Professional Documents
Culture Documents
After studying in Rome with Luigi Rossi, Atto Melani was sent to Paris in 1644 by his patron,
Mattias de’ Medici, where he quickly ingratiated himself to Queen Anne and particularly to Cardinal
Mazarin, who became his patron. Three years later Melani premiered the leading role in Rossi’s
Orfeo (1647) in a company comprised wholly of singers brought from Italy. 1 The Fronde put a
temporary hold on Italian opera at the French court, as these expensive productions were blamed
for the social misery of France; everything Italian was proscribed, and Rossi, Melani, and Torelli had
to avoid appearing in public.2 But after the defeat of the frondeurs and the return of the royal court
to Paris in 1653, Mazarin wrote to Buti in Rome asking him to put together a new troupe of singers. 3
Buti had written a new opera libretto, Le Nozze di Peleo e di Theti, set to music by Carlo Caproli, and
at the end of November 1653 Caproli and his troupe of singers left Rome for Paris. 4 Upon arrival,
the Italian troupe and Caproli were warmly welcomed by Mazarin who appointed Caproli “Maître
de la Musique de la Cabinet du Roy”; thus the “Cabinet du Roi” was created by the stroke of a pen. 5
The livrets published for these performances of Le Nozze di Peleo e di Theti list the following
Italian singers:6 Giuseppe da Torino (Giuseppe Chiarini), Vittoria Caproli, Antonio d’Imola,
Girolamo Pignani, and Ribera. Giuseppe Chiarini (d. 1678) had served at the Savoy court in Turin
from 1650 as a member of the Musici Armonici, a select group of castrato singers. Vittoria Caproli
was either the wife or daughter of the composer.7 A number of French singers are also listed in the
livrets: Cambefort, Hédouin, Beaumont, Le Sieur Valié, and the pages Coulon, Le Loran, L’Alleman
and Le Verd. Thomas Stafford was an English singer who was in Rome in 1653, perhaps to study
with Luigi Rossi, and joined the Italian troupe recruited for Le Nozze di Peleo e di Theti. Filiberto
Ghigof.
1
Additionally, Carlo dell’Arpa, Luigi Rossi’s brother, played double-harp, and Charles d’Assoucy played the theorbo. See the website Opéra
baroque <https://operabaroque.fr/ROSSI_ORFEO.htmx>
2
Prunières, L’Opéra italien en France, p. 149.
3
Ibid., p. 152.
4
Ibid., p. 154.
5
Une copie du brevet de la charge de Me de la Musique du Cabinet attribuée à Caproli se trouve dans les Registres de la Secretairerie du Roi à la
Bibl. Nat., Ms. Fr. 10252, p. 147. En voici le texte rédigé en termes flatteurs pour Caproli : “Aujourd’hui…1654, le Roy, estant à Paris, ayant creu
ne pouvoir donner au Sr Charles Caprole un tesmoignange plus particulier de l’estime qu’il fait de son mérite et de la confiance qu’il a en son
affection et en son expérience qu’en le retenant pour servir auprès de sa personne. Sa Majesté pour ces considérations luy a donné la charge de
Me de la Musique de son Cabinet. Pour par led. Sr Caprole desormais exercer et jouir et user aux honneurs et autres prérogatives, gages, et
droictz qui luy seront ordonnez par ses Estats en vertu du présent brevet qu’Elle a signé ». Caproli held this position until 1659, when he
returned to Rome.
6
See Prunières, Opéra italien en France, p. 168 and 163 n. 2 and n. 3.
7
Charles Nuitter and Ernest Thoinan, Les origines de l'Opéra français d'après les minutes des notaires, les registres de la Conciergerie et les
documents originaux (Paris, 1886), p. xliv.
The 1660 performances of Cavalli’s Xerxès featured two singers who had performed in earlier
productions (Atto Melani, Giuseppe Chiarini) and also introduced several new singers who would
also appear two years later in Ercole amante (including Anna Bergerotti, Paolo Bordigoni, Giuseppe
Meloni, and Gian Francesco Tagliavacca).8 These Italian musicians brought from Italy by Mazarin
became the « Musique du cabinet du Roi » (so named as to distinguish it from the « Musique de la
Chambre »), and the following year gave its direction over to Gian Francesco Tagliavacca.9
According to Henry Prunières,
The livret of the Ballet de l’Impatience shows us the composition of the Italian troupe on the eve of
Mazarin’s death: three sopranists (Melone, Antonio Rivani, Filippo Melani), three contralti (Atto
Melani, Zannetto, and Chiarini), two tenors (Tagliavacca and Gio. Agost. Poncelli), three baritones and
basses (Assalone Bordigone, Piccini). One sole cantatrice, signora Anna Bergerotti (soprano) figured
in this troupe.10
Prunières reproduces an account of the « Musique du cabinet du Roi » for the first quarter of 1664
that lists the following Italian musicians: Anna Bergerotti (soprano), 11 Giovanni Carlo Rossi (maître
de musique du Cabinet), Gian Francesco Tagliavacca (tenor and composer), Paolo Bordigone (bass),
Giuseppe Chiarini (alto castrato),12 Gian Agostino Poncelli (tenor), Angelo Michele Bartolotti
(theorbist), Marc Foliman, and Carlo Andrea Bergerotti (instrumentalists).13
8
See the website Opéra baroque https://operabaroque.fr/CAVALLI_XERSE.htm.
9
Julie Anne Sadie, Companion to Baroque Music (University of California Press, 1998), p. 107. Whereas there is no documentation of how
Lully related to Tagliavacca, they had a long career participating together in court spectacles (Ballet de Psyché, Xerxes, Ballet de
l’Impatience, Ercole amante, Le Mariage forcé). Moreover, Tagliavacca was a composer, and it is possible that he collaborated with Lully
on the music of several ballets.
10
L’Opéra italien en France avant Lulli (Paris, 1913), p. 264.
11
Bergerotti, Anna (b c1630). Roman soprano working at the French court in the Cabinet Italien (1655-64), who returned to Italy in
1669. Bergerotti sang in performances of ballets de cour, as well as at receptions such as that for the Duke of Mantua hosted by Mazarin
in 1655, and at the 1662 Té nè bres services at the É glise aux Feuillants; she usually appeared with other sopranos, including the
Frenchwomen Anne de La Barre and Hilaire Dupuy. Her name appears regularly in the journal of Loret, who unfailingly praised her voice
and described her as the ‘aimable Bergé roty’. She took a principal role in Cavalli’s Xerse, which was performed as part of the wedding
festivities for Louis XIV and the Spanish Infanta Maria Theresa in 1660. She was the only cantatrice étoile in the 12-strong Cabinet Italien
(which included her brother Carlo Andrea), created by Mazarin and directed by Gian Francesco Tagliavacca, which was eventually
suppressed by Lully; their last performance before Louis XIV was in an entrée of Le mariage forcé in 1664. She continued as a musicienne
de la chambre until 1669. (Sadie, Companion to Baroque Music, p. 107).
12
Chiarini, Giuseppe (d. 1678). Savoyard castrato working at the French court in the Cabinet Italien (1659-64). In Turin Chiarini had
served at the Savoy court from 1650 as a member of the Musici Armonici, a select group of castrato singers. In spite of his popularity, he
was forced to leave in 1659 because of a scandal and went to Paris, where in 1660 he appeared in the lavish nupitial performances of
Cavalli’s Xerse; two years later he sang in Cavalli’s Ercole amante. Lully employed him in the Ballet de l’Impatience (1661). As a member
of the Cabinet Italien Chiarini appeared in one of Lully’s entrées in Moliè re’s Le mariage forcé (threatened by the popularity of the Italian
troupe, Lully took steps to curtail their appearances). In 1666 Chiarini wrote to Carlo Emanuele II, Duke of Savoy, begging to be allowed
to return home; his petition was granted. (Sadie, Companion to Baroque Music, p. 112).
13
L’Opéra italien en France avant Lulli (Paris, 1913), p. 311.
Louis XlV, all people taken out of old bourgeois or parliamentary families, all people of stale sense
and deeply traditionalists, do not like foreign pleasures. Only de Lionne remained faithful to Italian
music. [p. 303] It is obvious that Colbert preferred the court composers, Lambert, Boesset and
especially Lulli, to the Italians, since Lulli became a naturalized citizen and sided with the French
cause^ ". The entrance of the stars, represented by graceful young girls, is not more pleasant to see
than the withered faces, the even heads of the old singers and castrati? An epigram forcefully
expressed what everyone was thinking:
...
Those who hum this verse care little that Cavalli has lavished strokes of genius on his opera. They
have not even bothered to listen to it, but they no longer want to see the ultramontane eunuchs
whose arrogance they praise and whose vile morals they mock. They find that our singers have a
better air and deliver with more naturalness and dignity the stories of Lulli or Lambert, whose
words are at least understood.
These criticisms were very unpleasant to Louis XIV; the Venetian ambassador Grimani, in
reporting on the performance, makes a curious remark on this subject: "the King likes to hear good
things about the opera which is so dear to him and which was made for him, but French genius and
taste are so independent while not everyone wants to praise it completely.
It was said that all that came from Italy had to be proscribed: another cabal was formed
against the Vigarani. It was very active and determined since it managed to stop the functioning of
the machines, the day of the general rehearsal, by means of some bribed workers. For whose benefit
was she operating? we don't know. Torelli had left the position; perhaps the marquis of Sourdeac,
author of the ingenious machines of Ici Toison d’Or, which was then represented on the theater of
the Marais, was not not foreign to these maneuvers; but it is only a hypothesis. What is certain, it is
that the Vigarani had great difficulty to entriompher. March, Lodovico writes to the duke of Modena
that the king gave order to publish prints reproducing the decorations of Ercole amante. He took
this measure "of his own accord and thus dispersed the cabal directed against the machines and
changed the "hostile" dispositions.
The king was reluctant to have the opera performed again after Easter: the enormous costs
involved in each performance made him think twice. But could one be satisfied with performing five
times a work that had taken three years of continuous work to prepare? Louis XIV decided to have
Ercole amante performed six more times after the Easter holidays.
On April 18, Cavalli's work was sung again at the Tuileries. The king had just returned from
Saint-Germain. The pregnancy of the queen being wrongly launched, Madam had taken her place in
the ballet and made admire its incomparable grace. For two weeks, all of Paris paraded through the
immense hall and admired the ballet.
.....
On May 6, the performances ended and Cavalli immediately left France in a state of great
irritation, even swearing not to write another opera in his life. One can understand the great
musician's anger. At the age of sixty-two, when one bears a glorious name, to see an ignorant and
hostile crowd scorn and tear apart a work in which one has invested all one's genius; to witness the
triumph of a young rival, who has not yet given any other proof of his talent than pleasant ballet
arias, when one is the author of more than thirty operas, famous throughout Europe, these are
humiliations which Cavalli's pride must have suffered cruelly. Fortunately, he did not keep his
promise not to compose any more dramatic music. Returning to Venice, on August 8, 1662, he
informed Faustini of his change of heart and proposed to him to stage, first of all, Ercole amante,
and then an opera that he had written. This project fell through and Ercole amante never recovered
from his undeserved fall. Cavalli, in spite of the weakness of his constitution, which he tried to
appease Mazarin about, lived for many years and created until his death, on January 14, 1676,
works as strong and vigorous as in his youth.
The troupe of singers dispersed as soon as the performances ended: the castrati Rivani,
Giuseppe Melone and Zanetto, the sic;nore Ballcrini, Bordoni and Ribera, the tenor Vulpio, the bass
Piccini, returned to Italy or to the German courts from which they had come; only they remained in
Paris: Bordigone,Chiarini, the old Tagliavacca, the exquisite signora AnnaBergerotti and the tenor
Gio. Agostino Poncelli. The latter had come from ^YM^ise with Cavalli and was a member of the
Ducal Chapel. On August 29, 1662, the ambassador Grimani wrote to the Serenissima Prince to
inform him that the king had had the duke of Mortemart inform him that he wished to keep the
singer Gio. Agostino Poncelli and that Poncelli begged that his place among the singers of San Marco
be reserved for him. The precaution was not useless: less than four years later, Poncelli was about to
resume with his companions the route to Italy.
Cavalli's departure left Lulli in control of the situation, and he cleverly resolved to strengthen
his ties with the French musicians by marrying the daughter of the most famous and popular of
them all: Michel Lambert. This marriage was a real event. On July 14, 1662, the contract was
presented to the king in Saint-Germain.Louis XI\', Anne of Austria and Marie-Thérèse, the dukes of
Mortemart and Rochechouart, Colbert, Pierre de \yert, LouisHesselin and many lords affixed their
signatures. On this document, LuUi, whose father was a humble miller from Florence, had not been
afraid to boast of noble origins, a claim that would excite the verve of his many enemies. ALiis LuUi
did not care about all that. He enjoyed the esteem and favor of the king. He knew he could count on
the friendship of Colbert, and he was fully aware of his worth; what did epigrams and satires matter
to him?
Lulli's talent was admired by all; his dance music, especially his ballet arias, aroused great
enthusiasm, even among the most resolute supporters of Italian opera. -Lionne, whose passion for
ultramontane music is well known, paid a heartfelt tribute to Lulli in a letter dated October 27,
1662, in which he described to the Duc de Créquy, ambassador to Rome, the rehearsal of the opera.
ambassador in Rome, the rehearsal of an entry of the Ballcl ths ^-Irfs which was to be danced at the
beginning of the following year: "We are preparing a small ballet with French récits by Lambert,
which will be the most gallant in the world, and to give you a little envy on the difference between
your stay and ours, I will tell you that after the council, I stopped for an hour in the King's room to
see the rehearsal of an entry in which Baptiste did the air and took the steps, in which both
surpassed themselves; you can be sure that I have never seen a ballet that came close to it. It is an
entry of Shepherds where the King will dance in the middle of Rassan and Rénal and two others of
this force. "
This Ballet dt's Arts, which had a prodigious success, niarquele definitive triumph of the
French music on the musicitalienne with the court of Louis Xn\ Since the Bcillrl of the Night (1655)
no one had seen in Paris a single large ballet without lyrical interludes on Italian words. The BiiUel
desAvis contains as many narratives or dialogues as entries and all this vocal music, which gives the
ballet the appearance of a small opera, is composed by Lambert and Lulli on charming verses by
Benserade'.
From this time on, Lulli visibly applied himself to enriching the French musical language with
formulas borrowed from the Italian recitative. The bass narrative of the Magician, for the Miriagt'
force, in 1664, and the famous scene of the "donneur delivres", for the Bourireois GeiifiJboiiiiin\ in
1670, mark respectively the first attempts and the culmination of Lulli's efforts to create a French
bouffe style. However, he continued to compose from time to time comic entertainments to Italian
lyrics. In October 1663, he imagined for the Maseurade des Xoees de JllJitge, the entrance and
burlesque speeches of the magister Barbacola and his schoolboys. A few years later, in 1669, he
composed for Molière's 7-*6>//reeiiiigiui, Italian interludes of extreme humour. Did Lulli believe
that only the Italian language could lend itself to the musical expression of such wildly buffoonish
scenes? It is possible, but it should not be forgotten that at the same time he was writing on
Molière's verses pieces of wild verve: the scene of the two lawyers, for example, in Pourceangiuie,
or, the following year, that of the "donneur de livres de ballet," which is perhaps the masterpiece of
musical comedy in France. The reason why Lulli continued, long after he became the most French of
our musicians, to practice the Italian boulfe style is perhaps much simpler. It should be noted that
all the Italian burlesque airs composed by him after 1662 are notated for bass voice and were sung
by him. Now it is without example that Lull-i ever gave a single French story in a ballet. The
Florentine had probably never been able to rid himself of the accent of his native country and only
ventured to sing Italian or "Turkish" words. Lulliappears to have renounced Italian karting more out
of politics than out of conviction. For a long time he had doubts about the expressive power of
French music, for on two occasions, in 1667 and 1670, he had recourse to the Italian stvle to
translate particularly pathetic situations. The cry of pain of Armide abandonned: .7/;, Ri'iialilo, r
ilovr srl ' ? and the sublime Italian lament of Psvcbc reach a dramatic power that Lulli could not
equal in his French works until the last years of his life. If Lulli abandoned Italian art, it was because
he wanted to do without the ultramontane singers.
The reasons for this hostility of the Lorentine towards his countrymen are complex and
obscure. He probably feared the arrival of an Italian rival who would have balanced the favor he
enjoyed with the king. On the other hand, he must have feared linking his cause to that of the foreign
singers whose growing unpopularity he observed. Perhaps he also had personal reasons for hatred
against the musicians of the Cabinet, who were not to spare the Superintendent the mockery of his
alleged nobility, of which they knew the lack of foundation.... For these and other reasons, which we
do not know, Lulli tried to prevent the ultramontanes from being heard by the king. From the
performances of YErcoJc Amante until the departure of the troupe in 1666, there is only one
mention in the ballets of an Italian aria sung by an Italian voice, apart from the accounts given by
Lulli himself; it is the scene of Armide abandoned in the Ballet des Auiouvs déguisés, in 1664. Again,
the singer to whom this role was given was the famous Signora Anna Bcrgerotti, who had succeeded
in conciliating all the suffrages, even those of the amateurs less inclined to taste the art of Italy". As
for the other musicians of the Cabinet, they appeared only once more before the king and even then
it was in a Spanish entertainment. Despite the hostility of Superintendent LuUi, the Italian troupe
continued for a few more years to make its presence felt in the musical circles of Paris. The king did
not hear them anymore and the general public was unaware of their existence, but the dUellanii and
the amateurs met at Signora Anna Bergerottio where excellent music was performed. Great
personalities frequented the house. The Duke of Mortemart, M. de Lionne, the Duke of Granront,
and Pierre de Nyert were among them, and illustrious foreigners who were passing through did not
fail to be taken there. On September 7, 1663, after dinner, the cavalier Bernin went with the Abbot
Buti "to Signora Anna Bergerotti's house" and found the Abbot Bentivoglio. They chatted for a long
time," says M. de Chantelou, "in twos, threes and fours. There were many Italians. The Cavaliery
recited several parts of his comedies pleasantly, as usual.
The whole Italian troupe had to be there. The accounts for the year 1664, which survived the
destruction of the archives during the Revolution, gives us the exact composition of the Cabinet at
that date:
.....
As we can see, the troupe was reduced to a "star" singer, Signora Anna Bergerotti, who received
4,600 pounds per year; to the composer and virtuoso Gio. Carlo Rossi, who had the title of "Master
of the Music of the Cabinet" and received 3,600 pounds; to the old tenor and composer Gian
Francesco Tagliavacca, who was paid only 3,000 pounds, as well as the three other singers: Paolo
Bordigone (bass), Giuseppe Chiarini (contralto castrato) and (iian Agostino Poncelli (tenor). Of the
three following artists who received only 2,000 livres, we know only Angelo Michèle Bartolotti, a
famous theorbist whom we have already had occasion to mention; the other two, Marc Foliman (?)
and Carlo AndréaBergerotti, were to be instrumentalists.
As long as this small troupe remained in France, Paris was a center of musical Italianism in
Europe. Constantin Huyghens's correspondence is very significant in this respect. One finds there a
quantity of letters that he addressed from Holland to Signora Bergcrotti or to French amateurs of
Italian music. On November 9, 1663, he wrote to the Duke of Iramont: "My lord, if you have not lost
your taste for beautiful and wise motets, I beg you to have a piece sung for the love of me at the
home of the beloved Signora Anna, in which there are these words: siispendimus orgaiiavenu, and I
am sure that after having heard it once with attention, you will be very happy to have it sung again
often for the love of yourself. Nothing could be more touching. - I expect a copy of it from the
Signora's favor .... "It is a perpetual exchange of music; M. de Xyert sends Luigi Rossi's airs and
Angelo Michèle Bartolotti's theorbo pieces to Huyghens who sends him others of his own. A letter
from Huyghens, dated May 1670, to de Xyert shows the activity of the cenacle that had left its seat at
Signora Anna's house a few years earlier ...." The pieces, Sir, of which you have just gratified me, are
indeed the most beautiful that one can see and I remember to have heard you make them even
better than they are from their authors' hand. But you did not remember that that of the infidel
word is in my power, of your grace, there is just six years, and even to two above... For Aniwe, the
famous production of Sr. Luiggi, it is much longer that we possess it./;' coiiie him polulo crcdcrc J'. S.
che fin ddesso hahhiaiuoviviito seiLiti anime .^... I first noticed that the pieces for the telescope felt
the style of Sr. Angelo Michele and I am sorry that I neglected to ask him for some during the time
that I had the pleasure of conversing with him at Signora Anna's.
Not only foreigners took an interest in Signora Anna's concerts. Many French amateurs and
composers were passionate about the works performed there. Unfortunately, we know very little
about the ideas of the Italian musicians of that time and We would be completely unaware of them if
it were not for some letters exchanged between René Ouvrard, master of music of the Sainte
Chapelle du Palais, and Tahbé Xicaise, from Dijon. Both friends were also fanatics of Italian music.
Ouvrard had been to Rome and had heard the works of Carissimi with enthusiasm. Abbé Xicaise is
in continuous epistolary contact with many composers of the peninsula and will visit them from
time to time. Also Ouvrard did not fail to ask him on occasion to submit his compositions to the
appreciation of the Italian "Illustrious". As a church musician, Ouvrard was especially influenced by
Carissimi. Like him, he composed Histoires Sacrées. A letter of May 12, 1663 tells us that he works
on "a war in music" of which the Cardinal Antonio Barberini approved the idea and which he
dreams to make carry out in front of the king: "The battle that I have prepared is that of the
Macabees and, apart from the cannons that they did not have at that time, I have brought in and put
into action all the war machines of the past time, without however firing other blows than with the
tongue, having been obliged to cut out many things to avoid length". This work kept him busy for a
long time: he sent it to Abbé Nicaise only on January 10, 1667: "I will content myself for the present
with sending you in print the design and the letter of the piece that I prepared for you a long time
ago. \You will see in it the conduct of a war, of which I once spoke to you, and if you judge it
appropriate, you will share the music with your friends in Italy, where, if they do not quite find their
genius, they will perhaps approve the effort of my little imagination.
Other letters of Ouvrard show us that he had an important collection of Italian works. He
willingly lent them to his friends who returned this courtesy. On July 16, 1666, he sent to Abbé
Xicaise a work in manuscript by Signor Angelo Michèle Bartolotti. It is "a treasure that I had started
to have it copied, but it is a bit of a mouthful. I had begun to have it copied, but it's the sea to drink' "
Printed matter and Italian musical manuscripts are continually circulating in this circle of amateurs.
Sometimes someone does not hurry to return the work that has been entrusted to him. Then
everyone is moved: "I take the liberty of asking you," Ouvrard wrote to Tabbé Nicaise, "for one of my
friends, a great lover of the symphony and who in this capacity has the honor of being known by
your illustrious friends. He gave Monsieur de La Croix, of your city, a book of Italian music that he
considers the apple of his eye. He had asked Monsieur Maleteste to do his best to get him back; he
wrote to him himself and has not received an answer, nor a book... "Mr. Maleteste, who is mentioned
here, was a counselor at the Parliament of Dijon and loved Italian music. In a few years he would
have them sung regularly at his home, every week, and would invite to these concerts "all that there
is in the city of officers, of ladies of quality, of skilled people and connoisseurs, either to listen, or to
play some part." Fragments of operas that the master of the house would have brought from Italy at
his expense would be performed.
Ouvrard keeps abreast of everything that goes on in Rome. He writes, on February 24, 1663:
"One wanted me to believe that the Pope of today had, for two years, forbidden the stories in music,
not wanting that one made sing anything in the church which was not contained in the Holy
Scripture or in the Breviary, word for word. That would be to have cut off the angel of music... A man
who arrived two months ago from that country told me more: that Sr. Carissimi had not obtained
permission to print the works he had composed, which I cannot believe. I hope, Sir, that at your
return, you will inquire about these things, and even as I expect you to complete the work you
began, to persuade Mr. Carissimi to give all his works to the puhHc, without restriction. I have
respect for everything he has done since all I have heard of him during my stay in Rome, where I
was his regular listener every feast and Sunday.
"Precisely at the date when Rene Ouvrard writes this letter, Carissimi counts among his
disciples in Rome the young Parisian Marc-Antoine Charpentier'. This one penetrates so well, in this
school, of the superiority of the Italian art on the French art that, of return to Paris in a few years, it
will pose in champion of the Italian music in front of the Florentine, relentless defender of the
French traditions '! The musical history of this time is filled with such unexpected contrasts: the
French lyric drama, created by Lulli on the slightly modified plan of the ultramontane operas,
appears to all as the expression of the genius of the race, while the faintest traces of Italianism
found in motets or masses are denounced with indignation. It must be recognized that Lulli, at least
in the second half of his life, truly embodied the spirit of French music, while the Ouvrards, the
Charpentiers, and the Brossards were openly striving towards an Italian ideal.
The influence of Luigi Rossi dominated the entire Italianate movement that led to the
foundation of opera. Carissimi's influence weighed on the destiny of French religious music from
1660 onwards.
Chapel masters are the most loyal supporters of foreign art. Many of them are church people.
They have, like Ouvrard, like Canon Nicaise, [like Abbé Raguenet later], made the trip to Rome.
There they were seduced and fascinated by the music they heard. Back in France, they had their
choirs perform motets and oratorios of which they had brought back copies. During the long reign
of Lulli, they were the guardians of the Italian tradition. It was a priest, M. Mathieu, parish priest of
Saint-André des Arts, who had the idea of founding weekly concerts in his house where only "Latin
music composed in Italy by the great masters who had shone there since 1650, namely: Luigi Rossi,
Cavalli, (^azzati, Carissimi in Rome, Legrenzi in Venice, Colonna in Bologna, Alessandro Melani in
Rome, Stradella in Cenes and Bassani in Ferrara... "These concerts will have a decisive influence on
the evolution of French taste.
Thus, as the crowd became more and more disinterested of Italian musical events and seemed
to have ears only for the ballets and entertainments of Lulli, the arias and dialogues of Lambert and
Cambert, the little songs of Mollier and Le Camus, more numerous amateurs than one could believe
still had a passion for the works of Luigi Rossi, Cavalli, Carissimi, Cesti, exchanging copies among
themselves and meeting to hear them sing. Italianist cenacles existed not only in Paris, but also in
various cities of the kingdom.
Lulli intended to govern the empire of French music alone and according to his own pleasure.
He was irritated by this resistance to his anti-Italian policy. Since he could not prevent the diJctiani
from cultivating the art that most appealed to them, he resolved at least to extirpate from the court,
as far as he could, the taste for ultramontane music. Above all, it was necessary to prevent the king
from returning to cherishing the tunes with which his childhood had been charmed. It was
necessary to remove from his person all that could maintain in him the love of the Italian songs. As
long as a foreign troupe remained at the court, it was enough for a whim of the sovereign to provoke
the arrival in Paris of a Roman or Venetian composer whose successes could make the glory of the
Superintendent suffer. It was necessary that Louis XI' was never again tempted to stage an Italian
opera in Paris. This is why Lulli applied himself, for four years, to prevent the Cabinet from being
heard by the king. After that, he undoubtedly observed that his maintenance was very costly for the
little pleasure the monarch derived from it, and he obtained the much desired dismissal.
This news dismayed the Italianist party. Ouvrard announced it in these terms to Xicaise, in a
letter of July 16, 1666: "However, Sir, you will know by occasion that the King has dismissed his
Italian music for fifteen days and that thus they return to their country, except perhaps the signora
Anna. The King loses less than we do, because he never hears them and we have tried to make them
useless to him. We sometimes had the pleasure of them and I believed that it was the King's
greatness to keep them, at least as they do with lyons, tigers and eagles in the Tuileries to show
them to those who cannot go to the country where these animals are born. When it would be true
(quod non) that their music, nor their way of singing was not pleasant, I would not let if I were of
this feeling to wish to hear them sometimes.
A few months later, \^igarani confirmed to the Duke of Modena the dismissal of the singers:
"the Italian musicians have received their leave and have already left Paris, after having remained
there for four years without being called to the court.
The small group dispersed to the four corners of Europe. Agostino Poncelli, who had probably
not obtained a place in the ducal chapel of Venice, went to Vienna where he served the emperor for
five years, then returned to Italy. The old Tau;liavacca rei2;a"'na undoubtedly ALintoue, sapatrie.
Signora Anna Bergerotti went to Rome and made a glorious end there by marrying a marquis. On
July 10, 1670, Constantine Huyghens wrote to his nephew, who was traveling in Italy: "Above all, I
hope you will inquire about our Signora Anna Bergcrotii, whom you met in Paris.1:11 She is
married to some marquis, so they say. God knows of what large marquisate he is sovereign! to seek
her out, to kiss her hands, and to know exactly where she is and if there will be any way to keep up a
correspondence with her by letter. This would be a good time for some musical business I need in
this country'....
Gio. Carlo Rossi returned to Rome. In 1663, he lost his wife, Signora Francesca Campana. The
various notarial acts, drawn up on this occasion, prove to us that he enjoyed a small fortune. His
house was decorated with expensive paintings: a Flora by Leonardo da Vinci, a Madonna by
Raphael, paintings by his friend Salvator Rosa, etc. He had a beautiful library and a large collection
of books. He had a beautiful library and a real collection of musical instruments: four harpsichords,
signed by the best makers of the time and richly decorated, three spinet instruments, a guitar and a
harp... Gio. Carlo had no children, so he attached himself to one of his nephews, Francesco Rossi,
poet and scholar, secretary to Cardinal Paluzzo Altieri, whom he had the pain of losing in tragic
circumstances: On March 28, 168, Francesco Rossi was murdered by a servant who wanted to rob
him. The old Gio. Carlo survived this tragedy for several years and died on June 12, 1692, at the age
of about 70, next to the body of his beloved brother, the great Luigi Rossi, in the tomb he had built
for him in the church of Santa Maria in via Lata.
We do not know what became of the other artists of the Italian group. Angelo Michèle
Bartolotti must not have left France with his companions, for he published with Ballard, in 1669, a "
Table pour apprendre facilement à toucherparfaitement le théorbe ^ ", probably the manuscript
that the [p. 320] canon Ouvrard so warmly recommended to Tattention of his friend Nicaise. His
talent as a theorbist could not give Lulli any cause for concern; he therefore undoubtedly remained
in Paris for several more years.
Italian opera was exiled from the French court with its performers. Henceforth Lulli reigned
alone over the destiny of dramatic music. If some amateurs regret the time of Atto and Leonora, if
de Lionne, de Nvert or the duke of Mortemart remain faithful to the cult of Luigi Rossi and Italian
music, the court parties are not affected by this taste of an elite. For more than ten years, there was
no longer any question of ultramontane singers in Paris or in A'ersailles. If, in the last twenty years
of the century, a movement towards Italianism manifested itself with force in church music, if Paolo
Lorenzani attracted the good graces of the king, if he brought a few Italian voices into the chapel",
the omnipotence and popularity of Lulli did not suffer in any way. French opera was his work, his
thing. The Parisians have already forgotten the beautiful days of VOrfeo, of No~~c di PeJeo,
ofXlivcolc Jiiniiih': they seem to believe that opera came out all armed, all adorned, from Lulli's brain
and owes nothing to Italy. The Florentine's opponents attribute its invention to Perrinet Cambert
and are no more fair to the Italian works to which French opera nevertheless owes its life.
By means of the livrets printed for court performances we know the names of some 30 Italian
and 10 French singers who performed in France from 1647 until 1666. The first table gives a
chronological list of productions, the names listed in the livret, and the roles; the second table sorts
this information by singer (giving last name first) and lists the voice-type if they may be deduced
from the scores.
Old table:
Singer Voice Opera/Ballet Role(s)
Assalone Xerxes Ariston
The death of Mazarin in March of 1661 brought about a change in the fortunes of Italian
singers in France. The Ballet de l’Impatience, danced in the Louvre on the 19, 22, and 26 of
February, included an unprecedented number (12) of Italian singers, who were brought to France
by Mazarin for the November 1660 performances of Xerse. Lully had cause for concern, for now he
had to share the limelight with the Italians: the Italian Prologue and Epilogue (missing from
Philidor’s 1690 copy) was likely set to music by Cavalli (to words by Francesco Buti). Moreover,
Lully had to share credit for the dance music with Hilaire d’Olivet and Pierre Beauchamps. His
contribution to the vocal music consisted of four récits in French sung by French singers (MM. Le
Gros and Don, Mlles de La Barre and Hilaire Dupuis) and a burlesque récit crotesque sung in Italian by
the Italian singers.14 In the forthcoming performance of Ercole amante, Lully was relegated to
14
In fact, according to Bacilly Lully composed only 3 of these 5 récits (La Gô rce, Lully, p. 380), one of which included the mis-named récit
crotesque. Buti probably provided the lyrics for this musical comedy which consists of the following numbers: (1) Air di Maestro “Oh,
Immensa Impatienza”, (2) Coro di scolari “Se non canto”, (3) Recitative « Recipe tabachi », (4) Coro di scolari « Al coropo di Bacco », (5)
Recitative di Maestro « Ma per piu grand piacere », (6) Coro « Vogliam dunque vedere », (7) Ritournelle, (8) Ré cit “Altrie da quel che fu",
composing ballet music.
It appears that in the early 1660s Lully turned hostile toward his Italian compatriots, who
upon the death of Mazarin had lost their patron. After the Ballet de l’Impatience, in which the Italian
singers outnumbered the French 3 to 1, the Italians were omitted altogether from the Ballet des
Saisons (1661), the Ballet des Arts (1663), and Les Nopces de Village (1663). For the January 1664
performances of Le Mariage forcé the Cabinet italien appeared one last time—singing Spanish lyrics
in the Concert Espagnol that ended the comedy-ballet.15 The following month saw the premiere of
the Ballet des Amours déguisés, in which Lully showcased the talents of Anna Bergerotti in Armida’s
Italian lament. Lully had a long and fruitful association with “Signora Anna”, and the stunning récit
italien was likely a parting gift that the composer paid to her after a decade of collaboration. 16
1653
o Mazarin writes to Buti, asking him to put together a new troupe of singers (p.
152)
o November – Carlo Caproli and a troupe of singers were assembled; left Rome at
end of November (p. 154)
o December – Buti returns to Paris (p. 154)
1654
o January – Caproli and Italians arrive in Paris (p. 158); Caproli appointed “Maistre
de la Musique du Cabinet du Roy”, which put him in charge of the Cabinet italien
(p. 158)
o April-May –"Commédie italienne en musique" en 1 prologue et 3 actes entrecou-
pée d'intermèdes dansés. - 1re représentation : Paris, Théâtre du Petit-Bourbon, 14
avril 1654, dans des décors de Giacomo Torelli”
Vittoria Caproli
Giuseppe da Torino [Giuseppe Bianchi ? … see p. 169]
Girolamo Pignani
Filiberto Ghigof
Antonio d’Imola
Ribera
o Italians return home
1655
o Signora Angela (« La Pollarola ») – not invited (p. 180)
1657
(9) Coro « Oh che, concerto armonco ».
15
The music for the “Concert Espagnol” is missing from Philidor’s 1690 manuscript copy of the comedy-ballet. Perhaps its anonymous
Spanish lyrics were set by another composer, such as Gian Francesco Tagliavacca.
16
For more on Anna Bergerotti and her association with Lully, see La Gô rce, Jean-Baptiste Lully, pp. 78-84.
o 3 singers :
Gian Francesco Tagliavacca (tenor and composer)
Anna Bergerotti (soprano)
Atto Melani (castrato)
1660
o 10 singers listed in the livret of Xerse
Anna Bergerotti (soprano)
Giuseppe Melone, Don Felipo Melani (soprano castrato)
Assalone, Pichini, Paolo Bordigone (baritone/bass)
Atto Melani, Zannetto, Giuseppe Chiarini (contralto castrati)
Gian Francesco Tagliavacca (tenor)
1661
o 12 singers, all listed in the livret of the Ballet de l’Impatience (just before
Mazarin’s death on 9 March 1661)
Anna Bergerotti (soprano)
Giuseppe Melone, Antonio Rivani, Filippo Melani (soprano castrati)
Atto Melani, Zannetto, Giuseppe Chiarini (contralto castrati)
Gian Francesco Tagliavacca, Giovanni Agostino Poncelli (tenor)
Assalone,17 Paolo Bordigone, Piccini (baritone/bass)
1662
o 13 Italian singers listed in the livret of Ercole amante
Giuseppe Melone, Antonio Rivani (soprano castrati)
Vincenzo Piccini, Paolo Bordigone (baritone/bass)
Giovanni Agostino Poncelli, Gian Francesco Tagliavacca, Vulpio (tenor)
Anna Bergerotti, Leonora Ballerini, Signora Bordoni (soprano)
Giuseppe Chiarini, Zannetto (contralto castrati)
Ribera
o 6 singers remained in France after Ercole amante closed
Signora Bordoni, Anna Bergerotti (soprano)
Giuseppe Chiarini (contralto castrati)
Gian Francesco Tagliavacca, Giovanni Agostino Poncelli (tenor)
1664
o Prunières (L’Opéra italien en France avant Lulli, p. 311) reproduces an account of
the Musique du Cabinet in the first quarter of 1664 that lists the following Italian
musicians:
Anna Bergerotti (soprano)
Gian Francesco Tagliavacca (tenor and composer)
Paolo Bordigone (bass)
Giuseppe Chiarini (contralto castrato)
Gian Agostino Poncelli (tenor)
Angelo Michele Bartolotti (theorbist)
Giovanni Carlo Rossi (maître de musique du Cabinet)
Marc Foliman, and Carlo Andrea Bergerotti (instrumentalists)
17
Il semble qu'on puisse eu effet identifier la basse Absalone ou Assalone avec la basse Gabriele Ansalone de Naples que nous trouvons, en
1663, au service des princes de Neubourg. Prunieres, p. 275n.
o They sang only once before the King in 1664…in the Concert Espagnol in Le
Mariage force (names italicized)
o According to Prunières, p. 310, “Malgré l'hostilité du surintendant Lulli, la troupe
italienne continua quelques années encore à faire parler d'elle dans les milieux
musicaux de Paris. Le roi ne l'entendait plus guère et le grand public ignorait son
existence, mais les dilettanti et les amateurs se retrouvaient chez la Signora Anna
Bergerotti où l'on exécutait d'excellente musique.”
o The Italian were dismissed and sent home by Louis XIV on 1 July 1666 [p. 318]