Sacredness, Death and Landscapes Among The Blaan (Mindanao) - A Cultural Geography Study

University of San Carlos Publications
Sacredness, Death and Landscapes among the Blaan (Mindanao): A Cultural Geography Study
Author(s): Catherine Guéguen
Source: Philippine Quarterly of Culture and Society, Vol. 38, No. 1 (March 2010), pp. 37-54
Published by: University of San Carlos Publications
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Philippine Quarterly of Culture & Society
Vol. 38(1): 37-54
? 2010, University of San Carlos Press
Sacredness, Death and Landscapes among the

Blaan (Mindanao): A Cultural Geography Study
Catherine Gueguen
Introduction
This study takes place in the southwestern part of Mindanao

island where the Blaan live. The Blaan occupy a hilly and mountainous
area shared between Sarangani, South Cotabato, Davao del Sur and
Davao del Norte. A few rivers divide the region, and two mountain
groups of volcanic origin are outstanding, namely Mount Matutum
(2,295 m) and Mount Parker on the west side of General Santos City
(1,842 m), which contributed to the fertilization of their slopes and
especially the Koronadal valley around the city of Polomolok.
The Blaans don't populate this entire mountain region. They
are sometimes absent from administrative units in this area. These
populations settled in some of the valleys around Mount Matutum and
have gradually spread out within the neighboring valleys. Three
groups can be distinguished in the Sarangani province, all of which
are related to other Blaan populations located in other administrative
units, notably in some mountainous areas that two provinces share.
For example, the Blaan populations of the Malungon district are
closely linked by clannish or even family networks to those of Landan
(Polomolok) that is part of the province of South Cotabato. They are
also connected with the Blaan people located in Malapatan area.
Dr Catherine Gueguen is an Associate Researcher, Espace, Nature et Culture

(Research Unit in Geography) Paris-Sorbonne University. She can be reached
through her email address <catherinegueguen@hotmail.com>.
38 Philippine Quarterly of Culture & Society
The territory is a social space. This concept is used by

geographers, anthropologists and sociologists. For the geographer, the
most important thing is to spatialize the information collected
through interviews or surveys within a particular area. For the
sociologists and anthropologists, the most common approach is that
of "social morphology", which implies that a group can be studied
deprived of any link with the place the group inhabits. G. Condominas
defines the social space as the central link or the linchpin of the social
ties within a community, which includes many aspects such as
ecology, religion or economy. Geographer J. Bonnemaison highlighted
the fact that the world-vision of each society, the myths, are without
doubt carved in its social space. So does P. Bourdieu who contends
that understanding any social aspect implies a precise analysis of the
causes and the places of the events. Cultural geography is at the
crossroads of human sciences and enables us to understand the
evolution of the Blaan in their current environment.
Figure 1. Blaan Settlement in Southern Mindanao
Sacredness, death and landscapes of Blaan 39
In fact, sacredness has been evolving in this area since the

spatial and physical backgrounds as well as the stronghold of the
Blaan population have been altered. Death and the practices that are
attached to it are one of the research angles that can be used to
understand these populations' settlements but also the durability of
their practices and places linked to the idea of sacredness, whatever
its message or religious interpretation. To what extent do the ideas of
rebirth and death insure sacredness in this cultural landscape of the
Blaan in Southern Mindanao in spite of the reduction of the space
dedicated to the recreation of myth in a context of mixed religious
practices?
THE LANDSCAPE: SHOWCASE OF THE WORLD-TERRITORY

OF THE BLAAN
Southern Mindanao: Mythic Settlement of the Blaan Community

in a Progressive Filipino Environment.
Their space occupation is above all based on culture. Indeed,

these originally animists and shamanists have practices that are
grounded in a sanctified space, due to the myth that brought them
into the world. The landscape is sacred and Mount Matutum is its
pillar. These populations were Christianized quite lately over the
administrative settlement of this southern border of the Philippine
archipelago. As a matter of fact, the first administrative boundary was
only created in 1905, even though the Spanish had been present in the
Zamboanga peninsula since 1595. During the American
commonwealth era (1898-1946], some missionaries traveled in these
coastal regions. Only in the seventies did the Christian evangelists
extend their actions of proselytism to the mountainous hinterlands.
These actions of Christianization came with massive flows of Catholic
populations from Luzon and the Visayas. These migrations were first
organized by the Philippine State (from 1919 to 1939], but lately
waves of spontaneous migration took over. With the implementation
of the 1972 martial law many tribal territories were granted as
concessions meant for forest, mining or stockbreeding activities.
Faced with this land pressure, the Lumad populations saw their
traditional space decrease and were pushed back to the higher
mountainous lands. Traditionally used as a feeding source, the

mountain also became a shelter. In addition to the feeding function of
the mountain, this one can be hereafter considered as a shelter, a
refuge.
The spatial settlement of the Blaan is grounded in mythology
As is often the case for numerous populations of Austronesian
descent, a myth that is a story related from generation to generation is
spread through time thanks to brief stories (flalok) or songs [malen)
that are generally conveyed by old women. This myth lays the
foundation of creation or the birth of the community. According to F.C.
Cole (1913) who traveled in the area in the early twentieth century,
four characters are regarded as being the creators of the world
territory of the community The latter can communicate with heaven
thanks to a bird (named almugan or baswit). These characters owe
their lives to this superior being who remains, at the very beginning,
nameless. Yet relying on the reading of recent reports regarding this
community, only one creature sparked off this world, namely Meie,
whose other name was Dwata. The almugan translates the presence of
God on earth.
Between these two versions of the myth, the simplification is
obvious, as is the influence of Christianism. Actually, the narrative as
well as the characters of the myth evolve. All the elements of the
environment are associated with the myth. The reconstruction of this
mythical creation is made difficult owing to the often brief narrative
and the versions that differ according to the narrators. Thus, the Blaan
name the world Banwe or Tab Tana, the world was created by Dwata.
Long ago, there was no land but only darkness.
The main elements of the landscape are part of these stories
and are sometimes among the protagonists. Thus, according to a 2008
tale, the mountains are sexed, mount Matutum is a man whose spouse
is Mount Parker. This mountain with irregular slopes is nicknamed
Male Bato supposedly because of a fit of jealousy between husband
and wife. Other elements collected in stories show the flexibility of the
belief, which is clearly tinged with Christianism. One of the slopes is
said to belong to the Muslims while the other would be owned by the
Blaan. On the Muslim side lies a lake where the kabo tree, akin to
mangrove trees, grows. This particular tree is said to embody an old
Muslim spirit. On the Blaan side, the spirits of the elderly are
represented in all medicinal herbs, thanks to which Mount Matutum is

protected. Nevertheless, one part of Mount Matutum is occupied by
evil spirits called "busaw", they dwell in a cave [lamot). As they passed
nearby the elderly would hear grunts, which, to them, meant that a
monster lived there. The Blaan didn't go near this place. Before the
Second World War, another element that testifies of the flexibility of
the myth, General Santos, the creator of the city of General Santos is
said to have defeated the cave monster. Integrating elements or actors
of contemporary history in the telling of the myth is commonplace in
the mythological stories of the Austronesian world. Indeed, all that is
considered as an outside element of the community is seen as being
extraordinary and can therefore find its place in the myth. Death is
present because of the fear it raises and leads to the idea of
sacredness: the almugan, the bird messenger asks Dwata for help so
as to survive.
The latter will provide them with land and plants. The survival
of the group is anchored in a landscape that the Blaan must
reproduce.
The Reproduction of the Myth Sanctified the Landscape
Almost all Blaans are farmers. Growing food remains their

main activity. The yield must be sufficient to feed their family but also
to collect and save the seeds that will be needed for the next crop
(especially for palay). Rice is their staple food (harvested once a year).
It's grown from March to May, according to the slash and burn
technique also called kaingin, in the plot the family was granted [tana:
the land), a flat land is looked for as it is easy to clean, moreover the
ground has to be fertile. The lot dedicated to cultivation is the elnigo.
The belief in a superior being is still relevant today and the farmers
refer to "it" for any farming actions (land preparation, etc.). This
superior being, referred to as Dwata or Meie, communicates with the
Blaan through almuga, the mythic bird. This practice is called mab?.
The almugan is expected to produce a nice sound that has to be heard
four times. The Dwata blesses the land plot and nurtures the crop. The
bird's four calls symbolize the four pillars of the granary (/b/). The
other signs or noises are unfavorable. The farmer won't start farming
work on another plot before having received the Dwata's approval
(through the almugan).

Throughout the field works mutual aid [sahul) rules. The men
make sure that all the elnigos (farm plots) will be ready on time. Help
is needed for the preparation of the land plot since once the biggest
vegetal plants have been cleaned up and dried up they are then set
alight. The presence of other farmers in the surroundings is necessary
to avoid the propagation of the fire by making firewalls. Once the field
has been cleaned up, the elnigo is rimmed with fences made of
bamboo [bagacay) and sugar cane to protect it from the wild animals.
Nobody is then allowed to enter this perimeter without the owner's
permission.
When samkyab and Tubong (two stars that the only Blaan can
spot) show in the sky planting can start. To do so, the farmer and his
wife build a platform in the middle of the land plot [butni). The seeds
are placed there and the pillars covered by the grains [bne). Before
sunrise, planting [amlah) starts. The farmer and his relatives, but also
some volunteer workers, take part in it. The harvest takes place three
to four months after planting. Traditionally, the palay (rice) is grown
in turn with argol or maize (corn), which is meant to improve the food
stocks. Other vegetables are planted too (tomatoes, beans, etc.). Once
the elnigo has been cleaned up after the harvest of palay, the plot of
land is planted in sweet potatoes [kasila), cassava [kasila cayo),
bananas, papayas or beans. In fact the elnigo provides an extensive
variety of farming production for the families.
The harvest of palay corresponds to a celebration with codified
rituals. All the members of the community are invited. Its first part
(pandoman) "the thanks ceremony" occurs in the granary where two
bags of palay from the previous harvest are set on a mat. The
participants draw a circle around the mat and silently pray with the
farmer who is calling on Dwata, thanking him for having enabled him
to bring the harvest to fruition and for having spared the elnigo from
insects and other pests.
The movements of the Blaan populations from one area to
another are quite rare, only the location of the main field may change.
The community is deeply tied to their land. Never does an entire
population transfer its residence but several members do visit other
villages for a short or medium stay. Drought is another reason for
them to migrate towards relatives' especially when the wells are dry,
or due to a lack of food.

The traditional use of flat land for cultivation is no longer
possible since those lands are now owned, due to the new land title
deed, by new settlers of Christian origin. By monopolizing the most
suitable lands for agriculture, the Blaan were pushed back to
mountainous areas covered by forest. The slash and burn practice has
been subsiding over the years on those lands whose productivity is
now poor on account of erosion problems on the slopes. The farmers
use hybrid seeds and chemicals thanks to which three harvests of
maize (corn) can be carried out in a year. The high demand in corn
leads to a decrease of the area planted with rainy rice {palay), which is
still regarded as the only feeding means in the upper land. Corn can be
found everywhere, whatever the environment.
The Domestic Space Blessed by the Mythic

Donation of Feeding Plants
The creation of traditional food elements is included in the

creation tale of the Blaan. Thus a couple (Tiafawa, the wife and
Maguindale, the husband) had not had children after ten years of
marriage. But, one day, when Maguindale was in the elnigo to clean
up the plot of land, Dial-Dial (Satan/Lalatong) came from the sky and
raped Tiafawa who was busy grinding some mongos (lentils) near the
house. He raped her so as to show her how to procreate. Maguindale
came back from the field and found his wife near Xhefol (granary) and
realized what had happened to her. Satan left and the couple resumed
their daily routine. After several months, the couple had a child who
was stillborn and boneless. The body of the child was buried near the
house and drawing from its body, many plants grew. The coconut tree
grew from its head, rice from its heart and various breeds of tuber and
medicinal plants from its ribs and medical plants. Finally, its feet
produced the banana tree.
Other plants are not edible and can bring death, as is the case
with the klot brought by Satan. The klot can only be eaten after it's
been purged several times. Medicinal plants are the result of the
world-creation by the god Dwata to thwart Satan's contribution.
These plants can cure ordinary ailments of the populations such as
diarrhea. They can be found in the wilderness but also in the
household's garden. Few people know their characteristics, which is

why some of the Blaans are specialized in the cures attributed to these
plants. Thus, the garden mainly hosts the nabin, the kisol or else the
bahong. These medicinal plants are also used to prepare the women,
who carry a plant belt, for their birthings. Other plants are used as
cataplasms or for herbal drinks. Those in charge of child birth ("faith
healers"] mainly provide this service in the sitio perimeter but they
can also be called outside of it, within a limited perimeter, namely
Almaray, Mahinit (Davao del Sur) or in Makolan located in the area of
lake Sebu (province of South Cotabato). The sharing of experience and
knowledge goes beyond the administrative town boundaries, which
shows how the territory still stands as the space of cultural practices.
Death is at the origin of the Blaan's survival in their territory
The elements of the myth which allow it can be seen everyday in
nature. This idea of death, often associated with a sacrifice which
leads to the survival of the population thanks to the creation of the
feeding plants, has often been mentioned by Nicole Revel on Palawan
Island. She refers to the death of a child who has been dismembered
in a field and whose death contributed to the culture of palay. The
populations created by supernatural beings owe them their lives since
the latter also provided them with the means of life notably with the
introduction of feeding plants. Their activities recreate the myth,
respect tradition, yet traditional farming essentially aims at achieving
the household's self-sufficiency and at keeping part of the needed
seeds for the next crop.
RECONSTRUCTION OF SACRED LANDMARKS WITH

EVOLUTION OF THE LANDSCAPE
Landscape and Natural Elements are Part of Sacred Practices
Many elements or places are regarded as being sacred.

Sacredness is first and foremost associated with the animist legacy of
the Blaan. It also relies on the integration of the dead in the territory.
Cemeteries are sacred spaces and generally correspond to wooded
areas. The geography of these places has been altered and some sites
have disappeared with the spreading of cultivated areas. Yet, the
Blaan still identify these places and adopt a respectful behavior when
they come close to such sacred sites. The woods were the places
where they would hang the dead. Each clan has its own place, but in
the 1960's burials took over in designated cemeteries. Today, the
practice of burying the dead in a cemetery is still in use but some bury
their dead on their own land up in the hills.
All the flat areas up to 1,500 m can host plantations such as
pineapple. Rnnana and papaya trees have definitely replaced the rice
in the pla ns. Modern fruit packaging techniques make the expansion
of plantai ^ easier. The evolution of the land use is due to the
willfulness of a big food-company whose main settlement is in the
neighborhood of the studied area (Landan/Polomolok]. The Dole
plantation can only own 1,500 hectares, to extend its area in
pineapples it has no choice but to rent some fields or plots in the
surrounding areas to make the fruit packaging easier. This drastic
change in the land use no longer involves the farmers and transforms
the traditional agricultural calendar inherited from the myth. The
setting of big plantation fields draws a new agricultural landscape and
may bring about the disappearance of the sacred places. The crops
with commercial purposes occupy the best lands, and the farmers had
to extend their food-producing crops in the forest areas (which are
traditionally dedicated to the dead] and on the steepest slopes. The
sacred spaces can compete with one another, and the space that is
generally devoted to the dead and that is generally surrounded by a
dark forest or a cliff becomes a thin portion of land. This preservation
of the sacred areas is only made possible thanks to the permanence of
the Blaan in their environment in spite of the high degree of mutation
in land use. They guarantee the sacredness of the places. Yet, when it
came to the complete land-grabbing by a company whose goal was
over-exploitation, the sacred places vanished and are only present in
the memories of the local Blaan population still in their territory.
On the Scale of the Space Blessed by the Myth, the Sacred

Landmarks Have Evolved
Thus, on the scale of the place blessed by the myth, the sacred
landmarks are varied and rooted in the syncretism of the Blaan's
beliefs as well as in the tales related to the history of the region. Their
permanence is due to a legacy process, but sacredness is present in
the behaviors linked to fear and the respect of these sacred places
occupied by the spirits of the dead.
Mount Matutum is the main landmark of the mythic stronghold
of the Blaan in the South of Mindanao. It still represents the central
axis which enables the worshippers to get in touch with the spirits.
Yet, its role has evolved and in the most recent stories one of its slopes
would be holding back the Muslim populations. Mount Matutum is
then seen as a rampart against the Muslims. This role of protection
that has been granted to this mountain is fairly new and shows again
the integration of new elements in the perpetual evolution of the
myth.
Mount Matutum is also a haven. Indeed it welcomes the
populations that have been chased and moved away from the
lowlands on its slopes. This begets a double competition within space
management: The first one, the relocation of Blaan population, implies
a competition in its territory, as regards the upper lands. In the case of
poblacion Malungon, the inhabitants of sitio Almaray have established
a double residence, one in Almaray with only small dwellings along
the way leading to the plantation fields and the other one in T'murok
located in the upper land where a kind of "traditional space" could be
re-instated. The second form of competition results from farming.
Thus to produce palay the forest, that is traditionally the territory of
the dead and the place where the medicinal plants are uprooted for
the shaman, is partially destroyed. Two spaces dedicated to
sacredness compete against one another, the elnigo reduces the
sufeng dedicated to the dead to a few spots. The re-location of the
Blaan brings about the creation of new mortuary spaces.
The Blaan traditions are syncretic and mix several references
to Christianism. Indeed, the spirits of the dead must reach the Mot,
the equivalent of the purgatory for the Blaans. The kilot refers to a
genuine geographic site and corresponds to a hill near Lun Masla
(Poblacion Malapatan]. This place is sacred and regarded as being
untouchable for the Blaan people. Those passing in the vicinity of the
hill can hear children's screams. Recent construction works in a
nearby perimeter gave rise to the unexplained death of a bulldozer
driver. What's more, so as to continue the works, offerings were made
in February 2008 to calm down the spirits of the place. Some people
say that if a person is assassinated, the latter's spirit will first reach
Sacredness, death and landscapes ofBlaan 47
the kilot, then the toh langit (heaven) or lanaw lifo (hell).
Other places quoted by elderly in story telling also involve the
death that occurred during tribal wars in the past. It's the case of the
"Buntud Tulan" hill F. Basino refers to a fight which took place
between the Blaan and the Manobo tribes in the past. After the fight
the Blaan won, bodies were piled up and shaped the hill, Buntud Tulan
means 'hill of bones'. The dead are included in the landscape and this
element recalls the history of the community.
^0
Figure 2. Sacred Landmarks at a Regional Scale.
On the regional scale, some elements of this landscape ref

the myth. The meaning of Mount Matutum in this general sket
beliefs integrated in the environment changes with time, the o
elements that are relevant are gradually encompassed in the
Here again the reference to the death and survival of the g
ubiquitous, like the reproduction of the myth or the location
group. Elements of the landscape are the visible signs of the ev
of sacredness for the worshippers of the place.
Sacred Landmarks are Linked to a Fear of Spirits

and Memories of Ancestors
Sacredness is present in daily life and can be studied in the
sitio Lamlifew, Malungon poblaci?n in the province of Sarangani. On a
local scale, the sacred places known by the residents inspire respect.
These places are inhabited by some spirits that must be feared should
they be offended. They have a real geographic settlement and convey
a mixture of beliefs among the Blaan.
1 - dan mortuary site /iamlifew

2- ctoi mortuary me tI amlffew
%^muleog'* a stone /silence must be respected when passing thry the place
4- *Mefcew* name of a tree/ steep area
$- *Uto WaWng-WaUiig* secret cemetery of the Btaarn
6-"Balan* mortuary place
7"Uog* cemetery "only one buried the dead"
5- TOsao" sacred caves occupied by the Japanese? during second world war,
**K*eo* ft nitb Lafgatdo* sacred area/ cave
TO- Mafcnlt public cemetery
Figure 3. The Sacred Areas in Datal Tampal.
The fear of the spirits demands silence as is the case in front of

the makew, on the northern side of sitio Lamlifew, and which
corresponds to a steep chalk cliff. The muleng is a steep slope densely

covered by forest. The evolution of the mortuary sites is also
significant as regards the evolution of religious practices. As a matter
of fact the community worshippers can spot these traditional
mortuary settlements that are either still in use or not. Three of these
places could be identified by the inhabitants around Lamlifew, JJlo
Waling Waling described as a secret Blaan cemetery, Balan simply
means cemetery, and Laog is associated with the phrase "only one
buries the dead". The evolution of mortuary places is linked to the
new legislation and implementation of new administrative boundaries
in the seventies but also to the respect of the Christian burial
tradition. In fact, cemeteries were created at the time.
Sacredness is also associated with caves. The caves named Kleb
and Hit Lafgatdo are sacred as is the place kisao which was occupied
by the Japanese during World War II.
For the Blaan space is not homogeneous. Some identifiable
places are qualitatively different and some are sacred, conveyors of
meaning and therefore blessed. Some can be likened to centers, that is
places that keep "an exceptional quality" even for those who are not
so great believers. It's always possible for them to bless new land with
the creation of the elnigo or with new mortuary sites like in T'murok
with the transfer of residence of the Blaan of Almaray. The references
to the myth change according to beliefs and history, the region
remains sacred.
THE RESIDENCE OF THE DEAD: FROM THE

TREES...TO THE CEMETERY
Traditional Association of the Trees and the

River Towards Heaven
Some information gathered in 1972 gives details about the

traditional mortuary ceremonies that are practiced in trees in the area
of Lawa, but also in the surroundings of Lake Buluan according to
testimonies collected in 1936. The body is kept for three weeks in
one's home. If the dead is a chief or datu, the body will be buried in a
coffin carved in a tree trunk. The coffin accommodates the body and is
placed in the family house over the period of that is needed for the
50 Ph ilippine Quarterly of Culture & Society
family to choose the burial place and share the deceased's belongings.
This discussion lasts between one to three weeks. After a meal, the
coffin is hung up in the elected tree and anchored in branches. If the
dead is a married woman, the body can not be buried as long as the
husband has not given her parents a horse [kurd] or a buffalo
[carabaci). Sometimes the relatives don't take the time to hang up the
body and put it down at the foot of the tree. In the case of a poor
person, the latter is simply put on a mat or locked up in a bamboo
trunk, with the head and feet covered by pieces of cloth.
Some testimonies also show this practice in the Malapatan area
(Glan, Sarangani province). Until the seventies, bodies were hung up
and family stories indicate that the liquids dripping from the bodies
were collected to be cooked with sweet potatoes.
From the seventies on, burial has been increasingly practiced
and some ceremonies linked with water are still being used by the
relatives. Nine days after the burial, deceased's relatives meet and go
through the "Tofo lam eel". They are to cross the river, one of them
will beat the dead's wife with branches, and then, she will remove her
clothes and give them to the relatives of her husband who attended
the ceremony This custom is still in use today. Then the group joins
the family of the dead to enjoy a thanking meal. The crossing of the
river is one of the common symbols between animism and Christian
symbolism. The water announces the return to life, the end of
mourning for the widow but also the rebirth and life continuation in
spite of sorrow. The elderly are responsible for the burial ceremony,
the grave is dug up by the youngest son. Before putting the body in the
grave, the wife delivers a short speech to tell the dead not to come
back and not to worry, he can head directly for heaven.
Another type of ceremony is reported by Neri (1979). The
evening following the death, the relatives meet and sing all night long
about the righteousness of the dead and their sorrow. The body is
placed on a mat in the middle of the house and for three days it is
watched by its relatives. During this time, they avoid any distractions
such as shouting or speaking loudly. The women stop working and the
men no longer go to the fields. Breaking the taboo could bring about
the revenge of the spirit of the dead that is still in the surrounding
area. After these three days of mourning, the body is wrapped in mats
and buried in the vicinity of the house. All the persons who are
present go home, at that moment, the clan chief or datu prepares

some cataplasms with betel leaves that he lets drift down the river,
while the men are shouting. This action removes the taboo, the
members of the community resume their work.
The Influence of Christians and the Creation of Cemeteries
The dead, whatever their religion or beliefs, are associated

with sacredness and fear. They are settled in the community space
and everyone knows about their places. This organization of the
presence of the dead changed with the acceptance of Christianism but
its association with the landscape is still present.
With the multiplication of the Christian Pentecost's missions in
the sixties, the symbolic link to nature was modified. As a matter of
fact, the tree, whatever one's religion, conveys life in its growth and is
therefore a symbol of verticality. But it stands for the cycle of cosmic
evolution too, death and regeneration. Unsurprisingly the Blaan
traditionally placed their dead in trees so that they could be in touch
with heaven, like in the numerous shaman-like rituals. Yet, the arrival
of the Christian migrants from the north of the archipelago greatly
transformed this tradition. Indeed, in the Bible, the symbol of the tree
conveys two main interpretations. One is the tree of life, the second
the tree of the Cross. Thus the tree can become a sign of a curse when
it's used as gallows for those condemned's to death. In fact the hanged
man that it bears soils the sacred land, because he is a curse of God.
However Jesus Christ chose to take on this curse. He carried human
faults in his body on the wooden cross, he nailed the death sentence
which was addressed to everybody. Thus, the tree of the Cross
became the "tree that saves". The footpath leading to heaven, where
the Life Tree grows, is open. This biblical message of the Tree
definitely inspires the life of the animist rituals of the Blaan as regards
the burial whose traditional practices were incompatible with the
Christian text. In the seventies, under hygienist measures, carrying of
the body into the tree, even far from the houses was banned. This
practice, however, still exists in remote farms. Now the Blaan must
bury their dead. There are two kinds of cemeteries, the public ones
where the natives from the Luzon or Visayas areas are buried, and the
clan cemeteries like in Lamlifew (Malungon poblaci?n) where the
Blaan are buried.

The graves are mostly located in an often steep place that is
more or less unsuitable for farming. Until recently, a big stone marked
the place where the body was which led to the ordination of the site.
The burial was generally practiced on the elnigo of the deceased, thus
reproducing the life cycle of the Blaan according to the founding myth
of the community. After all it was a dead child who first brought
feeding plants into the world to the Blaans. The big stone is a great
symbol of permanence and, in this case, of the creation myth. In
Lamlifew, the two cemeteries are located in steep rocky areas, the
stones have now been replaced with cement slabs or metals sheets
deprived of any religious sign or cross. The rocky place symbolizes the
permanent state of sacredness and remains associated with the trees,
which shows that death is still connected to forest areas.
The graves and their materialization with stones or rocky
places can be considered as permanent elements of sacredness in the
Blaan's landscape despite the evolution of agricultural practices and
the meaning of the religious message attached to them. In the past, the
dead who were transported to the forest came closer to the living
populations due to the increase of dwellings.
The cult of the ancestors ties the living to the world of the
dead, the cultural background is lived because the forebears are part
of the daily life of the community (family, clan). The ancestor has the
power to protect the community, to make sure that the clan will be
perpetrated, and will not fall into oblivion, which is synonymous with
the ultimate death. On a local level, the dead provide a guarantee as
regards the links they knot with the population and especially the one
with the clan, whose members are still the descendants of the myth.
Conclusion
The landscape for the Blaan is the result of the myth which
gave birth to the community. Analyzing it through different scales
highlights the evolution of this community and its practices. Those
elements are the cultivated space: the elnigo connects the Blaan to the
future of the clan which clearly shows a link with death and its
constant rebirth. Nevertheless, the world-territory of the Blaan
shrinks because of the introduction of crops with commercial value
Sacredness, death and landscapes ofBlaan 53
for clear economic reasons. The elnigo is supposed to provide enough

food for the family, which is not true today. It is finally the
competition for the land use which transforms and reshapes the
relations to sacredness among the Blaan. The traditional rituals, most
of which are of oral tradition, are flexible and include numerous
elements but keep the taboos, especially those concerning the sacred
places. Pentecost practices, which have been a large part of the Blaan
community since the seventies, are tolerant. The religious message is
basic and centered on the character of Jesus Christ. It leads the
religious believer to get in touch with God to fulfill his needs. Wasn't it
what the Blaan did in the mythic tale to survive through the bird
messenger, the almugan? We can see in Pentecost practices a kind of
"magic-religion".
The support of the sacred in the landscape, whatever the
religious syncretism, still exists, and a few practices have evolved.
Indeed the myth which underwent the loss of its oral tradition is more
simple and can be assimilated to a biblical message. What's more the
mortuary ritual, which was imposed quite lately, has also changed. In
the Blaan community, the link to the sacred is revealed by the
ancestors' constant reminder grounded in the territory. There are the
ones who dedicate the most numerous places to it, which accounts for
the proof of the control of the relations between the dead and the
population in the Mount Matutum region.
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Sacredness, Death and Landscapes Among The Blaan (Mindanao) - A Cultural Geography Study

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University of San Carlos Publications

Sacredness, Death and Landscapes among the

This study takes place in the southwestern part of Mindanao

Dr Catherine Gueguen is an Associate Researcher, Espace, Nature et Culture

The territory is a social space. This concept is used by

Figure 1. Blaan Settlement in Southern Mindanao

In fact, sacredness has been evolving in this area since the

THE LANDSCAPE: SHOWCASE OF THE WORLD-TERRITORY

Southern Mindanao: Mythic Settlement of the Blaan Community

Their space occupation is above all based on culture. Indeed,

mountainous lands. Traditionally used as a feeding source, the

represented in all medicinal herbs, thanks to which Mount Matutum is

The Reproduction of the Myth Sanctified the Landscape

Almost all Blaans are farmers. Growing food remains their

(through the almugan).

or due to a lack of food.

The Domestic Space Blessed by the Mythic

The creation of traditional food elements is included in the

household's garden. Few people know their characteristics, which is

RECONSTRUCTION OF SACRED LANDMARKS WITH

Landscape and Natural Elements are Part of Sacred Practices

Many elements or places are regarded as being sacred.

On the Scale of the Space Blessed by the Myth, the Sacred

On the regional scale, some elements of this landscape ref

Sacred Landmarks are Linked to a Fear of Spirits

1 - dan mortuary site /iamlifew

Figure 3. The Sacred Areas in Datal Tampal.

The fear of the spirits demands silence as is the case in front of

corresponds to a steep chalk cliff. The muleng is a steep slope densely

THE RESIDENCE OF THE DEAD: FROM THE

Traditional Association of the Trees and the

Some information gathered in 1972 gives details about the

present go home, at that moment, the clan chief or datu prepares

The Influence of Christians and the Creation of Cemeteries

The dead, whatever their religion or beliefs, are associated

Blaan are buried.

for clear economic reasons. The elnigo is supposed to provide enough

Eugenio, D.L. (Coor.)

Spencer, J.E. and F.L. Wernstedt

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