Revival and Innovation: The Case of the Norwegian Seljefløyte

Author(s): Ola Kai Ledang

Source: Yearbook for Traditional Music , 1986, Vol. 18 (1986), pp. 145-156
Published by: Cambridge University Press

Stable URL: https://www.jstor.org/stable/768526

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 REVIVAL AND INNOVATION: THE CASE OF THE
NORWEGIAN SELJEFLOYTE1

by Ola Kai Ledang

Traditions exist among social groups, but they are created, carrie
and changed by individuals. The present paper is an attempt to
how both ideas and actions at the individual level and the flow of
tradition from one individual to another add up to an historical deve
ment. In the case of the selijefllyte (willow-flute), this interactive proce
might be described as the simultaneous innovation of a new instrum
and the revival of an almost forgotten one. In vernacular Norwegian thi
term refers to different kinds of commonly known bark pipes or whis
Here I will use "seljefloyte" in the more restricted meaning of a long ov
blown fipple flute without finger holes, made from bark or ot
material. The present study, being essentially exploratory and desc
tive, is based on information collected through interviews and or
accounts of players since the mid-1960s and a socio-musicological sur
of 23 players made during 1984. A more comprehensive presentation and
analysis will appear in a forthcoming monograph on the seljefloyte.
Studies of the process of change in traditional music often tend
emphasize the large-scale perspective, with little attempt at comp
hensive coverage of interaction at individual levels. This tende
probably arises from the fact that a great number of persons
contextual factors are normally involved in such a process, necessita
broad generalizations and making comprehensive person-to-per
investigations virtually impossible.
Against such a background, the example of the Norwegian seljeflo
affords a unique opportunity to trace individual ties between a declin
tradition and a developing one, since the number of players involved
the process of change is limited, and their identities can be fairly ea
traced within Norway's relatively small and comparatively discret
population, comprising just over 4 million people. Contemporar
seljefl-ayte playing can also be readily examined because the players
today perform not only in private settings but in public contexts fairly
easy to detect, observe, and document. Only a few old-timers still li
their performing to the family circle or other private settings. My sou
of information on today's seljefloyte players are the following:
1) My own records of players-both old and young-collected in
course of field work and inquiries during the past twenty years.
2) The catalog of seljeflayte recordings in the archives of the
Norwegian Broadcasting Corporation (Norsk Rikskringkasting),
which includes virtually all players who have been recorded.
3) The membership files of The National League of Fiddle Players
(Landslaget for Spelemenn), which include information on members
claiming to play the seljefloyte.

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146 / 1986 YEARBOOK FOR TRADITIONAL MUSIC

Based on these three sources, my list of seljefloyte players-all mal

incidentally-assumed to be active in 1984 consists of 23 names.
Realizing the obvious possibility that musicologists, as well as musicia
music teachers, and other music professionals, may play an influent
role in the process under examination, I decided to include not only m
honored seljefloyte-playing colleagues but also myself in the players' list.
The data generated through the survey confirm the validity and imp
tance of this decision.

Historical background
Before proceeding to analyze the present situation, a brief outline of
historical background might be useful to readers not familiar with
Norwegian music. When folk music collector Eivind Groven (1901-77)
published his booklet Naturskalaen. Tonale lover i norsk folkemusikk,
bundne til seljefloyte (1927) [The Nature Scale: Laws of Tonality in
Norwegian Folk Music, Bound to the Seljefloyte], he revealed a musical
instrument still being made and used in rural settings but one which had
never attracted the interest of the reading public.
The seljefloyte described by Groven was traditionally a shepherd's
instrument. Even though women took charge of the mountain farming,
most shepherds were boys. On the other hand, there is evidence that the
seljefloyte was not exclusively a man's instrument. This is also borne out
by the fact that one of the older players I have met was a woman, Marie
Vallestad (1889-1981), who also learned to play while working as a
shepherd. On my request she pointed out, however, that she herself did
not make the seljeflyte; she played on flutes made by a male relative
(Vollestad, personal communication 1968). Although she was allowed to
do boys' work and participate in their music making activities, she
apparently did not carry or learn to use a knife, considered an indispen-
sable tool to males and indeed necessary to make a seljefloyte. (I feel
stripped without my sheath knife, myself; I am an old-fashioned man.)
On the whole, Marie Vollestad thus confirmed that generally, the
seljefloyte was a shepherd's instrument, made and played upon primarily
by young boys during springtime and early summer, when the sap is
rising in the wood and the bark can easily be peeled off.
By the twenties and thirties this tradition had begun to dwindle.
Changes brought about by the modernization and mechanization of
Norwegian agriculture, including the evolution of the dairy industry,
made the mountain farm obsolete. Mountain farming, which had been
an important part of agriculture at least since the Viking period,
suddenly lost importance. A number of traditional musical activities
functionally tied to this kind of farm work virtually disappeared along
with it. This applied to cattle calls, a wide range of functional songs,
specialized calls used as vocal communication between people, lur (wood
trumpet) and ram's horn signaling and playing-and the seljefloyte.
Just as many old mountain farms nowadays serve a new purpose as
romantic, picturesque hideaways used by local people as well as tourists,
some of the archaic musical creations that used to be functionally inte-

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LEDANG SELJEFLOYTE / 147

grated parts of mountain f

festivals, concerts, and folk
community members. But wh
same shape and are made fr
tional seljefloyte-formerly
ment-has been superseded b
in birchbark, with a nicely

The Process of Change

The innovation of the pla
name for want of any be
analyzed elsewhere (Ledang
same applies to musical ch
between bark and plastic fl
the instrument itself, the s
and change in a tradition of
recent decades and, in par
players and the now prac
tradition.
With increasingly rare exce
Anton Biloygard (born 19
seljefloyte maker/players w
society and mountain farmi
tradition is Marius Nytroen
appeared in festivals both n
sixties but has been less act
seventies. Today the old, tra
tially history.
Because of the innovatio
material in the sixties, howe
grown during the past two
emerged and can be observ
(plural, kappleikar-generic t
local, regional and national
schools; and 3) in the mass m
These players, most of them
acquired their skill and dev
the mass media) and, to a
contact) is based on the olde
Nytroen.
Between the younger generation-hereafter referred to as the contem-
poraries -and the surviving representatives of the old tradition-here
called the old-timers-one finds an interesting interaction involving
persons who might best be described as go-betweens. This last group
consists of players and makers of different backgrounds who developed
interest in the seljeflkyte as adults and whose knowledge and individual
skills in making and playing the seljefleyte rest to a considerable extent
upon personal contact with one or more old-timers. Initially, during my

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148 / 1986 YEARBOOK FOR TRADITIONAL MUSIC

field work, I was not able to establish any clear-cut dividing line betw
the go-betweens and the contemporaries, based on contextual or
cultural factors. Only the old-timers were easily and unambiguo
distinguishable from other players, due to the fact that they we
only ones whose knowledge and skills rested completely on a local,
tradition. In spite of this, the concept of "go-betweens" appeared usef
legitimate, and crucial to a description, discussion, and analysis o
revival and innovation process. However, as will be shown below,
analysis of the communication process itself a clear distinction be
the go-betweens and the contemporaries began to be revealed.

A Sociomusicological Survey
Most of the evidence on which these groupings are based, and
which this paper's principal thesis rests, was collected as part of my 1
survey. Since limited resources did not permit personal inter
(which would have been the ideal procedure), the survey had to be
on a questionnaire mailed to each individual player. In addition to
for such essential social background data as age and profession,
questionnaire contained 38 questions related to each player's indiv
background and activities regarding seljefloyte playing and makin
Questions 1-5 solicited information about when, from whom, a
what manner the player first learned about the seljeflryte, how h
expanded his knowledge, and what he considered to be the most c
teristic property of this instrument. Questions 6-15 dealt with differ
aspects of playing: when, why, in what way, and from whom h
learned to play, a description of playing contexts including ense
performance, participation in kappleikar, festivals, concert perf
ances and the like, practicing patterns, and reasons for playing (o
playing anymore). Questions 16-22 dealt with repertory, including tit
numbers of tunes, when, how and from whom the tunes had been
learned, melody-making activities, and the like. Questions 23-32 were
related to the kinds of instruments the player was using, including both
bark and durable-material varieties, description of these instruments,
how and where they had been acquired, who had made them, and indi-
vidual instrument-making activities. Questions 33-35 dealt with contact
among players, as well as general knowledge about players. Finally,
questions 36-38 dealt with seljefloyte-teaching activities and the
respondent's background as a performer on other instruments and also
gave the player an opportunity to provide additional information,
responses, or comments. All questions were open, without fixed answer
categories, and required as few additional explanations as possible.
Thus, the questionnaire was designed in such a way as to encourage each
player to formulate his answers individually without being forced to
employ predetermined categories or concepts.
The format of the present paper prevents extended presentation of
data from the survey. I shall here comment only upon some selected
aspects related to the revival versus innovation problem. One idea
underlying my approach is that data accumulated on the individual level

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 LEDANG SELJEFLOYTE / 149

can furnish a quite detailed pi

from the mere facts about ac
ation of what is seen and und
change himself. Needless to sa
study, limited in scope. A mo
able only by relating the com
perspective on mainstream No
wait.

Response -Representativeness
Of the 23 players surveyed, 22 responded to the questionnaire. The
one who did not respond appears not to have been very active musically.
No other player referred to him, which indicates that his influence on or
contributions to the contemporary seljefloyte tradition have been of
limited significance. Consequently one may safely draw the conclusion
that the data gained from the 22 players who responded are virtually
complete and representative of the state of affairs in the year 1984.

Social Background and Age of the Players

Three old-timers are included in the survey: Anton Biloygard from
Lom, Gudbrandsdal, and Marius and Jostein Nytroen from Vingelen,
Nord-0sterdalen. All are farmers and learned to play as shepherds
during early childhood. A similar rural background applies to all known
players with roots in the old tradition, including Eivind Groven from
Lardal, Telemark; Marie Vallestad from Drangedal, Telemark (the only
female seljeflryte player I know); and Knut Stordokk (1873-1961) from
Nore, Numedal. Jostein Nytroen, being much younger than the other
old-timers, is also the most active player nowadays, though less so now
than during the fifties and sixties.
The four go-betweens in the survey are from differing backgrounds.
One, Egil Storbekken, is a folk musician, instrument-maker, and dealer
living in rural Tolga, in Nord-0sterdalen. Two, Reidar Sevag and I, are
university-employed ethnomusicologists living, respectively, in Oslo and
Trondheim. The fourth, Arne Rorine, is a retired house painter living in
Oslo. Thus, three make their living from traditional music (although in
different ways), while the profession of the fourth has nothing to do with
music. For the sake of completeness, though, it might be added that Arne
Roine has been extremely active as a folk music performer at kappleikar,
festivals, and concerts and that he has also played hardingfele dance
music regularly at courses and meetings in Oslo. It thus appears that all
the go-betweens not only share a deep commitment to the seljefloyte, as
to older folk music traditions in general, but also gain some personal
profit out of the instrument in one way or another. Considered in the
context of their ages, Roine, Storbekken, and Sevag, all born between
1908 and 1923, can be compared to the younger old-timers. My own
birthdate (1940) more closely approaches those of the contemporaries.
The 15 contemporaries constitute a socially mixed group. Two are
farmers; the remaining 13 are white-collar workers, including 5

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150 / 1986 YEARBOOK FOR TRADITIONAL MUSIC

musicians (one of them also a student and one a music teacher), 4

teachers or lecturers (one also a journalist and musician, another a
businessman and member of the Norwegian Parliament), two university-
employed musicologists, one engineer, and one office worker. A
majority (8) of the white-collar workers live in cities (6 in Oslo) and 5 in
rural places. A striking feature of the contemporaries, taken as a group,
is the dominance of persons with higher education, many of whom
achieve contact with large numbers of people through their work. A
considerable number of the contemporaries are making a living from
music as musicians, teachers, or musicologists. It is also noteworthy that
as many as 7 (including the two farmers) live in rural locales. As for their
commitment to the seljeflayte, one finds a multitude of attitudes and
uses, from playing merely for personal pleasure to professional perform-
ance in a concert context. Most of the contemporaries are relatively
young: one was born in the tens, two in the twenties, one in the thirties,
but 6 in the forties and 5 in the fifties.

Relationships Between Players

I shall employ a structuralist approach in analyzing the way in which
the seljeflayte tradition is passed on from player to player. The 1984
survey reliably reports from whom and in what manner each of today's
players learned how to play, as well as how they developed their
repertory. We possess similar information concerning old-timers not
included in the survey. The collected data confirms what seems to be
generally the case, namely, that the flow of tradition involves numerous
kinds of human interaction. But in this connection I want to place special
emphasis on significant distinctions between two main categories of
communication: 1) the direct, two-way communication through
personal, face-to-face contact, which is characteristic of conventional
oral traditions, and 2) the mostly indirect, one-way communication
achieved through modern mass media.
Figure 1 presents a flow network model based on these categories. This
model offers a simplified (!) picture of how the seljefloyte tradition is
passed on from one player to another. The underlying design, repre-
senting certain documented relationships between individuals within the
total population of known seljefloyte players, is derived from Hage and
Harary (1983), who describe a study by Zachary (1977) of social
relationships in a karate club.
The model reveals several important characteristics. Not only does it
confirm and highlight the unique role played by the go-betweens in
"mediating" the tradition from the old-timers to the contemporaries; it
also allows us to analyze the entire dynamic transformation process. I
shall venture only a few suggestions in this direction and try to point out
some aspects relevant to the concepts of revival and innovation.
First of all, the communicational aspects of the model reveal the
principal difference between the go-betweens and the contemporaries,
which could not be so easily identified directly from my field work
experience: while every go-between has both an input and an output, the

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 LEDANG SELJEFLOYTE / 151

Fig. 1
A flow network model showing how the seljefloyte tradition is passed on from player to
player. The black, black-and-white, and white circles represent old-timers, go-betweens,
and contemporaries, respectively. The arrows from outside represent local traditions; the
directed lines represent the flow of tradition from player to player; and heavy and lighter
lines, respectively, depict communication through face-to-face personal contact and
through the mass media.

25

2 24

3
42 23

22

21
5

6 20

7 19

a is~ i

10 16

S11 15
12 14
13

contemporaries all have no output. This is a significant distinction

emphasizing the fact that the first-mentioned group plays a unique and
important role in mediating-and thus controlling-the transformation
process whereby an old rural tradition is reborn into modern society.
Interestingly enough, it also indicates that each contemporary reflects
only the tradition of one or more old-timers or go-betweens or both,
since there is no flow of tradition (i.e., repertory) among contempor-
aries. Additional data from the survey confirms that to a certain extent,
each of the most prominent contemporaries in fact has specialized in the

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152 / 1986 YEARBOOK FOR TRADITIONAL MUSIC

repertory of one old-timer only. This again seems to reflect certai

preferences among the contemporaries, each one choosing to base h
own repertory on one old-timer, whose repertory he considers mo
interesting or appealing.
Not unexpectedly, Figure 1 demonstrates in a clear way that each ol
timer represents his or her own, distinctly local tradition. Except for th
father-son relationship between players 2 and 3, there is no evidence
music exchanged among old-timers -perhaps a trivial observation, sin
each of these players is or was the only surviving representative of
strictly local practice of making and playing the seljeflsyte.
More surprisingly, the model reveals a complete lack of internal flo
of tradition among either go-betweens or contemporaries. While go
betweens have learned playing techniques and repertory from o
timers, rather than from each other, the contemporaries have acquir
their tradition both from old-timers and go-betweens, but not from each
other. A reservation must be made, though, that certain kinds
influence between players are not taken into consideration in the model.
More subtle, informal contacts, e.g., at concerts, different kinds o
gatherings, or through the mass media have certainly been at work. But,
in general, most players seem to be unaware of the significance of su
contacts. Thus, one must assume that the total picture is more
detailed-and much more complicated--than what is indicated by the
flow network model. In any case, the apparent lack of internal flow
among contemporaries may be seen as an indication that they represe
the birth of a new tradition, which is in its early, formative stage. If th
newborn tradition continues to grow, one might foresee this first sta
followed by another, more productive one, in which exchange
repertory among contemporaries takes place.
As already mentioned, the model clearly points out the particular ro
of the go-betweens. In most cases, the flow of tradition can be described
by reference to the simplified model shown in Figure 2:

Fig. 2
A simplified flow network model derived from Fig. 1

The complete flow network model in Fig. 1 demonstrates that several

flow networks like the one depicted in Fig. 2, involving different old-
timers and/or go-betweens, may apply to one and the same contem-
porary. A challenging question relates to the total effect due to infor-

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 LEDANG SELJEFLOYTE / 153

mation transmitted through t

the situation can be illustrate
let us consider the conflict that would arise as soon as the information
relayed through channel b became incompatible with that passed
through channel c. Since old-timers are generally recognized as the more
authoritative sources, one would expect that the flow of tradition from
go-betweens (through channel b) makes its strongest impact when it rein-
forces that from the old-timers (through channel c). In general, this tends
to be the case.
An interesting example of what can occur in the case of incompatible
information relayed through the b and c channels can also be reported.
Groven's (1927) conception of the seljeflsyte as a so-called "nature-scale
instrument" pervades the literature on this instrument and also has found
general acceptance among seljeflyte players and folk music lovers. The
first time this conception was challenged occurred 15 years ago, when I
made public my theoretical and empirical studies on the acoustical and
musical properties of the seljeflayte, proving Groven's hypothesis to be
faulty (Ledang 1970 and 1971, also 1969). Since then, I have consist-
ently-both orally and in writing-made necessary corrections every
time I have chanced to comment upon this issue (e.g., Ledang 1975:4ff).
Yet is has proved extremely difficult to change such an important and
popular concept, which seems to be associated in a most fundamental
way with the identity of the instrument.
It is tempting to see this as a relatively recent case of myth-making.
The myth of the "nature-scale" as embodied in the seljefloyte and put
forward by Groven (1927) apparently reflects concepts deeply rooted in
Norwegian culture, particularly the national-romantic wave. Similar
ideas sometimes occur in 20th century Norwegian poetry as well. This
may explain why Groven's assertion that the seljefloyte is a "nature-scale
instrument" is still a widely held misconception. The apparently close
ties between the myth of the seljefloyte as a "nature-scale instrument"
and a deep, obscure current of nature mysticism in Norwegian culture
does not appear encouraging to myth-killing efforts in this arena.
It thus appears that the effect of the go-betweens is fundamentally that
of reinforcement of the traditions emanating from the old-timers. As far
as the more generalized concepts are concerned, this applies in particular
to Eivind Groven and his theories. Corrections of established
concepts-even such as can be proven wrong-may require long-ter
continued efforts before there can be any hope of success.
Sometimes go-betweens play a more independent role, cf. Fig. 3,
at other times they do not contribute at all to the flow of traditio
Fig. 4. Both of these are rare cases.

Fig. 3
A simplified flow network model in which there is no communication from old-timer to
contemporary through mass media.

a b

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154 / 1986 YEARBOOK FOR TRADITIONAL MUSIC

Fig. 4
A simplified flow network model in which there is no communication via go-between.

The particular function of the go-betweens, revealed by the general

flow network model, might throw some light upon the cultural and
social role of this group of players in contemporary Norwegian society.
The transformation process in which the seljefloyte tradition is seen in
this paper involves both change and stability. Both factors are
represented in the activities of the go-betweens. One of these individuals
created and promoted the modern plastic flute. Two of them, being
established musicologists, have in their research and teachings contrib-
uted to giving a new status to the instrument. All of them, being recog-
nized as people with certain knowledge about the seljefloyte tradition,
contribute to coining a new, traditional concept of this instrument.
While being based on the tradition of the old-timers, this new concept is
essentially different from the old one. Thus, it reflects not only objective
knowledge but also an interpretation of this knowledge, which meets the
particular needs that arise when old traditions are integrated into new
contexts of contemporary society. Thus, a small group of go-betweens
may exert a far-reaching influence on the way this whole process
develops.
It appears from the general model in Fig. 1 that surviving traces of
local traditions may be an important factor contributing to contem-
porary interest in the seljefloyte. While only one go-between claimed
influence from a local tradition, almost half of the contemporaries
mentioned local traditions as part of their background. In these cases the
concept of revival seems fully justified-the contemporaries contribute
to the revival of local seljefloyte traditions by adapting necessary skills
and knowledge from other traditions. Thus, the influence directly
exerted by go-betweens and/or indirectly by old-timers is instrumental
to the revival of almost forgotten local traditions. Seen from another
angle, the rise of a contemporary seljefl0yte tradition at the national
level is not only the outcome of efforts from a few influential old-timers
reinforced by go-betweens acting as culture entrepreneurs (Ledang 1984),
but also a reflection of the very last, scattered traces of seljeflayte making
and playing in different local communities.
Because of the loss of local knowledge regarding the traditional way of
making the seljefloyte, general accessibility to the instrument may be
regarded as a key requisite for the revival process. The ability to make a
functioning, traditional seljefloyte can hardly be acquired without some
individual instruction from someone who knows the art or the oppor-
tunity to see how a good flute is made. The most efficient way to learn
this is still through repeated imitation under the guidance of a skilled
maker/player. This is where Egil Storbekken's innovation-the plastic
seljefloyte--enters the picture. Were it not for the accessibility of the

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 LEDANG SELJEFLOYTE / 155

plastic seljefloyte (widely sold

revival process such as the on
possible. This is confirmed by
one finds players who do not k
from bark.
The ready-made plastic flute, then, furnishes contemporaries with the
one and only device they need to be able to take full advantage of the
one-way communication of musical sound through the mass media. And
the very concept of a durable, ready-made seljeflkyte that can be used all
year long, is entirely different from the traditional seasonal, throw-away
instrument. In summation, it appears that in the case of the Norwegian
seljefloyte, innovation and revival are complementary forces acting
within one and the same process of change.

NOTE

1. The author wants to thank Archivist Laurel Sercombe, Ethnomusicology Archives

University of Washington, for proof-reading and improving the manuscript.

REFERENCES CITED

Groven, Eivind
1927 Naturskalaen. Tonale lover i norsk folke-musikk, bundne til seljefley
Skien.
Hage, Per and Frank Harary
1983 Structural Models in Anthropology. Cambridge etc.
Ledang, Ola Kai
1969 The Seljeflute and Its Qualities as a Musical Instrument. An Empi
Study. Manuscript, 219 pp.
1970 "Seljefloyta-eit 'naturtoneinstrument'?" Paper presented at the Nor
Musicology Conference, Helsinki/Turku. 15 pp.
1971 "Seljefloyta-eit 'naturtoneinstrument'7" Spelemannsbladet 30, 3:2-6.
(Shortened and popularized version of the 1970 paper.)
1975 "Folkemusikkforsking-intellektuelt spel eller malretta kulturarbeid
Tradisjon 5:1-12.
1984 "Fra gjetarinstrument til turist-suvenir-seljeflayta i plast-alderen,"
Tviirspel: trettioen artiklar om musik. Festskrift till Jan Ling, pp. 44-53
Skrifter fran Musikvetenskapliga institutionen, Giteborg: 9.
L-kberg, Ole J. and Ola K. Ledang
1984 "Vibration of Flutes Studied by Electronic Speckle Pattern Inter-
ferometry," Applied Optics 23, 18:3052-3056.
Zachary, W.W.
1977 "An Information Flow Model for Conflict and Fission in Small Groups,"
Journal of Anthropological Research 33: 452-473. (Quoted after Hage and
Harary).

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156 / 1986 YEARBOOK FOR TRADITIONAL MUSIC

ABSTRACT

Endringsprosessar i musikklivet involverer gjerne eit utal aktorar og kontekstfakt

studiet av slike prosessar er det derfor vanlig A legge vekt pt dei store linene, utan
omfattanda unders0kingar pt individ-nivd. Mot ein slik bakgrunn byr den
seljefl0yte pt eit einesttande tilfelle der det er mulig a studere dei individuell
mellom den d0yande tradisjonen knytt til seterlivet og framveksten av ein
skreddarsydd for mediesamfunnet.
Gjennom ein post-enquete vAren 1984 vart det samla inn opplysningar om sosioku
bakgrunnsdata og tradisjonsbakgrunn for alle aktive seljefl0ytespelarar forfattaren
om, i alt 23 spelarar. Ved A analysere og systematisere opplysningane om korl
spelar har tileigna seg repertoaret sitt, kan ein dele tradisjonsberarane inn i tre gru
"dei gamle" som heilt ut hadde/har lokale roter i den gamle setertradisjone
"formidlarane," som har tileigna seg kunnskapar i vaksen alder gjennom medviten
og personlig kontakt med ein eller fleire av dei gamle og formidla denne kunnskap
"dei unge," som i tillegg har laert eit repertoar frA lydopptak (massemedia) av dei
Det syner seg at ei lita gruppe, formidlarane, speler ei viktig rolle i A tolke og f
den tradisjonelle seljefloyta pA ein slik mate at den yngre generasjon kan laere seg
instrumentet. Og samtidig som det eksisterer band mellom den eldre seljefl
instrumentet slik vi moter det i dag, har den yngre generasjon andre forestelli
seljefl0yta enn dei gamle hadde.
I hovudsak representerer formidlarane rett nok ei forsterking av den tradisjonen s
ut frA dei gamle: det skal mye til for d endre inngrodde forestellingar-jamvel slike
kan prove er feilakige. Dette gjeld t.d. myten om seljefloyta som eit naturtoneinst
som det ikkje finst grunnlag for. Kan hende heng livskrafta til denne myten saman
han er sA naert knytt til nasjonalromantisk tankegods.
PA den andre sida fremjar formidlarane ogsA ei nyskaping, den moderne seljeflo
plast, som pA avgjerande vis skil seg fra den tradisjonelle floyta av bark. Overgang
den gamle til den nye seljefl0ytetradisjonen har saleis karakter av ein endringspros
innovasjon (nyskaping) og revival (gjenoppliving) er viktige, komplementaere drivk

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