, 1, S. 227, Nr. 678; Varbanov 2005а, 132 No. 1054; Христова, Жеков 2013, 91–93, Nos.
6.19.38.1–14 (var.).
Find-spot: Found on 6.10.2018. Sq. F8/10 level 193.13 m. Context: Sondage under the first floor level of a
late antique house. Field Inventory No. 12/2018 (Pl. V/4).
Macrinus and Diadumenian (AD 217–218),

legatus Augusti pro praetore consularis Pontianus (AD 217)
5. Obv. AVT K OΠEΛ CEV MAKPEINOC [K M OΠEΛ АΝΤΩΝ]EІΝОС. Confronting laureate-head-

ed bust of Macrinus, right, and bare-headed bust of Diadumenian, left.
Rev. [VΠ ΠOΝΤІΑ]ΝОV МΑΡ/ Κ/ ІΑΝОΠОΛІΤΩΝ. Ares standing facing, head left, wearing crest-
ed helmet, holding inverted spear in left hand and shield set down at his feet. Ground line. E (mark
of value) in field to right.
Ref.: AMNG I, 1, S. 239, Nr 733 (rev. var.); Varbanov 2005а, 140 No. 1157; Христова, Жеков 2013, 127,
No. 6.24.11.1.
Find-spot: Found on 22.10.2015. Context: sq. F7/16, in the building, on the socle level. Field Inventory No.
116/2015 (Pl. V/5).
Severus Alexander (AD 222–235),

legatus Augusti pro praetore consularis Um(brius?) Terebentinus (AD 225)
6. Obv. [АVΤ K М ΑVP] СEVH AΛEZAΝΔPОC. Laureate-headed draped and cuirassed bust of Sever-
us Alexander, right.
Rev. HГ ОVM ΤEPEBENTINОV МΑΡΚІΑΝОΠОΛІΤΩΝ. Homonoia standing facing, head left,
367
holding patera in extending right hand and cornucopiae in left hand. Ground line.
Ӕ; IV denomination; 24/23.3 mm; 8.09 g; 6 h.
Ref.: AMNG I, 1, S. 290, Nr. 1033; Varbanov 2005а, 171, No. 1692; Христова, Жеков 2013, 236, No.
6.32.36.28.
Find-spot: Found on 20.10.2015. Context: sq. F7/16, depth from the surface 2 m, north of the building.
Field Inventory No.108/2015 (Pl. V/6).

legatus Augusti pro praetore consularis Fir. Philopappus (AD 225–227)
7. Obv. АVΤ K М ΑVP СEVH AΛEZAΝΔPОC KAI ІОVΛIA MAMAIA. Confronting laureate-headed
draped and cuirassed bust of Severus Alexander, right, and diademed and draped bust of Julia Ma-
maea, left.
Rev. VΠ ФІР ФІΛОППАПОV МΑΡΚІΑΝОΠОΛІΤΩΝ. Hera standing facing, head left, holding
patera in extending right hand and leaning left on sceptre. Ground line. E (mark of value) in field to
right.
Ref.: AMNG I, 1 S. 300, Nr. 1082; Varbanov 2005а, 179, No. 1851; Христова, Жеков 2013, 248, No.
6.34.3.1 (obv. var.).
Find-spot: Found on 20.10.2015. Context: sq. F7/16, depth from the surface 1.6 m. Field Inventory No.
100/2015 (Pl. V/7).
Tomis

8. Obv. Α[VΤ Κ] Μ ΑΝΤ ΓΟΡΔΙΑΝΟC ΑVΓ CЄ// ΤΡΑΝΚVΛ/ ΛЄΙΝΑ. Confronting laureate-headed
Rev. MHTΡO ПO/ N/ [TOV] TO// MEΩC. Hades-Serapis, kalathos on head, seated left, extending
right hand over Cerberus before him, holding long sceptre in left hand. Ground line. Δ/< (mark of
Ӕ; ІV½ denomination; 27.5/27 mm; 12.78 g; 1 h.
117/2015 (Pl. V/8).
9. Obv. ΑVΤ Κ Μ ΑΝΤΩNIOC ΓΟΡΔΙΑΝΟC// CABINIA ΤΡΑΝ/ ΚVΛΙΝΑ. As No. 8.

Rev. MHTΡO ПON/ TOV TOMEΩ[C]. Hygieia standing facing, head right, feeding serpent held in
right arm from patera in outstretched left hand. Ground line. Δ< (mark of value) in field to left.
Ӕ; ІV½ denomination; 27.5/26.9 mm; 11.02 g; 7 h.
Find-spot: Found on 8.10.2018. Sq. F8/5 level 193.20–192.90 m. Context: Sondage under the first floor
level of a late antique house. Field Inventory No. 13/2018 (Pl. V/9).
Olbia
Severus Alexander (AD 222–235)
10. Obv. [АV K СEOV] AΛEΞAΝ/ [ΔPОC]. Laureate-headed bust of Severus Alexander, right.
368
Rev. ОΛВ/ ΠОΛІ/ ΤѠN within wreath.
Ӕ; І denomination; 14.8/15.2 mm; 2.51 g; 12 h.
Ref.: Анохин 1989, No. 399; SNG XI, Pl. XLIV, No. 591.
Find-spot: Found on 18.10.2015. Context: sq. F7/21, depth from the surface 2 m, on the brick floor of the
building. Field Inventory No. 90/2015 (Pl. V/10).
PROVINCE OF THRACE
Mesambria
11. Obv. ΜΑΡ ΙΟ[VΛΙΟϹ ΦΙΛΙΠΠΟϹ]// ΚΑΙϹΑΡ. Confronting bare-headed bust of Philip II, wearing
paludamentum, right, and bust of Serapis, draped and wearing kalathos, left.
Rev. MECA/ MBΡ/ [IANΩN]. Demeter (Hygieia?) standing facing, head left, holding patera in out-
stretched right hand and long torch? entwined by serpent in left arm. Ground line.
Ref.: Varbanov 2005b, 359, No. 4284; Karayotov 2009, 438–440, Pl. CLI–CLII, Nos. 396–408; Jekov 2018,
55, Nos. 7.44.5.1–2.
118/2015 (Pl. V/11).
Hadrian (AD 117–138) (?)
12. Obv. The inscription is not visible. Bust of Hadrian (?), right.
Rev. The inscription is not visible. Goddess or Personification (?) standing facing, head left, holding
cornucopiae (?) in left hand.
Copper; as; 27.5 mm; 4.85 g (fragment); 6 h.
Date: 2nd c. AD
Find-spot: Found on 25.09.2014. Context: sq. F7/21, northeast corner, level 192.70 – 192.53 m. Context:
bulk layer. Field Inventory No. 24/2014 (Pl. VI/12).
Antoninus Pius as Caesar (AD 138) under Hadrian (AD 117–138)
13. Obv. [IMP T AELIVS CAE/ SAR ANTONINVS]. Bare head of Antoninus Pius, right.
Rev. [TRIB POT C]OS// S – [C]. Two clasped hands holding winged caduceus and corn ears.
Copper; as; 25 mm; 10.65 g; 4 h.
Date: AD 138.
Ref.: RIC II, 484, No. 1088 (Hadrian); Rome.
Find-spot: Found on 27.09.2016. Sq. F7/13, level 193 m. Field Inventory No. 15/2016 (Pl. VI/13).
Marcus Aurelius as Caesar (AD 139–161) under Antoninus Pius (AD 138–161)
14. Obv. AVR[ELIVS] CAES/ AN[TON AVG PII F]. Bare-headed bust of Marcus Aurelius, right.
Rev. TR POT [X/ COS II]// S – [C]. Fortuna standing facing, head right, holding rudder in left hand
and raising skirt with right hand. Ground line.
Brass; dupondius; 26 mm; 8.95 g; 5 h.
Date: AD 155–156.
Ref.: RIC III, 185, No. 1329 (Antoninus Pius); Rome.
369
Find-spot: Found on 10.10.2016. Context: on the surface. Field Inventory No. 37/2016 (Pl. VI/14).
Gallienus (AD 253–268)
15. Obv. G[ALLI]ENVS AVG. Radiate-headed draped and cuirassed bust of Galienus, right.
Rev. FORTVNA REDVX. Fortuna seated facing, head left, holding rudder in right hand and cornu-
copiae in left hand. Ground line. Officina mark ς (=2) in ex.
Date: AD 262–263.
Ref.: RIC V, I, 147, No. 193; Rome.
Find-spot: Found on 22.09.2014. Context: sq. F7/21, on the surface. Field Inventory No. 1/2014 (Pl. VI/15).
16. Obv. [GAL]LIENVS AVG. Radiate-headed bust of Galienus, right.

Rev. PA/X [AVG]. Pax standing facing, head left, holding olive-branch in extending right hand and
transverse scepter in left hand. Ground line. Т (?) in field to right.
Date: AD 260–268.
Ref.: RIC V, I, 153, No. 256; Rome.
Find-spot: Found on 04.10.2016. Sq. F7/25, level 194 m. Context: depth from the surface 1 m, at the for-
tress wall. Field Inventory No. 28/2016 (Pl. VI/16).
17. Obv. GALLIENVS AVG. As Nо. 16.

Rev. PROVI [AVG]. Providentia standing facing, head left, holding rod in right hand and cornucopi-
ae in left hand, globe at feet. Ground line. Officina mark N (=9) in right field.
Date: AD 265–267.
Ref.: RIC V, I, 154, No. 267; Rome;
foundation. Field Inventory No. 109/2015 (Pl. VI/17).
Claudius II ‘Gothicus’ (AD 268–270)
18. Obv. IMP CLAVDIVS P F AVG. Radiate-headed draped and cuirassed bust of Claudius II, right.
Rev. PA/ X/ A/ VG. Pax advancing left, holding olive-branch in extending right hand and transverse
sceptre in left hand. Ground line. Officina mark T (=3) in ex.
Billon; antoninianus; 19.5/18.5 mm; 2.89 g; 7 h.
Date: early – ca. the end of August 270.
foundation. Field Inventory No. 110/2015 (Pl. VI/18).

Rev. PA/ X/ A/ VG. As Nо. 18.
Billon; antoninianus; 19.5 mm; 2.84 g; 12 h.
Date: mid-269 – printemps 270.
level of a late antique house. Field Inventory No. 20/2018 (Pl. VI/19).

Rev. PA/ X/ A/ VG. As Nо. 18.
370
Billon; antoninianus; 19 mm; 3.10 g; 11 h.
Date: mid-269 – printemps 270.
level of a late antique house. Field Inventory No. 21/2018 (Pl. VI/20).
21. Obv. IMP CLA[VDI]VS AVG. As Nо. 18.

Rev. PA/ X A/ VG. Pax standing facing, head left, holding olive-branch in extending right hand and
transverse scepter in left hand. Ground line. Officina mark ς (=2) in field to right.
Ref.: RIC V, I, 226, No. 186, Siscia; http://www.ric.mom.fr/en/coin/785
Find-spot: Found on 19.10.2015. Context: sq. F7/21, depth from the surface 2 m, on the brick floor of the
building. Field Inventory No. 91/2015 (Pl. VI/21).
22. Obv. IMP CLAVDIVS AVG. As Nо. 18.

Rev. VBERITAS AVG. Uberitas standing facing, head left, holding cow’s udder (?) in right hand and
cornucopiae in left hand. Ground line. Officina mark T (=3) in field to right.
Ref.: RIC V, I, 227, No. 193, Siscia; http://www.ric.mom.fr/en/coin/796
119/2015 (Pl. VI/22).
Аurelian (AD 270–275)
23. Obv. IMP AVRELI[ANV]S AVG. Radiate-headed draped and cuirassed bust of Аurelian, right.
Rev. [FORTV]NA REDVX. Fortuna seated facing on wheel, head left, holding rudder in right hand
and cornucopiae in left hand; below seat, wheel. Ground line. Officina mark Q (=4) in ex.
Date: AD 270–271.
Ref.: RIC V, I, 279, No. 128; Mediolanum.
Find-spot: Found on 26.09.2016. Context: surface layer. Field Inventory No. 2/2016 (Pl. VI/23).
24. Obv. IMP C AVRELIAN[VS AVG]. As Nо. 23.

Rev. [CONCO]RDIA [MILITV]M. Aurelian, togate, standing right, clasping right hand with Concor-
dia standing left. Ground line. Officina mark S in field, [X]XIQ (=4) in ex.
Billon; antoninianus; pierced; 21 mm; 2.74 g; 12 h.
Date: AD 274.
Ref.: RIC V, I, 292, No. 244; Siscia.
Find-spot: Found on 11.10.2017. Sq. F8/4. Context: bulk layer of soil and stones near the fortress wall.
Field Inventory No. 55/2016 (Pl. VI/24).
371
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Greek and Latin sources
Aur. Victor.
S. Aurelius Victoris. Liber de Caesaribus, XXIX, 1, XXXIII, 3. – In: Fontes Latini Historiae Bulga-
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http://www.ric.mom.fr/en/search
376
Fig. 1. Plan of Petrich Kale Fortress (M. Valchev)
377
Fig. 2. Remains of wooden stairs at the fortress wall
Fig. 3. Plan of Tower 1 (М. Valchev)
378
Fig. 4. Northern wall of Tower 1 with a preserved embrasure (excavated in 2018)
Fig. 5. Western room of Tower 1 (excavated in 2019)
379
Fig. 6. Entrance of the Tower 1 on the western wall
Fig. 7. Façade of the gate (M. Valchev)
380
Fig. 8. Cross section of the stratigraphic layers in the western room of the Tower 1 (excavations 2018-
2019) and coins` find-spots: 1. medieval layer 13th – early 15th centuries; 2. destruction layer – mass of
mortar, blocks and collapsed segments of masonry; 3. bulk of soil, mortar, tegulae and imbrices; 4. layer
over the floor level; 5. mat of the floor level; 6. floor level; 7. southern and northern walls of the tower;
I – V – find-spots of hoard`s coins.
Fig. 9. Artifacts from the destruction layer

381
Fig. 10. Cross section of the stratigraphic layers in sondage in the vestibule of Tower 1 (survey 2019) and
coins` find-spots: 1. late antique layer; 2. early 5th century floor level; 3. destruction layer – mass of mor-
tar, blocks and collapsed segments of masonry; 4. dark late roman layer; 5. dark brown soil with tegulae;
6. fortress wall; VI – X – find-spots of hoard`s coins.
382
PLATE I
1 2 3 4
5 6 7 8
9 10 11 12
Plate I. Greek Imperial coins. Marcianopolis:

1. Septimius Severus and Julia Domna; 2–5. Antoninus (‘Caracalla’) and Julia Domna; 6–10. Macrinus
and Diadumenian; 11–12. Antoninus (‘Elagabalus’) and Julia Maesa.
383
PLATE II
13 14 15 16
17 18 19 20
21 22 23 24
Plate II. Greek Imperial coins. Marcianopolis:

13. Antoninus (‘Elagabalus’) and Julia Maesa; 14. Severus Alexander and Julia Maesa; 15–17. Severus Al-
exander and Julia Mamaea; 18–19. Gordian III and Serapis; 20–21. Gordian III and Tranquillina; Odes-
sos: 22. Gordian III and Theos Megas; Tomis: 23. Gordian III and Tranquillina; 24. Philip II and Serapis.
384
PLATE III
25 26 27 28
29 30 31 32
33 34 35
Plate III. Greek Imperial coins. Anchialos:

25. Maximinus I ‘Thrax’; 26–28. Gordian III and Tranquillina; Mesambria: 29. Philip I ‘the Arab’ and
Otacilia Severa; 30–32. Philip II and Serapis. Roman Imperial coins. 33. Vespasian; 34. Antoninus (‘Cara-
calla’); 35. Severus Alexander.
385
PLATE IV
36 37 38
39 40 41 42
43 44 45 46
Plate IV. Roman Imperial coins.

36. Gallienus; 37–42, 46. Claudius II, ‘Gothicus’. Greek Imperial coins. Marcianopolis: 43. Severus Alex-
ander and Julia Maesa; Anchialos: 44–45. Gordian III and Tranquillina.
386
PLATE V
1 2 3 4
5 6 7
8 9 10 11
Plate V. Greek Imperial coins. Marcianopolis: 1–4. Antoninus (‘Caracalla’) and Julia Domna; 5. Macrinus
and Diadumenian; 6. Severus Alexander; 7. Severus Alexander and Julia Mamaea; Tomis: 8–9. Gordian
III and Tranquillina; Olbia: 10. Severus Alexander; Mesambria: 11. Philip II and Serapis.
387
PLATE VI
12 13 14
15 16 17
18 19 20 21
22 23 24
Plate VI. Roman Imperial coins.

12. Hadrian?; 13. Antoninus Pius; 14. Marcus Aurelius; 15–17. Gallienus; 18–22. Claudius II, ‘Gothicus’;
23–24. Аurelian.
388
A HOARD OF BRONZE ANTONINIANI FROM VARNA
Nevyan Mitev, Vladimir Bekov
This article presents a part of a coin hoard from a private collection from Varna. The hoard was
found in Varna, Vazrazhdane neighbourhood, in 1978. This collection consists of 13 issues in total – one
coin of Salonina (253-268 AD), two coins of Aurelian (270-275 AD), one coin of Tacitus (275-276 AD),
one coin of Florian (276 AD), three coins of Probus (276-282 AD), two coins of Carus (282-283 AD), one
coin of Carinus (282-285 AD), one coin of Numerianus (282-284 AD), one coin of Maximian Herculeus
(285-305 AD).
The Archaeological museum of Varna keeps another part of this coin hoard. This part consists of
1345 coins in total. The earliest issues are from the time of Valerian I (253-260 AD) and the latest – from
the time of Gаlerius Valerius Maximian Caesar (293-305 AD) and Constantius Caesar (293-305 AD).
Coins from this big and important coin hoard are not published until now1.
We think that the presented treasure was hidden into the ground in the period between 293 and
305 AD, when Diocletian and Galerius fought against Gothic and Sarmatian tribes in this part of the Ro-
man Empire2.
CATALOGUE
Salonina (253-268)
1. Obv. SALONINA AVG, diademed and draped bust r., set on crescent.
Rev. FECVNDITAS AVG /Δ, Fecunditas standing l., holding cornucopia, extending hand to child
standing before.
AE 21/23 mm, 3.15 g, Plate I, 1.
Rome, 265-267, RIC V, I, 5
Aurelian (270-275)
2. Obv. IMP AVRELIANVS AVG, bust right, radiate, cuirassed.
Rev. ORIENS AVG /S//XXI, Sol stg. l., with r. hand raised and holding globe in l. hand, r. foot resting
on a bound captive in oriental dress std. l.; on the other side, another bound captive in oriental dress
std. r., head turned l.
AE 23/24 mm, 4.65 g, Plate I, 2.
Rome, spring–summer 274, MER-RIC – Temp. No. 1738
3. Obv. IMP AVRELIANVS AVG, bust right, radiate, cuirassed.
Rev. RESTITVTOR EXERCITI ∈//XXI, Mars in military dress stg. r., holding spear in l. hand, giving
globe to emperor stg. l., holding long sceptre in l. hand.
AE 21.5/23 mm, 3.41 g, Plate I, 3.
Cyzicus, early–summer 275, MER-RIC – Temp. No. 3099; RIC V, I, 366
1 Теодосиев 2017.
2 Попов 2008, 736-737; Тодорова и др. 2011, 322.
389
Tacitus (275-276)
4. Obv. IMP C TACITVS INVICTVS AVG, bust right, radiate, cuirassed and draped with paludamen-
tum.
Rev. PROVIDEN DEOR //KA(•)B(•), Fides stg. r., holding standard in each hand, facing Sol stg. l., r.
hand raised and holding globe in l. hand.
AE 21/23 mm, 3.64 g, Plate I, 4.
Serdica, early–June 276, MER-RIC – Temp. No. 3927
Florian (276)
5. Obv. IMP C FLORIANVS AVG, bust right, radiate, cuirassed and draped with paludamentum, seen
from rear.
Rev. LAETITIA FVND //XXIB, Laetitia stg. l., holding wreath in r. hand and anchor in l. hand.
AE 22/23 mm, 3.31 g, Plate I, 5.
Rome, July – August 276, MER-RIC – Temp. No. 4220.
Probus (276-282)
6. Obv. IMP C M AVR PROBVS AVG, radiate, draped and cuirassed bust right, seen from behind.
Rev. CLEMENTIA TEMP //XXIS, emperor standing r., holding sceptre surmounted by eagle, receiv-
ing globe from Jupiter standing l., holding scepter.
AE 22/23 mm, 3.85 g, Plate I, 6.
Cyzicus, 276, RIC V, II, 905
7. Obv. IMP PROBVS P F AVG, radiate and cuirassed bust right.
Rev. IOVI CONS PROB AVG // R – B, Jupiter standing left, holding sceptre and thunderbolt.
AE 21.5/23 mm, 4.23 g, Plate I, 7.
Rome, 281, RIC V, II, 175
8. Obv. IMP PROBVS P F AVG, radiate bust l. in imperial mantle, holding sceptre surmounted by eagle.
Rev. SOLI INVICTO // CM XIIT, Sol in spread quadriga.
AE 22/23 mm, 3.36 g. Plate I, 8.
Cyzicus, 276-277, RIC V, II, 911
Carus (282-283)
9. Obv. IMP C M AVR CARVS P F AVG, radiate, draped and cuirassed bust r.
Rev. VIRTVS AVGG // KAΓ, Virtus standing l., holding spear and resting hand on shield.
AE 21.5/22 mm, 3.93 g, Plate I, 9.
10. Obv. IMP CARVS P F AVG, radiate, draped and cuirassed bust r., seen from behind.
Rev. ABVNDANTIA AVG // TXXI, Abundantia standing r., emptying cornucopia filled with grain.
AE 21.5/23 mm, 3.62 g, Plate I, 10.
Ticinum, 282-283, RIC V, II, 69
Carinus (282-285)
11. Obv. M AVR CARINVS NOB CAES, radiate and cuirassed bust r.
Rev. PRINCIPI IVVENT / ✷ / T // XXI, Carinus standing l., holding baton and spear.
AE 21/22 mm, 4.50 g, Plate I, 11.
Siscia, 282-283, RIC V, II, 197
Numerianus (282-284)
12. Obv. M AVR NVMERIANVS C, radiate, draped, and cuirassed bust right, seen from behind.
Rev. PRINCIPI IVVENT, Numerian standing l., holding globe in r. hand, scepter in l. // KAΓ
AE 21/22.5 mm, 3.38 g, Plate I, 12.
390
Maximian Herculeus (286-305)
13. Obv. IMP C M A MAXIMIANVS PF AVG, radiate and cuirassed bust r.
Rev. CONCORDIA MILITVM / A // XXI, Jupiter standing l. with sceptre, presenting Victory on
globe to emperor, standing r.
AE 21.5/22.5 mm, 3.90 g, Plate I, 13.
Heraclea, 292-295, RIC V, II, 595
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391
PLATE I
1 2 3
4 5 6
7 8 9
10 11 12
13
Plate I. Salonina 1, Aurelian 2-3, Tacitus 4, Florian 5, Probus 6-8, Carus 9-10, Carinus 11,
Numerianus 12, Maximian Herculeus 13.
392
A COIN HOARD OF BRONZE COINS
FROM THE 6TH CENTURY FOUND NEAR THE VILLAGE OF
KOPTIVETS, RUSE REGION
Stoyan Mihaylov
The coin hoard was found by chance at the Early Byzantine fortress Zmey kale in the vicinity of
the village of Koprivets (Rousse Region). It was included in the numismatic collection of Ruse Regional
Museum of History as Inventory No. 2310. It has been referenced in archaeological literature1, and its
composition has been published in summary2.
The find consists of 40 bronze coins. They can be divided into groups according to the Byzantine
emperor in whose name they had been minted. The first group consists of one follis and one half-follis of
Justin I (518-527), which account for 4.4% of the monetary value of the find. They had been in circulation
for approx. 60-70 years, which is within the usual range for these coins3. Both specimens were minted in
Constantinople (Cat. No. 1-2, Plate I 1-2).
The second group includes six folles and three half-folles of Justinian I (527-565). From the view-
point of the reforms in bronze coinage, the reign of this Emperor has been split into four periods. There
are no specimens in the Koprivets coin hoard from the first of these periods (527-538). From the second
period (538-542), one follis and two half-folles are presented in the find, accounting for 5.9% of its mone-
tary value. These specimens were in circulation for approx. 45-50 years. Two of the coins were produced
in Constantinople (Cat. No. 3 and 6, Plate I 3, 6), and one half-follis – in Carthage (Cat. No. 11, Plate I 11).
From the third period (542-550), there are four folles that account for 11.8% of its monetary value. The
specimens were in circulation for 35-45 years. One of the folles was struck in Constantinople (Cat. No. 4,
Plate I 4), and three – in Nicomedia (Cat. No. 7-9, Plate I 7-9). The four folles were produced in different
regnal years of Justinian I. From the last chronological period (550-565) of Justinian I’s reign, one follis and
one half-follis are present, accounting for 4.4% of the monetary value of the find; these were in circulation
for 20-30 years. The follis was produced in Constantinople (Cat. No. 5, Plate I 5), and the half-follis – in
Thessalonica (Cat. No. 10, Plate I 10).
The most numerous group of coins in the hoard is of those minted in the name of Justin II (565-
578) – twenty folles and five half-folles. They constitute 66.2% (approximately 2/3) of the monetary value
of the find. Almost all the specimens were minted between the third (567-568) and the tenth (574-575)
regnal years of this Byzantine emperor, and were in monetary circulation for about 10-20 years. Thirteen
of the folles were produced in Constantinople (Cat. No. 12-24, Plate II 12-24), and the other seven were
struck in Nicomedia (Cat. No. 25-31, Plate III 25-31). All five half-folles were produced by the mint at
Thessalonica (Cat. No. 32-36, Plate III 32-36).
The find comprises one half-follis from the reign of Tiberius II (578-582), produced in Thessa-
lonica, constituting 1.5% of the monetary value of the amount at hand. The obverse of the coin bears a
depiction of the emperor and his wife, crowned and nimbate, seated on a double throne en face, and the
preserved partial inscription around them is …m TIb CON… (Cat. No. 37, Plate III 37). The coin was
minted in the fifth year of the emperor’s reign (marked with the sign ‘Ч’ as number five). The regnal years
of Tiberius II are counted starting as of the 7th of December, 574, when he was pronounced Caesar by Jus-
1 Милчев, Драганов 1992, 39.

2 Morrisson et al. 2006, 148-149, No. 47.
3 Mihaylov 2019, 371, Table 1.
393
tin II.4 Accordingly, his fifth regnal year, in which the coin of the Koprivets find was struck, corresponds to
the period from December 578 till December 579. This specimen was in circulation ca. 5-10 years.
In a previously published description of the find, no such specimen has been identified. Therein,
all the half-folles cut in Thessalonica, the obverse of which represents the imperial couple enthroned en
face, were designated as coins of Justin II (565-578)5. Indeed, the obverse type discussed was introduced
into the Byzantine coinage at the time of the said emperor and was used mainly during his rule at almost
all the mints producing bronze denominations6. But in Thessalonica, this type was produced both under
the independent rule of Tiberius II (578-582) and during the first two years of the rule of Maurice (582-
602)7. Therefore, 20 nummi specimens struck in Thessalonica, the obverse of which represents the imperial
couple, should not be automatically identified as issues by Justin II’s rule (565-578), but it should be noted
that they could also be from the next two ruling emperors. The Koprivets coin find includes two half-folles
struck in Thessalonica that cannot be attributed to a specific imperial coinage because the inscriptions
with the imperial names on their obverses are damaged. The reverse of one of these coins (Cat. No. 39,
Plate III 39) has the fifth regnal year marked, which means that the coin was struck either in 569-570 (Jus-
tin II), or in 578-579 (Tiberius II). With the second specimen (Cat. No. 40, Plate III 40), the year of rule is
also illegible, so it is referred to the period 568-584, when the discussed type of 20 nummi denomination
was produced in Thessalonica.
The latest precisely dated coin in the find is a follis of Maurice (582-602) from his first regnal year
(582-583). The specimen was produced in Constantinople and constitutes 2.9% of the monetary value of
the coin hoard (Cat. No. 38, Plate III 38). It was in monetary circulation for several years.
Table 1. The Koprivets coin hoard
CON NIK TES CAR

518-527 1M 1K 1M 1K
527-538
538-542 1M 1K 1K 1M 2K
542-550 1M 3M 4M
550-565 1M 1K 1M 1K
565-578 13M 7M 5K 20M 5K
578-582 1K 1K
582-592 1M 1M
unidentified
568-584 2K 2K
18M 2K 10M 9K 1K 28M 12K
The coins of the Koprivets find were struck at four mints – Constantinople (20 sp.), Nicomedia
(10 sp.), Thessalonica (9 sp.) and Carthage (1 sp.) (table 1). The first two, together with the mint at Cyzi-
cus, traditionally provided the largest number of bronze coins to the provinces in the diocese of Thracia
(including Moesia Secunda) throughout the 6th century8. In this respect, the only point of interest is that
4 Grierson 1982, 44; Hahn, Metlich 2009, 36.
5 Morrisson et al. 2006, 148-149, No. 47.
6 Grierson 1982, 45, 61; Hahn, Metlich 2009, 28.
7 Grierson 1982, 45; Hahn, Metlich 2009, 42, 55.
8 Morrisson, Ivanišević 2006, 60-61, Fig. 10a-d.
394
the coin hoard from Koprivets lacks specimens minted at Cyzicus, which can be attributed to chance. The
same explanation applies to the absence of coins minted at Theupolis/Antioch as well, since such coins are
usually present in finds from the territory of Moesia Secunda that have been removed from circulation
during the last quarter of the 6th century, such as Baniska, Silistra, Varna–Galata, Golemanovo kale I–III9
and Gabrovo–Gradishte III10.
In the territory of Moesia Secunda, coins from Thessalonica produced mainly in the period 562-
602 can be found, with almost all specimens being half-folles11. These half-folles are present in all the Moe-
sian coin hoards from the last quarter of the 6th century. Identically, coins of Thessalonica are present in
Scythia, too12, as well as in the provinces of the diocese of Thracia13.
Specimens from Carthage are less frequently registered in Moesia Secunda. Coin finds with Car-
thaginian specimens from this province are Golemanovo kale I–II14 and Varna–Gorchivata cheshma15. In
a review article, A. Gandila suggests that the coins minted at Carthage during the period 533-542, which
were discovered in the territories of the former Early Byzantine provinces of Scythia and Moesia Secunda,
have ended up in the discussed territory as a result of the trade links between North Africa and the Lower
Danube area, as well as of the participation of military units from the Balkan Peninsula in the Byzantine
reconquista of North Africa after 53316. The author points out that there is a concentration of Carthaginian
decanummi from 533-542 in the provinces of Scythia and Moesia Secunda compared to other parts of the
Balkans, Asia Minor and the Circumpontic region17. In my view, this specific concentration, which applies
to the whole territory of Moesia Secunda, and not just to its coastal parts, is hardly a result of the common
dispersion of monetary issues that follow the movement of people and goods. Rather, the situation report-
ed by A. Gandila is the result of probably organized supply to the territories of these two Early Byzantine
provinces with a small volume of Carthaginian coins from 533-542. It is impossible to say what led to the
administrative distribution of these issues in Scythia and Moesia Secunda, but it can be assumed that it
occurred just once, or a few times at most. Such strange short-term supply of these territories with Car-
thaginian coins may have something to do with the formation, after 536, of the new special administrative
unit of Questura Iustinianus exercitus, which united the provinces of Scythia and Moesia Secunda (from
the diocese of Thracia), Insulae and Caria (from the Diocese of Asia), and Cyprus (from the Diocese of the
East)18.
In terms of base-metal denominations produced during the Early Byzantine period, only the larg-
est two are represented in the Koprivets coin hoard. The folles are 28, and the half-folles are 12 specimens.
The presence of only these denominations in the coin hoard in question, as well as the predominance of
the specimens of 40 nummi over those of 20 nummi, is typical of the territory of the diocese of Thracia19.
The specimens from Koprivets tend to have relatively high group and individual weights. In almost
all the calculated average weights of groups of folles, the values are higher than the average weights charac-
teristic of the respective types (table 2). The individual weights of the coins, on the other hand, can be com-
pared to the follis weight standard of 1/24 of a libra (approx. 13.54 g), which was used in Byzantine coinage
for most issues produced after 570 and was current during the rule of Maurice (582-602). In this respect,
all the folles of Justin I and Justinian I exceed that standard considerably. Eleven of the specimens of Justin
II are heavier than that, seven are slightly lighter (by no more than 8%), and only two are lighter within
the 10-20% range. The follis of Maurice weighs 96% of the weight standard used at the time. It should be
9 Morrisson C. et al. 2006, No. 41, 55, 59, 240-242. I take the view that the Golemanovo kale fortress in the land of the
village of Sadovets (Dolni Dabnik municipality, Pleven district) was part of the territory of Moesia Secunda (see: Михайлов
2010a, 109).
10 Mихайлов, Йосифов 2012, 163-166.
11 Михайлов 2014, 612, Fig. 2.
12 Gândilă 2008, 319-321; Custurea 2019, 22-24, 61-63.
13 Morrisson, Ivanišević 2006, 61, Fig. 10c-d.
14 Morrisson et al. 2006, No. 240-241.
15 Михайлов 2020, 356, 366 no. 53-54; Gandila 2016, 174, Table 2, No. 18).
16 Gandila 2016, 137-142.
17 Gandila 2016, 138.
18 Torbatov 1997, 78-79; Curta 2002, 11-12; Плетньов 2017, 121-122.
19 Morrisson, Ivanišević 2006, 67-69, Fig. 12-13, 16.
395
considered that the coins had been in circulation and that has resulted in the loss of some of their original
weight. The chemical cleaning of the coins after their inclusion in the collection of the Regional Museum
of History of Ruse, where their surface deposits due to corrosion had been removed, has also led to some
weight loss. In modern research, albeit only in most general terms, there are views on the amount of coin
wear that could be applied to the specimens from Koprivets. For antique and medieval coins, regardless
of the metal alloy used, their weight loss is estimated to reach 10%20 or 15% according to the nature and
condition of the material involved21. Specifically, when examining Byzantine bronze coins, the wear value
applied is 8%22. Should the latter value of coin wear – 8%, be applied to the specimens from Koprivets,
it would be established that 26 of the folles had been heavier than the weight standard during the rule of
Maurice, and only two of them had been lighter than that.
Table 2. Average weight of the folles

(Morrisson,
Golemanovo Theoretical
Koprivets Ivanišević 2006, 51
kale І23 weight24
tab. 2)
512–518 16.52 16.80 18.06
518–527 18.51 (1) 16.33 15.73 18.06
527–538 17.30 16.14 18.06
538–542 21.45 (1) 21.66 22.09 24.07
542–550 19.82 (4) 18.62 19.50 21.67
550–565 17.75 (1) 16.99 16.37 18.06
565–578 13.70 (20) 13.68 13.26 15.48/ 13.54
578–582 15.70 12.14/ 16.3825 13.54/ 18.06
582–602 13.04 (1) 11.55 13.54
23 24 2525
23 24
Similar results can be seen with the half-folles from Koprivets (table 3). Three of the specimens
(those of Justin I and Justinian I minted in Constantinople and Carthage) are significantly heavier than
the half-follis weight standard of 1/48 of a libra (6.02 g). Of the half-folles produced in Thessalonica in the
period 562-584, two are heavier than the formal weight standard, three are lighter by up to 8%, and four
are lighter by 10-20%. Again, if we consider the coin wear, it can be argued that eight of the half-folles had
been heavier than the current weight standard, and four of them had been lighter.
20 Velde 2013, 641, Fig. 11.

21 Grierson 1963, xiv.
22 Hahn, Metlich 2000, 16.
23 Jurukova 1992, 295-299.
24 The theoretical weights indicated are based on the information in Hahn, Metlich 2000, 19-20 and Hahn, Metlich 2009,
9-14.
25 The average weight of 16.38 g applies to the reform emissions of Tiberius II struck during his 5th and 6th regnal years.
The average weight of this emperor’s issues minted during his 4th, 7th and 8th regnal years is 12.14 g (Morrisson 1989, 248, tab. 2).
396
Table 3. Average weight of the half-folles
Koprivets Golemanovo kale І Theoretical weight
512–518 8.05 (1) 9.03
518–527 10.98 (1) 7.90 (1) 9.03
527–538 8.5 (2) 9.03
538–542 11.02 (2) 10.40 (5) 12.04
542–550 8.75 (1) 10.83
9.03 (Con)
550–565 5.29 (1 Tes) 7.22 (Tes)
6.65 (2 Con) 7.74/ 6.77 (Con)
565–578 5.95 (5 Tes) 5.76 (15 Tes) 6.02 (Tes)
578–582 5.36 (1 Tes) 6.02 (Tes)
568–584 5.27 (2 Tes) 6.02 (Tes)
The observation that 34 of the coins from Koprivets, at the time of their removal from circulation,
had been heavier than the current weight standards allows us to express the opinion that this was the result
of a deliberate selection of the specimens in the coin hoard presented here.
In modern research, there are diverging opinions as to whether the monetary value of base-metal
coins was measured against gold and silver denominations by their face value or their weight26. It is likely
that both options were used, depending on the type of financial transaction being carried out with the cor-
responding amount in bronze coins. Here we will calculate the monetary value of the Koprivets find both
ways.
Taking into account the face values of the coins, the monetary value of the find is 34 folles (28 +
12 x 1/2 = 34). It is assumed that, during the rule of Maurice (582-602), 1 gold solidus equaled 480 folles27,
which allows us to estimate that the sum of 34 folles is equal to 1.7 carats of account (kerations), and 0.07
of a solidus.
The monetary value of the find, in terms of the weight of the coins, gives the following result. The
total weight of the coins in the find is 508.08 g, which, at 13.54 g theoretical weight of one follis (in the pe-
riod 570-616), makes it possible to calculate a value of 37.5 folles or 1.9 carats/kerations, or 0.08 of a solidus.
The higher monetary value of the Koprivets find calculated on the basis of coin weight, in my opinion,
once again supports the proposition that, in this case, when the monetary sum was formed (as a sum of
individual bronze coins), a deliberate selection of specimens with higher individual weight was carried
out.
Money worth 34–37.5 folles (1.7–1.9 carats) was probably equivalent to the wage of one person for
unskilled labour for 3–4 days28 and could provide one person with poor sustenance for no more than one
month.
The presence of only one follis of the Emperor Maurice, which had been struck during his first reg-
nal year (582-583), suggests that the removal from circulation should be dated shortly thereafter. However,
based on the composition of the discussed find alone, it can be seen that there are only two coins minted
after 575 for certain. The appended table (table 4) with information on some coin hoards containing bronze
specimens struck during the first ten years of Maurice’s reign shows that there are usually from one to three
such coins. It is only in finds that contain coins minted after 592 that the number of such specimens begins
to increase. In my opinion, these data indicate that the bronze coins of Maurice were spreading slowly in
the 580s. It can therefore be assumed that the Koprivets find was removed from monetary circulation in
the 580s, similar to many other finds from the territory of the province of Moesia Secunda29.
26 Gândilă 2012, 373.

27 Morrisson, Ivanišević 2006, 51, Tab. 2.
28 Михайлов 2010b, 685.
29 Mihaylov 2012, 463-464.
397
The presented coin hoard was discovered during an intervention by treasure hunters within the
bounds of the Early Byzantine fortress near the village of Koprivets, together with whole and fragmented
pottery and other objects30. This information, while not quite reliable, suggests that the coin find probably
came from an indoor space. The reasons for its removal from circulation can be traced to the continu-
ing military conflicts of the Byzantine Empire with the Avars and the Slavs under the rule of Maurice
(582-602), which greatly affected the territory of Moesia Secunda as well. In 585, the Avars and their Slav
allies invaded the provinces along the Danube, including Moesia Secunda, crossed south of the Balkan
Mountains and some units reached the outskirts of Constantinople. Among the conquered cities were
Singidunum, Viminacium, Augusta and Anchialos. There is no mention of particular settlements in Moe-
sia Secunda, but it can be assumed that, from that point onwards, the lands of this province became a
constant target of hostilities and barbarian invasions. In 587, the Avars attacked the provinces along the
Danube again. Among the settlements that were conquered, Durostorum, Marcianopolis and Appiaria are
mentioned, and these were some of the biggest and most important settlements in Moesia Secunda31. It is
likely that during these tumultuous years the fortress at Koprivets also suffered damages, and the present-
ed collective find was lost to its owner. The relatively small monetary value (34/37.5 folles, approx. 1.7–1.9
carats) and, on the other hand, the selection of specimens according to their weight, suggest that the find
constituted the savings of a person of a low financial status.
30 Милчев, Драганов 1992, 39.

31 Велков 1959, 51.
398
3232
32 Number of the coin hoards following Morrisson et al. 2006.
399
CATALOGUE
Justin І (518-527)
Constantinople
follis (40 nummi)
1. off. В, 522-527 (Hahn, Metlich 2000, 96, No. 12), 18.51 g, 27.5-30 mm.
half follis (20 nummi)

2. off. Г, 522-527 (Hahn, Metlich 2000, 97, No. 18), 10.98 g, 24-24.5 mm.
Justinian І (527-565)
Constantinople
follis (40 nummi)
3. off. Г, 539-540 (XІІІ) (Hahn, Metlich 2000, 129, No. 95а), 21.45 g, 39-39.5 mm.
4. off. E, 542-543 (X-ЧІ) (Hahn, Metlich 2000, 129, No. 95а), 20.21 g, 37-36 mm.
5. off. Г, 556-557 (Х-Х-Х) (Hahn, Metlich 2000, 130, No. 95а), 17.75 g, 32.5-31 mm.

6. off. Δ, 541-542 (Hahn, Metlich 2000, 132, No. 96), 11.18 g, 31-32.5 mm.
Nicomedia
follis (40 nummi)
7. off. А, 546-547 (XX) (Hahn, Metlich 2000, 136, No. 113a), 19.08 g, 33.5-32.5 mm.
8. off. В, 544-545 (X-Ч-ІІ-І) (Hahn, Metlich 2000, 136, No. 113b), 20.25 g, 34 mm.
9. off. А, 545-546 (X-Ч-ІІ-ІІ) (Hahn, Metlich 2000, 137, No. 113b), 19.75 g, 34-35.5 mm.
Thessalonica
10. 563-564 (XXX-ЧII) (Hahn, Metlich 2000, 157, No. 180), 5.29 g, 20.5 mm.
Carthage
11. off. SO, 539-540 (X-III) (Hahn, Metlich 2000, 160, No. 196), 10.86 г, 29-28 mm.
Justin ІІ (565-578)
Constantinople
follis (40 nummi)
12. off. B, 565-566 (I) (Hahn, Metlich 2009, 92, No. 43a), 14.51 g, 28.5 mm.
13. off. B, 567-568 (III) (Hahn, Metlich 2009, 92, No. 43a), 14.86 g, 27.5-30 mm.
14. off. A, 568-569 (II-II) (Hahn, Metlich 2009, 92, No. 43a), 14.55 g, 28.5 mm.
15. оff. E, 568-569 (II-II) (Hahn, Metlich 2009, 92, No. 43a), 13.06 g, 26-27 mm.
16. off. B, 570-571 (G) (Hahn, Metlich 2009, 92, No. 43a), 13.47 g, 28-29.5 mm.
17. off. Δ, 570-571 (G) (Hahn, Metlich 2009, 92, No. 43a), 14.18 g, 30-29.5 mm.
18. оff. B, 571-572 (GІ) (Hahn, Metlich 2009, 92, No. 43a), 14.53 g, 30-31.5 mm.
19. оff. Δ, 571-572 (GІ) (Hahn, Metlich 2009, 92, No. 43a), 14.20 g, 29-30 mm.
20. оff. Δ, 572-573 (G-ІІ) (Hahn, Metlich 2009, 92, No. 43а), 13.19 g, 28-29.5 mm.
21. оff. E, 572-573 (G-ІІ) (Hahn, Metlich 2009, 92, No. 43а), 15.05 g, 28.5-29 mm.
22. оff. Δ, 573-574 (GI-ІІ) (Hahn, Metlich 2009, 92, No. 43а), 12.79 g, 31-30.5 mm.
23. оff. …, 565-578 (…) (Hahn, Metlich 2009, 92, No. 43а), 11.19 g, 27.5-29.5 mm.
24. off. Г, 570-571 (G) (Hahn, Metlich 2009, 93, No. 43d), 13.85 g, 28-29.5 mm.
400
Nicomedia
follis (40 nummi)
25. оff. А, 567-568 (ІІ-I) (Hahn, Metlich 2009, 96, No. 46a), 15.44 g, 30-28 mm.
26. оff. B, 568-569 (II-II) (Hahn, Metlich 2009, 96, No.46a), 13.16 g, 31 mm.
27. off. B, 570-571 (G) (Hahn, Metlich 2009, 96, No. 46a), 13.83 g, 31.5-30.5 mm.
28. off. B, 570-571 (G) (Hahn, Metlich 2009, 96, No. 46a), 13.60 g, 28.5 mm.
29. оff. В, 572-573 (G-ІІ) (Hahn, Metlich 2009, 96, No. 46а), 13.27 g, 26-30.5 mm.
30. оff. В, 573-574 (GI-ІІ) (Hahn, Metlich 2009, 96, No. 46а), 12.95 g, 27.5 mm.
31. оff. A, 574-575 (X) (Hahn, Metlich 2009, 96, No. 46а), 12.39 g, 28-27.5 mm.
Thessalonica
32. 567-568 (III) (Hahn, Metlich 2009, 104, No. 68a), 5.30 g, 23 mm.
33. 572-573 (ЧIII) (Hahn, Metlich 2009, 105-106, No. 70), 5.97 g, 21-19 mm.
34. 574-575 (X) (Hahn, Metlich 2009, 106, No. 70d), 6.73 g, 21-21.5 mm.
35. 574-575 (X) (Hahn, Metlich 2009, 106, No. 70e), 6.19 g, 19-22 mm.
36. 574-575 (X) (Hahn, Metlich 2009, 106, No. 70e), 5.57 g, 22-21 mm.
Tiberius ІІ (578-582)
Thessalonica
37. 578-579 (Ч) (Hahn, Metlich 2009, 127, No. 65), 5.36 g, 19-17.5 mm.
Maurice (582-602)
Constantinople
follis (40 nummi)
38. off. B, 582-583 (I) (Hahn, Metlich 2009, 145, No. 65b), 13.04 g, 27.5-31.5 mm.
Unidentified (568-584)
Thessalonica
39. 569-579 (Ч), 5.90 g, 19.5 mm.
40. 568-584 (…), 4.64 g, 20-17.5 mm.
401
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403
Plate I
404
Plate II
405
Plate III
406
ROMAN COINS IN MEDIEVAL AND EARLY MODERN HOARDS
FOUND IN POLISH LANDS
Mateusz Bogucki, Arkadiusz Dymowski, Grzegorz Śnieżko
One of the research problems which touches upon ancient numismatics on the one hand and me-
dieval-early modern numismatics on the other is the occurrence of ancient coins in hoards dated to the
medieval period and the early modern age.1 From the territory of Poland within its present-day bounda-
ries we know of 35 such hoards spanning the broad chronological period 7th to late 18th centuries. All of
them are listed and described briefly at the end of our article. The largest of hoards – 26 – have an early
medieval dating; all of them have a terminus post quem determined narrowly or more broadly as the 10th or
the 11th century.2 Late medieval hoards are represented by only three assemblages, all of them dated to the
14th century. Six hoards belong in the early modern period, 16th-18th c. (fig. 1). The overwhelming majority
of coins recorded in the 35 hoards are 1st-2nd century Roman Imperial denarii. If we discount coins with an
imprecise determination (as e.g., “a fragment of a 3rd-century denarius or an antoninianus” or “a fragment
of a Late Roman coin from the 4th or 5th century”), other silver denominations are represented invariably
by a single 3rd-century antoninianus. Roman gold coins – two specimens - were identified in just one early
modern hoard. No Roman bronze or billon coins or ancient coins other than Roman have been recorded.
We begin with a brief outline of finds of ancient coins that have been recorded in Poland in con-
texts older than the medieval. The most common denomination in this pool is Roman denarii, mostly
Imperial issues of the 1st and the 2nd centuries. According to our estimates based on published and un-
published materials, to date at least ca. 43,000 denarii in 145 hoards have been recorded in Poland. To
this number we can add at least ca. 10,000 denarii found outside hoards. This is a huge number of Roman
denarii. What is important for our further discussion, only a small number of hoards with Roman coins is
recorded in northeastern Poland. They may be seen to cluster in central, southern and eastern regions of
our country. While both heavily worn and better preserved denarii are noted in these hoards, it is typical
for coins issued in the same period found in the same assemblage to show a very similar degree of wear.
Most of these hoards consist of denarii issues late Nero to early Septimius Severus, something that is char-
acteristic for the territory of the Barbaricum as a whole. Some hoards end in coins of Hadrian, others in
coins of Antoninus Pius, Marcus Aurelius, Commodus or Septimius Severus. Furthermore, several types
of denarius hoard can be identified on the basis of their chronological pattern.3 One type are hoards with
an earlier chronological structure ending in denarii of Septimius Severus, according to the classification
of Aleksander Bursche, or hoards “type C” in the classification of Arkadiusz Dymowski and Kirill Myzgin
(fig. 2). They are typical for Poland and the island of Gotland, and are known from quite a few Ukrainian
finds. Another type is Severan hoards of an earlier chronological pattern, or hoards type BC (fig. 2). They
have been found in Poland and in Ukraine, but also in the Danube area. Yet another pattern is represented
1 The present publication reports on the results of research completed within the Use of ancient coins in East-Central
Europe in the medieval and modern periods Project No. 2016/23/B/HS3/00173 conducted at the Institute of Archaeology of the
University of Warsaw, financed from the resources of the National Science Centre, Poland.
2 Admittedly, this is a smaller number than that listed in the catalogue of early medieval hoards from Poland published
by Anna Zapolska in 2007 (Zapolska 2007, 160-167). However, not only have no new hoards of this type come to light since
then, two assemblages were struck off from the record, the presence of ancient coins in them disproved. The alleged find of an
early medieval hoard with a denarius of Domitian from Poznań (Zapolska 2007, 164, no. 24) was identified as a duplicate of the
record on the Rawicz hoard (Bogucki et al. 2017b, 619). On the other hand, the attribution to the hoard from Rybice (Zapolska
2007, 165, no. 30) of at least five 2nd-4th century Roman coins is far from convicing (see Dymowski 2019, 29-33).
3 Bursche 1994, 471-473, 481-483; Dymowski, Myzgin 2014, 48-53.
407
by hoards of a later chronological structure, ending in Septimius Severus coins, or hoards type D (fig 2).
These are very typical for Poland, Ukraine and the Baltic islands, first of all, for Bornholm and Gotland.
The denarii in hoards type D tend to be heavily or very heavily worn, in contrast to the well preserved
denarii in some hoards of other types, e.g. from Poland, marked by a later chronological profile. While the
number of denarius hoard types identified on the basis of their chronological pattern is larger, the three
types indicated here are sufficient for the purpose of our subsequent discussion.
What is fascinating about denarius hoards in Poland and neighboring areas is the extended life of
the Imperial denarii within the Barbaricum. It seems that many of these coins continued in use well into
the Migration Period, at least until around AD 500. Nearly six hundred Roman Imperial denarius hoards
(around 17%) recorded within the Barbaricum included elements which date the time of their deposition
to between the 4th and the 6th centuries. The largest number of these hoards has been recorded on the island
of Gotland but a few are known from Poland as well. Taking into account their chronological structure
these hoards as a rule represent type C or D.4
As noted earlier, Imperial denarii have been recorded in a large number also outside of hoards.
Quite a few were recovered in the course of archeological survey made on Roman period sites. Some of
the denarii are subaerati (silver-plated). They are quite frequent in the pool of finds from Poland but so far
very few have been recorded in a hoard. Finds of pierced, looped and fragmented denarii are rare, but have
been recorded in Roman period contexts. As for imitation denarii and copies (both may be described as
irregular issues), in Poland the former have been recorded in hoards and as stray finds, the latter only as
stray finds. Last but not least – finds of Roman denominations other than denarii have been recorded in
Poland but are not as common as denarii. They include aurei, antoniniani, solidi and other denominations
recorded in quite significant numbers.
After this brief introduction to the subject of Roman coins recorded in Poland in contexts older
than medieval let us pass to their finds identified in later hoards.
The number of all early medieval (6th to mid-12th c.) hoards known from Poland is 664 finds with
over 234,000 coins (complete and their fragments). However, as we noted in the introduction only 26 of
these hoards contained ancient coins. All of these deposits date to the 10th and the 11th century (terminus
post quem from 949 to 1088). Out of a total of 38 coins (fragments included) most are Imperial denarii,
AD 1st and 2nd century issues. Two later Roman coins, actually their fragments, were also identified in an
early medieval hoard: the alleged fragment of an early 3rd century denarius (or antoninianus) and the frag-
ment of a late Roman silver coin (most probably, a siliqua) dated to the late 4th or early 5th century. Most of
the early medieval hoards containing Roman coins are hacksilver hoards, that are typical for Poland and
the whole Baltic seaboard during this period. They include whole coins and fragments (Islamic, Western
European, Byzantine, Central European and other), silver bars, silver lumps, jewellery (both intact and
badly damaged). The fragments of coins (including ancient specimens) and other items in these hoards
retain traces of breaking or cutting. The Roman coins found in these hoards were presumably valued for
their precious metal, similarly as later coins and other objects made of silver. They served as a medium of
exchange accepted by their weight, and this is the most likely explanation for the presence of the Roman
denarii and their fragments in early medieval hoards.5 This interpretation is supported by the fact that the
only denarii recorded in these hoards are official issues, struck in silver. The only denarii subaerati record-
ed in an early medieval context in present-day Poland were found in burials.6
4 At more length on this subject Dymowski, Myzgin 2022 (in press); with examples of hoards and a list of references.
5 Bogucki et al. 2017a, 280; cf. Gumowski 1956; 106; Kiersnowski 1958, 5-14.
6 At Dziekanowice near Ostrów Lednicki (Greater Poland) seven Roman denarii were found in five burials (Wrzesińska
et al. 2016), the only ancient coins recorded in Poland in an early medieval cemetery. It is interesting that four of them are denar-
ii subaerati. Each was found in a different burial. We have no other record to confirm that Roman coins were used as Charon’s
obol during the Early Middle Ages. Stanisław Suchodolski has suggested that an assemblage of Roman coins had surfaced in
the vicinity of Ostrów Lednicki in the 11th century, the coins spread within the local community, some of them subsequently
were placed in graves as offerings. What is also noteworthy is that not less than four of the denarii coins from Dziekanowice
are subaerati. Perhaps, they are part of a phenomenon observed during the 11th century of “economy of the offerings” where
an attempt to meet the obligations dictated by custom, ritual and beliefs went hand in hand with the wish to offer less valuable
specimens, harder to sell on the market. But what is worth noting, is that this is the only case that subaerati have been found in
an early medieval context in Poland.
408
The geographic distribution of these hoards looks interesting (fig. 3). While the greatest density
of Roman Imperial denarius hoards from Roman period and the Migration period contexts is observed
mostly in southeastern Poland, almost all of the early medieval hoards containing Roman denarii have
been recorded in the northern and western region of our country. This is in contrast to the early medieval
silver hoards of the 10th-11th century without Roman denarii which have been recorded everywhere in Po-
land, although in the north and the west their number is visibly higher.7 For the present this phenomenon
is hard to interpret except for the obvious conclusion that there is no direct link between the widespread
occurrence of the Roman denarii in finds (and their possible discovery in the early medieval period) and
the presence or absence of denarii in early medieval hoards in a given area.8 It is more than certain that the
phenomenon of hoards containing a small number of ancient coins must be examined within the broader
context of the presence of analogous, similarly dated hoards in Scandinavia (on Gotland in particular), in
northeastern Germany and the southeastern Baltic seacoast.9 All the same, most of the hoards dated to the
10th and 11th centuries recorded on the Baltic seaboard came to light in the territory of present-day Poland,
while on the other hand the largest number of Roman denarii in early medieval hoards is noted on the
island of Gotland.10
Another unfortunately rather confusing pattern is observable in the geographic distribution in
Poland of the 10th and 11th century hoards containing Roman coins when we break them down into groups
datable to 25-year intervals (fig. 3). It appears that the later of these hoards, with a terminus post quem in
the second, third or fourth quarter of the 11th century, predominate in the northern region of Poland (in
Pomerania). The earliest hoards on the other hand, with terminus post quem in the second, third or fourth
quarter of the 10th century, cluster mostly in Greater Poland (in the west of central Poland). The relation-
ship of these phenomena to the currently recognized early medieval economic phenomena is not easy
to grasp. However, it is worth noting that in the 10th century Greater Poland was the cradle of the Piast
state which would later grown into the medieval Polish state. In general, the number of hacksilver hoards
recorded in Greater Poland is high. The region of Pomerania to the north, especially its western reaches,
for the better part of the 11th century remained independent from Polish rulers. Its political history in
the period of interest to us here is poorly understood. In the 11th century the degree of monetization in
Pomerania was lower than in the regions forming the core of the Polish State. Presumably this is the reason
why hacksilver apparently continued longer in use than in the region to the south.11 Possibly this explains
why Roman denarii occur in hoards buried in Pomerania in the second half of the 11th century but are not
recorded more to the south, where coins not conforming to the standard accepted by local authories and
users would have been removed from circulation.
When it comes to their preservation, some of the Roman denarii found in Poland in these early
medieval hoards are in a relatively good condition while others show heavy wear. The latter are typical for
Polish denarius finds dated to the end of the Roman period and the Migration period, and also, for Scan-
dinavian finds, of which at least the better part are datable to that same period.12 It seems therefore that
not all of the Roman denarii found in Poland in early medieval hoards may be attributed to the pool of
denarii in use in the territory of present-day Poland and in Scandinavia in Late Antiquity. Coins showing a
better preservation most likely are those buried back in the Roman Period, perhaps in the territory of pres-
ent-day Poland, but not necessarily. Similar conclusions arise from the comparison of the chronological
profile of Roman denarii found in early medieval hoards to the chronological profiles of Roman denarius
hoards typical for Poland (fig. 2). If the denarii from early medieval hoards were to be treated as a single
pool, that pool has features which are typical both for denarius hoards which have an earlier and a later
chronological profile. Thus, the pool of Roman denarii found in early medieval hoards in Poland is not
uniform, the coins which are a part of it most likely derive from more than one source, as e.g., a hoard, or
some relatively homogeneous pool of denarii that were used in a given area during a given period. Even
7 See Bogucki et al. 2013; Bogucki et al. 2015; Bogucki et al. 2016a; Bogucki et al. 2016b; Bogucki et al. 2017b.
8 Cf. Gumowski 1956; 106; Kiersnowski 1958, 5-14; Kunisz 1969, 9.
9 Zapolska 2007, 152-154.
10 See data tabulated in Zapolska 2007, 168-171.
11 Cf. Kilger 2000, 134-140.
12 For his views on the preservation of Roman denarii from Scandinavian finds the authors are grateful to Professor
Lennart Lind, Stockholm University.
409
if we take into account that the Roman denarii found in the early medieval hoards in Poland could have
continued in use within the Barbaricum without a break since the Roman period until 10th-11th centuries13,
which is not entirely unlikely for Scandinavia14, from which area they might have been imported south
during the medieval period15, then it is more than certain that this does not apply to all of these denarii. At
least some of them, if not all, were unearthed in the early medieval period and put to a secondary use. It
only remains to be seen where these coins could have been unearthed during the early medieval period.
Denarii issued in the 1st and the 2nd centuries are too widespread in finds recorded in the territory
of the Barbaricum and the territory of the Roman Empire to pinpoint the source area of coins which later
passed into the medieval hoards recovered in Poland. Within the Barbaricum the most likely source area,
other than that of present-day Poland, is Scandinavia (first of all the island of Gotland).16 As regards the
fragment found in the Dzierżnica hoard identified as either a 3rd-century denarius or an antoninianus, we
can only say that finds of these coins are more frequent on former Roman territory than within the Bar-
baricum, the area of present-day Poland included. Much more significant would be the fragment of Late
Roman coin, presumably a siliqua of Theodosius I or II, found in the Obrzycko hoard. If the determination
of this coin is correct this would make it find unique for the territory of present-day Poland17, consequently
it is more than unlikely that this coin was unearthed in the area during the early medieval period. It is
likely to be an early medieval import from a region as distant as the Near East or Western Europe. Some
of the Roman denarii could have passed to the territory of present-day Poland in early medieval period in
the same way.18 Thus, even if we assume it is possible that the Roman coins identified in the early medieval
hoards could derive from local, or possibly Scandinavian finds made in the early medieval period, then
presumably not all of them. At least some must be early medieval imports from outside our region.
Table 1. Roman coins in early medieval hoards from Poland.
Fragments of Unspecified
Issuers Denarii
denarii silver coins
Nero (54-68) 1
Vespasian (69-79) 3 1
Domitian (81-96) 1
Trajan (98-117) 1 1
Hadrian (117-138) 1
Antoninus Pius (138-161) 4 3
Marcus Aurelius & Lucius Verus (161-
6 2
180)
13 See Bogucki et al. 2017a, 287; cf. Gumowski 1956, 106; Bursche 2005, 205; Zapolska 2007, 158-160.
14 Audy 2018, 169-171; cf. Bursche 2005, 205.
15 Cf. Zapolska 2007, 159.
16 Zapolska 2007, 159.
17 Unfortunately, the coins from the Obrzycko hoard were lost after 1945. Julius Friedländer, a well known numismatist
from Berlin, had described this early medieval hoard in a pamphlet published as early as 1844. He identified the fragment of the
Late Roman coin with a legible fragment of the obverse legend “SIVSP” as an issue of Theodosius I (379-395) with an illegible
“votive” legend on the reverse. Basing on this, the item should be described as a siliqua of Theodosius I. We should also take
into account miliarenses of Theodosius I with a “votive” inscription in a wreath on the reverse, or siliquae of Theodosius II (402-
450) with similar obverses. But there is still another possibility. The obverse legend fragment “SIVSP” could indicate that the
coin was issued under the name of Anastasius I (491-518), as an Early Byzantine issue or an issue of one of so called successor
states established by Germanic peoples. Nevertheless, Julius Friedländer had a great experience as numismatist and was familiar
with Early Byzantine coins and coins of the successor states. Therefore it is hard to believe that he could have failed to recog-
nize a coin with the name of Anastasius I. On the other hand, there are some coins with the name of Anastasius I (especially
Ostrogothic issues) that are very close to the coins of Theodosius I and Theodosius II in the style of their portrait and lettering.
Furthermore, wreaths on obverses of these “Anastasian” coins are similar to the wreaths on “votive” “Theodosian” coins. Finally,
in contrast to late 4th and early 5th century silver Roman coins, we can indicate a small number of late 5th or early 6th century
silver coins in the pool of finds from Poland. Cf. Dymowski 2018, 103.
18 Dymowski 2018, 105-108.
410
Antoninus Pius or Marcus Aurelius
2
(138-180)
Commodus (180-192) 2 1
Hadrian or Antoninus Pius or Commo-
1
dus (136-192)
Septimius Severus (193-211) 1
1
Unspecified emperor from the the 1 half st
(fragment of
of the 3rd century AD denarius or
antoninianus)
1
Theodosius I (379-395) or II (402-450) (fragment of
siliqua?)
3 (+unspeci-
Unspecified 2 fied number
from Stawiec)
TOTAL 24 9 over 5
Roman coins in late medieval hoards recorded in Poland are excedingly rare19, and are represented
by four silver coins found in three hoards dated to the 14th century. Three of these coins were probably de-
narii (1 certain and 2 unspecified silver coins), and one was an antoninianus (table 2). Two of these hoards
came to light in Silesia, the third in Greater Poland (fig. 4). A slightly larger number of Roman coins is
recorded in early modern hoards, one to each hoard (table 3).20 Six are known at present, mostly from
Silesia. Outside that region one hoard each was found in Lesser Poland and in Greater Poland (fig. 4). Five
hoards, two of which date to the 16th and 17th centuries, one to the 18th century, contained denarii (in two
cases these were silver coins, probably denarii); the sixth hoard buried in the 17th century, containing gold
coins, is described at more length later on in this text.
As early as in the 1970s Andrzej Mikołajczyk noted that ancient silver coins from early modern
hoards known to him are those which most commonly found their way to the territory of what is now
Poland. This led him to conclude that their source were assemblages buried back in the Roman period and
discovered by accident several centuries later.21 Also the extremely rare occurence of Roman coin in late
medieval and early modern contexts show that their most likely source were random discoveries of ancient
coins, something that is confirmed by the written sources as early as at the beginning of the 16th century.22
As for the function of Roman coins found in late hoards it seems likely that they could have been used
according to their original purpose, as currency.23 Another interpretation to be found in the literature is
that the Roman coins could have been used as amulets, e.g. placed in a hoard to protect it.24 Yet another
interpretation is possible of one of the early modern hoards. The denarius of Commodus found in the
19 If we take into account all the Roman coins found in late medieval contexts (in hoards and outside them), and the
most up-to-date inventory of coins issued between 1146 and 1500 found in Poland (Kubiak 1998), the finds containg ancient
coins make up a mere 0.29% of all the finds dated to the indicated time-period (Bogucki et al. 2017a, 287). If we took into
account hoards that came to light after the inventory was published the percentage of finds containing ancient coins would be
even lower.
20 Also the percentage valueas are slightly higher than in the case of the late medieval finds. Six hoards with Roman coins
for the period 1500-1944 (Męclewska, Mikołajczyk 1983; Męclewska, Mikołajczyk 1991) equal 0.34% of all hoards from this
time-period. Cf. Bogucki et al. 2017a, 287 (the number of hoards is indicated in this publication incorrectly as five, the percent-
age as 0.26%).
21 Mikołajczyk 1975, 82.
22 The reference on this subject which is regarded as the earliest appears in “Tractatus de duabus Sarmatiis Asiana et Eu-
ropiana et de contentis in eis” published in 1517 by Maciej Miechowita, Polish Renaissance scholar, professor of the Jagiellonian
University in Cracow (Mielczarek 2002, 469-470).
23 Mikołajczyk 1975, 82; Paszkiewicz 2013, 212.
24 Milutinović 2015, 32-35.
411
hoard from Nysa was pierced, suggesting its use as a personal ornament.25 This would be supported by the
presence in the same assemblage, other than coins, of silver jewellery and a devotional medal. These pos-
sible uses of ancient coins as currency, amulets or personal ornaments are directly or indirectly supported
by the evidence in the written sources.26
Table 2. Roman coins in late medieval hoards from Poland.

Issuers Silver coins
Vespasian (69-79) 1 denarius
Trajan (98-117) 2 unspecified silver coins (denarii?)
Philip the Arab (244-249) 1 antoninianus
TOTAL 4
Table 3. Roman coins in early modern hoards from Poland.

Issuers Silver coins Gold coins
1 unspecified coin (dena-
Nero (54-68)
rius?)
1 unspecified coin (dena-
Hadrian (117-138) 1 aureus
rius?)
Antoninus Pius (138-161) 1 denarius
Commodus (180-192) 1 denarius
Septimius Severus for Geta (209-211) 1 denarius
Valentinian I (364-375) 1 solidus
TOTAL 5 2
Let us focus at more length on the only hoard with ancient gold coins with a dating later than the
Migration period recorded in Poland. Published by Jarosław Dutkowski in 201027 this truly remarkable
assemblage is still little known to the academic community. The Grzmiąca hoard came to light in southern
Silesia presumably in the 1980s. Its terminus post quem is 1630; in this period this territory was part of the
Kingdom of Bohemia. This huge hoard inluded no less than a few dozen gold and silver artefacts (sceptre
and globus cruciger of prince Zdenko Adalbert von Lobkowitz, jewellery, a dress fitting, tableware) and at
least a few hundred gold and silver coins and medals (most of them originating from Saxony and Bohemia,
dated from 15th to 17th century). J. Dutkowski hypothesized that the Grzmiąca hoard had been hidden by
Protestant soldiers during the Thirty Years’ War and that at least a part of it had been robbed from the es-
tates of prince Lobkowitz in Bohemia. It is likely also that the Roman gold coins in the hoard (an aureus of
Hadrian and a solidus of Valentinian I) had been looted somewhere in southern Germany or in Bohemia.
They may have belonged to a treasury or to a collection of prince Zdenko Adalbert Lobkowitz, supporter
of the Habsburg and hated by the Protestants. The Grzmiąca hoard also included early modern silver coin
which had been gilded and turned into pendants. Possibly, this was also the use planned for the Roman
25 There is no way to determine when this hole was made, but even if this was done in Antiquity this does not rule out
its being used as an ornament during the modern period.
26 See Siwiak 2018, 115-119, with a review of written sources on this subject. The earliest reference to the use of ancient
coins in the Middle Ages in present-day Poland dates from 1445. Marcin the goldsmith of Cracow was hired by Marcin of
Połaniec, possibly a knight or a townsman, to redo and gild: “duos spanky et tres annulos cum nummo Sti Johannis”. Spanky
probably means a clasp, from the German spangen. The goldsmith was promised, “piscem vulgariter lososch”, as payment. Łosoś
is salmon in Polish. But what about, “nummi Sti Johannis”? The name derives from the Christian interpretation of the image of
the emperor’s head on coins, thought to resemble the head of John the Baptist on its silver platter. The term was still in use in
the 19th century in non-academic circles, and evolved several variants. Roman coins were also called główki św. Jana [St. John’s
heads], denary św. Jana [St. John’s denarii], or Iwankowe [Little Ivan’s coins]. German speakers called them Johannesschüssel.
See Abramowicz 1981, 81-91; Szlapińskij 1997, 72; Mielczarek 1999, 244-245; Mielczarek 2002, 468-469; Jaworski, Crişan 2012,
259-260.
27 Dutkowski 2010.
412
gold coins.
In summary, only the occurrence of Roman coins in early medieval hoards in the territory of pres-
ent-day Poland may be treated as a wider phenomenon. In fact, 38 coins found in 26 hoards dated from
the 10th to the 11th century make up over 50% of all the ancient coins recovered in Poland (in hoards and
as other categories of finds) in contexts which span in their dating the 7th and 18th century.28 It is advisable
to examine this phenomenon, small-scale in terms of the number of finds and number of coins in them,
within the broader study of the phenomenon of early medieval hacksilver hoards recorded in the Baltic
zone. As regards the possible source of Roman denarii found in the early medieval hoards known from
our region, the most likely explanation would be the specimens recovered during the early middle ages in
the territory of present-day Poland or in other parts of the former Barbaricum, Scandinavia in particular
(the Baltic islands). Another possibility is influx of ancient coins from outside the former European Bar-
baricum – from Western Europe, or from the Middle East. On the other hand, the occurrence of Roman
coins in late medieval and early modern hoards in the territory of present-day Poland appears to be a very
sporadic phenomenon. As a rule, Roman coins probably came from local finds made in the late medieval
period and in the early modern age.
LIST OF FINDS
The list is intended to cover all ancient coin finds (i.e. pre-AD 6th century Greek, Celtic and Roman
coins) from medieval or modern period hoards (dated approximately from AD 7th century until the turn
of the 18th century) from Poland, recorded by December 2017. Spurious finds and ones that are unlikely
to originate from a medieval or a modern context although reported as such have not been included. The
numbers assigned to the finds listed below correspond to their number in fig. 3 and 4. Only the most im-
portant bibliographical sources (especially inventories of finds) have been listed.
1. Bielawskie Błoto (Bielawa peat bog), Powiat Puck, Województwo Pomorskie

An early medieval (TPQ 1039) silver hoard containing 24 coins (1 Roman – an unspecified denarius, 1
Islamic, 12 German, 6 anonymous cross-denarii, 2 Bohemian and 2 English) and 7 g of coin fragments.
Bibliography: Kiersnowski 1958, 13; Ciołek 2007 (as Bialawy, Powiat Kartuzy), 15, No. 10; Zapolska 2007,
160, No. 1; Bogucki et al. 2016a, 54-55, No. 7 (as Bielawy, Powiat Chojnice).
2. Boksyce, Gmina Waśniów, Powiat Ostrowiec Świętokrzyski, Województwo Świętokrzyskie

A modern period hoard (TPQ 1703) containing 25 silver coins (24 early modern: Polish, German, Silesian
and Hungarian, dated from 1544 to 1703, and a single Roman coin – unspecified silver issue of Hadrian),
and silver ornaments and jewellery; found in the Chocimowski forest.
Bibliography: Mikołajczyk 1975, 81; Męclewska, Mikołajczyk 1991, 173, No. 1412.
3. Bystrzyca (former Peisterwitz), Gmina Oława, Powiat Oława, Województwo Dolnośląskie

An early medieval (TPQ 1003) silver hoard containing ca. 553 whole coins, mostly well preserved, frag-
ments of 36 identified coins and ca. 950.70 g of fragments of coins and remnants of jewellery; the hoard
included the following coins: Islamic, German, anonymous cross-denarii, French, Italian, Bohemian and
Moravian, Danish, English, imitations of early medieval denarii, 1 Byzantine coin from the 10th century
and 1 fragment of Roman denarius of Antoninus Pius.
Bibliography: Kiersnowski 1958, 14; Ciołek 2008, 44, No. 47; Zapolska 2007, 160, No. 2; Bogucki et al.
2013, 241-249, No. 5.
28 Leaving out finds with a putative medieval or early modern context. This applies in particular to coins admittedly re-
covered from cultural deposits or from medieval or early modern archaeological features but in sites where human occupation
is documented also in the pre-Roman period or the Roman period. It is more than likely that these coins could have found their
way into these later deposits through accident, e.g., during earthworks.
413
4. Darłowo (former Rügenwalde), Gmina Darłowo, Powiat Sławno, Województwo Zachodniopomor-
skie
An early medieval (TPQ 1047) silver hoard containing 118 coins (1 Islamic, 40 German, 46 anonymous
cross-denarii, 1 Bohemian, 2 Hungarian, 2 English, 2 Danish and 24 unidentified medieval denarii) and a
smaller number (47?) of fragments, including a fragment of Roman denarius of Vespasian.
Bibliography: Kiersnowski 1958, 13; Ciołek 2007, 34, No. 48; Zapolska 2007, 160-161, No. 3; Bogucki et
al. 2016a, 126-129, No. 31.
5. Dąbrowa (former Dombrowo), Gmina Kamień Krajeński, Powiat Sępólno Krajeńskie, Wojewódz-
two Kujawsko-Pomorskie
An early medieval (TPQ 1040 or 1074) silver hoard containing 617 coins and ca. 1000 g of raw silver:
fragments of coins, silver bars, silver lumps; the hoard included the following coins: Islamic, Bulgar dir-
hams, German, anonymous cross-denarii, French, Italian, Bohemian, Polish, Hungarian, Danish, English,
Pomeranian and 1 Roman denarius of Antoninus Pius or Marcus Aurelius issued for Faustina II.
2016a, 129-134, No. 32.
6. Dobrzyca, Gmina Dobrzyca, Powiat Pleszew, Województwo Wielkopolskie

A hoard dated to the early medieval period (11th century?) containing 3 unspecified Roman silver coins.
Bibliography: Kiersnowski 1958, 14; Zapolska 2007, 161, No. 5; Bogucki et al. 2017b, 87-88, No. 32.
7. Dolna (former Niederkirch), Gmina Leśnica, Powiat Strzelce Opolskie, Województwo Opolskie
An early modern hoard containing numerous coins dated to the 14th–16th century, and a single Roman
coin – unspecified silver issue of Nero.
Bibliography: Ciołek 2008, 58: No. 73.
8. Dzierżnica, Gmina Dominowo, Powiat Środa Wielkopolska, Województwo Wielkopolskie

An early medieval (TPQ 980/1–989/90) silver hoard containing at least 121 whole coins and 20,855 frag-
ments and silver bars, silver lumps, badly damaged jewellery; the hoard included the following coins:
Islamic, Byzantine, German, anonymous cross-denarii, French, Italian, Bohemian, Polish, Danish, Eng-
lish, imitations of early medieval denarii and 3 fragments of Roman coins – denarius of Antoninus Pius,
denarius with portrait of Aelius Caesar or Antoninus Pius or Commodus (?) and denarius or antoninianus
dated to the 1st half of the 3rd century AD.
Bibliography: Zapolska 2007, 161, No. 7; Bogucki et al. 2017b, 109-170, No. 36 (as Dzierżnica II).
9. Gdańsk-Ujeścisko (former Danzig-Schiedlitz), the administrative centre of Województwo Pomor-

skie
An early medieval (TPQ 1068) silver hoard containing at least 730 whole coins and 230 fragments of
coins and silver bars, fragments of jewellery; the hoard included the following coins: Islamic, German,
anonymous cross-denarii, Bohemian, Moravian, Hungarian, Danish, English, imitations of early medieval
denarii and 1 Roman denarius – Marcus Aurelius issued for Faustina II.
2016a, 187-192, No. 59.
10. Gostyń (former Gustau), Gmina Gaworzyce, Powiat Polkowice, Województwo Dolnośląskie
An early medieval (TPQ ca. 990) hoard containing ca. 1000 g of silver: ca. 683 g coins and 248 g of raw
silver and silver jewellery; the hoard included Islamic, German and Bohemian coins and 1 fragment of
Roman denarius of Trajan.
Bibliography: Kiersnowski 1958, 14; Zapolska 2007, 162, No. 9; Ciołek 2008, 76, No. 109; Bogucki et al.
2013, 267-268, No. 21.
414
11. Grzmiąca, Gmina Głuszyca, Powiat Wałbrzych, Województwo Dolnośląskie
A modern period (TPQ 1630) hoard of at least a few dozen gold and silver artefacts (sceptre and globus
cruciger of prince Zdenko Adalbert Lobkowitz, jewellery, dress fitting, tableware) and at least a few hun-
dred gold and silver coins (most of them originating from Saxony and Bohemia, dated from 15th to 17th
century, the latest struck in 1630), and 2 Roman gold coins: aureus of Hadrian and solidus of Valentinian I.
According to Jarosław Dutkowski, the Grzmiąca hoard had been hidden by Protestant soldiers during the
Thirty Years’ War, and at least a part of it represents objects plundered from the estates of prince Lobkowitz
in Bohemia.
Bibliography: Dutkowski 2010, 102, 114.
12. Horniki (former Hornikau), Gmina Nowa Karczma, Powiat Kościerzyna, Województwo Pomor-
skie
An early medieval (TPQ 1088) silver hoard containing over 1,000 coins, silver bars and jewellery; the
hoard included the following coins: Islamic, Persian, German, anonymous cross-denarii, French, Bohe-
mian, Moravian, Hungarian, English, Danish, imitations of early medieval denarii and a single Roman
denarius of Lucius Verus.
2016a, 225-237, No. 82.
13. Jaksin (former Jexau), Gmina Borów, Powiat Strzelin, Województwo Dolnośląskie
An early modern (TPQ 1516) hoard containing 1596 Prague groschen of Vladislaus II (1471–1516) and
Louis II (1516–1526), and a single Roman coin – denarius of Antoninus Pius.
Bibliography: Mikołajczyk 1975, 81; Męclewska, Mikołajczyk 1983, 23, No. 27; Ciołek 2008, 87, No. 129.
14. Kamieniec (former Schoeningen), Gmina Kołbaskowo, Powiat Police, Województwo Zachodnio-
pomorskie
An early medieval (TPQ 1010) silver hoard containing 384 coins and many fragments of coins and jewel-
lery; the hoard included the following coins: Islamic, German, anonymous cross-denarii, French, Italian,
Bohemian, English, imitations of early medieval denarii and a single Roman denarius of Antoninus Pius
issued posthumously for Faustina I.
2016a, 263-269, No. 98.
15. Kąty (former Eckstelle), Gmina Murowana Goślina, Powiat Poznań, Województwo Wielkopolskie
An early medieval (TPQ 1006) silver hoard containing at least 98 coins and some fragments of coins and
jewellery; the hoard included the following coins: Islamic, Byzantine, German, anonymous cross-denarii,
Italian, Bohemian, English, Danish and a single Roman denarius of Commodus.
Bibliography: Kiersnowski 1958, 14; Zapolska 2007, 163, No. 15; Bogucki et al. 2017b, 377-380, No. 104
(as Kąty I).
16. Kleszczewo, Gmina Kleszczewo, Powiat Poznań, Województwo Wielkopolskie

An early medieval (TPQ 996) silver hoard containing at least 98 coins and some fragments of coins and
jewellery; the hoard included the following coins: Islamic, German, anonymous cross-denarii, Italian, Bo-
hemian, Danish, imitations of early medieval denarii and a single Roman denarius of Septimius Severus.
17. Kolczyn (former Kolczyn Mały), Gmina Gozdowo, Powiat Sierpc, Województwo Mazowieckie
An early medieval (TPQ 1024) silver hoard containing 5 coins: 2 German, 1 anonymous cross-denarius
and 2 Roman denarii - of Antoninus Pius issued for Marcus Aurelius, and of Marcus Aurelius.
Bibliography: Kiersnowski 1958, 14; Zapolska 2007, 163, No. 17; Romanowski 2008, 49, No. 75; Bogucki
et al. 2015, 172, No. 53.
415
18. Kowale (former Kawallen), Gmina Oborniki Śląskie, Powiat Trzebnica, Województwo Dolnoślą-
skie
An early medieval (TPQ ca. 1002) silver hoard containing 330 coins, raw silver and some fragments of
coins (11) and jewellery; the hoard included the following coins: Islamic, German, anonymous cross-de-
narii, Italian, Bohemian, English and a single Roman denarius of Trajan.
2013, 301-304, No. 32.
19. Lisówek (former Leissow, Leissower Mühle), Gmina Słubice, Powiat Słubice, Województwo Lubu-
skie
An early medieval (TPQ 1014) silver hoard containing 4,760 whole coins and ca. 238 fragments, silver
bars, silver lumps, fragments of jewellery; the hoard included the following coins: Islamic, Indian, Byzan-
tine, German, anonymous cross-denarii, Italian, Bohemian, Polish, Danish, English, Swedish, other Scan-
dinavian, imitations of early medieval denarii and 4 Roman denarii: Vespasian issued for Domitian, An-
toninus Pius, Marcus Aurelius, and Commodus issued for Crispina, and a fragment of a Roman denarius
of Lucius Verus.
Bibliography: Kiersnowski 1958, 14; Bogucki et al. 2017b, 441-464, No. 134.
20. Murczyn, Gmina Żnin, Powiat Żnin, Województwo Wielkopolskie

An early medieval (TPQ 999) silver hoard containing 200 whole coins and fragments of coins and some
silver bars and fragments of jewellery; the hoard included the following coins: Islamic, German, anony-
mous cross-denarii, Bohemian, Danish, English, imitations of early medieval denarii and a single Roman
denarius of Antoninus Pius issued posthumously for Faustina I.
21. Nysa (former Neisse), the administrative centre of Powiat Nysa, Województwo Opolskie
A modern period (TPQ 1637) hoard containing at least 148 coins (including a single Roman coin – pierced
denarius of Commodus), silver jewellery, ornaments and their fragments.
Bibliography: Mikołajczyk 1975, 81; Męclewska, Mikołajczyk 1983, 166-168, No. 598; Ciołek 2008, 175-
176, No. 260.
22. Obrzycko, Gmina Obrzycko, Powiat Szamotuły, Województwo Wielkopolskie

An early medieval (TPQ 973?) silver hoard containing at least 210 whole coins and 298 fragments of coins
and fragments of jewellery; the hoard included the following coins: Islamic, Persian, Indian, Turkmen,
Byzantine, German, anonymous cross-denarii, French, Italian, Bohemian, Danish, English, a single Ro-
man denarius (Marcus Aurelius issued for Antoninus Pius) and a fragment of a late Roman coin (presum-
ably a siliqua of Theodosius I or II).
23. Poznań, the administrative centre of Województwo Wielkopolskie

A modern period (TPQ 1650) hoard containing at least 995 whole coins (including a single Roman coin –
denarius of Septimius Severus issued for Geta), 6 fragments of coins and a single counter.
Bibliography: Mikołajczyk 1975, 81; Męclewska, Mikołajczyk1991, 44, No. 754.
24. Przyborów (former Priebrow), Gmina Słońsk, Powiat Sulęcin, Województwo Lubuskie
An early medieval (TPQ 1011) silver hoard containing at least 484 whole coins and 35 fragments, silver
lumps, fragments of jewellery; the hoard included the following coins: Islamic, Byzantine, German, anon-
ymous cross-denarii, Italian, Bohemian, Danish, English, imitations of early medieval denarii and a single
Roman denarius of Marcus Aurelius issued for Lucilla.
Bibliography: Kiersnowski 1958, 14; Zapolska 2007, 164-165, No. 25; Ciołek 2008, 205, No. 301; Bogucki
et al. 2017b, 605-611, No. 204.
416
25. Radzików (former Rudelsdorf), Gmina Łagiewniki, Powiat Dzierżoniów, Województwo Dolno-
śląskie
An early medieval (TPQ 1003) silver hoard containing 448 whole coins, over 47 fragments of coins and
fragments and scraps of jewellery, and raw silver; the hoard included the following coins: Islamic, Byzan-
tine, German, anonymous cross-denarii, Bohemian, Danish, English, imitations of early medieval denarii
and 1 fragment of a Roman denarius of Antoninus Pius issued for Faustina I.
2013, 359-364, No. 61 (as Radzików II).
26. Rawicz - environs, the administrative Centre of Powiat Rawicz, Województwo Wielkopolskie
An early medieval (TPQ 1037) silver hoard containing 1,800 g of coins and fragments of coins; the hoard
included the following coins: Islamic, Byzantine, German, anonymous cross-denarii, Italian, Bohemian,
Polish, Ruthenian, English, Danish, imitations of early medieval denarii and a single Roman denarius of
Domitian.
Bibliography: Kiersnowski 1958, 14; Zapolska 2007, 165, No. 28 (and doubled as Poznań: 164, No. 24);
Bogucki et al. 2017b, 619-624, No. 212.
27. Runowo Krajeńskie (former Runowo), Gmina Więcbork, Powiat Sępólno Krajeńskie, Wojewódz-
two Kujawsko-Pomorskie
An early medieval (TPQ 1035) silver hoard containing 107 whole coins and 122 fragments, and silver
jewellery; the hoard included the following coins: Islamic, German, anonymous cross-denarii, Bohemian,
Hungarian, Danish, English, imitations of early medieval denarii and a single Roman coin – denarius of
Vespasian.
Bibliography: Kiersnowski 1958, 13; Ciołek 2007, 210-211, No. 291; Zapolska 2007, 165, No. 28; Bogucki
et al. 2016a, 434-437, No. 172.
28. Sady, Gmina Tarnowo Podgórne, Powiat Poznań, Województwo Wielkopolskie

A hoard of 50 coins, most of them late medieval (German, Pomeranian, Silesian), the latest dated to the
beginning of the 14th century, including a single Roman coin – antoninianus of Philip the Arab.
Bibliography: Kubiak 1998, 448, No. 675.
29. Siemyśl (former Simoitzel), Gmina Siemyśl, Powiat Kołobrzeg, Województwo Zachodniopomor-
skie
An early medieval (TPQ 1064) silver hoard containing ca. 500 coins; the hoard included the following
coins: Islamic, German, Bohemian, Moravian, Hungarian, English, Danish, imitations of early medieval
denarii and a single Roman denarius of Antoninus Pius or Marcus Aurelius issued for Faustina II.
2016a, 452-457, No. 179.
30. Słupsk (former Stolp), administrative Centre of Powiat Słupsk, Województwo Pomorskie
An early medieval (TPQ ca. 990) silver hoard containing ca. 3,000 coins, and fragments of coins and
jewellery; the hoard included the following coins: Islamic, Byzantine, German, anonymous cross-denarii,
Italian, Bohemian, English, Danish, imitations of early medieval denarii and 4 Roman coins – denarius of
Nero, denarius of Vespasian issued for Domitian, denarius of Hadrian and denarius of unspecified ruler.
2016a, pp. 462-468, No. 185 (as Słupsk I).
31. Stawiec (former Neuteichsdorf), Gmina Nowy Staw, Powiat Malbork, Województwo Pomorskie
An early medieval (11th century?) hoard containing an unknown number of Islamic (dated to the 10th–11th
century, fragmented) and Roman coins.
Bibliography: Kiersnowski 1958, 13; Ciołek 2007, 230-231, No. 321; Zapolska 2007, 166, No. 33; Bogucki
417
et al. 2016a, 480, No. 195.
32. Strzelce Dolne, Gmina Dobrcz, Powiat Bydgoszcz, Województwo Kujawsko-Pomorskie

An early medieval (TPQ 949) silver hoard containing 22 fragments of coins: Islamic (21 pieces) and Ro-
man (denarius of Marcus Aurelius), and fragments of jewellery.
Bibliography: Bogucki et al. 2016a, 511-512, No. 200 (as Strzelce Dolne II).
33. Strzelce Opolskie (former Groß Strehlitz), the administrative centre of Powiat Strzelce Opolskie,
Województwo Opolskie
A hoard of an unknown content (medieval coins?), including a single Roman denarius of Vespasian, found
in a pottery vessel dated to the 14th century.
Bibliography: Zapolska 2007, 166, No. 34 (as an early medieval context); Ciołek 2008, 236-237, No. 353.
34. Wińsko (former Winzig), Gmina Wińsko, Powiat Wołów, Województwo Dolnośląskie
An early medieval (TPQ 1014) silver hoard containing 79 whole coins and fragments of coins, silver bars
and remnants of jewellery; the hoard included the following coins: Islamic, Byzantine, German, anony-
mous cross-denarii, Bohemian, Danish, English, imitations of early medieval denarii and 1 fragment of a
Roman denarius of Commodus.
2013, 394-399, No. 82.
35. Zakrzów (former Sakrau), Gmina Gogolin, Powiat Krapkowice, Województwo Opolskie
A late medieval hoard containing an unknown number of coins (the latest issues dated to the 14th century),
including 2 unspecified coins of Trajan.
Bibliography: Ciołek 2008, 307, No. 465.
418
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M. Męclewska, A. Mikołajczyk. Skarby monet z lat 1650–1944 na obszarze Polski. Inwentarz II.
Warszawa.
Mielczarek 1999
M. Mielczarek. Macieja z Miechowa wiedza o pieniądzu antycznym. – Notae Numismaticae-Zapi-
ski Numizmatyczne, III/IV, 243-250.
Mielczarek 2002
M. Mielczarek. ‘Dux Vandalorum, Misco nomine’ and the beginings of interest in Roman coins
fund in Poland. – In: B. Paszkiewicz et al. (eds.). Moneta mediaevalis. Studia numizmatyczne i
historyczne ofiarowane Profesorowi Stanisławowi Suchodolskiemu w 65. rocznicę urodzin. War-
szawa, 467-472.
Mikołajczyk 1975
A. Mikołajczyk. Antyczne monety w znaleziskach nowożytnych. – Biuletyn Numizmatyczny, 5,
81-82.
Milutinović 2015
D. Milutinović. Monety rzymskie w skarbach średniowiecznych – amulety chroniące skarb? – Fo-
lia Numismatica, 29/1, 31-36.
Paszkiewicz 2013
B. Paszkiewicz. Moneta w dawnym Gdańsku. Badania archeologiczne w latach 1997–2009. – Ar-
cheologia Gdańska, VI. Gdańsk.
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Romanowski 2008
A. Romanowski. Die Fundmünzen der Römischen Zeit in Polen: Rechtsufriges Masowien und
Podlachien. – Collection Moneta, 84, Wetteren.
Siwiak 2018
W. Siwiak. O denarach rzymskich nazywanych „pieniążkami świętego Jana”. – Wiadomości Numi-
zmatyczne, LXII/1-2, 115-128.
Szlapińskij 1997
W. Szlapińskij. Rzadkie monety będące w posiadaniu mieszczan i szlachty lwowskiej w XVI i XVII
wieku (streszczenie). – In: K. Filipow (ed.). Rozwój muzealnictwa i kolekcjonerstwa numizmatycz-
nego – dawniej i dziś – na Białorusi, Litwie, w Polsce i Ukrainie. Materiały z II Międzynarodowej
Konferencji Numizmatycznej. Supraśl 5-7.IX.1996. Warszawa, 72.
Wrzesińska et al. 2016
A. Wrzesińska, J. Wrzesiński, Z. Hensel. Nummus bonum fragile est. Groby z monetami wcze-
snośredniowiecznego cmentarzyska w Dziekanowicach. – In: J. Wrzesiński (ed.). Biblioteka Stu-
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Zapolska 2007
A. Zapolska. Denary rzymskie znajdowane w kontekstach wczesnośredniowiecznych na ziemiach
polskich. – Wiadomości Numizmatyczne, LI/2, 149-178.
421
Fig. 1. Chronological distribution of medieval and early modern hoards from Poland containing Roman
coins
Fig. 2. Chronological pattern of the pool of Roman denarii identified in early medieval hoards from
Poland containing Roman coins compared to the typical chronological patterns displayed by Roman
Imperial denarius hoards from Poland
422
Fig. 3. Early medieval hoards from Poland containing Roman coins – geographic distribution
423
Fig. 4. Late medieval and early modern hoards from Poland containing Roman coins – geographic distri-
bution
424
SOME NOTES ABOUT ONE UNUSUAL COIN HOARD
Dimitar Draganov, Varbin Varbanov
In the fund of the Numismatic museum – Rousse 274 cast coins of the so-called “Limesfalsa” type
are preserved. 257 of them are from a coin hoard which is supposed to have been found somewhere in
northern Bulgaria. The other, larger part of the hoard is preserved in the fund of RMH - Kyustendil.1
Sixty-seven of the coins in the part preserved in Rousse are copies of Roman Imperial issues (91%
of denarii). They have chronological frame Vespasian – Severus Alexander. Six of them are copies of
senatorial bronze issues: quadrantes and semissis (Plate I, 1; 4-8). Following are copies of denarii of Ves-
pasian (Plate I, 2-3), Trajan (Plate I, 9-10), Hadrian (Plate I, 11), Antoninus Pius (Plate I, 12-14), Faustina
the Elder (Plate I, 15), Septimius Severus (Plate I, 16-24, Plate II, 25-27), Julia Domna (Plate II, 28-37),
Caracalla (Plate II, 38-48, Plate III, 49-51), Geta (Plate III, 52-58), Elagabalus (Plate III, 59-61), Julia Maesa
(Plate III, 62-63) and Severus Alexander (Plate III, 64-67). The prototypes of the denarii are of widespread
types, with the predominant issues of Septimius Severus and his family (about 65%).
Among the coins copies of the provincial bronze issues, those of the mints in the province of
Thrace are predominant - 129 pieces, of which 87 are from Pautalia. Three of them are of Commodus
(Plate IV, 88-90) and three of Septimius Severus (Plate IV, 91-93), 12 of Caracalla (Plate IV, 94-96, Plate V,
97-105) and 69 of Geta (Plate V, 106-120; Plate VI, 121-144, Plate VII, 145-168, Plate VIII, 169-174). 14 of
the coins from Pautalia have a reverse with basket with grapes and 5 have a reverse with a bunch of grapes.
9 issues have a reverse with crescent with one star and 9 have a crescent with seven stars.
The copies of the coins of Augusta Traiana are 17, one of which is of Caracalla (Plate IX, 212), and
16 are of Geta (Plate IX, 213-216, Plate X, 217-228). The copies of the coins from Philippopolis are 11: of
Antoninus Pius (Plate X, 236), Septimius Severus (Plate X, 237) and 9 of Elagabalus (Plate X, 238-240,
Plate XI, 241-246). The copies of the coins from Serdica are of Caracalla (Plate X, 229-235); from Hadri-
anopolis 5: Commodus (Plate IV, 83), Caracalla (Plate IV, 84) and three of Gordian ІІІ (Plate IV, 85-87)
and one from Traianopolis (Plate IV, 81) and one of Perinthus (Plate XI, 253).
The copies of emissions from the province Moesia Inferior are 41: Marcianopolis 23 – Septimius
Severus (Plate VIII, 175), Julia Domna (Plate VIII, 176), Geta (Plate VIII, 177-180), Diadumenianus (Plate
VIII, 181-183) and Elagabalus 13 (Plate VIII, 184-192, Plate IX, 193-196), Nicopolis ad Istrum 15: Septi-
mius Severus (Plate IX, 197-204), Julia Domna (Plate IX, 205), Caracalla (Plate IX, 206), Geta (Plate IX,
207), Diadumenian (Plate IX, 208-209), Elagabalus (Plate IX, 210-211), Istros 2 (Plate XI, 248-249), Di-
onisopolis 1 (Plate IV, 82).
The copies of issues from Asia Minor are 16: Nicaea 13: Caracalla (Plate III, 68-72, Plate IV, 73-75),
Gordian ІІІ 5 (Plate IV, 76-80), Nicomedia 3 (Plate XI, 250-252) and four are from an unidentified mint –
(Plate XI, 254-257).
The issues of Septimius Severus and his family are predominant (about 90%, of which 40% are cop-
ies of Geta). The images of the reverses are diverse, most of the issues are with crescent and star or genius.
It is assumed that the centers of production of such coins should be sought in the areas of large
cities and military centers, in local craft workshops. Such workshop was probably located near Durostorum,
although the coins from the archeological excavations in the camp itself have not yet been published and
1 It consists of 3300 coins, Fund inventory № 517, received as a donation in 2000 AD and registered on February 26,
2001 AD. We thank Assoc. Prof. Svetoslava Filipova for the opportunity to see the hoard and for the information related to it.
The highest percentage in it is of coins imitating issues from Pautalia.
In the fund of RMH – Kyustendil are preserved two more coin hoards, consisting of bronze issues of small denomina-
tion, one of which is from Dupnitsa region (Fund inventory № 525), and the other from Sandanski. Their find spot is uncertain.
425
no molds have been found for their production. However, the discovery of over 600 coins of this type in
the Durostorum area is sufficient proof of the existence of such workshop here. The constant presence of
a large military garrisons is the reason for the shortage of bronze coins of small denomination for small
daily payments. The date of their production is in the second quarter of the middle of the 3rd century. The
Romanian scientist Mihai Dima suggests that those workshops produced denarii with a low silver content
and high lead and tin content, as well as cast denarii of bronze, which are then silvered. Some of them enter
in circulation without being silvered.2
Although the full composition of the coin hoard discussed here is not known for sure, several
conclusions can be drawn:
- the high percentage of copies of Senatorial Roman issues
- a much higher percentage of copies of issues of mints from Thrace (mainly Pautalia) than those
from Moesia Inferior
The scarce data for the discovery of the hoard (somewhere in Northern Bulgaria - Vidin region?)
allows to cautiously assume the presence of a workshop for making ancient forgeries somewhere in the
area of large military and urban centers in the western part of Moesia Inferior or eastern Moesia Superior,
such as Ratiaria and Oescus for example. Unfortunately, the publication of Roman coins from the funds of
large museums in this part of the country is even more in its initial phase, i.e. it is a practically unknown
matter for researchers. The presence of a large number of countermarked coins from the first half of the 1st
century (and their copies) in the mentioned area is an indication of their production here and the probable
continuation of the process of making counterfeit coins in the 3rd century. But at this stage of the study it is
too early for any conclusions on the subject, as this is only a working hypothesis with no sure evidence. The
purpose of this article is only the introduction into scientific circulation of the part of the hoard preserved
in the fund of the Numismatic Museum - Ruse.
* * *
The phenomenon of forgeries from Roman times is not satisfactorily clarified. The so-called
„subaerati“ or „Limesfalsa“ still present more questions than answers. It is not clear if they were issued
by the official authorities, if were local counterfeits or were „semi-legal“ issues that should satisfy the
local shortage of money.3 In Central and Western Europe, there is a significant number of publications on
various aspects of the study of ancient forgeries.4
In the Bulgarian archeological and numismatic literature to this type of coins was not paid attention
until the 90s of the 20th century. Then a bronze coin was published, with a sprue left from the casting. An
inscription of Macrinus on the obverse and Nicopolis ad Istrum on the reverse are read. It is assumed that
there was an illegal workshop for making counterfeit coins at the bronze foundry workshop next to the
Roman villa rustica near the village of Vardim, Veliko Tarnovo region.5
Sporadically in our numismatic literature there is a mention of denarii-furee, but without a complete
and deliberate publication on the problem. This was made in 2012 for the copies of republican denarii
from Bulgaria.6 In 2006, two cast coins, copies of the Deultum Mint, were published and for the first time
the hoard from Northern Bulgaria, consisting of cast coins, was presented.
Here, for the first time, the main marks by which the ancient counterfeits differ from the original
bronze coins are formulated: by the remnants of the removed sprue; by the sharp ribs at the edges; by the
rounded reliefs of the images and inscriptions; by the pores and unevenness on their surface. However, it
is difficult to recognize the precise and additionally processed cast coins.7
2 Dima, Elefterescu 2009, 5-20

3 Găzdac, Humer 2008, 41-50
4 Boon 1988, 102-188; Pfisterer 2007, 643-913 etc.
5 Драганов 1990, 59-62
6 Davis, Paunov 2012, 389-413.
7 Драганов 2006, 187-188.
426
Similar coins from the Sexaginta Prista and Trimamium excavations were recently published.8 The
first publication also mentions the large hoard of similar coins preserved in the fund of RMH-Kyustendil.9
A hybrid coin was published, with the obverse of the denarius of Severus Alexander and the reverse of
Nicopolis ad Istrum.10
A qualitatively new stage in the study of ancient counterfeits is the publication of coins from the
1st – 3rd century from the museums in Calarasi and Constanta, Romania.11 Most of them represent the col-
lection of Pericle Papahagi, director of the lyceum in Silistra (in the period between 1919-1940), a small
part was discovered during archeological excavations near the village of Ostrov, Romania. They all come
from the surrounding area or from Durostorum itself.
Of the 1147 coins from the period, 520 are cast copies (Calarasi Museum). 5.6% of them are copies
of senatorial bronze issues and denarii from the period Vespasian-Antoninus Pius and Septimius Sever-
us-Severus Alexander, and the rest are copies mainly of the smallest denominations of the Mints of Moesia
Inferior and Thrace (Moesia Inferior 44.9%; Thrace 11.7%; Asia Minor 3.3% and an indefinite mint about
40%). Copies of coins from Marcianopolis predominate - 54.3% (of the identifiable mints), followed by
Nicopolis ad Istrum - 12.1%, Hadrianopolis - 9.2%, Traianopolis - 4.9%; Nicaea - 4.6% and Deultum - 4.3%.
Most of the issues are of the Severan dynasty (mainly Elagabalus), and the chronological limit is up to
Philip son (Deultum and Bizia).12
The ratio of published coins from the same collection preserved in the museum in Constanţa is
similar. From 144 coins (from the period 1st – 3rd century), 34% are cast copies, with predominant coins if
Marcianopolis 51.6% (of the identifiable mints), Hadrianopolis (25.7%) and Nicopolis ad Istrum (17.4%).
The coins of the Severan dynasty are predominant (mainly Elagabalus), and the upper chronological limit
is up to Philip son.13
Mihai Dima and Gabriel Talmaţchi also published part of the hoard from Canlia, of which 488
silver denarii and antoniniani and 38 bronze coins of small denomination are known. 30 of the last ones
are cast copies (4 denarii of Septimus Severus). Predominant are the coins imitating the coins of Hadri-
anopolis (7), Marcianopolis (4), Nicopolis ad Istrum and Deultum, 3 of each. Here, however, predominant
are the issues of Philip son - 4 and Gordian III - 8.14
The hoard was discovered in 1972 and the silver coins were published in 1975. They end with
issues of Philip the Arab and their hiding is associated with an undocumented invasion of Carpi from 246
in Moesia Inferior.15 The bronze coins were published only in 2002. Dima and Talmaţchi summarize that,
unlike the other mixed hoards found in the territory of Moesia Inferior, the bronze coins here are of small
denomination and also some of them are cast.
Mihai Dima assumes that the cast coins were produced in a local workshop specialized in the
production of bronze products in Durostorum or its surroundings. The motives for their production are
the shortage of bronze coins of small denomination. He suggests that their production dates to the time of
Philip the Arab, or earlier (the 30s of the 3rd century). He also assumes the later hiding of the hoard (after
246AD), but without commenting on it.16
The data for counterfeit Roman coins in Dobrogea was recently summarized.17 For the rest from
Lower Moesia and Thrace, information about these coins has not been collected and there is no summary
publication on the subject.
BIBLIOGRAPHY
8 Върбанов 2012, 213-215; Върбанов 2017, 85-86.

9 Върбанов 2012, 214.
10 Дзанев 2019, 546-549.
11 Dima, Elefterescu 2009; Dima 2011, 325-68.
12 Dima, Elefterescu 2009.
13 Dima 2011, 325-68.
14 Dima, Talmaţchi 2002, 63-78.
15 Mitrea, Rădulescu 1975, 147-148.
16 Dima, Talmaţchi 2002, 72-74.
17 Costurrea, Vasilescu 2021, 280-289.
427
В. Върбанов. Римски монети от проучванията на Сексагинта Приста. – Известия на Регио-
нален исторически музей-Русе, 15, 209-248.
В. Върбанов. Римски монети от проучването на Тримамиум (I-III век). - Нумизматика и
сфрагистика, 13, 2017, 85-116.
Дзанев 2019
Г. Дзанев. Лята бронзова римска монета – хибрид от фонда на Регионален исторически му-
зей – Разград. Културно-историческото наследство – памет за бъдещето. Сборник от докла-
ди, изнесени на национална научна конференция, посветена на 130 години музейно дело в
Разград. Разград, 5-6 октомври 2017 г., 546-549.
Д. Драганов. Към техниката на монетното дело в Никополис ад Иструм. – Интердисципли-
нарни изследвания, XVII, 59-62.
Д. Драганов. Монетосеченето на Деултум. София.
Boon 1988
G. Boon. Counterfeit coins in Roman Britain. Coins and the archaeologist. London, 102-188.
Cоsturrea, Vasilescu 2021
G. Costurrea, D. Vasilescu. The circulation of counterfeit coins in Roman Dobrudja (1st-3rd centu-
ries AD). - G. Tsetskhladze, A. Avram and J. Hargrave (eds.). The Greeks and Romans in the Black
Sea and the Importance of the Pontic Region for the Graeco-Roman World (7th century BC-5th
century AD). Oxford, 280-289.
Davis, Paunov 2012
P. Davis, E. Paunov. Imitations of Republican denarii from Moesia and Thrace. HPAKΛEOYΣ
ΣΩTHPOΣ ΘAΣIΩN. Studia in honorem Iliae Prokopov sexagenario ab amicis et discipulis
dedicata. Veliko Tarnovo, 389-413.
Dima 2011
M. Dima. Monede romane descoperite la Ostrov, jud. Constanţa, din colecţia Muzeului de Istorie
Naţională şi Arheologie Constanţa (sec. I-III p. Chr.). – Studii şi cercetări de Numismatică. Serie
nouă I (XIII), 35-68.
Dima, Elefterescu 2009
M. Dima, D. Elefterescu. Monnaies de Durostorum-Ostrov (4e siecle av. J.-C. -6e siecle ap. J.-C.).
Wetteren (Moneta 88).
Dima, Talmaţchi 2002
M. Dima, G. Talmaţchi. Monede de bronz din tezaurul de la Canlia, com. Lipniţa, jud. Constaţa. –
Simpozion de Numizmatică. Organizat în memoria martirilor căzuţi la valea Albă, la împlenirea a
525 de ani (1476-2001). Chişinău, 13-15 mai 2001. Bucuresţi, 63-78.
Găzdac, Humer 2008
C. Găzdac, F. Humer. Coin moulds that have produced the so-called ”Limesfalsa” at Carnuntum.
Carnuntum Jahrbuch, 41-50.
Mitrea, Rădulescu 1975
B. Mitrea, A. Rădulescu. Un tezaur monetar de la Filip Arabul în Dobrogea. – Pontica, 8, 125-173.
Pfisterer 2007
M. Pfisterer. Limesfalsa und Eisenmünzen – römisches Ersatzkleingeld am Donaulimes I, Numis-
mata Carnunta – Forrschungen und Material [Die Fundmünzen der Römischen Zeit in Österreich
Abteilung III: Niederösterreich. Band 2: Die antiken Fündmunzen im Museum Carnuntinum].
Wien, 643-913.
428
Plate I
429
Plate II
430
Plate III
431
Plate IV
432
Plate V
433
Plate VI
434
Plate VII
435
Plate VIII
436
Plate IX
437
Plate X
438
Plate XI
439
AUTHORS
Albana Meta, Ph. D Zhenya Zhekova, Assoc. Prof. Ph. D

Albanian Institute of Archaeology Department of Numismatics,
Department of Antiquity Shumen Regional Museum of History, Bulgaria
meta.albana@gmail.com zhenya.zhekova@yahoo.com
Gabriel Talmaţchi, Ph. D Anna Zapolska, Ph. D

Museum of National History and Archaeology, Institute of Archaeology, University of Warsaw,
Costanţa, Romania Poland
gtalmatchi@yahoo.com anna.zapolska@gmail.com
Evgeni Paunov, Ph. D Konstantin Skvortzov, Ph. D

Independent Researcher Department security excavation,
Vienna, Austria. Department Member,
epaunov@gmail.com Institute of Archaeology,
Russian Academy of Sciences
VarbinVarbanov, Ph. D sn_arch_exp@mail.ru
Department of Archaeology,
Rousse Regional Museum of History, Bulgaria DochkaVladimirova-Aladzhova, Prof. Ph. D
ramonearhaeology@abv.bg Department of Numismatics and Epigraphy,
National Archaeological Institute with Museum,
Bojana Borić-Brešković Sofia, Bulgaria
National Museum Belgrade, Serbia aladzhovadochka@gmail.com
dir@narodnimuzej.rs
Svetoslav Yordanov,. Ph. D
Mirjana Vojvoda, Ph. D Department of Numismatics and Epigraphy,
Senior Research Associate National Archaeological Institute with Museum,
Institute of Archaelogy, Belgrade, Serbia Sofia, Bulgaria
mirjana.vojvoda@gmail.com svetoslav.yordanov@abv.bg
Alenka Miškec, Ph. D Miroslava Dotkova, Ph. D

Senior Curator of Ancient coins, Department of Numismatics and Epigraphy,
National museum of Slovenia, Ljubljana, Slovenia National Archaeological Institute with Museum,
alenka.miskec@nms.si Sofia, Bulgaria
md09@abv.bg
Lilia Dergaciova, Ph. D
Library of Romanian Academy, Nikola Rusev, Ph. D
Numismatic Department, Department of Archaeology,
Bucarest, Romania Rousse Regional Museum of History, Bulgaria
dergaciova.lili@gmail.com nikola_rusev@hotmail.com
440
Stefan Ivanov Stoyan Mihailov, Ph. D
Department of Archaeology, Independent Researcher
Targovichte Regional Museum of History, Bulgaria Veliko Tarnovo, Bulgaria
spi_tgv@abv.bg stoyan_mihaylov@abv.bg
Anton Karabashev Dr. Arkadiusz Dymowski, Ph. D

Pomorie History Museum, Bulgaria Institute of History, University of Warsaw, Poland
anhialus@abv.bg arekdym@yahoo.com
Nevyan Mitev, Ph. D Mateusz Bogucki, Prof. Ph. D

Park-Museum of Military Friendship -1444, Varna, Institute of Archaeology and Ethnology,
Bulgaria Polish Academy of Sciences, Warsaw, Poland
nevyan_1986@abv.bg matbogu@yahoo.com
Vladimir Bekov Grzegorz Śnieżko

Independent Researcher, Varna, Bulgaria Institute of Archaeology and Ethnology,
vladimirbekov@gmail.com Polish Academy of Sciences, Warsaw, Poland
grz.sniezko@gmail.com
Lajos Juhász, Ph. D
Institute of Archaeological Sciences - Dimitar Draganov, Prof. Ph. D
Eötvös Loránd University, Numismatic Museum Ruse, Bulgaria
Budapest, Hungary dragannum@abv.bg
jlajos3@gmail.com
Kyrylo Myzgin, Ph. D

Scientific Adiunct,
Institute of History, University of Warsaw, Poland
kvmyzgin@gmail.com
Anton Perederey
Independent Researcher, Varna, Ukraine
kvmyzgin@gmail.com
Igor Lazarenko, Ph. D

Varna Regional Museum of History, Bulgaria
lazarenko@mail.bg
Maria Manolova-Voikova
Varna Regional Museum of History, Bulgaria
mara_manolova@yahoo.de
441

Coin Hoards in Southeastern Europe 1st 6

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Rousse Regional Museum of History

Prepress: Tsanov Bros Ltd.

5. Bojana Borić-Brešković, Mirjana Vojvoda.

9. Konstantin Skvortsov, Anna Zapolska.

10. Dochka Vladimirova-Aladzhova.

12. Miroslava Dotkova.

13. Nikola Rusev, Stefan Ivanov.

14. Anton Karabashev.

15. Lajosz Juhász.

16. Кyrylo Мyzgin, Аnton Perederey.

17. Maria Manolova-Voykova, Igor Lazarenko.

18. Nevyan Mitev, Vladimir Bekov.

19. Stoyan Mihaylov.

20. Mateusz Bogucki, Arkadiusz Dymowski, Grzegorz Śnieżko.

21. Dimitar Draganov, Varbin Varbanov.

Autors ........................................................................................................................................................... 440

Prof.habil.dr. Cristian Găzdac

Roman Imperial Hoards

Emperor Quantity of coins

6 Ceka 1958, 146.

Uncertain Imperial Hoards

9 Cabanes 2001, 121-136; Gjongecaj, Picard 2005, 146-147.

14 Meta 2018, 51.

17 See Meta 2018, 52; Moorhead et al. 2007, 80-82.

7 Bounegru 2002, 41-42.

19 Talmaţchi 2007, 113, 126, 129-134, 139-143, 146-151.

Table 2. Denarius hoards of Augustan period from Thrace.

5 Moisil, Depeyrot 2003, 143-176, nos. 144-177.

2.1. Early Augustan hoards – Group 1, ca. 31/30 – 20 bc

2.2. Middle Augustan hoards – Group 2, ca. 20 – 9/8 bc

8 Moisil, Depeyrot 2003, 143-149, nos. 144-150.

Fig. 2. Comparative graph of hoards from Thrace closing under Augustus.

34 Due to the uncertain provenance of ‘Sofia Airport’ 2000 hoard.

Fig. 3. Comparative graph of hoards from Moesia closing under Augustus.

3. Denarius hoards closing under Tiberius

Fig. 4. Comparative graph of hoards closing under Tiberius.

4. Hoards closing under Caligula

64 Giard 1983, 47-52.

6. Hoards closing under Nero

81 Мушмов 1924, 239; Kunisz 1992, 130, no. 6.

86 Mirnik 1981, 50, no. 102.

90 Popović, Borić-Bresković 1994, 170, cat. no. 278.

8. Hoards closing under Nerva

92 Moisil, Depeyrot 2003, 196-198, nos. 205-206.

9. Hoards closing under Trajan

Fig. 8. Chart of Gradeshnitsa III hoard (per number).

104 See Ruseva-Slokoska 1991; Popović, Borić-Bresković 1994; Popović 1994.

10. Hoards closing under Hadrian

11. Distribution and spatial analysis

Fig. 10. Distribution of Early Principate hoards in Bulgaria (map by A. Sobotkova).

126 See notes 18-19 above.

12. Face value of Early Imperial hoards

Александров, Белитов 1991

2nd century (110)

3rd century (798)

29 Borić-Brešković 2011, 541-542.

56 See Върбанов 2017a, 211-228; Гущераклиев 2020, 240-279.

1 Crawford 1983, 198; Kropff 2007, 73; Guest 2015, 110-112.

11 The situation is similar in Britain; cf. Bland 2013, 217.

32 FMRSl I 168/2; Kos 2012, 284 and FMRSl III 96.

Name of hoard Reference Number Nomina- Objects Latest Contain- Place of

Table 2. Fourth century AD Roman coin hoards, categorised by various criteria

6 Нудельман 1976, 52, note 1.