The British Journal of Sociology 2018 Volume 0 Issue 0

Structural and motivational mechanisms of academic

achievement: a mediation model of social‐background
effects on academic achievement

Hartmut Ditton, Michael Bayer and Florian Wohlkinger

Abstract
This paper takes up ongoing discussions on the inequality of educational oppor-
tunities and formulates a conceptual model to link separate lines of research. Our
particular focus is on combining motivational and structural approaches into a
mediation model that explains differences in academic achievement. In the litera-
ture, four main mechanisms of social reproduction are discussed. Two main path-
ways refer to (1) parents’ expectations regarding their children’s academic success
and (2) replicating cultural capital through intra‐familial cultural practices. (3)
Parents’ perception of children’s abilities depends on social position and is influ-
ential for expectations of success. (4) For all three pathways, we expect effects on
students’ motivational characteristics, which in turn influence academic achieve-
ment. We test our conceptual model by structural equation modelling using lon-
gitudinal data from primary school students in Germany. Empirical evidence is
in line with the assumptions in the model. Cultural reproduction and expecta-
tions of success can be seen as the key components of the model. However, both
chains of reproduction are related to each other by parents’ perception of child’s
ability, and their effects are mediated by child’s motivational characteristics.
Keywords:  Achievement; social background; path model; mediation; cultural
resources

Introduction

Research on the influence of social background on educational success is charac-

terized by the use of various models. Following the ideas of Boudon and Bourdieu,
many researchers focus on structural and cultural conditions of inequality, in

Hartmut Ditton (Ludwig-Maximilians-University Munich) Michael Bayer (Leibniz Institute for Educational Trajectories) and
Florian Wohlkinger (Ludwig-Maximilians-University Munich) (Corresponding author email: florian.wohlkinger@edu.lmu.de)
© London School of Economics and Political Science 2018 ISSN 0007-1315 print/1468-4446 online.
Published by John Wiley & Sons Ltd, 9600 Garsington Road, Oxford OX4 2DQ, UK and 101 Station Landing, Suite 300,
Medford, MA 02155, USA on behalf of the LSE. DOI: 10.1111/1468-4446.12506
2  Hartmut Ditton, Michael Bayer and Florian Wohlkinger

particular, which lead to differences in academic achievement and accordingly

to different choices of pathways in the educational system. On the other hand,
research on motivation in the tradition of expectancy‐value‐models (e.g., Eccles
and Wigfield 2002) concentrates on differences regarding personal dispositions
and motivational characteristics that may serve as explanations for differences
in educational success. The social embeddedness of actors in the ‘motivational
tradition’ is usually understood as a purely contextual factor. So far, only few
attempts have been made to integrate the different approaches into a comprehen-
sive framework. One of these integrating approaches, the so‐called ‘Wisconsin
model of status attainment’, was one of the first structurally oriented models that
placed social psychological factors at a central point in the theory (cf. Hauser,
Sewell and Alwin 1976; Sewell and Hauser 1980; Sewell, Hauser, Springer and
Hauser 2004). Sewell and Shah (1968) analysed the effects of significant others,
especially parents, on educational aspirations of students, and thereby showed
that a child’s perception of parents’ expectations is an important factor for the
child’s educational aspiration. Melvin Kohn’s work is another example, empha-
sizing the interrelation of the individual’s value orientation with actual working
conditions (cf. Kohn 1969; Kohn and Schooler 1969). Both approaches have pro-
duced valuable insights into the complex relationship between socio‐economic
conditions, psychological states and educational success.
With this article, we intend to make an attempt at combining the main assump-
tions from different research traditions by referring to conceptual considerations
of the early approaches. Therefore, we begin with a brief overview of existing
conceptions and research traditions and then discuss them with regard to pos-
sible shortcomings. As a further step, we present a combined conceptual model,
which, in our view, is valuable for a detailed examination of the relationship
between social background and educational success, and reflects the variety of
different pathways and mediations. This model is then tested empirically by using
data from a longitudinal study in primary schools in Germany. We conclude with
a discussion of the findings and some considerations for future research.

Approaches to the reproduction of inequality in educational sociology

Educational sociology mainly consists of two research traditions. The first is

largely dominated by Boudon’s (1974) analytical distinction between the primary
and secondary effects of social background on educational and status achieve-
ment (cf., e.g., Erikson and Rudolphi 2010; Jackson 2013; Kloosterman, Ruiter,
De Graaf and Kraaykamp 2009). The more actor‐based approaches within this
tradition (e.g., Breen and Goldthorpe 1997) are grounded in what Goldthorpe
(1996) calls ‘rational action theory’. Boudon (2007) discusses the limitations of
this kind of theory in detail. One of his central arguments against the overall use-
fulness of rational action theory is also important for the analyses of reproduction

© London School of Economics and Political Science 2018 British Journal of Sociology 0(0)
 Structural and motivational mechanisms of academic achievement  3

processes in the educational system: rational action theory does not make any
assertions regarding the development of individuals’ beliefs or attitudes.
The second sociological tradition follows the work of Pierre Bourdieu and
focuses on cultural reproduction processes. This theoretical branch does not draw
on the distinction between primary and secondary effects of social background,
but rather merges these effects into the figure of class‐specific habitus. In fact,
Bourdieu argues against assumptions made by rational action theory and espe-
cially against the assumption ‘that the agent acts freely, consciously, and […] “with
full understanding”, the action being the product of a calculation of chances and
profits’ (Bourdieu 2000: 138). The concept of habitus can be understood as a set
of ‘dispositions’ (Bourdieu 1998: 6) and is, despite its principal vagueness, a theo-
retical anchor for introducing motivational factors into the analyses of reproduc-
tion processes. Habitus is Bourdieu’s central concept of the cultural reproduction
of inequality, but it is rarely utilized in quantitative empirical research. Instead, his
concept of cultural capital plays a considerably more prominent role in studying
reproduction processes (cf. Van De Werfhorst, De Graaf and Kraaykamp 2001).
Since DiMaggio’s comparison of Bourdieu’s cultural reproduction thesis with
his own cultural mobility approach (cf. DiMaggio 1982), this branch of research
has especially focused on the effects of cultural capital on educational success (cf.
De Graaf, De Graaf and Kraaykamp 2000). Some studies have tried to opera-
tionalize the concept of habitus for quantitative research (cf. Gaddis 2013), but,
as Edgerton and Roberts note, ‘the bulk of research on habitus has been qual-
itative in nature’ (Edgerton and Roberts 2014: 194). One particular reason for
this shortage is the difficulties in operationalizing the habitus concept within the
framework of quantitative research approaches – a problem that undoubtedly still
exists (cf. Nash 1999). Goldthorpe (2007) criticizes Bourdieu’s concept of cultural
capital for its vagueness and stated that there is no (more) empirical evidence for
Bourdieu’s assumptions of structural stability, but Lareau and Weininger (2003)
showed that these kind of interpretations of Bourdieu’s conceptualization of cul-
tural capital can be traced back to the influential article of DiMaggio (1982). In
our analysis later on, we will refer to ‘cultural resources’, which we consider as
equivalent to Bourdieu’s (1986) notion of objectified cultural capital.
In empirical educational research, plenty of models and analyses have been
developed in the meantime. However, at the same time, fruitful insights from
the Wisconsin tradition or from research on motivation are not very prominent
in the current discussions. With regard to motivational processes as mediators
between socio‐structural resources and educational success, some references can
be found at the level of conceptual models. However, when it comes to empir-
ical analyses, not much of this remains. For example, Erikson and Rudolphi
illustrate that in Sweden, ‘secondary effects account for around a third of class
differences in the transition from compulsory education to upper secondary’
(Erikson and Rudolphi 2010: 301). They assume that processes of unobserved
early choice are at play here. These early choices reflect class‐specific educational

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4  Hartmut Ditton, Michael Bayer and Florian Wohlkinger

aspirations and in turn influence the development of academic achievement in

educational processes, even long before any final decision is drawn. Therefore,
there is a need to reflect on these processes and analyse them in longitudinal
studies in more detail.
As early as the 1970s, Bourdieu and Passeron (1977) were able to show that
educational aspirations are related to social background – for example, in terms
of bourgeois children’s stronger belief in their own talents. The hypothesis of
cultural fit, which results from these observations, more or less constitutes the
structural correlative of the effects of parents’ educational decisions that are
described as secondary by Boudon (cf. Kramer and Helsper 2011). Following
Bourdieu, proximity and distance to education are inherent features of each
specific habitus. Both considerations are found to be given different degrees of
precedence in empirical studies on the processes of reproduction in and through
the educational system.
During the socialization process, the influence of the socio‐economic situation
of the family on educational decisions is mediated through educational returns,
costs and the probability of success. In this view, the child is excluded from the
theoretical model and is only considered an object of socialization. On the other
hand, there are sound arguments that the child (and especially social psycho-
logical variables such as self‐concept of ability) should be taken into account
whenever status transmission processes are analysed (cf. Looker and Pineo 1983).
Watermann and Baumert (2006) present a model to describe the acquisition of
competencies (primary effects) and test it with data from the PISA study. They
assume that a direct effect of the parental home’s socio‐economic situation on
competence acquisition exists beyond procedural characteristics. This also con-
stitutes a first attempt to integrate motivational and individual mediator variables
into a model of social reproduction processes. In their model, two scales on joy
of reading and metacognitive control strategies were included as well as measures
for general and domain‐specific motivation of the students. As their results show,
the influences of structural characteristics were almost completely mediated by
institutional and procedural mechanisms. This corresponds with Bourdieu’s and
Passeron’s (1977) assumption that social stratification in the educational system is
reflected through differences in individual motivation and beliefs in own abilities.
As we can see, there are good reasons to think about explanatory models
for educational inequalities that more profoundly integrate social‐structural and
individual‐motivational influences. We continue with a discussion of research
on motivation in the following section.

Research on motivation

In the 1980s, Jacquelynne Eccles and colleagues (1982) began to analyse the
impact of motivational and social aspects on educational success and educational

© London School of Economics and Political Science 2018 British Journal of Sociology 0(0)
 Structural and motivational mechanisms of academic achievement  5

decisions. They especially reflect the mediating role of parental perceptions of the
child and of child‐oriented parental behaviour. Therefore, in a differentiated way,
the Eccles model (cf. Eccles and Wigfield 2002: 119) elaborates those aspects of
family socialization that are only briefly sketched in the models discussed before.
At the same time, the child as the subject of education reappears in a systematic
way. Thus, reflecting parental perceptions of the child, parental practices in edu-
cation and children’s own motivation could be a good starting point for devel-
oping a more elaborated analytical model for social reproduction in education.
The assumptions in the Eccles model (cf. Eccles and Wigfield 2002: 119)
encompass parents’ attitudes towards parenting and their behaviour, but child
characteristics were also taken into account, for example: the child’s perceptions
of socializer’s beliefs, expectations, and attitudes on the one hand, and the child’s
general self‐schemata as well as the child’s short‐ and long‐term goals on the other
hand. Altogether, this model is characterized by a high degree of differentiation
with respect to the child and to family processes. Nevertheless, it is rather crude
concerning social‐structural parameters and the family’s living conditions. It is
therefore mainly the inclusion of schemata and concepts of the self that links
the model to the tradition of Bourdieu, and it is the expectation‐value compo-
nent that links to rational action theory and Boudon. In our view, the incorpo-
ration of motivational concepts – particularly the child’s self‐concept of ability
– may provide an opportunity to operationalize Bourdieu’s concept of habitus.
Numerous studies (e.g., Gottfried 1990; Marsh 1990) corroborate the self‐con-
cept of ability (cf. Gecas 1982) as an important factor with respect to academic
achievement. Relations between social background, family processes, and the
child’s and parents’ aspirations and expectations still have to be studied in more
detail and should be considered together in comprehensive analytical models.

Mediation of social background effects

Despite the progress in analysing educational decisions in recent years, the pro-
cesses of transmission still resemble a ‘black box’ (Irwin 2009). Concerning the
impact of family background on children’s educational success, a statement formu-
lated by Lareau 30 years ago is still valid: ‘Research on this issue focused primarily
on educational outcomes; very little attention was given to the processes through
which these educational patterns are created and reproduced’ (Lareau 1987: 73).
Processes of mediation are at play whenever transitions to further education
occur. Clarifying these processes would greatly contribute to a deeper under-
standing of educational decisions and social inequality and represent a step
towards opening up the ‘black box’ of reproduction mechanisms. The integra-
tion of motivational processes and the analysis of aspects of self‐concept can
be seen as a step towards more differentiated models and offer the possibility of
integrating findings from different research traditions.

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6  Hartmut Ditton, Michael Bayer and Florian Wohlkinger

The high relevance of cultural resources is a finding that is repeatedly reported

by sociological educational studies (cf. De Graaf et al. 2000). Not only do the
approaches that lean more towards Bourdieu replicate the connection between
cultural background and academic success (DiMaggio 1982; Dumais 2002),
but so, too, do those that have been conceptualized following the tradition of
Boudon.
An important path of transmission along which class‐related cultures are
passed on to the next generation appears in the context of family socializa-
tion. This does not only include cultural resources (i.e., cultural objects, such
as books), but also cultural practices through which cultural techniques are
learnt and from which specific attitudes towards education (cultural disposition)
emerge. The significance of cultural practices regarding educational trajectories
and competence acquisition has been shown in various studies (e.g., De Graaf
et al. 2000; Dumais 2002). Additionally, Hurrelmann, Hammer and Niess (1995)
were able to show that children’s reading behaviour is substantially influenced
by cultural conditions in the family.
Following Bourdieu’s ideas, Lareau (1987, 2000) found that – beyond existing
educational aspirations – specific forms of class culture manifested in corre-
sponding relational patterns between family and school. In these studies, mid-
dle‐class parents maintained a significantly closer relationship to the school
than did working‐class parents. This closer relationship was also perceived by
teachers and was awarded accordingly.
The Wisconsin model of status attainment has a focus on socio‐psychological
factors in the development of aspirations (Sewell, Haller and Straus 1957). The
impact of significant others (e.g., peers) on the development and maintenance of
aspirations and motivation is well analysed within this approach (cf. Duncan,
Haller and Portes 1968; Haller and Butterworth 1960), and the central role of
aspirations is convincingly documented in this research tradition.
It is a generally accepted fact of educational research that, in addition to
cognitive aspects, motivational (and emotional) aspects are a prerequisite of
study performance and knowledge acquisition (cf. Eccles and Wigfield 2002).
Nevertheless, the extent to which these aspects depend on social background
is rarely investigated. Schiefele and Schreyer (1994) showed in a meta‐analysis
that intrinsic learning motivation has a consistently positive correlation with
study performance. In addition, we know that the joy of learning has an indi-
rect impact on achievement that is mediated by self‐concept (Martschinke and
Kammermeyer 2006). Considering students’ self‐concept thus could help to close
the gap that has been diagnosed continuously in Bourdieu’s work. DiMaggio
has remarked that Bourdieu’s concept of habitus and the link between class
position and habitus remains vague ‘since he does not establish empirically the
relationship between social class and early childhood experience’ (DiMaggio
1979: 1467f).

© London School of Economics and Political Science 2018 British Journal of Sociology 0(0)
 Structural and motivational mechanisms of academic achievement  7

Mechanisms: a mediation model of social‐background effects on academic

achievement

The preceding remarks referred to central mediators or mechanisms linking

social background and academic achievement. A mechanism is ‘a systematic set
of statements that provide a plausible account of how l [input] and 0 [outcome]
are linked to one another’ (Hedström and Swedberg 1998: 7). This means to look
for the ‘nuts and bolts, cogs and wheels’ that can be used to explain social phe-
nomena (Elster 1989: 3). Of course there is discussion what this means in detail.
On the one hand, it implies to decompose the social phenomena of interest into
their constituent parts and processes (Kalter and Kroneberg 2014: 96), or, to be
more accurate: ‘…how (i.e., through what process) was the relationship brought
about?’ (Hedström and Swedberg 1998: 10). This requires sufficient precision and
implies to go into details. On the other hand, it may not be necessary or useful to
describe the processes in all their detail, but instead to ‘highlight the heart of the
story by isolating a few explanatory factors that explain important but delimited
aspects of the outcomes to be explained’ (Hedström and Ylikoski 2010: 61). A
promising strategy can be ‘to develop integrative theories of action that allow
one to integrate key insights from different approaches and that yield new expla-
nations and hypotheses’ (Kalter and Kroneberg 2014: 111). This in turn requires
that the mechanisms provided by different disciplines have to be mutually com-
patible and that they form an integrated web (Hedström and Ylikoski 2010: 61).
To check whether mechanisms spelled out are convincing, hypotheses or gen-
erating models are needed that can be tested empirically (Kalter and Kroneberg
2014: 101). Because most of the interesting social phenomena are dynamic the
process character has to be taken into account and longitudinal data should be
used to test the assumptions (Kalter and Kroneberg 2014: 103; Hedström and
Ylikoski 2010). This is what we will try to do in the following.
However, we do neither claim to arrive at a consistent integration of the-
ories or concepts, nor do we claim to test for causal relationships in a strict
sense. Instead, we consider the model presented here as a first attempt to bring
together separate lines of research. The model is empirically tested using longi-
tudinal data in a structural equation modelling approach.
Based on the arguments so far, we now sum up the mechanisms that highlight
‘the heart of our story’. These mechanisms are considered as mediation chains
or pathways in a statistical sense.
1. The first path of mediation refers to educational aspirations and
expectation of success. Because aspirations can be seen as long‐term
goals they are included as drivers for expectation of success and
school achievement (Eccles and Wigfield 2002; Sewell et al. 2004 ‘).
Aspirations and expectations of success should depend on social
status, partly transmitted by cultural resources. Figure I displays this
pattern on the left‐hand side.

 British Journal of Sociology 0(0) © London School of Economics and Political Science 2018
8  Hartmut Ditton, Michael Bayer and Florian Wohlkinger

2. A second path of mediation that was recognized as significant and highly

effectual refers to cultural resources and cultural practices within the
family. Empirical studies (esp. PISA since 2000) have revealed that, in
particular, the number of books in the family is a highly diagnostic indi-
cator for cultural resources. The availability (or absence) of cultural re-
sources within the family should have effects on the child’s cultural
practices (e.g. reading behaviour), and furthermore on educational aspi-
rations and on academic achievement. Additionally, the cultural practice
at home also affects the family‐school relation (Lareau 2000). Figure I
displays the cultural path on the right‐hand side.
3. Moreover, we assume that the child’s ability as perceived by the parents
acts as an intermediary mechanism and insofar links cultural resources
and expectations. Perceived ability therefore should have an influence on
educational aspirations and expectations of success. Furthermore, it is
plausible to assume that child’s perceived ability depends on child’s cul-
tural practices and influences the family‐school relation.
4. Cultural resources and expectations together with perceived ability
should have effects on the child’s motivational characteristics (e.g., aca-
demic self‐concept or helplessness), which thus can be regarded as the
central mediator with respect to the child him‐ or herself.
Looking at the agents within the family, the model may also be read from bottom
to top: We expect social background to exert an influence on cultural family
resources and on expectations. Expectations and aspirations are also influenced
by parents’ perception of the child’s abilities. With respect to the child’s own
cultural practices (e.g., reading behaviour), the cultural fit between school and
family and (school‐related) motivational characteristics of the child is of impor-
tance for academic achievement.

Figure I: Conceptual model of the mediation of academic achievement

© London School of Economics and Political Science 2018 British Journal of Sociology 0(0)
 Structural and motivational mechanisms of academic achievement  9

The model does not suggest an unambiguous causal ordering of the fac-
tors involved. There may be reciprocal dependence between factors, especially
between academic achievement, motivational characteristics and expectations.
In a longitudinal perspective, it is highly plausible that aspirations and expecta-
tions of success are influenced by achievement as well. In addition, motivational
characteristics in the long run will depend on experienced academic achieve-
ment. Nevertheless, considering academic achievement as the dependent vari-
able, aspirations and motivational characteristics can be included as predictors
in the model. This does not preclude that they themselves depend on achieve-
ment in the next loop of development. The sequence presented in the model is
concentrated on influences on academic achievement and it corresponds with
the chronological order of the variables used in the structural equation model.
To analyse the patterns postulated within the model, we use data from a
longitudinal study in German primary schools. Analytically, we resort to the
structural equation modelling technique (SEM) and expect a reasonably good
fit for a model that includes the pathways postulated in our framework. We do
not argue that a reasonable fit for the SEM will indicate causality but at least
it would imply that the mechanisms assumed are supported by empirical data.

Data and operationalization

The data used in this analysis stem from a longitudinal study covering second
to fourth grade in primary schools in Germany (cf. Ditton 2007; Ditton and
Krüsken 2009). As part of this longitudinal study, a total of 1,453 primary‐
school students from two federal states in Germany (Bavaria and Saxony) as
well as their parents and teachers participated in yearly intervals between 2005
and 2007. Apart from gathering information from all three survey groups on
familial, regional and school‐related conditions regarding competence acqui-
sition as well as attitudes regarding academic achievement, additional compe-
tence tests of curricular validity were administered to students in the subjects
of German and mathematics. The sample was drawn using a stratified ran-
dom sampling method according to the attributes of urbanization, school size,
school type and region. From each participating school, one randomly selected
class was included in the sample. Overall, 77 school classes took part in all three
surveys. Data collection was carried out at the end of each school year in sec-
ond, third and fourth grade. Due to missing values and in some cases ambiguous
information on school class, the final sample in our model consists of N = 1,425
students from N = 75 school classes.
We tested a structural equation model with full information maximum likeli-
hood estimation (FIML; maximum likelihood with missing values in Stata 13).
For the estimation procedure, we chose robust and clustered standard errors
(StataCorp LP 2013: 96ff). The clustered option reflects the nesting of students
within school‐classes. The robust option reflects that two of the variables used in
 British Journal of Sociology 0(0) © London School of Economics and Political Science 2018
10  Hartmut Ditton, Michael Bayer and Florian Wohlkinger

Figure II: SEM results with clustered robust standard errors

the model (SES, aspirations) do not show a (multivariate) normal distribution.

Using maximum likelihood (ML) with robust standard error estimation can be
seen as preferable compared to generalized SEM (gsem) or ADF (asymptotic
distribution free) estimation, which would both result in a listwise deletion of
cases with missing information (StataCorp LP 2013: 43ff).1
The following section describes the operationalization of the measures we
used in our analyses. To identify the measures easier later on in Figure II, names
of the theoretical concepts are highlighted using CAPITAL LETTERS. Labels
of scales and items that operationalize these measures are highlighted in italics.
In addition to the information given here, the appendix provides a comprehen-
sive overview of the variables included in table form (Table A.1).

Dependent variable
We use the grade average in the core subjects (i.e., German, mathematics, and
local history/general science) in grade four as measure for ACADEMIC
ACHIEVEMENT. The information on half‐term reports in fourth grade was
issued by teachers, so it can be considered reliable. The mean grade average for
the sample under investigation is x  = 2.59, the standard deviation is σ = 0.76,
and it ranges from 1.00 to 4.67.2 For our analysis, we recoded the scale so that
larger values indicate higher levels of achievement.

Independent variable
As the only purely exogenous variable and indicator of SOCIAL
BACKGROUND, we include the highest educational qualification completed in
© London School of Economics and Political Science 2018 British Journal of Sociology 0(0)
 Structural and motivational mechanisms of academic achievement  11

the household in the model. The information was conducted in the parent ques-
tionnaires (we used the highest qualification across all three points of measure-
ment) and is integrated into the model as a grouped categorical variable. The
lowest status group features cases without any qualifications as well as quali-
fications up until and including basic secondary‐school level (in general: nine
years of schooling; 18.0 per cent of cases). The second status group encom-
passes qualifications of intermediate secondary‐school level (46.0 per cent of
cases). The third and highest status group corresponds to high secondary‐school
level (including university entrance‐level qualifications; 36.0 per cent of cases).

Path 1: Expectations and aspirations as mediators

Parents’ educational ASPIRATIONS for their children and parental
EXPECTATION OF SUCCESS are two mediators situated between social
background and academic achievement. Parents stated which school‐leaving
certificate of their child would satisfy them (aspirations) and how sure they
are their child can really reach a higher qualification (expectation of success).
Aspirations are grouped into three categories, that is, basic secondary‐school
qualification, intermediate secondary‐school qualification, and university
entrance‐level qualification. Expectation of success is measured with a five‐point
Likert‐scale (ranging from ‘surely not’ to ‘surely’) with two items concerning
success in intermediate and higher level education. The measures were collected
in fourth grade, and their correlation (Spearman’s Rho) is ρ = 0.73.

Path 2: Cultural resources cultural practices, and family‐school relation

as mediators
Several indicators simultaneously represent the latent variable CULTURAL
RESOURCES available within a family. The scale cultural possessions (x = 0.61;
σ = 0.31; α = 0.66) is an adaptation of an instrument used in the PISA study
(cf. Kunter et al. 2002) that assesses the availability of five classical cultural
goods (i.e., works of art, classical literature, poetry books, musical instruments,
CDs with classical music). The scale is complemented by book supply (x = 3.31;
σ = 0.79), a categorical measure (categories: 1 = 0–10 books; 2 = 11–25 books;
3 = 26–100 books; 4 = 101–200 books; 5 = more than 200 books) which was
also administered in the IGLU/PIRLS study (cf. Bos et al. 2005). Cultural pos-
sessions were administered in the parent questionnaire in second grade, while
book supply is a construct compiled from information gathered across all three
points of measurement.
The latent variable reading behaviour serves as indicator for CULTURAL
PRACTICES and therefore forms the link between the resources available in
the family and the child’s personality traits. Two manifest variables are used as
indicators for reading behaviour. Measured in second grade, we use a single‐item
measure on a four‐point‐rating scale with a mean of x = 3.16 and a standard
deviation of σ = 0.91. From the third grade questionnaire, we use a scale on

 British Journal of Sociology 0(0) © London School of Economics and Political Science 2018
12  Hartmut Ditton, Michael Bayer and Florian Wohlkinger

the child’s joy of reading, which comprises five items and stems from the IGLU/
PIRLS study (cf. Bos et al. 2005). Its mean is x = 3.19, its standard deviation is
σ = 0.68, and Cronbach’s alpha is α = 0.74.
The perceived difference between parental home and school introduces a scale
comparing the situation at home and in school into the model (FAMILY‐
SCHOOL RELATION). The scale was developed following the work of
Hauser‐Cram, Sirin and Stipek (2003) and consists of five items that collect
information from children attending second grade. A four‐point scale is used
to measure agreement to comparisons drawn between the school and family
setting (for example: ‘In school, I always need to behave completely differently
than at home’). The mean of the scale is x = 2.60, the standard deviation is
σ = 0.76, and Cronbach’s alpha is α = 0.60. FAMILY‐SCHOOL RELATION
should depend on social background, cultural resources and reading behaviour
and have an influence on motivational characteristics.

Path 3: Perceived ability as linking mediator

PERCEIVED ABILITY is a self‐developed measure that asked parents in sec-
ond grade to rate ten selected child’s characteristics (orderliness, diligence, social
behaviour, intelligence, self‐assurance, creativity, ambition, persistence, honesty,
and politeness) by using a scale similar to grades ranging from 1 (‘very good’)
to 5 (‘poor’). Its mean is x = 2.02, its standard deviation is σ = 0.46, and its
Cronbach’s alpha is α = 0.78. The scale was recoded for the analysis so that
larger values indicate higher levels of ability.

Path 4: Motivational characteristics as mediator

The latent variable MOTIVATIONAL CHARACTERISTICS consists of a
scale on academic self‐concept and a scale on school‐related helplessness. These
measures are applied to map positive and negative facets of child self‐percep-
tion. The scale of academic self‐concept refers to Schwarz, Walper, Gödde and
Jurasic (1997) and consists of seven items (e.g., ‘understanding new things is
easy for me’). School‐related helplessness is a self‐developed measure based on
Schwarzer and Jerusalem (1999) and comprises five items (e.g., ‘no matter how
much effort I put in, I cannot improve my grades’). In both cases, the mea-
surement point occurred in third grade; for academic self‐concept, the mean is
x = 3.28 (σ = 0.58; α = 0.83); for school‐related helplessness, the mean is x = 1.55
(σ = 0.68; α = 0.77).
As this overview of measures shows, the predictor variables in our model
were taken from the first and second survey wave at the end of second grade
(family‐school relation, perceived ability, aspirations) and the end of third grade
(probability of success, motivational characteristics). Cultural resources and
cultural practices can be considered rather stable over time and are represented
as latent variables using indicators from grade two and three. Altogether, the
pathways reflect the ordering of factors included in their time sequence.

© London School of Economics and Political Science 2018 British Journal of Sociology 0(0)
 Structural and motivational mechanisms of academic achievement  13

Results

The setup of the structural equation model to test the assumptions about medi-
ating effects relates straightforwardly to the mechanisms and specific pathways
listed above. The dependent variable is students’ academic achievement at the end
of fourth grade. Families’ social background is the only exogenous variable. The
first pathway goes from social background to parents’ aspirations (second grade
two) and expectation of success (third grade). The second pathway is constituted
from social background to cultural resources within the family, child’s reading
behaviour and the family‐school relation. Perceived child’s abilities (pathway 3)
take an intermediate position between expectations and cultural resources and
cultural practices. Child’s motivational characteristics (pathway 4) forms the
final link in the mediation chain. We assume that motivational characteristics
are influenced by both the ‘cultural‐reproduction’ and the ‘ability‐expectation’
chain. As already mentioned, we do not neglect backward effects of the child’s
self‐concept on parental expectations or from achievement to aspirations and
expectations in a longitudinal perspective. Rather, our aim is to highlight and
test the importance of factors concerning expectations, cultural resources and
perceived ability for academic achievement at the end of primary school. This
should shed light on the complexity of mechanisms involved in the development
of academic achievement.
All variables in the model are observed (manifest) variables, with three excep-
tions: Cultural resources are handled as a latent variable which is measured by
book supply (loading: 0.78, s.e.: 0.02) and other cultural possessions at home
(loading: 0.74, s.e.: 0.02). The child’s reading behaviour is also handled as a latent
variable and was measured twice (at the end of second and third grade; loadings
(s.e.): 0.72 (0.04), 0.76 (0.04)). Finally, we combine academic self‐concept (load-
ing: 0.58, s.e.: 0.03) and school‐related helplessness (loading: −0.68, s.e.: 0.03)
into the latent variable motivational characteristics.
Figure II illustrates the results of our analysis with the structural equation
module in Stata 13. As already mentioned, robust standard errors clustered
within the school classes were estimated. Since Stata does not report detailed
measures of goodness of fit when robust standard errors are estimated, a model
with regular standard errors was estimated for comparison. The results of this
model are identical to the ones presented in Figure II (except for the standard
errors) and confirm that the fit of the model is quite reasonable (χ2 = 97.7;
d.f. = 37; RMSEA = 0.034 with 90% CI: 0.026 – 0.042).3 An inspection of the
modification indices reveals that only minor improvements of fit would occur
if any of the restrictions in the model would be released. The chart in Figure II
displays standardized path coefficients with p < 0.05.
Regarding the findings, we first want to point out that there is no remaining
direct effect of social background on academic achievement.4 Rather, the quite

 British Journal of Sociology 0(0) © London School of Economics and Political Science 2018
14  Hartmut Ditton, Michael Bayer and Florian Wohlkinger

high association between SES and academic achievement (r = 0.37) can be seen
as entirely induced by the mediating variables included in the model. The vari-
ables integrated in the model explain 52 per cent of the variance in academic
achievement. Secondly, the results clearly support our expectation that substan-
tial mediating effects exist through cultural resources and expectation of success
(cf. Table 2 in the Appendix).5 Moreover, the two (main) pathways do not coexist
independently of each other, but there are effects of cultural resources on expec-
tation of success and aspirations. Thirdly, child’s perceived ability as well as
motivational characteristics are of importance in the mediation chain.
Cultural resources within the family substantially depend on SES (0.57) and
have a direct effect on child’s reading behaviour (0.30). Reading behaviour takes
a central role in the model, influencing parents’ perceived ability of the child
(0.23), probability of success (0.18) and child’s motivational characteristics
(0.34). The effects of SES on family‐school relation foremost are mediated by
cultural resources and reading behaviour, but a direct effect remains (0.09). With
respect to cultural resources, the effects on academic achievement are mostly
mediated through expectation of success and perceived ability, but beyond that,
there is also a direct effect (0.17).
The pathway through aspirations and expectation of success is also of high
importance. Expectation of success depends on SES in a direct way (0.24) and
is mediated by aspirations (0.28 * 0.32). Whereas aspirations have no further
direct effect on academic achievement, the direct effect of expectation of success
is substantial (0.31). Furthermore, the effects of aspirations and expectation of
success are partly mediated by motivational characteristics (0.11 * 0.39 and 0.28
* 0.39).
The child’s perceived ability has no direct effect on academic achievement, but
there are remarkable indirect effects through aspirations (0.13), expectation of
success (0.20) and motivational characteristics (0.18). Concerning motivational
characteristics, it turns out that there are effects from reading behaviour (0.34)
and aspirations (0.11) as well as expectation of success (0.28). Furthermore, per-
ceived ability (0.18) and family‐school relation (0.12) have an influence on moti-
vational characteristics. Altogether, motivational characteristics are fairly well
predicted in the model (variance explained: 0.49) and have substantial effects on
academic achievement (0.39).
Our model for the explanation of social‐background effects on academic
achievement clearly reveals that mediations via cultural resources and expec-
tation of success are of great importance. Moreover, both pathways are related
to perceived ability and therefore linked together. The most meaningful single
factors in the model are cultural resources, reading behaviour and expectation
of success. Motivational characteristics are also of high importance. In turn, as
is already well known, cultural resources and expectation of success are closely
related to family’s SES. Furthermore, reading behaviour is important in this

© London School of Economics and Political Science 2018 British Journal of Sociology 0(0)
 Structural and motivational mechanisms of academic achievement  15

context as it influences academic achievement through expectation of success,

perceived ability and child’s motivational characteristics.

Discussion

We undertake an attempt to take a step towards the development of an integrat-

ing model that provides a more differentiated description and a better under-
standing of the impact of social background on academic success. Overall, our
model is based on four mechanisms that have already been discussed in prior
research but have not been brought together in empirical analyses yet. One of
these mechanisms refers to the importance of cultural resources, and, following
Bourdieu’s theoretical framework, cultural practice. With the present analysis,
we focused on cultural resources within the family and reading behaviour of the
child, in particular. The cultural dimension thereby established can be under-
stood to be effective partly in terms of experienced difference or cultural fit in
relation to the school, and effects on child’s motivational characteristics were
therefore expected. A second mechanism reflects parents’ expectations regard-
ing academic success and school‐leaving qualifications desired for their children.
Theoretical and research‐related references for this are multifaceted, ranging
from Bourdieu and Boudon to the Wisconsin model of status attainment. As
a further mechanism, we considered that the child’s abilities as perceived by the
parents should have an additional influence via parents’ expectations of suc-
cess, which can be expected regarding research in the tradition of Eccles and
colleagues. Finally, it is important to emphasize that in the linkage of mediation
processes, the child’s motivational characteristics form an important factor in
explaining academic achievement and success. Child’s motivational characteris-
tics depend on parents’ expectations, but also on cultural resources and cultural
practices within the family.
We tested the proposed conceptual model with data from a longitudinal
study from second to fourth grade in primary schools in Germany. Already in
this early stage of schooling the differences in academic achievement accord-
ing to social background are substantial (SES/grades: r = 0.37). This calls for
attention, especially in schooling systems where achievement tracking starts
very early (in Germany typically after fourth grade). Our findings allow us to
conclude that the conceptual model and the mechanisms considered as import-
ant can be seen as a promising step in explaining social‐background effects on
academic success in more detail. The significance of transmission via cultural
resources and expectations are thereby confirmed once again. However, in the
mediation chain, the child’s cultural practices (reading behaviour) and the per-
ception of the child’s ability by parents play an important role, as well. The cul-
tural practices are of significance and substantially influence academic success
via motivation of the child and the family‐school relation perceived by the child.

 British Journal of Sociology 0(0) © London School of Economics and Political Science 2018
16  Hartmut Ditton, Michael Bayer and Florian Wohlkinger

Furthermore, child’s motivation can be seen as a key factor for academic suc-
cess. Taking account of the mediation chains, no direct social‐background effect
on achievement remains, and it seems that it may be beneficial to take the model
proposed here as a valuable starting point for further research.

Limitations

Taken together, the conceptual model presented appears to be a first promising

step to combine separated lines of research for a more detailed understanding
of inequality of educational opportunity. The strength of our analysis is due
to the rich information and differentiated data that were collected during the
longitudinal study. However, some limitations remain. Since not all variables
were available for all grades, we had to make assumptions on stability over time
for some of the factors. These factors were handled as latent variables (cultural
resources, reading behaviour) and the assumption of stability seems to be jus-
tified. Of course, whether the findings hold for later stages in schooling and
whether they can be generalized to educational systems in other countries or to
other federal states within Germany is not an easy question to answer. For the
moment, we have no reasons to presume problems here. Differences between
states in Germany are rather small in the primary sector, and primary schools in
Germany are not remarkably unlike schools in other countries in international
comparisons (Bos et al. 2008; Mullis, Martin, Gonzalez and Kennedy 2003).
Furthermore, the factors included in our model and the respective indicators
do not depend on features that are unique to the German education system
or a particular educational stage. Parental educational goals, the availability of
cultural possessions, the child’s reading behaviour, or his/her motivational char-
acteristics can all be assumed to play a crucial role in education systems all over
the world likewise.
For the future, much more research on mechanisms generating (social) differ-
ences in educational success is desirable. Although our model already establishes
a high degree of complexity, some additional influences could still be taken into
account (e.g., detailed information on cost‐benefit considerations, peer effects,
or teacher‐/school‐related influences). Moreover, an even more refined investi-
gation of differential effects (by cultural groups or institutional settings) may
be advisable. So far, our approach may serve as a first attempt to bring sepa-
rate lines of research (i.e., structural, motivational, individual and child‐related
explanations) together into one conceptual approach. As the results demon-
strate, such an integration seems to be valuable.

(Date accepted: June 2018)

© London School of Economics and Political Science 2018 British Journal of Sociology 0(0)
 Appendix

Table A.1: Variable overview

Range of Measured Cronbach’s

Theoretical construct Operationalization / measure(s) Items values in grade Source alpha Mean SD
ACADEMIC ACHIEVEMENT average grades in core subjects 1 1–6 4 Child – 2.40 0.77

 British Journal of Sociology 0(0)

(German, mathematics, and local
history/general science)
ASPIRATIONS educational aspirations 1 1–3 2 Parents – 2.27 0.59
EXPECTATION OF SUCCESS expectation of success 1 1–5 3 Parents – 3.89 0.89
CULTURAL RESOURCES cultural resources 5 0–1 2 Parents 0.66 0.61 0.31
book supply 1 1–5 2–4 Parents – 3.31 0.79
CULTURAL PRACTICES reading enjoyment 1 1–4 2 Child – 3.16 0.91
joy of reading 5 1–4 3 Child 0.74 3.19 0.68
SOCIAL BACKGROUND highest educational qualification 1 1–3 2–4 Parents – 2.18 0.71
completed in the household
FAMILY‐SCHOOL RELATION perceived difference between parental 5 1–4 2 Child 0.60 2.60 0.76
home and school
PERCEIVED ABILITY perceived ability 10 1–5 2 Parents 0.78 2.02 0.46
MOTIVATIONAL CHARACTERISTICS self‐concept 7 1–5 3 Child 0.83 3.27 0.58
school‐related helplessness 5 1–5 3 Child 0.77 1.55 0.68
Structural and motivational mechanisms of academic achievement  17

© London School of Economics and Political Science 2018

18  Hartmut Ditton, Michael Bayer and Florian Wohlkinger

Table A.II: Goodness of fit statistics

[5]Omitted:
[2] Added: [3] Added: [4] Omitted: SES ->
[1] As shown SES -> SES -> all SES -> cultural expectancy
Model in Figure II achievement other variables paths paths
AIC 27296.42 27294.20 27296.75 27671.45 27439.85
BIC 27575.30 27578.35 27596.68 27939.81 27708.21
RMSEA 0.034 0.033 0.035 0.089 0.061
lower 0.026 0.025 0.026 0.082 0.054
upper 0.042 0.042 0.044 0.096 0.068
pclose 0.999 1.00 0.998 0.000 0.007
CFI 0.98 0.98 0.98 0.88 0.94

Notes

1. Despite the advances in handling each additional auxiliary variable’ (Dong

missing data, some problems still have to
be solved. Simulations show that FIML
provides unbiased estimates rather inde-
pendently of missing rates, sample sizes and
distribution shapes under MCAR (Missing
Completely at Random) and MAR (Missing
at Random), and thus produces results com-
parable with multiple imputation. SE esti-
mates might be negatively biased, leading to
a rejection of models too frequently (Dong
and Peng 2013). In estimating the model, the
use of auxiliary variables is recommended
especially when missing rates are high (> 50
per cent). For the variables used in our model
missing rates are low (< 10 per cent), and even
for the variable with the highest proportion
of missing values the missing rate is mod-
erate (expectation of success: 22.7 per cent;
N = 1.101). Furthermore, adding auxiliary
variables is not always straightforward and
can lead to ‘rapidly expanding models with
and Peng 2013: 15). Using auxiliary variables
becomes even more complex when multilevel
data are involved. For these reasons, we did
not include auxiliary variables.
2. Grades in Germany are classified as fol-
lowed: 1 = ‘very good’, 2 = ‘good’, 3 = ‘satis-
factory’, 4 = ‘adequate’, 5 = ‘poor’, and 6 =
‘insufficient’.
3. Strictly speaking, goodness of fit tests
depend on the full joint normality assumption
and might not be fully reliable in this case.
4. If the direct path is set free in the model
the coefficient is estimated as ß  = 0.06,
p = 0.07.
5. Adding effects of SES on achievement
(model 2) or all the other variables (model
3) does not result in an improvement of fit.
If effects of SES on the cultural (model 4)
or expectancy side (model 4) are omitted
the model fit deteriorates substantially (esp.
pclose < 0.00 vs. 0.98/0.99).

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© London School of Economics and Political Science 2018