Jewish Apocalyptic against Its Hellenistic near Eastern Environment

Author(s): John J. Collins

Source: Bulletin of the American Schools of Oriental Research, No. 220, Memorial Issue: Essays
in Honor of George Ernest Wright (Dec., 1975), pp. 27-36
Published by: American Schools of Oriental Research
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 Jewish Apocalyptic against
Near Eastern
JOHN J. COLLINS
St. Mary of the Lake Seminary, Mundelein, IL 60060
In 1950 G. Ernest Wright published The Old
Testament Against Its Environment, which became
one of the most influential English-language books
on biblical theology in the subsequent quarter of a
century. The book has been criticized for its
excessive emphasis on the preposition "against"
-the differences between ancient Israel and its
neighbors.' Yet it shared the common
presupposition of nearly all biblical scholarship in
this century, that the OT can only be understood in
the light of its Near Eastern context. A
comprehension of the surroundingcultures remains
a prerequisite to the understanding of the Israelite
texts, since the language of the OT, though modified
and adapted, was drawn heavily from these
cultures.
The importance of the Near Eastern background
has been axiomatic in the study of early Israel.
However, it has received surprisinglylittle attention
in the study of the post-exilic period. In fact,
semiticists in general pay little attention to the
period after the rise of Persia. Most of the major
reviews of Mesopotamian and Canaanite culture
dismiss the Hellenistic period in a few paragraphs.2
Consequently late developments such as Jewish
apocalyptic are often explained as intrusive
elements of Greek or Persian origin.3
Recently Paul D. Hanson has protested against
the neglect of the Semitic component in Jewish
apocalyptic.4 Updating the work of Gunkel5by use
of the Ugaritic myths, Hanson argues that
apocalyptic drew heavily on the mythic patterns and
motifs of the ancient Near East. This insight is of
fundamental importance for understanding the
apocalyptic texts and for appreciating their
continuity with earlier Near Eastern traditions.
I See the comments of Barr
(1974b) 267, and more generally
Childs (1970) 48.
2 E.g., Oppenheim (1964) 63; Saggs (1962) 152-53; Moscati
(1966) 65.
3
See, for example, the classic work of Bousset (1926) 478-84.
4Hanson (1971a) 31-58; Hanson (1971b) 454-79.
5Gunkel (1895)
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its Hellenistic
Environment
However, we cannot fail to be surprised that in a
study of the Near Eastern environment of post-
exilic apocalyptic Hanson refers to no non-biblical
data later than the time of Sennacherib. One is left
with the impression that the post-exilic period was
the Sheol of ancient civilization where the myths
and ideas of an earlier period led a shadowy
afterlife, enjoying vitality only in so far as they were
reincarnated in Jewish apocalyptic.
Yet the period which followed the rise of Persia
was one of the most eventful in the entire history of
the Near East. In particular the conquests of
Alexander had a profound impact on the eastern
civilizations. The impact included an
unprecedented circulation of ideas among the
various peoples, but more significantly the
conditions of life in the conquered areas were
changed and as a result there was a transformation
of attitudes which went far beyond the literary
influence of motifs and patterns. We could hardly
expect that Judaism, either in its homeland or in the
diaspora, was untouched by this upheaval. How-
ever, if we would appreciate Jewish apocalyptic
against its contemporary Near Eastern environment
we must look beyond the traces of literary influence
between particular books to similar phenomena in
the various cultures and the common or similar
conditions which produced them.
In this essay we wish to consider some of the more
conspicuous features which Jewish apocalyptic
shared with its Hellenistic Near Eastern
environment. While occasional examples of literary
borrowings can be found, we will be chiefly
concerned with the parallel developments in
different national traditions, each of which retained
its distinctive character. The similarities which we
find throughout the Hellenistic Near East are due
primarily to the fact that traditions which had much
in common to begin with (e.g. the idea of the
kingship of the national deity) were subjected to the
same new circumstances. In particular the
alteration of political conditions by the advent of
the Greeks must be considered a root cause of the
new developments in the Hellenistic age.
 28 JOHN J. COLLINS BASOR 220

The political setting from the sun" who will be sent by Isis, and the
The most obvious result of the conquests of destruction of the city by the sea (Alexandria)."
Alexander was the demise of the native monarchies Here again the hope of the oracle centers on the
in the various Near Eastern states. Despite the restoration of the native kingship and the
of the Greeks. The role of Isis in the
attempts of the Ptolemies and Seleucids to claim the displacement
titles and traditions of previous native rulers, they Potter's Oracle, and the mythological associations
were still representatives of a foreign, intrusive of Heracleopolis show the fusion of politics and
civilization.6 We need only call to mind the pivotal religion typical of the entire ancient Near East.
role of the king in the traditional structure of Near While the Seleucids ruled over a greater variety of
Eastern society to realize what a disorienting effect subjects, they too encountered a series of revolts,
his loss must have had. Of course the loss of national beginning with the rise of the Parthians shortly after
250 B.C.12 In the reign of Antiochus III (223-187
kingships in the ancient Near East was not entirely in
due to the campaigns of Alexander. The Jewish B.C.) we find revolts led by Greekgenerals, Molon
Media and Achaeus in Asia Minor, who, like their
kingdom had already been destroyed by the
the the Persians. counterparts in Egypt, exploited the unrest of the
Babylonians, Babylonian by
native people. Antiochus III himself was killed in
Eventually the Ptolemaic and Seleucid kingdoms
would fall to the Romans. battle with the people of Elam in 187 B.C.when he
The Jews were not the only Near Eastern people was attacking the temple of Bel. According to
who resisted Hellenistic rule in the Near East. After Diodorus Siculus he accused the temple priests of
the battle of Raphia in 217 B.C., in which native declaring war on him, so here too there may have
been a revolt.'3The role of the temple in Elam draws
Egyptians were enrolled in the Ptolemaic army for
the first time, there followed a series of native attention once again to the fusion of religion and
This point is further illustrated by an
uprisings, of which the most important took place in politics.
the reign of Ptolemy V Epiphanes (204-180 B.C.).7 incident in Bablyon in 168 B.C.14 Several statues of
These were not simply confrontations of Greeks and Hellenized gods were made from gold taken from
the E-sagila treasury and set up in the temple.
Egyptians. To some extent the revolts were
Certain "thieves" then attacked the temple and
encouraged and assisted by Greek mercenaries,
while some conservative Egyptian priests sided with stripped the statues. For this offence they were
the Ptolemies.8 Yet, as is clear from their condemned to death and burnt. We are familiar
with the use of the term "thieves" to designate
propaganda, the rebels often saw the conflict as a
nationalistic rebellion against the Greeks. In the patriotic fighters from the writings of Josephus."5
Demotic Chronicle, a pesher-like document from There can be little doubt that the "thieves" in
the early Ptolemaic period, the focal point of the question were prompted by religio-nationalistic
motives rather than desire for booty.
prophecy reads:
These various incidents provide the broader
It is a man from Heracleopoliswho will rule after the context in which the Maccabean rebellion must be
lonians. "Rejoice, O prophet of Harsaphis." That means: seen. We might continue the history of Near Eastern
The prophetof Harsaphisrejoicesafterthe lonians. For a resistance through the Roman period to show that
rulerhas arisenin Heracleopolis.9

In short, the prophecy looks with anticipated

delight to the day when the Greek rulers will be
replaced by a king from a legitimate Egyptian line.'0
Again, the Potter's Oracle looks forward to a "king
6 See Tarn
(1961) 128-29on the Selucids; 205 on the Ptolemies.
Tarn (1961) 205; Preaux (1936a) 522-52; Will (1967) 32-36.
Preaux (1936b) 111-38; Eddy (1961) 300.
Translation by McCown (1925) 389. For bibliography on the
Demotic Chronicle, see Collins (1974b) 131.
10Heracleopolis was the scene of the mythical battle between
Horus and Seth and the crowning of Osiris and Horus. Its claim
to be the seat of sovereignty at least for Upper Egypt is indicated
by its Egyptian title "Cityof the Royal Child"and title of its High
Priest, "King of Upper Egypt." See Bonnet (1952) 286-87.
I For the definitive edition of the Potter's
Oracle, see Koenen
(1968) 178-209; Koenen (1970) 249-54. Koenen dates the oracle
to about 130 B.C.and relates it to a revolt against Ptolemy VIII
Physcon (Euergetes II). Lobel and Roberts (1954) 92, argue that
it was composed on the occasion of the transfer of Ptolemy's
capital to Alexandria in 311 B.c.
12 Swain
(1940) 8-9; Will (1967) 10-20.
'3 Diodorus 28.3.1; 29.15.1. Cf. Strabo 16.1.18; Justin 32.2.
Eddy (1961) 133.
'~ Pinches (1908) 480 and 561; Olmstead (1936) 247.
15Hengel (1961) 25-46. A striking parallel to this incident is
recorded in Josphus, Ant 17.6.2-3 (149-63); JW 1.33.2-4 (651-
54). Shortly before his death Herod had a golden eagle set up
over the entry to the temple in Jerusalem. A group of Jews, led by
two "doctors of the law" pulled it down and suffered martyrdom
as a result.

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1975 JEWISH APOCALYPTIC AGAINST ITS HELLENISTIC ENVIRONMENT
the Jewish revolts against Rome similarly did not
take place in a vacuum, although, like the
Maccabean revolt, they certainly had their own
distinctive characteristics.'6 We should note that
Persia was also part of the Hellenistic Near Eastern
scene and contributed to the resistance against
Greece and Rome. The oracle of Hystaspes, which
may have been associated with the campaigns of
Mithridates against Rome in the first century B.C.,
looks to a "king from heaven" as a savior figure and
prophesies the subjection of the west by the east.'7
The Zand-i Vohtiman Yasn (Bahman Yasht), a late
"midrashic"expansion of a lost text of the Avesta,
the Vohfiman Yasn, contains in its first chapter a
schema of four kingdoms of which the first three are
Persian and the fourth is ruled by the "divs with
dishevelled hair."'8The first non-Persian kingdom
is presumably the one which overthrew the
Persians-i.e. the Greeks.'9 Since the fourth
kingdom is also the last before the end of the
millennium this section of the Zand must date to the
Hellenistic era and be interpreted as a Persian anti-
Hellenistic oracle.
What we have found, then, is that throughout the
Near East from Egypt to Persia, Hellenistic rule was
met by national resistance. Messianism, as the
desire for the restoration of native monarchy, was
by no means a peculiarity of the Jews but was a
feature of the entire Near East in the Hellenistic
period. The ways in which the national aspirations
of each state were expressed also had much in
common throughout the area.
The common element in Near Eastern political
aspirations in the Hellenistic age can be seen from
the widespread use of the celebrated schema of the
four kingdoms. The division of history into a
schema of four world kingdoms followed by some
form of decisive divine intervention is found in
Daniel 2 and 7, in the fourth Sibyl, the Bahman
Yasht and a number of Latin texts of which the
oldest is a fragment of the chronographer Aemilius
Sura, which has been dated between 181 and 171
16Fuchs (1938) is concerned chiefly with propaganda rather
than actual rebellions. On the political oracles of the Hellenistic
period, see Collins (1974b) ch. 1; Hengel (1969) 330-41.
17Windisch (1929) and most recently Hinnells (1973) 125-48
both defend the Persian origin of the oracle.
11The Bahman Yasht is edited and translated by Anklesaria
(1957). See Flusser (1972) 166-67.
'~ Eddy (1961) 19, argues that the "dishevelled hair" is a direct
reference to Alexander, who is always portrayed on coins with
tousled hair by contrast with the neatly groomed Persians of the
Persepolis reliefs.
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29
B.C.20 The passage in the Sibyl (Sib Or 4:49-101)
combines the four kingdoms with a schema of ten
generations. The fourth kingdom, the Macedonian,
coincides with the tenth generation. The Romans
are not included in the schema. It appears then that
this four kingdom passage should also be dated to
the Hellenistic period.21In Sibylline Oracles 4 and
the Roman authors the sequence is Assyria, Media,
Persia and Macedonia. The inclusion of Media in
this sequence points to an eastern origin since
Median power never spread to the west. Flusser has
argued convincingly that the schema is of Persian
origin.22For our purpose the point to note is that
the same schematization of history could be
adapted by Persians, Jews, Romans, the people
from whom the Romans adapted it,23and whoever
wrote the oracle embedded in Sibylline Oracles4. In
each case the schema is hostile to the Greeks, who
always constitute the fourth (last) world-kingdom.
All the peoples who used the schema could view
history as running a predetermined course, divided
into four periods culminating in the destruction of
the Greek kingdom by divine intervention, whether
in the form of the Roman empire (Aemilius Sura),
the kingdom of God (Daniel) or a new millennium
(Bahman Yasht).
In the case of the four-kingdom schema we find a
pattern which was used internationally, and we
must assume that it was consciously borrowed by
each people in turn. More often the individual
nations drew on their own traditions for their
propaganda.24So we read in Ps. Callisthenes of the
Egyptian hope that Nektanebo would return and
conquer the Persians.25 The king in the Potter's
Oracle will be an Egyptian king sent by Isis.
Similarly, the Jews expected a king from the line of
David (e.g. Pss Sol 17:3) or drew their images of the
kingdom of God primarily from Canaanite or
Israelite royal traditions.26The Persian oracles were
attributed to the legendary Persians Zoroaster and
Hystaspes. We have less direct evidence of political
oracles from Mesopotamia, but there too we find
native traditions used for anti-Hellenistic
20Swain (1940) 2-5.
21 Flusser
(1972) 148-53; also Collins (1974a) 365-80. The
Fourth Sibyl in its present form is a Jewish work from the late
first century A.D.
22Flusser (1972) 173.
23Swain (1940) 4, has argued that it was brought from Asia
Minor to Rome after the battle of Magnesia.
24See especially Smith (1971) 236-49.
25See Collins (1974b) 14.
26See, for example, Emerton (1958) 225-242.
30 JOHN J. COLLINS BASOR 220

propaganda. The legend of Semiramis preservedby implications. On the one hand, the Seleucid
Diodorus seems to have been developed specifically monarchs might claim to win legitimacy by
to surpass the exploits of Alexander.27Similarly the practicing the ritual and supporting Babylonian
Babylonian priest Berossus told the story of religion.32On the other hand the continuation of the
Nebuchadnezzar in such a way that his hero ancient rituals could serve to keep alive the
appeared greater than Alexander, Seleucus and recollection of a native kingship.33The two attitudes
even Heracles.28 I have argued elsewhere that could be held contemporaneously by different
Daniel 2 is an adaptation of a Babylonian oracle in groups. The main point for our purpose is that the
which Nebuchadnezzar was recalled as the head of ancient myths still enjoyed vitality in the Hellenistic
gold, implying that his reign was a golden age, and period despite the transformed circumstances.
the schema of the four metals was used to suggest a Similarly a lament for Uruk, a Sumerian work
decline in history to the nadir of Greek dominion, composed in the third millennium B.C., was
which, however, would soon be destroyed.29 recopied in the early Hellenistic period, when
Babylon had again been overrun by foreigners.34
The invasion of the Guti, which occasioned the
The revival of ancient myths
original composition, now became a paradigm for
The interest in native traditions aroused by the any foreign invasion.35 We may compare the
opposition to Greek rule provides the context in typological use of the Exodus motif in OT writings
which we must view the resurgence of ancient myth such as Deutero-Isaiah. As a final testimony to the
in Jewish apocalyptic which has been noted by revival of ancient myths in the Hellenistic period we
Cross, Hanson and others. The sages and prophets may note that Berossus took the trouble to translate
of the Hellenistic Near East looked not only to the Babylonian mythology for his Greek readers.36
great leaders of the past but also to the ancient The use of ancient myth does not in itself, of
myths to provide meaningful paradigms for the course, make a writing apocalyptic, but as Gunkel
present, and especially to the myths of kingship and and more recently Cross and Hanson have shown,
creation. L. Koenen has shown how the Potter's the myths supply an essential ingredient of
Oracle draws on the structure of Egyptian creation apocalyptic. The renewed interest in the Babylonian
myths and concludes: myths in the Hellenistic period and the use of
Egyptian myth in political prophecy, provide some
It is obviousthatthe savior-kingof the propheciesplaysthe
analogies for the resurgence of ancient myth in
roleof Horus.In thisrolehe overwhelmsthe chaosof Seth,
as does everyEgyptianking,andhe restoresequilibriumto Jewish apocalyptic. This resurgence seems to have
Egypt. 30 been a learned phenomenon, rather than a product
of folklore as popular ballads might be. At least in
Many of the Potter's predictions correspond closely Babylon we know that the scribes who copied the
to the prophecy of Neferty which dates from 1991 ancient texts required a lengthy education to master
B.C.In Mesopotamia, while we lack evidence of the the mysteries of cuneiform.37In both Babylon and
use of ancient myths in eschatological oracles, it is Egypt the use of ancient materials associated with
significant that there was an archaizing tendency cult and royalty suggests the activity of a priestly
and an interest in the myths during this period.3' All scribal class, not popular folklore. We see the signs
our copies of the ritual for the Akitu festival come of learned interpretation in the commentary style of
from the Seleucid period. It contains provisions for the Demotic Chronicle and in the imposing learning
the recital of the Enuma Elish, the great epic of of Berossus.
creation. Since both the epic and the Akitu festival In fact the signs of learned activity are clearer in
are inseparably linked to the Babylonian kingship, Jewish apocalyptic writings than in other
their use in the Hellenistic period could have two contemporary writings. The Jews who wrote (and

27Diodorus 2.7.3; 20.3.5. See Eddy (1961) 122-23.
28Josephus, AgAp 1.131-44; Jacoby (1958) 389-91, 406-7
(Abydenus); Eddy (1961) 125. On the phenomenon of rewriting
history in the interests of nationalistic propaganda in the
Hellenistic age see Braun (1938); Wachholder (1974) 71-96.
29Collins (1975a).
30Koenen (1970) 250.
31Eddy (1961) 128-31.
2So Tarn (1961) 128-29.
3Eddy (1961) 109-10.
34Pinches (1908) 477-78.
35The Hyksos serve a similar function in Egyptian tradition.
Cf. Eddy (1961) 295-96.
36For the fragments of Berossus, see Jacoby (1958) 364-97.
The best study is still that of Schnabel (1923).
37SeeDriver (1948) 64-66; Meister (1953) 3-4.

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1975 JEWISH APOCALYPTIC AGAINST ITS HELLENISTIC ENVIRONMENT
read) sibylline oracles in epic Greek hexameters
were not the rank and file of the peasantry. The
eschatological prophecies of Qumran were
produced by prolonged study of the biblical texts.
Von Rad has noted the frequency with which the
pseudonymous authors of apocalyptic books are
presented as wise men-Daniel, Enoch, Ezra,
Baruch, etc.38Daniel may serve as a good example
of the self-understandingof the Jewish apocalyptist.
Unlike most pseudonymous writings, Daniel's
visions are prefaced by a collection of tales which
establish the hero's character. He is explicitly
portrayed as a wise man, trained in the professional
skills of the Chaldeans and in their language and
literature (sipher tileS6n kasdim, Dan 1:4).
The book of Daniel also provides our best clue for
the social function of this literature. The heroes of
the book, who are universally understood to
represent the circle in which the book was written,
are the ma'kflim (Dan 11:33,35)39These are an elite
group, and are the only people who have true
understanding. Their task in the eschatological
crisis was to instruct the masses (ydbint2larabbim,
11:33). Their literature and wisdom may be
described as esoteric in so far as it was produced by a
restricted, learned class. However, it was not
esoteric in the sense of being secret. It was intended
for the rabbim and could therefore be said to be
hortatory in purpose. In the context of Daniel it was
clearly intended to inspire resistance to the
Hellenistic king, a purpose shared by such non-
Jewish works as the Demotic Chronicle, Potter's
Oracle and Bahman Yasht.
Jewish apocalyptic was a learned phenomenon,
produced by ma'klim or wise men. This, however,
is not to support the thesis of Von Rad that Jewish
apocalyptic derives from "wisdom."40There is no
manifest relation between the "wisdom" expressed
in the visions of Daniel or Enoch and the collections
of sayings found in Proverbs or Ben Sira. It may be
that there were other wisdom circles in Judaism
than those represented by Proverbs and Ben Sira.
Job, at least, makes far greater use of the ancient
myths than do the other wisdom books.41 However
the relation of Job to the rest of the wisdom
tradition is unclear at best. The identity and social
place of the maikflim of Daniel or the authors of
3XVon Rad (1965) 316.
39See, for example, Delcor (1971) 15-19; Tcherikover (1970)
125-26, 196-98.
40 For a fuller
critique, see Collins (1975a).
41See Pope (1973) passim; also Cross (1973) 344-45.
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31
other apocalyptic books must remain largely
enigmatic.42 We may, however, infer from the
characters of Daniel, Enoch and other
pseudonymous heroes, from the scribal activity of
Qumran, and from the learned transmission of
mythology in Mesopotamia that the apocalyptic
books were produced by learned wise men.
The analogy with the revived interest in ancient
mythology elsewhere in the Hellenistic Near East
may provide a clue as to the provenance of the
mythical materials used in Jewish apocalyptic. We
know that traditions dating back to the second
millennium were available and were used in both
Egypt and Babylon. In these areas the old traditions
had been passed on not only in the royal cult but
also in the scribal schools. Now Jewish apocalyptic
drew on mythical traditions of Israelite and
Canaanite origins, of which the best examples are
often found in the Ugaritic texts from the second
millennium B.C.43 We do not know in what form
such traditions were available in the Hellenistic age
or how they had been transmitted. There can be no
doubt, however, that ancient Phoenician and
Canaanite traditions were available to Philo
Byblius in the first century A.D.44In Israel too it is
inevitable that there were more extensive traditions
than those preserved in the biblical canon. We
should expect that certain mythological materials
were associated with the royal cult in the pre-exilic
period but these could not have had a cultic Sitz-im-
Leben in the post-exilic period. It is possible
however that they were passed on in learned circles,
either in Palestine or in the Diaspora. Job's frequent
use of mythic materials may be significant in this
respect. In any case, in view of the survival of
Canaanite materials in Byblos there is no reason
why ancient lore should not have been available to
Jewish writers in the Hellenistic age.
Prophecy by interpretation
Jewish apocalyptic grew out of a situation of
political alienation brought about by the loss of
42 On the maskilim, see my forthcoming
monograph on Daniel
ch. 6. A number of later apocalyptic writings can be traced to the
Qumran community. In addition to the properly sectarian
documents such as the War Scroll, fragments of other
apocalyptic writings such as 1 Enoch have been found at
Qumran. It is not clear whether any of these latter originated in
the community.
43See Emerton's study (1958) of the Son of Man imagery;
Cross (1973) 345.
44For a review of problems related to Philo Byblius, and a
good bibliography, see Barr (1974a) 17-68.
32 JOHN J. COLLINS BASOR 220

national independence in the post-exilic period.45In composition and in the redaction of the oracle itself
interpreting that situation it had recourse to the by later additions. We may also note how the
patterns and motifs of ancient mythology. This Bahman Yasht has been expanded and reapplied in
process is paralleled in other Near Eastern states in the Pahlevi form which is now extant.
the Hellenistic age. We have noted the learned Second, the interpretation of scripture is part of a
character of the use of ancient myths in this period. broader phenomenon of prophecy by inter-
This fact is significant not only for the identity of the pretation. As we have seen, the word pesher could
groups which produced this literature but also for also be used to refer to the interpretation of dreams.
the understandingof revelation which was involved. In Daniel we find the interpretation of a scriptural
This may be described as prophecy by inter- prophecy (the seventy years of Jeremiah, Daniel 9)
pretation and may be illustrated by the Hebrew side by side with the interpretation of visions and
term pesher. dreams. Now the interpretation of the visions in
The term pesher is most familiar from the Daniel involves an elaborate literary fiction. There
Qumran scrolls where it refers to a particular mode is no reason to doubt that both vision and
of interpreting scripture with reference to interpretation were composed by the same author.
eschatological events.46 However, the word is also However, Daniel is not merely said to have had the
used in the book of Daniel to refer to the vision. It must be explained to him by a wise angelic
interpretation of dreams and of the mysterious interpreter. Revelation is not given directly, but is
writing on the wall. It ultimately derives from an mediated by interpretation.50 The extended
Akkadian term for dream interpretation.47Its use in allegorical visions of 1 Enoch similarly posit the
Daniel and Qumran points up a fundamental necessity of interpretation.
difference between Jewish apocalyptic and biblical We have noted the role of interpretation in the
prophecy. In prophecy revelation consisted of the Demotic Chronicle, where a text is expounded. In
direct transmission of the word of God. In the Persian Bahman Yasht the schema of the four
apocalyptic it involves the interpretation of kingdoms is presented in an allegorical vision
mysterious realities which are given cryptically in followed by an interpretation, in a manner very
scripture, dreams and other phenomena. reminiscent of Daniel 2. The same style of prophecy
The importance of biblical interpretation in by interpretation is found in the widespread use of
apocalyptic and in post-exilic Judaism in general astrological predictions in the Hellenistic world.5'
has often been emphasized.48 Less attention has Astrology was especially associated with the
been paid, however, to two points which qualify this Chaldeans52but its influence in Egypt is attested by
observation: the oracles of Nechepso and Petosiris.53Especially
First, the interpretation of scripture (i.e. a revered in the latter work astral phenomena are repeatedly
writing from the past) in such a way as to produce an interpreted with referenceto political upheavals. In
eschatological prophecy was not peculiar to each case, whether the data to be interpreted be
Judaism. In the Egyptian Demotic Chronicle we scripture, stars or allegorical vision, revelation is
find an almost exact parallel to the Qumran given indirectly and requiresthe mediation of a wise
pesharim, where a text is interpreted line by line.49 interpreter.54
Such specific commentary was relatively rare in This style of prophecy by interpretation differs
either Jewish or Gentile writings. More typical is the from earlier biblical prophecy by its suggestion of
weaving together of traditional motifs, in such a determinism. A prophecy of this kind is not simply a
way as to reapply the language of the older scripture threat or a promise whose fulfilment is conditional
without giving a direct commentary. We find this
50 For fuller discussion see my forthcoming monograph on
midrashic tendency in the Potter's Oracle, both in
Daniel, ch. 3.
the use of traditional motifs in its original
5~See especially Cumont (1960); Festugibre (1944-54) 1, 89-
186.
45This is not intended as a complete or adequate statement of 52See especially the description of the Chaldeans by Diodorus
the social origins of apocalyptic, but refers to a universally 2.29-31; Jansen (1939) 13-19.
recognized factor in the composition of several major works, 51Riess (1892-93) 345. See the study of Kroll (1935) cols. 2160-
such as Daniel, much of I Enoch, 4 Ezra, 2 Baruch. 67.
46See especially the studies of Bruce (1959) and 0. Betz (1960). 54See especially the role of the Teacher of Righteousness in the
7 Oppenheim (1956) 217; Finkel (1963) 357-70. Qumran community. On astrological speculation at Qumran see
48E. g., Wellhausen (1899) 225-34; Hartmann (1966).
Carmignac (1964-65) 199-206; Delcor (1965-66) 521-42; Hengel
49See the study of Daumas (1961) 203-21. (1969) 433.

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1975 JEWISH APOCALYPTIC AGAINST ITS HELLENISTIC ENVIRONMENT
on a certain human response. Rather the events of
the future are already contained in the texts which
are interpreted, or in the movements of the stars. No
human actions can influence them. The objective of
this type of prophecy is not to change the course of
events but to understand and adapt.55
The deterministic implications of this style of
revelation were augmented throughout the
Hellenistic world by the use of pseudepigraphy.
Pseudepigraphy is an extremely complex
phenomenon, which is attested in all kinds of
literature in all ages, for quite diverse motives.56
However, the extent of its use in political prophecy
of the Hellenistic age is remarkable. The Demotic
Chronicle, written after the advent of the Greeks, is
ascribed to the time of Pharaoh Tachos. The
Potter's Oracle is ascribed to the time of King
Amenhotep. The Persian political oracles are
ascribed to the legendary figures of Hystaspes and
Zoroaster. Sibylline oracles were written
throughout the Hellenized world from Rome to
Egypt, and perhaps Babylon and Persia.57In view of
this phenomenon it is impossible to explain Jewish
pseudepigraphy purely by the alleged decline of
prophecy and closing of the canon.58It is part of a
wider phenomenon of the Hellenistic world. It must
be related to the widespread esteem for antiquity in
this period and the conviction that age is a
guarantee of truth.59 In political oracles
pseudepigraphy must be related to the interest in the
ancient myths and legends which we have noted. In
each case there is a turning to the distant past for
wisdom to illumine the present. This phenomenon
attests a sense of alienation and loss of meaning in
the present, and a conviction that bygone ages had
greater wisdom.
Whatever factors led to the use of
pseudepigraphy in apocalyptic there can be no
doubt that one of its effects was to increase the sense
of determinism. If all things could be foretold by
Hystaspes, Enoch, or the Sibyl, and the accuracy of
their predictions could be shown by lengthy ex
eventu prophecy, then the course of events must
55Precedent for this type of revelation can be found in the so-
called "Akkadian apocalypses" of an earlierperiod. See Grayson
and Lambert (1964) 7-30; Hallo (1966) 231-42.
56See the recent review by Metzger (1972) 3-24.
57Varro mentions a Persian sibyl but no Babylonian one.
Elsewhere the Persian and Babylonian sibyls are identified. See
Nikiprowetzky (1970) 9.
5 So
especially Charles (1913) ix.
9 For a similar attitude in Hellenistic philosophy, see Gigon
(1957) 43-47.
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33
already have been determined in their time.60 Of
course there is a measure of determinism in all
predictive prophecy and the tablets of destiny are an
ancient feature of Mesopotamian religion. The
impression of determinism, however, is greatly
increased by the use of pseudepigraphy and ex
eventu prophecy.
Determinism is widely recognized as a factor in
the Zeitgeist of the Hellenistic age.61Like the esteem
for antiquity, it attests a sense of alienation from the
present. People who turned to deterministic views
of history had little confidence in their ability to
control the course of events. In the Near East the
loss of confidence in the present and the political
process can be traced directly to the loss of national
independence and the consequent disorientation of
politics and religion. In Greece and Rome a similar
transformation was produced by the transition
from city-state to world-empire,62 which also
involved the disruption of the traditional molds of
politics and religion.
Conclusions
It has been our purpose in this essay to draw
attention to some of the aspects of Jewish
apocalyptic which were typical of the Hellenistic
Near East. The discussion could be extended
indefinitely. Most of the features by which
apocalyptic is usually distinguished from
prophecy-periodization, expectation of the end of
the world, after-life, esoteric symbolism, dualism
etc.-are found throughout the Hellenistic world
and must be considered representative of the
Zeitgeist of late antiquity. The fact that these
features became prominent in Judaism only after
the exile, at a time when they were also widespread
in the neighboring religions, cannot be entirely
coincidental.
No attempt has been made in this essay to define
the essence of apocalyptic. Such definitions seldom
do more than state the difference between
apocalyptic and some other phenomenon, usually
prophecy. It is doubtful that any one definition can
do justice to a complex phenomenon such as
apocalyptic. Very often questions of definition are
posed in terms of origins. There have been unending
debates as to whether apocalyptic is "essentially"a
60 A
striking example of this kind of prophecy from Hellenistic
Greece is the Alexandra of Lycophron. See Collins (1974b) 8.
61 See
Festugibre (1954) 41; Nilsson (1950) 484, 676.
62 So Nilsson
(1950) 279. Jonas (1963) 5-7, 241-65.
34 JOHN J. COLLINS
child of Old Testament prophecy63or a product of
Hellenistic-oriental syncretism64 or a borrowing
from Iranian religion.65Our thesis in this paper is
that such alternatives distort the question and can
only be misleading. Apocalyptic was not a
"borrowing" from any source whatever, but is a
phenomenon in its own right, with complex sources.
We would agree with Hanson that there is indeed
continuity with Old Testament tradition, which can
be traced back ultimately to the Canaanite myths.
Continuity, however, implies development, and
therefore change. The manner in which apocalyptic
developed Israelitetraditions is closely paralleled by
developments in other traditions in the Hellenistic
Near East. Therefore, continuity with the past, with
Israelite tradition, is complemented by continuity
with its contemporary environment.
The continuity of Jewish apocalyptic with the
Hellenistic Near East has two dimensions. On the
one hand there are certainly cases of the direct
influence of motifs and ideas. The international use
of the schema of the four kingdoms is a case in
point. However, even in such cases the motifs which
are borrowed must have a point of contact in the
native tradition. If the Persian imagery of light and
darkness can be used in the Qumran War Scroll, it is
only because the imagery of light and darkness was
already associated with holy war in the Old
Testament in a less developed way.66
More important, however, are other phenomena
which cannot be explained as simple borrowings
but are independent, parallel developments in the
various traditions, due to similar conditions. The
expectation of an ideal future king in both Egypt
63So Rowley (1964) 15.
64 So H. Betz (1969) 134-56.
65E. g., Murdock (1967) 174.
66 Collins
(1975b).
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BASOR 220
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