Noli Me Tangere

As pointed out in the previous chapter, the winter of 1886 in Berlin was a dreary one for Rizal. Penniless and with
nothing to eat, he became very sickly and suspected himself of having tuberculosis. Nonetheless, his publication of the
Noli Me Tangere gave him great joy despite the hard life he had at Berlin. This chapter is focused on Rizal's first novel and
his diagnosis of Filipino society during his time.

A Proposal on Writing a Novel about the Philippines

During the course of Rizal's stay in several European cities, he noted that Filipinos were practically an unknown
nation (Guerrero, 1998). They were mistaken for Chinese in Spain and Japanese in Paris. Thus, during Paris Exposition of
1889, Rizal encouraged his fellow expatriates to call themselves Indios Bravos for them to have a sense of national identity.

During the course of Rizal's stay in several European cities, he noted that Filipinos were practically an unknown
nation (Guerrero, 1998). They were mistaken for Chinese in Spain and Japanese in Paris. Thus, during Paris Exposition of
1889, Rizal encouraged his fellow expatriates to call themselves Indios Bravos for them to have a sense of national identity.

One year after, Pedro Paterno published his novel entitled Ninay, with its subtitle Costumbres Filipinas (Philippine
Customs). Rizal was very happy, considering that his purpose was partly fulfilled. Inasmuch as Paterno's novel delved only
on one particular aspect of Filipino culture Rinal became more determined to write his own novel about the Philippines.

Ideas on Writing a Novel About the Philippines

One of the ideas that provided Rizal the motivation to write a novel about the Philippines was Luna's Spolarium.
For Rizal, Luna's canvass conveyed the plight of the vanquished and the pathetic suffering of the human race. Moreover,
the Spolarium was perceived by Rizal as a reflection of the spirit of the social, moral, and political life of his time because
clearly showed mankind under severe ordeal, mankind unredeemed, and reason and aspiration in an open struggle with
fanaticism and injustice This made Rizal write a novel depicting the country to be redeemed from bondage and repression.
The Noli Me Tangere can, therefore, be considered as Rizal's Spolarium.

Another source of idea for writing a novel about the Philippines was the novel Uncle Tom's Cabin by Harriet
Beecher Stowe (Zaide & Zaide, 1999). This novel portrayed the brutalities committed by American slave-owners against
their Negro slaves. Owing to the beauty and literary style of this novel, Rizal was able to fully comprehend the pathetic
conditions the Negro slaves. Just like Luna's Spolarium, this novel provided Rizal the springboard to write a novel
portraying vividly the miseries of the Filipinos under the oppressive rule of the Spanish tyrants.

A third source of idea for a novel, Rizal was then conceptualizing was the anti-clerical novel authored by Eugene
Sue -The Wandering Dew (Quirino, 1940). This novel made a great impression on Rizal. According Quirino, the literary
form of the Wandering Jew could had probably been used by Rizal as his model to arouse the feeling against the existing
Philippine situation and, at the same time, communicate to the Filip the ideals he wanted them to embrace.

The Writing of Noli Me Tangere

Rizal started writing the Noli Me Tangere in 1884, while he was studying in Europe. He completed one half of the
novel in Madrid. One fourth of the novel was written when he was at Paris, while the remaining fourth was completed in
Berlin, Germany on February 21, 1887. The novel came off the press on March 31, 1877, with the financial assistance of
Maximo Viola.

At the outset, the novel was untitled. Later on, he decided to call his Brat literary masterpiece Noli Me Tangere
(Capino et al. 1977). The title can be translated into English as "Touch Me Not." The aforementioned label to this novel has
a biblical basis, as those words were the ones uttered by Jesus Christ to Mary Magdalene when the latter visited His tomb
before sunrise of Easter Sunday. Rizal deemed it appropriate to use the said title as his novel contained delicate things
nobody wanted to talk about or touch during his time. He, therefore, trod where angels fear to tread by exposing the evils
of the Church and the State, which were hazardous to touch.
 Why Rizal finally wrote the Noli Me Tangere can be gleaned from the dedication of his novel, which runs as
follows (Rizal, 1887):

TO MY FATHERLAND

Recorded in the history of human mufferings is a cancer so malignant, a character that the least touch irritates it and
awakens in it the sharpest pains. Thus, how many times, when in the midst of modern civilization I have wished to call
there before me, now to accompany me in memories, now to compare thee with other countries, hath they dear image
presented itself showing a social cancer like to that other!

Desiring thy welfare, which is our own, and seeking the best treatment, I will do with thee what the ancients did with their
sick, exposing them on the steps of the temple so that every one who came to invoke the Divinity might offer them a
remedy.

And to this end, I will strive to reproduce thy condition faithfully, without discriminations; I will raise a part of the veil that
covers the evil, sacrificing to truth everything, even vanity itself, since, as thy son I am conscious that also suffer from thy
defects and weaknesses.

In his letter to Hidalgo, Rimal pointed out his reasons for writing the Noli (Schumacher, 1997). Part of this letter is
reproduced below.

I have tried to do what no one has been willing to do; I have had to reply to the calumnies which for centuries have been
heaped upon us, and our country; I have described the state of our society; our life our beliefs, our hopes, our desires, our
laments, and our grievances. I have unmasked the hypocrisy, which, under the cloak of religion, came among us to
impoverish us, to brutalize us; I have distinguished the true religion from the false, from the superstitious, from that which
traffics with the sacred word to extract money, to make us believe in foolishness, which Catholicism would blush at if it had
knowledge of it I have unveiled what lay hidden behind the deceptive and brilliant words of our government; I have told
our compatriots of our faults, our vices, our culpable and shameful complacence with these miseries... The facts which I
have related are all true and real; I can give proof of them.

In the complimentary copy Rizal sent Ferdinand Blumentritt, he again stated his reason for coming up with the
Noli (National Centennial Commission, 1961), as shown below.

I send you a book....It is the first impartial and bold book on the life of the Tagalogs. The Filipinos will find in it the
history of the last ten years (1877-1887)....Here I answer all the false concepts which have been formed against us and all
the insults which have been intended to belittle us.

He even revealed his purpose in writing the novel in his letter to Marcelo del Pilar (National Heroes Commission,
1963). Portion of this correspondence is presented below.

I wrote my Noli Me Tangere to stir the patriotism of my countrymen. I would be happy if among those I have stirred, I shall
find notable companions.........

It can be drawn from the foregoing primary sources that Rizal was very certain as to why he wrote the Noli Me
Tangere. Notable among his purposes for writing novel were the following(1) to picture the past and the realities in the
Philippines: (2) to reply to insults heaped on the Filipinos and their country; (3) to unmask the hypocrisy that have
impoverished and brutalized the Filipino people; and (4) to stir the patriotism of the Filipino people

The novel begins with the return of Juan Crisostomo Ibarra, a son of an affluent creole in San Diego, after long
years of study in the European continent. During the entire duration of his absence in the country, his father Don Rafael
Ibarra got the ire of Father Damaso and other influential people in their place. Don Rafael was jailed for the accidental
death of Spanish tax collector in his defense of a young boy being brutalized by this illiterate official. He was incarcerated
and detained in prison for various alleged reasons till he died.
 Father Damaso, the parish priest of San Diego, denied him Christian burial and ordered his corpse exhumed from
the cemetery where it had been buried. Father Damaso denied Don Rafael Tbarra a burial befitting a Christian on account
of his being a freethinker, who had not even gone to confession in the church. The governor-general then learned about
what the parish priest did and demanded that he be punished for what he did. No discipline was imposed on Father
Damaso. Instead, he was just transferred to another pueblo by his superior.

Ibarra, upon arriving in the Philippines, was totally unaware of what happened to his father. A dinner was
tendered for Ibarra by Don Santiago de los Santos or Capitan Tiago, the father of Maria Clara. At the welcome dinner,
Ibarra was praised and commended by all the guests for his educational achievement in Europe, except by Father Damano.
In spite of Ibarra's courtesy and refusal to counter the rude treatment accorded him by the friar, Father Damaso continued
making insulting statements concerning the time Ibarra wasted studying abroad. Ibarra, instead of getting even with the
friar, just ignored all those insults through his smile.

After the dinner, Ibarra left Capitan Tiago's home to return to his hotel. Accidentally, he met Lieutenant Guevara
on the way and learned from him the sad story of his father. As a loyal Spaniard, the thought of avenging his father's death
did not come to his mind. Instead, he dedicated himself in the pursuit of his father's ideals of educating the people of San
Diego. Learning of the miserable conditions of the local school with no building to speak of, nor books for students' use,
Ibarra secured permission for the erection of a modern school building, patterned after the German model.

The cornerstone of the school building was laid out during the celebration of the town fiesta. Ibarra was nearly
killed by the sudden collapse of the derrick. Appearing quickly on the scene, he was rescued by Elias, a boat pilot who was
saved by Ibarra during an excursion in the lake. The plot to exterminate Ibarra was planned by Father Damaso and Father
Salvi, the friar who was madly in love with Maria Clara.

Later during the day, a banquet was held at Capitan Tiago's residence. Again, Father Damaso started throwing
insulting and offensive remarks about Ibarra. As usual, Ibarra ignored what he heard. Nonetheless, when Father Damaso
insulted the memory of his dead father, Ibarra stood up and knocked the friar to ground. He was about to kill Father
Damaso, when Maria Clara interceded. Ibarra was excommunicated for laying his hands on the parish priest. Sympathizing
with Father Damaso, Capitan Tiago inhibited Maria Clara from seeing Ibarra again.

The excommunication of Ibarra, however, was soon lifted through the intercession of the liberal-minded governor
general, who visited San Diego. As Father Damaso did not succeed in having Ibarra excommunicated, a plot was brewed to
destroy the young man through Father Salvi. Father Salvi organized a rebellion among the poor, discontented people of San
Diego and those who were victimized by the Guardia Civil. They were made to believe that Ibarra was its leader and
financier. Later Father Salvi disclosed the plan to the Guardia Civil. The rebellion was crushed.

An immediate aftermath of the crushed rebellion was the arrest and imprisonment of those who offended the
friar and those who espoused liberal ideas in San Diego. Notable among those who were jailed was Ibarra himself. Ibarra
was convicted on the basis of the letter he wrote Maria Clara while he was in Europe. Nonetheless, Ibarra was able to
escape through the assistance extended to him by Elias. Meanwhile, before finally living San Diego, Ibarra proceeded to
the house of Capitan Tiago to bid Maria Clara goodbye.

Ibarra discovered that the letter traded by Maria Clara to Father Salvi for the two letters of Doña Pia, Maria Clara's
mother, which proved that her real father was Father Damaso. To keep the truth secret to everyone and to save the
reputation of Capitan Tiago, Maria Clara gave Ibarra's letter to Father Salvi without the thought that the same shall be used
against his fiancé by the authorities.

After bidding Maria Clara, Elias and Ibarra proceeded to the banca at Pasig River toward the Laguna Bay. They
were chased by the Guardia Civil as their banca reached the lake. To distract attention of the Guardia Civil, Elias swam for
shore under fire. Meanwhile, Ibarra hid himself under the zacate and was able to escape. Elias, on the other hand, was
shot. Thinking that they succeeded in killing Ibarra, the Guardia Civil then returned to Manila.

Although seriously wounded, Elias was able to reach shore From the shore, he inched his way into the woods,
where he saw Basilio weeping over the dead body of his mother, Sisa. Elias instructed Basilio to prepare the funeral pyre
for the burning of his mother's dead body that of Elias, Basilio complied with the instruction. As Elias loses his life, he gazed
toward the East and mumbled:  "I die without seeing the dawn brighten over my native land! You, who have it to see,
welcome it- and forget not those who have fallen during the night!"

The next day, newspapers reported the death of Crisostomo Ibarra. Learning of what happened to his beloved
Ibarra, Maria Clara refused to marry Linares, a young Spaniard chosen for him by Father Damaso. Instead, she told Father
Damaso of her intention of entering the nunnery of Santa Clara, where Father Salvi was the chaplain. The novel ended with
Maria Clara on the roof of the nunnery, praying for her deliverance.

From the novel can be noted the pivotal role, played by Elias, whose family was a victim of numerous tragedies for
more than three generations. In the novel, he was pictured as a bandit or an outlaw. In the conversations that he had with
Ibarra, it was Elias who appeared to be the voice of the revolution who believed that reforms to obtain justice were not
possible. Ibarra convinced him to trust the government and the need of the light of education. Elias responded in this way:

Without freedom, there is no light.....You see nothing of the struggle that is being prepared, or the cloud on the horizon.
The struggle begins in the field of ideas, but will descend into the arena, and stain with blood. I hear the voice of God. Woe
to those who will resist Him! For them, history has not been written.

Our people slept for centuries, but one day the lightning struck and its very act of destroying, it called forth life. Since then,
new tendencies work on our spirits, and these tendencies, now scattered, will one day unite under the guidance of God.
God has not failed other peoples; He will not fail ours; their cause is the cause of freedom!

Elias also called for the radical reforms in the clergy because they were the oppressors of the people. Ibarra
responded by telling Elias that the people owed the friars a debt of gratitude for giving them the Catholic faith and for
protecting them against the tyranny of civil authorities. Speaking in the name of the people, Elias rebutted Ibarra in this
manner:

Do you call those external practices faith, or the commerce in scapulars, religion; or the stories of miracles and other fairy
tales that we hear everyday. truth? ..... A God did not have to let Himself be crucified for this, nor we assume the obligation
of eternal gratitude; superstition existed long before this; all that was needed to perfect it and raise the price of the
merchandise. You will tell me that imperfect as our present religion may be, it is preferable to one we had before; I believe
this and I agree with you, but it is too expensive, because in return for it we have renounced our national identity,  and our
independence, in return for it we have given it to its priests our best towns and our fields, and we are still giving our savings
for the purchase of religious objects.... I admit a genuine faith and a true love of humanity guided those first missionaries
who came to our shores, I recognize our debt of gratitude to those noble -hearted men..... but because the forerunners
were virtuous, are we to submit to the abuses of their degenerate descendants?

Nonetheless, when Ibarra suffered misfortunes, he changed his mind and was ready to incite the common people
to revolt. Elias opposed him on this when he said:

You are going to stir up a war, for you have money and brains and will easily find many helping hands; unfortunately, many
are discontented. But in the struggle, which you are about to undertake, the defenseless and the innocent will suffer most.
The same sentiments that a month ago led me to ask you for reforms lead me now to ask you to reflect. Our country does
not think of separating herself from the Motherland; she asks nothing more than a small measure of liberty, of justice, and
of love. The discontented, the criminal, and the desperate will follow you, but the people will stand back...I would not
follow you myself: I will never resort to extreme remedies while I see some hope in men.

To carry out Rizal's purpose in writing the novel, numerous episodes were included in the novel (Schumacher,
1997). The episode in the cockpit exposed sarcastically the demeaning effects of gambling among Filipinos then. The
conversation among the tertiary sisters on buying indulgences during the All Souls' Day, reflected Rizal's denunciation of
superstitious beliefs and blind fanaticism. The homily of Father Damaso during the celebration of the town fiesta was
employed by Rizal to denounce the vulgar ignorance, hypocrisy and religious despotism of the friars.

The novel clearly identified the defects of the Spanish colonial system in the Philippines. Solutions to these
defects can be gleaned from the exchange of ideas between Elias and Ibarra. Rizal, however, was not very clear on what to
do. He was not certain of opting for a revolution. On other hand, he made it clear and plain the threat of a possible
outbreak of revolution, should radical reforms not be instituted in the colony by the Spanish government.

The Characters in the Noli Me Tangere

Although the novel is a work of fiction, the novel can be considered a story of the Philippines during the last
decades of Spanish rule. The characters used by Rizal in the Noli were persons who actually existed during those times
(Zaide & Zaide, 1999). Maria Clara was Leonor Rivera. Tasyo was his older brother Paciano. Padre Salvi was Fr. Antonio
Piernavieja of the Augustinian Order. Capitan Tiago was Captain Hilario Sunico of San Nicolas. Doña Victorina was Doña
Agustina Medel. Basilio and Crispin were the Crisostomo brothers of Hagonoy, Bulacan. Padre Damaso, however, was the
typical abusive friar during Rizal's time.

Through the characters in the Noli, Rizal depicted the different pictures of Filipino society during his time (Capino et al,
1977).

1. Juan Crisostomo Ibarra. As the main character in the novel, Ibarra represented the affluent and liberal European-
educated Filipino. Civic minded, liberty-minded and patriotic, he desired the education of the people. His plan of
establishing the schoolhouse at San Diego was opposed by Father Damaso, representing conservatism in Filipino society
then. This conflict between liberalism and conservatism is reflected in many episodes in the Noli, which culminated in
Ibarra's leaving the country and Maria Clara's entering the nunnery

2. Elias. Rizal represented the Filipino masses in the novel through Elias. As the symbol of the common people, Elias did
everything to vindicate them from the injustices suffered from the Spaniards. Although Ibarra's family had brought
misfortunes to his own family, he extended help to Crisostomo in many occasions in the novel. This might had been due to
his belief that the redemption of the country depends the ilustrados. Just like Ibarra, he is a mouthpiece of Rizal's
contradictory thoughts and purposes.

3. Maria Clara. As the object of Ibarra's love and affection, Rizal represented Filipino womanhood trained in a convent and
immersed in education basically religious in orientation. She symbolizes the Filipino womanhood in their fidelity, coyness,
and modesty.

4. Don Rafael Ibarra. In the novel, Don Rafael was Crisostomo's father. He was jailed for helping a young boy being harmed
by an ignorant Spanish tax collector. Father Damaso considered him a heretic and a filibustero owing to his liberal and
independent views. Rizal used Don Rafael in the Noli to symbolize an affluent landlord with a social conscience.

5. Sisa. Sisa was the mother of Basilio and Crispin in the Noli. She symbolized a lot of things in Filipino society during Rizal's
time. In the novel, she lost her mental balance upon learning what happened to Basilio and Crispin, her two sons. Through
her, Rizal was able to illustrate lack of concern in facing and resolving problems confronting Filipino society. She was also
used by Rizal in the Noli to illustrate the typical characteristics of Filipino mothers-fully cognizant of the attributes of their
sons and daughters; and willing to defend them from all forms of injustice accusations.

6. Capitan Tiago. To the people of San Diego, he was Don Anastacio delos Santos. Just like Don Rafael Ibarra, he was a rich
landlord. His wealth was derived from his involvement in the illegal opium trade. To the common people, he was a symbol
of the cacique mentality. Professing to be religious, never did he pray to God even in the face of difficulties. Instead, he let
his money pray for him. Moreover, Rizal employed Capitan Tiago in the novel to represent the subservient Filipino to the
authorities to protect his personal and business interest.

7. Doña Victorina. As a social climber, she married Don Tiburcio Espadañia to support her claim of being a Spaniard. She
despised everything Pilipino and imitated what was Spanish. Thus, Rizal used her in the nine to symbolize colonial
mentality among some Filipinos during his time

8. Doña Patrocinio. As the mistress of the Alferez, she was noted to be imprudent, vulgar, cruel, and quarrelsome. As such,
she symbolized the mentality of the Guardia Civil. Being the only competitor of Capitan Tiago in godliness, she did
everything to pretend that she was really religious showing off to the public what she could contribute for the Church.
9. Pilosopo Tasyo. He represented Rizal's epitome of a philosopher. He was perceived to be a sage by the educated and a
weird or lunatic by those who did not know him.

10. The School Master of San Diego. He symbolized intellectual dissatisfaction in Filipino society during Rizal's time. As an
educated individual, he dreamed of changing the methods of teaching to facilitate greater learning on the part of the
pupils then.

The Filipino Society as Pictured in the Noli

The novel uncompromisingly exposes Spaniards in the Philippines. The government was administered by self-
seekers, motivated by the desire to enrich themselves at the expense of the people. Honest and sincere officials were quite
few. Corruption became so rampant, as a consequence Banditry became a way of life for many due to the corruption and
brutality of the Guardia Civil. The friars, on the other hand, used the Catholic Church to amass wealth and to perpetuate
themselves into power. Instead of teaching the Filipinos true Catholicism, they controlled the government and opposed all
progress.

While Rizal condemned the Spaniards for their abuses and insidious practices, Filipinos were not spared in his
criticism of Filipino society. He criticized his fellow countrymen for their blind, religious fanaticism, corruption, passion for
gambling, subservience of the wealthy Filipinos toward the friars and government officials, and their ridiculous efforts to
distance themselves from the common people.

To balance Rizal's portrait of Filipino society, the virtues and good qualities of the Filipino people were highlighted
in the novel (Schumacher, 1997). Notable among the virtues and values emphasized by Rizal in the Noli were the following:
the modesty and devotion of the Filipino woman; the open handed hospitality of the Filipino family, the devotion of the
parents to their children and children to their parents, and the deep sense of gratitude of the Filipino peasants.

Rizal’s Diagnosis of Filipino Society

An in-depth analysis of the Noli Me Tangere reveals Rizal's diagnosis of Filipino society of his time. From his novel,
he made it plain and clear that the friars were the enemies of reform, progress, and justice in the country (Guerrero, 1998).
One clear proof was the case of the school building project, proposed by Ibarra. While Ibarra believed that the project was
noble considering that the school can be likened to a book where the history of the nation is to be written, Padre Damaso
opposed it. The latter's opposition stemmed from his opinion that it could be a potent fortress for rebellion.

Rizal was basically impartial in his assessment of the situation in the Philippines then because of the fact that the
misfortunes his family had prior to the writing and publication of the Noli were not due to the misdoings of the friars
(Guerrero, 1998). There were actually three reasons why Rizal considered the friars, the enemy of reforms, progress, and
justice in the country. The agrarian problem in Calamba between the tenants and the Dominicans, while he was in Europe,
can be regarded one of the factors that made Rizal point to the friars as the deterrents to progress and reforms in the
country.

Another factor that could expound Rizal's conclusion was the influence of the Spanish anti-clericalism. A third
explanation to the foregoing was Rizal's over-all assessment of the Philippine political situation in 1886 and in 1872. Thus,
for Rizal the need to expose the abuses of the friars through ridicule and hatred became so urgent.

A question in relation to what were mentioned above is, was Rizal correct in his analysis? Seventy years after the
publication of the Noli, the research undertaken by the Catholics on Philippine political situation confirmed the veracity of
Rizal's contention (Guerrero, 1998). The friars wielded so much powers, such that they were the real authority in the
different pueblos, throughout the archipelago, due to the following roles they played then: parish priest; tax collector;
school inspector; superintendent of public works by forced labor; an intelligence officer, and president of all local boards.
The then, were subjected to ecclesiastical control more than any other form of authority in the colony.

Jaena's study of Philippine institutions, as cited by Guerrero (1998), likewise confirmed the correctness of Rizal's
evaluation of Philippine society. As pointed out by Jaena, the parish priest in each town can be described as a sword of
Damocles hanging over the head of authority - the town mayor. This was because local election was controlled and
manipulated by the parish priest. Only the candidates endorsed by and acceptable to the parish priest were the ones
seated into positions of leadership in the local government.

Jaena's point was concurred in by Governor Simon de Anda's report to the Spanish Crown (Guerrero, 1998). In the
said report, Anda emphasized that only the parish priest rules in the colony. Thus, Jaena asserted the elected municipal
officials served as blind instruments of the friars in reciprocation for endorsement and acceptability as candidates in the
local polls.

Owing to the friar control of practically all aspects of Filipino society, it was impossible then to seek reform and
relief within the colony. Rizal and other propagandists felt it wise to do it outside the Philippines. Thus the Propaganda
Movement was undertaken not in the Philippines but Spain. Spain became the most logical venue for reform and relief due
the liberal atmosphere in this country, as well as the protection offered by the Spanish Constitution and Cortes.

Noli Me Tangere as a Charter of Filipino Nationalism

The novel can be considered a charter of Filipino nationalism (Schumacher, 1977). It calls on the Filipino to: regain
his self-confidence; appreciate his self-worth; return to the heritage of his ancestors; assert himself as a co-equal of the
Spaniard. It, likewise, insists on the need for education, dedication to the country, assimilating the aspects of Western
cultures that could enhance native traditions.

More so, the novel does not only expose the social maladies in the Philippines during Rizal's time. It outlines the
reforms needed in Filipino society then. These reforms include the following: radical reforms in the armed forces, clergy,
and administration of justice; more respect for human dignity, greater security for the individual; less strength in the
constabulary; and less privileges for organizations prone to abuses and corruption.

Rizal, through Elias, mouthed the solution to bring about the needed reforms. For Elias, revolution was the key
when he said, "it is never a crime to fight for one's country." Ibarra, on the other hand, believed otherwise.

Noli Me Tangere presented a problem, the need for change in the country under Spanish tutelage. On the
contrary, it did not offer any solution to address the same (Guerrero, 1998). What could be the reasons behind this? First,
Rizal was not that sure as to which solution to implement. Should it be a revolution? Should it be assimilation under the
Spanish Crown? Finally, Rizal was prudent enough not openly favor independence and revolution.

Nonetheless, the novel was a major turning point in Rizal's life. As mentioned by Guerrero (1998). Rizal had
become a prisoner of Noli Me Tangere's logic. Moreover, through this novel, Rizal had opted to choose his enemy, the friars
in the Philippines.

First Reactions to the Noli

Prior to the publication of the Noli Me Tangere, a number of works by Filipino writers from 1882 to 1896 were
produced. Mention can be said of the following: Paterno's novel Ninay, published in Madrid in 1885; del Pilar's La
Soberania Monacal and Graciano Lopez Jaena's Discursos y Articulos Varios published in Barcelona in 1889 and 1891 and
Antonio Luna's Impresiones, which came out in Madrid 1893. None of these publications, however, evoked such favorable
and unfavorable comments from friends and enemies as did Rizal's Noli Me Tangere.

One of those who congratulated Rizal for writing and publishing the novel was Antonio Regidor, a Filipino exile for
his alleged complicity in the 1872 Uprising. He said that "the book is superior" and that "if Don Quijote has made its author
immortal because he exposed to the world the sufferings of Spain, your Noli Me Tangere will bring you equal glory"
(National Heroes Commission, 1963).

Ferdinand Blumentritt, who became Rizal's friend thru correspondence, praised Rizal by saying: "Your work, as we
Germans say, has been written with blood and heart...Your work has exceeded my hopes and consider myself fortunate
and happy to have been honored with your friendship. Not only I but your country, may feel happy for having you, a
patriotic and loyal son. If you continue so, you will be to your people one of those great men who will exercise a
determinative influence over the progress of their spiritual life" (National Centennial Commission, 1961).
 When Rizal returned to the Philippines, reactions for and against the Noli Me Tangere surfaced. Filipinos became
so eager to read the book, but only very few copies were available. Their eagerness to take hold of the Noli can be
explained by the news that it exposed a lot of things about the country, its people and government.

Nonetheless, not only Filipinos took time to find a copy of the novel and read its contents. Archbishop Payo was
able to have a copy of the Noli and sent the same to the rector of UST for examination on August 18, 1887. The rector
constituted a three-man committee to pass judgment on the novel. The Committee submitted its report to the archbishop
of Manila on August 30, 1887. It found the book heretical, impious and scandalous in its religious aspect; unpatriotic,
subversive of public order, and offensive to the government of Spain.

The archbishop forwarded the report of the Committee to the then Governor-general, Emilio Terrero, who in turn
summoned Rizal Malacañang Palace. Terrero, being a liberal-minded government executive, informed Rizal of the
unfavorable reports about his novel, alleged to be libelous and subversive. He even asked Rizal to provide him a copy of the
book since he became interested to read it. Rizal later on returned to the governor and handed him the copy of the novel.

With no concrete action from Governor-general Terrero, the archbishop asked the Permanent Commission on
Censorship to decide on the fate the novel. A report submitted by Father Salvador Font, an Augustinian, on Desember 29,
1892, recommended the prohibition of the importation, reproduction, and circulation of the pernicious books in the
Philipp (Palma, 1949).

Nonetheless, the novel was not banned in the country, notwithstanding the recommendation made by the
Permanent Commission. The archbishop and the provincials of the friar orders were then lobbying for the banning of the
book and the possible incarceration of Rizal. The friars, however, were not able to secure the seal of the implementation of
the commendation of the Permanent Commission on Censorship from the governor-general (Schumacher, 1997). Rizal was
fortunate enough to be given the protection owing to the power struggle then existing between the leaders of the civil
government in Manila and the bishop and the friar orders.

Attacks and Defenses of the Noli Me Tangere

The attacks on Rizal's Noli Me Tangere were not only confined in the Philippines but were also staged in Madrid.
(De Ocampo, 1961). There, Senator Fernando Vida, Deputy Luis M. de Pando, and Prime Minister Praxedes Mateo Sagasta
were among those who unjustly lambasted and criticized Rizal and his Noli in the two chambers of the Spanish Cortes in
1888 and 1889. Among these three senators, it was Fernando Vida who became very critical of the Noli (Retana, 1907),
describing Rizal as a native, with a doctor of medicine degree from the University of Madrid, an intimate friend of Bismarck
and have obtained a professonal chair of medicine in a German University. The aforementioned Spanish legislators
condemned the novel as anti-Catholic, Protestant, and Socialist in orientation and leaning.

Another attack on the novel came from Vicente Barrantes, a Spanish academician, who had spent many years in
high posts of Philippine Administration. As a regular contributor in the newspaper entitled La España Moderna, he
attacked Rizal in 1889 by describing Rizal as a man of contradiction, whose criticisms of the friars and the Spanish Regime
were actually an insult to the Filipinos themselves.

The first attack on the Noli in the Philippines came from an anonymous letter, signed by a friar. In this letter, Rizal
was labeled an ungrateful man. At the same, Rizal was challenged to come out into the open if he had a grievance against
the religious establishment.

In the Philippines, Fr.Salvador Font, who issued the official censure of the Noli, tried to prevent the circulation of
the novel by publishing a few copies of his report (Schumacher, 1997). His report consisted of four parts, as follows: attacks
on the religion of the State, attacks on the administration, the government employees and the courts; attacks on the civil
guards; and attacks on the territorial integrity of the Spanish Kingdom, Nonetheless, Father Font attempted to refute these
attacks resulting into the highlighting of the points Rizal point out his Noli.

A direct attack on the Noli was launched by Fr. Jose Rodriguez by insuring a series of pamphlets under the title
Cuestiones de Sumo Interes (Zaide & Zalde, 1997). As pointed out by Schumacher (1997), Fr. Rodriguez judged the novel on
a doctrinal level, when he said that it should not be read by devout Christians as the book is......
"full of heresies, blasphemies, and the grossest errors, containing, as it does, propositions which are false, rash, offensive to
pious ears, injurious to the sacred hierarchy and to the faithful, impious, foolish erroneous, likely to lead into errors
condemned in Luther and other heretics, savoring of heresy and heretical, and likely to lead to atheism"

Rizal, however, replied to these attacks by Fr. Rodriguez through the satirical pamphlet entitled, La Vision del Fray
Rodriguez. In this satirical work, St. Augustine was made by Rizal to appear to Father Rodriguez, while the latter was in
deep slumber and scolded him for becoming a butt of all the jokes to all angels in heaven by his foolish articles. The satire
ends with Father Rodriguez condemned writing garbage articles for him to forever be a laughingstock to the world.

Rizal, however, replied to these attacks by Fr. Rodriguez through the satirical pamphlet entitled, La Vision del Fray
Rodriguez. In this satirical work, St. Augustine was made by Rizal to appear to Father Rodriguez, while the latter was in
deep slumber and scolded him for becoming a butt of all the jokes to all angels in heaven by his foolish articles. The satire
ends with Father Rodriguez condemned writing garbage articles for him to forever be a laughingstock to the world.

Rizal, however, replied to these attacks by Fr. Rodriguez through the satirical pamphlet entitled, La Vision del Fray
Rodriguez. In this satirical work, St. Augustine was made by Rizal to appear to Father Rodriguez, while the latter was in
deep slumber and scolded him for becoming a butt of all the jokes to all angels in heaven by his foolish articles. The satire
ends with Father Rodriguez condemned writing garbage articles for him to forever be a laughingstock to the world.

In response to Father Font's critique of the Noli, Rizal wrote a satirical essay, entitled Por Telefono (Schumacher,
1997). In this essay, he narrated a long-distance telephone conversation between Salvadorcito Tont, who was reprimanded
by his Superior for accepting a hacienda for the Augustinians. Because what Salvadorcito did, compromised the
Augustinian struggle against the vows of wealth, pride and lust, the Superior told him to return to Spain and instructed
never to return to the Philippines.

While Rizal's Noli was attacked severely by the establishment, particularly the friars, there were those who tried
to prove the merits d the novel and countered the arguments of its attackers

One of those who defended Noli, was Fr. Francisco Sanchez, Rizal's teacher in rhetoric at Ateneo. After reading
the pamphlet written by Fr. Rodriguez, he told Rizal that it was that pamphlet written with the feet and not the Noli Me
Tangere (Epistolario Rizalino, Vol.5). In fact in Rizal letter to Blumentritt upon his return to the Philippines after the
publication of the novel, he appreciated how Fr. Sanchez praised and defended the Noli publicly. In the conversation that
Rizal had with his teacher, he was told that he could have written an ideal book if he also gave a picture of ideal priest to
highlight the contrast. Rizal, however, replied to this comment by saying that he wrote the Noli not for the thinking readers
but for the public, which does not think.

The greatest defense of the Noli came from a Filipino priest. This priest was Fr. Vicente Garcia, the translator into
Tagalog of the famous Imitation of Christ. Writing under the pen name Desiderio Magalang, Fr. Garcia refuted Fr.
Rodriguez's condemnation of the Noli for its alleged blasphemy and heresy. According to this Filipino priest, since the book
was a work of literature, it should be judged that way and not on a doctrinal level.

The greatest defense of the Noli came from a Filipino priest. This priest was Fr. Vicente Garcia, the translator into
Tagalog of the famous Imitation of Christ. Writing under the pen name Desiderio Magalang, Fr. Garcia refuted Fr.
Rodriguez's condemnation of the Noli for its alleged blasphemy and heresy. According to this Filipino priest, since the book
was a work of literature, it should be judged that way and not on a doctrinal level.

He further stressed in his defense of the novel that criticisms are made of the religious orders for their members
to mend their ways. Using his knowledge of logic, he said "If reading the Noli is a mortal sin, then Fr. Rodriguez had also
committed a mortal sin." On the issue of Rizal's ignorance, Fr. Garcia asserted that the former was not an ignorant man,
considering that he was an alumnus of Spanish universities and a recipient of numerous academic honors and awards.

Another defender of Rizal's Noli was Marcelo H. del Pilar. In answer to Fr. Rodriguez' pamphlet entitled Caiingat
Cayo (Beware). Del Pilar wrote the pamphlet entitled Caiigat Cayo (Be Slippery as an Eel).
 Rizal's Noli was also defended by his friend, Ferdinand Blumentritt, in 1889 (Schumacher, 1997). Blumentritt's
defense stressed his Catholic orientation. First he praised both the work of the Jesuits and the friars in the Philippines.
Nonetheless, the religious orders failed to keep up with the times. Thus, their perception the criticisms made by European-
educated Filipinos on the realities in the Philippines as an outright treason.

For Blumentritt, Rizal's novel was a patriotic one. It was a truthful and heartfelt effort to make Spain realize the
need to remedy the social ills plaguing Filipino society then. Moreover, Blumentritt stressed the point that the Spanish
nationals have to accept these criticisms.

Apparently, the attacks on Rizal and his novel clearly showed the power and influence of friars who considered
their interest of prime importance than that of the interest of the state. Thus, for Rizal, as the novel Noli Me Tangere has
not yet been judged and cannot be judged rightly as its effects are still being felt. (Guerrero, 1998)
Rizal in France and Germany

After finishing his studies in Madrid, Rizal decided to leave the Spanish capital and move to France and Germany.
His decision to migrate into these two countries was due to his desire to specialize in ophthalmology. His preference for
ophthalmology as a specialization in medicine was prompted by his desire to cure the eye ailment of his mother. Side by
side with his studies in ophthalmology, Rizal continued his observations of the government and laws, as well as the
customs and traditions of France and Germany. This chapter is focused on Rizal's sojourn in these two countries.

Rizal in Paris (1885-1886)

Rizal was already 24 years old and a full-pledged surgeon, when he migrated into Paris (Zulueta, 2004). His sudden
decision to move into Paris was brought about by his intention to specialize in ophthalmology Before into gay Paris, Rizal
went to Barcelona, Spain to visit Maximo Viola, a medical student from San Miguel, Bulacan. They agreed to have a grand
tour of Europe, once Rizal finish his medical studies in France and Germany.

Rizal worked as an assistant at the eye clinic of Dr. Louis de Wecker for four months. From Dr. de Wecker, Rizal
learned the following: the actual performance of eye operation, recent studies on the ailment of the eyes, and the
various techniques of eye operation. Outside his working hours in the eye clinic, Rizal took time to visit his fellow Filipinos
in the city. He frequented the residences of Felix R. Hidalgo, Pardo de Tavera and Juan Luna. His frequent contacts with
other Filipinos in the city contributed immensely to his ability to learn and speak Prench fluently.

For a time, he stayed with Juan Luna in the latter's studio in Paris. Here, Rizal became Luna's model in two of his
historical canvases: The Blood Compact; and Death of Cleopatra. He posed as Sikatuna in the Blood Compact and as a
priest in the Death of Cleopatra.

Before leaving the city, Rizal had completed one-fourth of this first novel, the Noli Me Tangere.

Rizal in Heidelberg, Germany

After specializing in ophthalmology under Dr. Louis de Becker, Rizal left Paris for Germany (Zaide & Zaide, 1999).
He left Paris due to its high cost of living, which he could not cope with. He arrived at Heidelberg, the university town of
Germany, on February 3, 1886 after passing by Strasbourg and other border towns of Germany. For a time, he resided in a
German boarding house where he became a friend to some German law students. Since Rizal was a good chess player, he
was eventually recommended by his board mates to become a member of Chess Players' Club of Heidelberg. He became
popular among these German law students because he joined them not only in their chess games but also in their beer
drinking sprees.

After a few days, Rizal decided to transfer to a boarding house close to the University of Heidelberg. He was
privileged to work at the eye hospital of the university, under the tutelage of Dr. Otto Becker. It was at this university town
where Rizal perfected the techniques of diagnosing eye ailments, which he learned under Dr. Louis de Wecker.

While at Heidelberg, Rizal wrote letters to his sisters, Maria and Trinidad. In his letters to his sisters, Rizal
described Germany as country of order and obedience (Guerrero, 1998). From the same correspondence to Maria in
February, Riml described the German student as affectionate, respectful, modest, and not boastful. Women, however,
were described by Rizal as tall, stout and blonde.

From the foregoing letter sent by Rizal to Trinidad, it can noted that he stressed so much the following good
qualities of German women: serious; studious; simple, industrious; not afraid of men, and concerned about education
(Pecson, 1975). The said letter, likewise, shows Rizal's concern about the training of his sisters so that they can be able to
emulate the virtues of German women.

A Los Flores del Heidelberg

Rizal visited the different scenic spots of Heidelberg on weekends. He usually strolled around the city, not only to
see its church and theater but also to savor the cool breeze of the Neckar River, which was teeming with flowers. This
scenery inspired Rizal to write a poem entitled A Los Flores de Heidelberg (To The Flowers of Heidelberg) on April 12, 1886.
This poem, as translated by Derbyshire, is presented below.

As pointed out by Dinon (1961), the poem A Los Flores de Heidel berg, is a poem of two of the greatest loves of
man on earth. It is a poem of remembrance and a poem of the motherland. Close reading of the foregoing reveals the
aforementioned point. Rizal, in this particular verse, expressed his longing for his native land and commanded the flowers
of Heidelberg, forget-me-nots, to go to the Philippines and tell his countrymen and loved ones of his love for the country.

Summer Vacation at Wilhelmsfeld

After composing the poem, A Los Flores de Heidelberg, Rizal took a three-month vacation at Wilhelmsfeld, a
mountainous village at Heidelberg. It was at this village where he met Dr. Karl Ulmer, a pastor of the vicarage of
Wilhelmsfeld. Because Rizal became a friend of Pastor Ulmer, he stayed with the former's family during the entire duration
of his summer vacation in the said village. Owing to his pleasant disposition and personality, as well as his talents in
sketching and languages, Pastor Ulmer's wife greatly admired Rizal.

  Rizal's vacation at Wilhelmsfeld was quite an enjoyable one for him. He returned to Heidelberg on June 2, 1886
remembering the hospitality and friendship accorded to him by the Ulmers. Nonetheless, there was something Rizal
appreciated so much from his stay in the German village, the religious tolerance the people practice in the area. He
observed Pastor Ulmer being able to get along well with the Catholic priest in the area something that will not be possible
in the Philippines as that time due to the dominant belief of the friars that only themselves were the only true purveyors of
the words of God.

First Correspondence with Blumentritt

Rizal sent his first correspondence with Ferdinand Blumentritt, after his summer vacation at Wilhelmsfeld, on July
31, 1886. What impelled him to write Blumentritt was the latter's interest in ethnology and Philippine languages.
Accompanying his letter was a book entitled Aritmetica, authored by Rufino Baltazar Hernandez and published by the UST
Press in 1868.

Rizal's first correspondence impressed Blumentritt, the Director of the Ateneo of Leimeritz (Zaide & Zaide, 1999).
In return, Blumentritt sent Rizal two books. This marked the beginning of the frequent communication between Rizal and
Blumentritt through the medium of writing. Similarly, it signaled the commencement of a lasting friendship between them.

Rizal's first correspondence impressed Blumentritt, the Director of the Ateneo of Leimeritz (Zaide & Zaide, 1999).
In return, Blumentritt sent Rizal two books. This marked the beginning of the frequent communication between Rizal and
Blumentritt through the medium of writing. Similarly, it signaled the commencement of a lasting friendship between them.

After attending the fifth centenary foundation day celebration of the University of Heidelberg, Rizal visited other
cities in Germany. He arrived in Leipzig on August 14, 1886, on board a train (Zulueta, 2004). Part of his activities in this city
was attendance at the lectures given by German professors in history and psychology. It was at the University of
Heidelberg where Rizal came to know Prof. Friedrich Ratzel, a well-known German historian and Dr. Hans Meyer, a
famous German anthropologist. It was also in this city where he translated Schiller's William Tell into Tagalog, for the
Filipinos to become aware of the story of the champion of Swiss independence. He also translated the Fairy Tales,
written by Hans Christian Andersen, for the benefit of his young nieces and nephews in the Philippines.

While at Leipzig. Rizal worked as a proofreader in a publishing company to augment his allowance. He was
fortunate enough to be accepted due his knowledge of German, Spanish and other European languages. Owing to the
lower cost of living at Leipzig, be stayed in the city for two months.

He left Leipzig on October 29, 1886 and went to Dresden (Zaide & 1999). It was at Dresden where he met Dr.
Adolph Meyer, the Director of Anthropological and Ethnological Museum of the city. After his three-day visit to Dresden,
he left Dresden for Berlin by train.
Rizal in Berlin

Rizal arrived in Berlin in the evening of November 1, 1856. He went to Berlin due to the following reasons (Rivera
et al, 1969), to further enhance knowledge of ophthalmology to supplement his studies of languages and sciences, to
study and observe the political and economic conditions of Germany, to join the circle of famous German scientists and
scholars, and to complete and publish his novel, Noli Me Tangere.

At Berlin, Rizal was fortunate enough to meet in person  Dr. Feodor Jagor, the author of the book Travels in the
Philippines. This book was one Rizal admired so much when he was still a student at UST. His admiration of this book was
due to two reasons. First, it predicted the collapse of the Spanish Regime in the Philippines Finally, it prophesied the
coming of the Americans into the Philippines.

His acquaintance with Dr. Jagor, through a letter of introduction from Ferdinand Blumentritt, resulted into his
friendship with numerous German intellectuals, like the following Dr. Rudolf Virchow, a German anthropologist; Dr. Hans
Virchow, a German professor of Descriptive Anatomy; and Dr. W. Joest, a famous German geographer, and Dr. Karl Ernest
Schweigger, a noted German ophthalmologist. His association with these German intellectuals led to his membership in
prestigious societies of scholars and intellectuals in Berlin.

On the recommendation of Dr Jagor and Dr. Meyer, Rizal was accepted as member of the following societies in
Berlin: Anthropological Society. Ethnological Society, and Geographical Society. Acting on the invitation of Dr. Virchow,
Rizal presented a paper in German entitled Tagalische Verkunst (Tagalog Metrical Art) to the Ethnographic Society of
Berlin. The paper was well appreciated, which proved that Rizal was recognized for his scientific knowledge in Europe.

Life in Berlin was not that easy for Rizal. In the morning, he worked as an assistant in Dr. Schweigger's clinic. Then
he attended lectures at the University of Berlin in the evening. At his boarding house, Rizal continued his physical trimming
exercises and practice in speaking German, French, and Italian languages. Before resting in the evening, be k time writing
and completing his first novel. 

Although Rizal was exposed to a lot of enriching experiences in Berlin, there was a time that he found himself
penniless. This happened from November 1886 to May 1887. His brother Paciano was unable to send him his monthly
stipend owing to crop failures in Calamba. In order to eat, he had to pawn the diamond ring given by his sister Saturnina
and sell his books to second-hand bookstores. Devoid of proper nutrition, he got sick with coughs and colds, signs of
tuberculosis. Penniless at Berlin, he thought of burning the manuscript of his first novel, which he had completed.
Rizal in Peninsular Spain

As stressed in the previous chapter, Rizal decided to leave the country not just to complete his medical studies in
Europe. There were hidden purposes for his voyage: to make a name for himself in the realm of journalism to observe
and study European society, and to prepare himself for the task of liberating the Filipinos from Spanish tyranny. Impelled
by these purposes, Rizal left the country to pursue his mission. This chapter is focused on his first journey and subsequent
entry into Spain and his gradual immersion into the Propaganda Movement in Madrid,

(Rizal’s Secret Departure) Rizal left Calamba on May 1, 1882 and was able to reach Manila after ten hours of journey via a
carromata. No one from among the family members of Rizal knew hin departure for Spain, except Paciano, Saturnina, his
Tio Antanio and a few friends. The trip was kept secret to avoid detection by Spanish authorities, especially the friars. His
brother Paciano did everything to ensure that Rimal can leave the country secretly. He secured Rizal's passport with the
name Jose Mercado.

Rizal stayed in Manila for two days before his trip to Spain. He was scheduled to depart from Manila on the 3rd
day of May (Zulueta, 2004). He then woke up early, heard the mass at Santo Domingo Church in the Walled City and then
proceeded to Pasig River to board the cruiser Salvadora, bound for Singapore.

Rizal stayed in Manila for two days before his trip to Spain. He was scheduled to depart from Manila on the 3rd
day of May (Zulueta, 2004). He then woke up early, heard the mass at Santo Domingo Church in the Walled City and then
proceeded to Pasig River to board the cruiser Salvadora, bound for Singapore.

From Manila, the Salvadora sailed for Singapore. At first he felt very sad leaving his country and family. He tried to
observe people and things around him and noted many Spanish-speaking travelers spoke ill of the country. To entertain
himself, Rizal made sketches of his fellow passengers and things he saw along the way.

After one week of sailing, the cruiser docked at Singapore. Rizal stayed at Singapore for two days. During his two-
day stopover, he took time to visit its botanical garden, art galleries, parks, and some historical spots. He recorded in his
diary every detail of what he was able to observe

From Singapore, Rizal boarded the ship Djemnah, which shall ferry him to France. With him on this ship were
French-speaking nationals. From his boarding point, the ship had its stopover at Point Galle in Ceylon Aden and Port Said at
Suez Canal. The steamer reached Naples on June 11, 1882, Rizal was impressed with Naples, an Italian city, for its
panoramic beauty, lively people, and panoramic beauty (Zaide & Zaide, 1999).

From Naples, the steamer sailed to France. It docked at the harbor of Marseilles on June 12, 1882. At Marseilles,
Rizal was impressed by the courtesy of the customs police. He was, likewise, enchanted by its graceful and impressive
buildings and the courtesy and refined manners of the Frenchmen.

From Marseilles, Rizal took the train for Barcelona. He reached the city, his entry point to Spain, on June 15, 1882.
He reached Barcelona on the June 16, 1882. At first, Rizal had a negative impression of the city and its people. Later, he
came to like Barcelona due to the prevalence of freedom and liberalism in the city and the good qualities demonstrated by
its residents- open-heartedness; hospitality, and courage.

Rizal's trip from the Philippines to Barcelona had important consequences for him. First, owing to his interaction
with foreign nationals on the board the Salvadora and Djemnah, there was a sudden change in his religious outlook. He
started becoming inattentive to saints and patron saints. Instead on calling on them for guidance and protection while on
journey to Spain, Rizal prayed directly to God. In fact, he became very curious of other religions, as evidenced by his
attendance in a Protestant worship service in Singapore. A second change in Rizal was the melting down of his social
complex. As a proof, he was able to get ng well with Spaniards on board the foreign vessel, as well as with her nationals
who were with him in his trip to Spain.

(Rizal in Barcelona) Rizal was welcomed by the Filipinos in Barcelona, most of who were his former schoolmates at Ateneo
Municipal. The welcome party tendered to him was held at favorite coffee house at Plaza de Cataluña. After the usual
exchange of toasts and news, Rizal joined his friends for a walk around the city. He was even able to see the famous
historical spots of Barcelona.

While in Barcelona, Rizal took time writing to his family, relatives and friends in the Philippines. In fact, he did not
forget one of his missions that of making a name for himself in the field of writing. Through writing, Paciano believed that
Rizal would be able to express his nationalistic and patriotic sentiment, which in effect can arouse the hostility and
suspicion of the Spanish Regime (Guerrero, 1998). For Rizal's brother, when this happens, Rizal, a poet will be transformed
simultaneously into a patriot, a novelist, and a nationalist.

(El Amor Patrio) Upon arriving at Barcelona, Rizal commenced his writing of nationalistic articles. The first of these articles
was the essay entitled, El Amor Patrio or Love of Country. Rizal wrote this essay when he was still 21 years old, under the
pseudonym Laong Laan. It came out on August 20, 1882 in the Diariong Tagalog in Manila, For the first time, he used the
term Tierra Extranjera (Foreign Land) in referring to Spain. Part of the essay, published by the National Historical Institute
in 2002, is reproduced below.

As already pointed out, the essay El Amor Patrio was Rizal's first nationalistic essay where he urged the Filipinos to
love their motherland. For Rizal, loving one's country was the greatest, most heroic and sublime or disinterested sentiment
a person could have. On account of the foregoing, he directly challenged the Filipinos to sacrifice for the welfare of the
country. From this essay, Rizal made clear that for the love of one's country, Filipinos have to sacrifice their youth,
pleasures, splendor of genius and even their life. Filipinos, according to Rizal should not fear losing their lives, because they
are going to leave their country two immense fortunes, namely: LIBERTY; and GLORY.

After the El Amor Patrio, Rizal stopped producing nationalistic articles. His unproductiveness could be attributed
to three factors, namely: the opposition of his mother, the difficulty of recognition in a foreign country and his desire to
finish his studies.

(Rizal Moves to Madrid) Rizal decided to move to the capital city of Spain in September, 1882 to continue his studies. He
enrolled in philosophy and letters and licentiate in medicine at the Universidad Central de Madrid. Despite his very busy
and rigid schedule, he took lessons in painting and sculpture at the Academia de San Fernando; lessons in fencing at the
Schools of Sanz and Carbonell, and lessons in English, French and German in Madrid Ateneo. He even contemplated taking
the nination in Roman law for possible enrollment in law.

He took the medical examination from June 5 to 26. Fortunately, he passed the examination. At the same time, he
passed the examination in Greek, Latin, and world history. Rizal was awarded the degree of Licentiate in Medicine for
passing the medical examination for the course.

He continued his doctorate degree in medicine but was not conferred the Doctor's diploma due to his failure to
pay the fee for the presentation and defense of his thesis, which was the final requirement for the course. He also
completed the degree of Licentiate in Philosophy and Letters. Despite his completion of his academic studies in Madrid,
Rizal was not happy with what he was able to accomplish. For him, there was no basic difference between the educational
system in Madrid and Manila. Nevertheless, it was in this city where Rizal completed one half of the novel, Noli Me
Tangere.

Rizal and the Filipino Expatriates in Madrid

Despite Rizal's hectic schedule in his studies, he took time to associate with the Filipino expatriates in Madrid.
Here, he met Pedro Paterno, Graciano Lopez Jaena, Gregorio Sanciano, Juan Luna, Felix Hidalgo, Marcelo del Pilar, and a lot
more. He became closely associated with Jaena and del Pilar. The three of them later on, came to be called the Triumvirate
of the Propaganda Movement.

At the time that Rizal moved to Madrid, he learned that his fellow expatriates had formed the Circulo Hispano-
Filipino, whose moving spirit was Juan Atayde (Guerrero, 1998). Knowing that Rizal was a prolific writer. he was asked to
contribute a few verses to the review published by the club. Rizal submitted his poem entitled Mi Piden Versos. Below is
the English translation of the said poem by Charles Derbyshire.
 Meanwhile, Rizal wrote Don Francisco about his involvement in the Circulo Hispano. Later on, he told his father
that the society disintegrated owing to the differences between the young student expatriates and the retired colonials,
due to differences in age and youth. At this time, Rinal was already feeling the effect of hardships in Calamba. The finances
of Rizal's family turned from bad to worse after Rizal's departure from the Philippines owing to crop failures, brought about
by drought and locusts. This was aggravated by the hike in rentals on the hacienda lands of the Dominicans in his
hometown. As a consequence of this, there was frequent delay in his monthly stipend from the Philippines. Thus, there
were many occasions when he attended his classes on empty stomach.

(Rizal Joins the Masonry) Living in Madrid exposed Rizal to liberal ideas, stressing the value of individual freedom of action
on matters of religion and expression (Zulueta 2004). Imbued with the vitality of youth and idealism, he became fascinated
with the manner by which Spanish masons in Madrid discussed political issues fearlessly. He was overwhelmed by their
progressive ideas on government, politics, and religion. Thus, he joined the Masonry for two probable reasons: the abuses
committed by the friars against the Filipinos; and the possible assistance the masons can extend him in his struggle
against Spanish tyranny and oppression. He became a Master Mason in Lodge Solidaridad on November 15, 1890.

(Rizal’s Affair with Consuelo) Filipino expatriates in Madrid then usually visited the house of Dos Pablo Ortega y Rey on
Saturday evenings (Zaide & Zaide, 1999). Don Pablo was the former city mayor of Manila during the time of Governor
Carlos de la Torre. Being away from home, he joined his fellow student expatriates to visit Don Pablo's residence He played
with his colleagues and laughed with them, together with Consuelo and Pilar, Don Pablo's daughters. Rizal attracted with
Consuelo due to her refined manners and enchanting smile

He gave her flowers occasionally, which Consuelo appreciated. Consuelo fell in love with him. Rizal, however,
suppressed his emotions since he was still engaged with Leonor Rivera, way back home. Besides, did not want to destroy
his friendship with Eduardo de Lete, who was madly in loved with Consuelo. Before leaving Madrid in 1883, Rizal
composed poem for Consuelo, which was entitled A La Señorita C.O. y. R

Rizal’s Toast to Luna and Hidalgo

While Rizal was in Madrid a very heartening news made the Filipino expatriates rejoice. Juan and Felix R. Hidalgo
emerged winners in the 1884 Madrid Exposition. Luna was awarded a gold medal for his painting, the Spolarium; while
Hidalgo, a silver medal for his entry, Christian Virgins Exposed to the Populace. A banquet was tendered in honor of these
two Filipino artists at The Café Ingles on June 25, 1884, with Rizal delivering the keynote speech.

The speech of salute Rizal delivered during the occasion came to be called Brindis. Part of this speech as published by Rizal
Centennial Com mission in 1964 is reproduced below.

Rizal was greatly applauded by both Filipinos and Spaniards who attended the tribute to Luna and Hidalgo. For the
first time, they heard a Filipino delivering a speech fluently in the Castilian language dously, Rizal stressed the idea that
genius knows no race. Thus, he condemned the bigotry and blindness of the friars to understand the reality of a genius.

The speech itself can be considered a direct attack and challenge to the Spanish Regime. From the Brindis can be
noted Rizal stressing on the idea that the Luna and Hidalgo's paintings were the reflections of the reality of politics, society,
and moral life of the Filipinos under the Spanish conquerors. Thus, he said that the two paintings clearly showed humanity
in severe ordeal, humanity unredeemed, and reason and idealism in an open struggle with fanaticism and injustice. It was
a direct challenge to the Spanish Regime, as it indirectly called for the institution of the much-needed reforms in the
Philippine society.

Doña Teodora’s Reactions on Rizal’s Speech

News of Rizal delivery of the Brindis reached the Philippines due to the full coverage given by the Madrid Press to
the occasion. Nonetheless, Rizal was not cognizant of the consequence of his speech. Rizal's mother became ill, as his son
became the talk of the town and the friars in Calamba. Thus, in her letter to Rizal she advised him to refrain from writing
articles that might offend the friars and the Regime; and that he should not fail in his duties as a Christian. Finally, she
warned Rizal not to continue pursuing further studies since she had that fear that it could cause him death later. (Doña
Teodora's Letter to Rizal, December 11, 1884).
Rizal responded to her mother by stressing the following points (Guerrero, 1998):

 He will still have enemies, even if he puts an end to writing articles considered anti-Spanish and anti-friars;
 Life can't be without any sorrow,
 Misfortunes are welcomed when they can avert debasement and degradation;
 Conscience has to decide whether to submit or perish in the society where a person is born.
 People have to put their trust in God in the sincerity of their purpose,
 The best legacy parents can give their children are upright judgment; generosity in the exercise of rights; and
perseverance in adversity
 A son can pay honor to his parents thru honesty and good name;
 Religion is the holiest of things but a person can only believe by reasoning; and
 Conscience can accept only what is compatible with reason.

From the kind of response Rizal sent his mother, we can see a new Rizal had emerged- a student teaching Doña
Teodora what should and what should not be done. From simply being a poet, he had become a rationalist and a
nationalist.