Tribal Culture, World Culture, Youth Culture - Wodaabe Dancers on Multiple Stages

Author(s): Elisabeth Boesen

Source: Sociologus , 2008, Vol. 58, No. 2 (2008), pp. 143-168
Published by: Duncker & Humblot GmbH

Stable URL: https://www.jstor.org/stable/43645629

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 Tribal Culture, World Culture, Youth Culture -
Wodaabe Dancers on Multiple Stages

By Elisabeth Boesen

"Youth" and "youth culture" have rarely been the focus of res
in Wodaabe ethnography, and Fulbe ethnography in general,
now. Unlike pastoral societies in East Africa, the Fulbe do not
complex age-set or class systems (cf. Gulliver 1968; Baxter & Alm
1978; La Fontaine 1978), relations between the generations ar
conflict-ridden and in this sense less interesting. Similar to East
ca, however, the period of youth is conspicuously long (cf. S
1970, 1990), and its unique expression in both cases is primari
ciated with the stylized physical appearance of the individua
prisingly, this "body art" has also failed to become the object of
ethnographic interest.1 Phenomena of this kind were generally
ered not to be on a par with other forms of aesthetic expression,
mobile pastoral societies, for example, were in fact referred to
cieties devoid of art".2
At the same time, youth research, particularly with refer
Africa, has also given only scant attention to the aesthetic expr
of young agents.3 Recent interest in this topic is partial, concen
on urban phenomena and the forms of expression recognized as
culture" in Europe and the USA, and at the same time studie
a different heading ("subculture" or "popular culture") and u
more general aspects, such as that of globalisation (cf. Fuch

1 See Cole (1974, 1979); Rey Klumpp (1987); Bollig (1990); Klumpp
(1993); on the Fulbe- Wodaabe see Bovin (1998). In spite of this comparat
of interest of the academia, the aesthetic culture of the Wodaabe and of other
nomadic populations has become an object of considerable popular interest, as
is evidenced by the publication of coffee table books and the production of doc-
umentaries.

2 Douglas (1970); on the Fulbe Riesman (1975); see also Boesen (1999, 2000).
3 Cf. the contributions in "Les jeunes en Afrique" published by d'Almeida-
Topor et al. (1992); among the more than sixty papers only two are dealing wi
youth as creators of aesthetic form, namely of new musical styles. In more r
cent research, African youth has been increasingly identified with social ma
ginality, violence and illness; see for example Diouf / Collignon (2001), Dilge
(2003), Honwana (2005).

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 144 Elisabeth Boesen

Amit-Talai & Wulff 1995). Pre

one example of a growing re
Erlmann 1993; Feld 1996; Frith 2000). Another area associated with
youth culture, which has lately become the centre of considerable at-
tention, is sport.4 I could have presented my article under both of these
titles, since it deals with phenomena - group dances accompanied by a
capella chants - that have recently entered the global music market
and, in view of their agonal character, could also be described as
"sport". However, I refer to these forms as "dance", although the term
fijo used by the Wodaabe does not differentiate between dance, play or
sport (cf. Blacking 1987). 5
The explicit reference to tribal culture in the title of my article indi-
cates that in the Fulbe- Wodaabe case we are dealing with a different
variant of youth culture. The cultural phenomena referred to here are
not so much evidence of innovation, of the rejection of traditional va-
lues and norms, or of rebellion against hegemonial forces, but rather
the presentation and preservation of cultural values shared by the
whole community. In the case of the Wodaabe, youth culture is the es-
sential realm of cultural self-assertion. This is also true for other Fulbe
groups, e.g., the Fulbe of Northern Benin, the subject of my earlier re-
search (Boesen 1999).6 Here we observe similar types of male self-em-
bellishment and public presentation and veneration, especially in
dances and certain forms of collective courtship, as well as dramatic
manifestations of individual bravery peculiar to them, namely recipro-
cal flagellation among members of one and the same age group.7 As
mentioned above, "body art", the aesthetic transformation of personal
appearance, plays a significant role also among East African pastoral
youths8 and it can therefore be asked whether African pastoral-noma-

4 See, for example, Bailer (2006) on football in Africa.

5 The Wodaabe speak a dialect of Fulfulde, the language of the Fulbe, more
precisely, a dialect of the "Eastern Fulfulde"; see Arnott (1974).
6 On the concept of beauty and the social significance of personal beauty
among the Fulbe in general, see Stenning (1959), Delange (1963-1964), Riesman
(1971), Paulme (1973), Cesaire (1974), Ogawa (1993), Shaw (1994), Bovin (1998).
7 In Niger, these flagellations or "bastonnades" (Fulfulde: soro or shoro) have
reappeared in the 1990s after a period of interdiction by the state. On soro
among the pastoral Fulbe of Adama wa / Cameroon see Virtanen (2003), among
Nigerian Fulbe see Hannerz (1983).
8 See for example Cole (1974, 1979) on the Samburu, Pokot, Turkana; Schnei-
der (1956) and Bollig (1990) on Pokot; Rey Klumpp (1987) and Klumpp/ Kratz
(1993) on Maasai; Bruner / Kirshenblatt-Gimblett (1994) on the "performance
culture of the Maasai youth" and their more recent tourist productions; see also
Galaty on the attention and social esteem enjoyed by Maasai moran (Galaty
1983:368).

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 Wodaabe Dancers on Multiple Stages 145

die societies in general confer this social significance and fun

the young. In other words, whether vital aesthetico-artistic f
expression in these societies have been more or less ignored b
because they were creations of youth.9
In the following I argue that among the Wodaabe youth rep
important domain of cultural self-reflection, which means tha
case youth is not seen so much as a moment of incompletenes
maturity - a notion implied in our "adultistic" idea of ma
1996) - but also as a state of specific expressive capability and
social obligations which derive from this.10 I will give a b
duction into Wodaabe social structure and the crucial role played by
the young as perpetrators of cohesion. Then I will have a closer look
on the most important cultural manifestations of Wodaabe youth and
the more recent changes they are confronted with, in other words on
the relation between "tribal" and "world culture". By concentrating
on male Wodaabe dancers, who are the main protagonists on the tribal
as well as on the world scene, my account of Wodaabe youth culture is
obviously incomplete. However, the more general remarks on youth
and its social significance among the Wodaabe are valid for female
youth as well.
The following analysis is based on the observation of Wodaabe youth
culture as exhibited in various contexts and on multiple stages. Field-
work was conducted among diverse Wodaabe groups in rural and ur-
ban settings in Central Niger, Wodaabe migrants in other West African
countries and Wodaabe "travellers" and cultural protagonists in Ger-
many and France. Through repeated visits among Wodaabe families in
the Northern Maradi and Northern Tahoua regions, I gained insight
into the changing forms and significance of youthful expressions. Re-
search among youths may involve specific problems due to a lack of
readiness on the side of the young informants to engage in discursive
self-reflection and exchange. My main informants on Wodaabe youth
culture were not among the very young protagonists. More fruitful was
the ongoing exchange with people of my own age, i.e. with men and
women who were in their late thirties when we first met. With regard
to youth culture, a specific advantage of my long term research was
that the informants, growing older, increasingly looked back on their
own youth and were willing to talk about their former behaviour and
aspirations.11

9 For a notable exception see Argentis' history of youth in the Cameroonian

Grassfields and his analysis of youth performances as a mode of remembering
(Argenti 2007).
io See in this context Erdheim (1996) on youth as a source of cultural symbols.

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 146 Elisabeth Boesen

I. Nomadic Pastoralists Betw

The Wodaabe (sing.: Bodaado) belong to the Fulbe population scat-

tered throughout West Africa and to the east of the continent. The
majority of the Wodaabe lives in Niger, while smaller groups can be
found in Northern Nigeria and Cameroon, as well as in Chad, the
Sudan and the Central African Republic. The Wodaabe are commonly
considered to be the "true" nomads among the Fulbe, and at least
in the case of the Niger Wodaabe, who are the focus of the present
article, we are in fact dealing with highly mobile cattle herders.12
The Wodaabe are also unique in that they have remained on the per-
iphery of the political and social developments of the last two hun-
dred years - the caliphate, the colonial and independent states. Their
current geographical situation at the edge of the desert and the highly
mobile way of life that goes with it imply a detachment from Hausa-
land and thereby, to a certain degree, from the sphere of the other
Fulbe. Wodaabe integration into colonial and postcolonial political
structures was extremely weak; administrative functions above the
level of the minimal lineage - the "chef de tribu" in the colonial and
postcolonial system - did not evolve until recently. This socio-political
marginality also implied a distinctive religious culture. The Wodaabe
resisted in many respects Islamisation, as will become clear in the fol-
lowing description of their marriage practices and in the analyses of
the aesthetic and social forms of Wodaabe youth culture.
Although the Wodaabe represent quite a small group - scarcely more
than a hundred thousand people compared to the Fulbe as a whole,
whose numbers are estimated at between nine and seventeen million
(Azarya 2001: 263) - they were to become the subject of the first m
fieldwork on the Fulbe in the early 1950s, the outcome of which (S
ning 1959, Dupire 1960) had a strong influence on the image of the
toral Fulbe. While ethnographic interest in the Wodaabe declined af
this period of intensive research13, they became renowned as a pho
graphic motif for coffee-table books (see, for example, Beckwith &
Offelen 1983) and semi-documentaries (e.g. Herzog 1989). The rai

11 Field research (1999-2008) was realized in the framework of interdisci-

plinary projects at the Centre for Modern Oriental Studies / Berlin and at the
CNRS; I wish to express my gratitude to the German Research Council (DFG)
and the French Agence Nationale de la Recherche for their financial support.
12 On Wodaabe mobility, see Boesen (2007a, 2007b).
13 More recent work on the Nigérien Wodaabe includes Bonfiglioli (1988),
Loftsdóttir (2000), Loncke (2002), Paris (1997), Schareika (2001), Thébaud
(1988), White (1997), on Wodaabe or Mbororo groups in Cameroon see, for ex-
ample, Burnham (1995), Boutrais (1995-96), Pelican (2006).

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 Wodaabe Dancers on Multiple Stages 147

season gatherings ( ngaanyka ) and the spectacular male group

especially the gereol dance, an explicit beauty contest bet
members of two lineages, are often the central subject of th
works on Wodaabe culture.14

At the same time, the Wodaabe were also "discovered" in th

country, the Republic of Niger. As "victims of the drough
nomads arrived in the urban centres in vast numbers in the 1970s and
1980s. Ever since, numerous Wodaabe families have tried to combine
their mobile pastoral production with (seasonal) urban activities.15
One vital occupation open to male Wodaabe in West African cities is
that of night watchman.16 Wodaabe men and women alike are engaged
in itinerant petty trade.17 Another domain that has gained consider-
ably in economic importance for many Wodaabe in recent years is the
souvenir trade and tourism in general. Not unlike the Samburu and
Maasai in East Africa, the Wodaabe have learned to market them-
selves, i.e., their craft products, their cultural performances and their
exotic nomadic way of life.18 In view of the actual figures it would be
misleading to speak of "Wodaabe tourism". However, travel agencies
offer their clientele visits to Wodaabe camps and participation in a
"true gereol ", meaning in fact a true ngaanyka , a supposedly authentic
Wodaabe ceremony held at the end of the rainy season. In the mean-
time, the Wodaabe have become a folkloristic emblem of their country.
There is hardly a foreign head of state or high-ranking official visitor
who has not been presented with the adorned faces of young Wodaabe
dancers on arrival at Niamey airport.
In addition, we have been encountering young Wodaabe men more
and more frequently in the last few years on the European and North
American stage, particularly in cultural centres and at cultural festi-
vals. The customary Wodaabe enactment within this framework con-
sists of their traditional artistic repertoire, i.e., a series of polyphonic a
capella chants and fairly motionless group dances, all of which are

14 See also Bovin (2001), Durou /Loncke (2000).

is Cf. Bovin (1990), White (1997), Loftsdóttir (2002), Boesen (2007a, 2007b).
16 In East Africa this task is also performed by members of mobile pastoral
groups; see Talle (1999: 108).
17 Wodaabe journeys to neighbouring countries, especially to coastal metro-
polises, and their trade in traditional medicine during these travels were the
subject of a research project at the Centre for Modern Oriental Studies /Berlin,
see Boesen (2007a, 2007b).
18 See Boesen (2006) on these new economic activities and on the lineage-
specific urban branches of the Wodaabe. On the Maasai tourist market, see, for
instance, Bruner / Kirshenblatt-Gimblett (1994); on media representations of
African nomads, see Bruner (2002); Bollig / Heinemann (2002).

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 148 Elisabeth Boesen

highly unsuitable for a stage

nevertheless make a profound impression on the European stage is
undoubtedly due to the unconventional outward appearance of the
dancers; their costumes, their mask-like make-up, and above all their
bizarre grimacing all generate a mysterious sense of otherness in the
European or American audience, one that is frequently expressed in
terms such as "effeminate" or "androgynous".20 The unique attraction
of the dances lies in their explicit aim to exhibit and appraise male
beauty, and their association for the European spectator with the idea
of promiscuity and almost unlimited female choice.21

II. Youth as Bearer of Aesthetico-Moral Knowledge

In our context it is important to note that the specific forms of ex-

pression used by young dancers are a fundamental mode of commu-
nicating and preserving cultural knowledge within Wodaabe society.
Wodaabe society, and Fulbe society in general, is mostly presented as
characterized by ritual paucity22 - a view that might in part be due to
the aforementioned fact that the symbolic forms of expression of the
young remained largely unnoticed by research.23 One reason for the
scholar's lack of interest in juvenile forms of expression might however
reside in the somewhat vague nature of the phenomena themselves. It
was already mentioned that in the Wodaabe case the period of "youth"
is remarkably extended, stretching over twenty years or more, and can
hardly be considered as a moment of passage or initiation. Therefore, it
seems problematic to subsume the public appearances, especially the

!9 On Wodaabe dances in these new contexts see Lassibile (2006).

20 The gender identity of the young Wodaabe can also be misinterpreted as,
for example, in an announcement published in the Süddeutsche Zeitung (de-
cember 7, 2001) where the dancers shown on a photograph are presented as
"Wodabee (sic!) Verführungstänzerinnen", i.e. female Wodaabe seduction dan-
cers.

2i Meanwhile, young Wodaabe voice their criticism of pub

emphasize this aspect of Wodaabe life; cf., for example, th
Herzog (1989) or the book of photography by Beckwith/van Offelen (1983:
178 f.); but see also Dupire (1962: 252).
22 Cf. Riesman on "the art of life" of the Fulbe- Jelgoobe; in view of their ri-
tual paucity, he suggests to regard the everyday forms of ceremony as symbolic
modes of identity expression (Riesman 1975: 49 ff.); see also Boesen (1999: 177-
179). On the paucity of religious life among nomadic societies in general see, for
example, Goldschmidt (1971) or Edgerton (1974).
23 When Marguerite Dupire found herself obliged to give up her original re-
search project on the pre-islamic religion of the Wodaabe (Dupire 1970: 14) the
whole topic of Fulbe spiritual and religious life was more or less abandoned.

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 Wodaabe Dancers on Multiple Stages 149

male dances, under the rubric of "rites of passage".24 Equa

tant is the fact that among the Wodaabe the perpetuation an
of major parts of cultural knowledge, most importantly a sp
sical repertoire and certain ritual and magical texts, does not
formal modes of instruction or sharing but rather on individ
tions and dispositions.25 Certain forms of collective and publ
ing do however exist in the realm of Wodaabe youth. Besi
ready mentioned lineage meetings young people will creat
hidden public sphere in the form of nocturnal assemblies ( d
ba'en) in the vicinity of the camps of young girls or women w
object of general adoration. These gatherings, which usually l
dividual rendezvous in the bush, are held under the aegis of t
of the young" { mawdo sukaabe or laamiido sukaabe ), an el
who supervises and sanctions the nocturnal activities but doe
as a major source of knowledge or instruction. The transmiss
daabe cultural knowledge, i.e. songs and dances, ritual and
practices, etiquette etc. is primarily accomplished by the you
selves, as an element of their collective and more or less publ
festations. This explains why these parts of Wodaabe know
practice have been mostly ignored by ethnographers who
are on the outlook for other cultural specialists and autho
for instance, priests, praise singers, Islamic scholars etc., wh
petence and authority is often in direct correlation with their
Here we are confronted with another aspect of what mig
scribed as the Wodaabe inclination for the periphery. As alre
cated, the Wodaabe are probably the most mobile of all Afric
dic peoples and in some respects also one of the most mar
Their participation in the development offerings of the c
postcolonial states (as well as of the pre-colonial caliphat
than insignificant, except for innovations in the domain of a
bandry, e.g. the implementation of a veterinary service or the
tion of deep wells in the pastoral zone, that did not constitut
cit invitation for socio-political integration. Both Western an
formal education was completely frowned upon until recently
As a result of this pronounced marginality there are virtually no
Wodaabe representatives in the administrative or other state institu-
tions. Another consequence, however, is that a differentiation based on

24 See Turner who points out that the initiation period is often "... a very
long threshold, a corridor almost, or a tunnel which may . . . cease to be a mere
transition and become a set way of life ..." (Turner 1977: 73).
25 See Loncke's work on " les lignes de chant" among the Nigérien Wodaabe
(Loncke 2002).

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 150 Elisabeth Boesen

knowledge has not yet emerge

proved specialists in various f
track down the best grazing l
exist, their knowledge and skills are awarded little social recogni-
tion.26 This also applies to the generally rather limited handicraft
skills of the Wodaabe. Skills and ability tend to be perceived as the ex-
pression of an individual disposition or aptitude rather than as an ac-
complishment or merit. This is even the case with what is probably the
most important area of knowledge, namely cattle-breeding, which in-
volves extensive environmental knowledge (cf. Schareika 2003). Not
every Bodaado is a good herdsman, and lack of knowledge or even
commitment in this field is not considered a disgrace. Individual defi-
ciencies in this respect are commented upon and often characterized as
inborn qualities: while one person shows no passion for cows (mo yida
na'i, "he does not like the cows") and avoids the tasks of a herdsman
from early on another person is always to be found among the ani-
mals.27 There is, however, one particular field of activities where a
male Bodaado is expected to show ambition and put in a certain
amount of effort. This is the domain of fijo , that is, the dances and
chants of the sukaabe, the young men. In the female realm bodily
adornment, chants and dances are likewise of great importance, they
do not represent, however, a medium of comparable public recognition.
The age group designated by the Wodaabe of Central Niger by the
term sukaabe includes those between 16 and 40 years of age, a remark-
ably wide range. This period of life (sukanaaku) follows childhood
(bilkaaku) and precedes full-fledged adulthood ( dotinaaku ).28 Leaving
the category of sukaabe is not achieved by marriage or parenthood per
se but is a gradual process.29 Sukanaaku is in accordance with both
the ideal and the actual realm of attitudes and activities regarded in
many societies as characteristic of youth. Specific forms and institu-

26 Among other Nigérien Fulbe groups these skills are publicly celebrated in
annual herdsman contests ( beefootirki ).
2? This attitude of tolerance vis-à-vis individuality does not, however, ex-
clude the perception of supposedly collective qualities; entire Wodaabe lineages
are reputed to be good or bad cattle breeders, and when viewing a cattle herd,
Wodaabe often claim to be able to discern the lineage identity of its owner by
the splendour or the miserable state of the animals.
28 As in other African societies the ernie concept is still more differentiated,
according, for example, to the number of children a woman or a man has; see
also Boutrais (2002) on Cameroonian Fulbe groups.
29 The rituals of entering and leaving this age group, namely unirki ("pound-
ing feast") and pemmol ("shaving"), seem to gradually lose their social signifi-
cance although they are still considered obligatory and their omission, which is
often due to poverty, is regarded as shameful.

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 Wodaabe Dancers on Multiple Stages 151

tions of a heightened public self-representation, e.g. the s

male youth group dances, should be mentioned here. Defi
whole period, in accordance with the ernie category, as "yout
therefore legitimate, although a prototypical intensification o
vant characteristics can be observed for the period between twenty
and thirty years of age.
This means of course that "youth" cannot be understood here as a
biological category or a stage of psychic development. Neither can it be
associated with family dependence and social powerlessness. Youth is
distinguished rather by specific skills and the social obligations de-
rived from them, that is, the representation and realisation of basic
cultural values that are shared by all. Unlike technical knowledge,
such as that of the herder, this aesthetico-moral knowledge (or "phro-
netic knowledge") is given substantial social recognition among the
Wodaabe. The dances performed by the young men within the frame-
work of the large seasonal interlineage meetings (ngaanyka) are the
central institution in this context and constitute the most important
event in the social life of the Wodaabe. As mentioned earlier, the tre-
mendous value attributed by the Wodaabe, and the Fulbe in general, to
beauty30, is underlined by the ceremonial election of the most hand-
some man during this meeting. The intralineage meetings (worso) and
collective visits to young women or young men ( anasuuwa ), which
similar to the dances are of a competitive nature, are further occasions
where this aesthetico-moral knowledge is displayed and publicly hon-
oured. In addition, it is manifested in the extensive formalisation or
ceremony of everyday life, particularly as regards the socio-spatial
practices in the domestic sphere. In this context, it is also worth men-
tioning that the aesthetico-ritual competence of Wodaabe women man-
ifests itself first and foremost in the sphere of the household, for exam-
ple in the public dowry exhibits (koorol suudu or dongal) held by the
members of certain lineages.31
The most notable display of knowledge, however, is undoubtedly the
ngaanyka festival, a one-week gathering of the members of two dif-
ferent maximal lineages at the end of the rainy season. Ngaanyka is
the annual highlight in the traditional nomadic life of the Wodaabe,
which unfolds as a seasonal rotation from the semi-permanent ponds
of the north at the edge of the desert to the deep wells further south.

so On the Wodaabe, see Stenning (1959), Césaire (1974), Bovin (1998), on

other Fulbe groups, see Delange (1963-1964), Riesman (1971), Paulme (1973),
Ogawa (1993), Shaw (1994), Boesen (1999, 2000).
31 The public showings of household equipment, that can be considered as
the female correlate of the male dancing ceremonies, have been presented else-
where; see Boesen (in print a).

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 152 Elisabeth Boesen

Ngaanyka, or more precisely the ngaanyka dances, also play a major

role in the context of the modern migrations of the Wodaabe, which
lead them to the quite different spaces of African or European cities.

III. Youth Performances and Social Cohesion

Unlike other sections of the Fulbe population, the Wodaabe consti-

tute an acephalous society with a pronounced segmentary lineage
structure. Fifteen endogamous patrilineal groups that form two dis-
tinct "moieties" or lignages primaires (cf. Dupire 1962, 1970) reside in
Niger today. Until recently, the Wodaabe have not produced institu-
tions of political representation or decision-making beyond the level of
the minimal lineage (tarde), which represents among other things an
administrative unit of the colonial and the independent state.32 Here,
social integration is not achieved through political institutions, e.g.
the legal and administrative functions of a chefferie , but essentially
through the public and the collective realisation or enactment of the
community and of its cultural ethos, the most important element of this
ongoing performative process being ngaanyka , the interlineage meet-
ing.
Ngaanyka is a festival of youth, albeit it takes place under the aus-
pices of the elders, both male and female. At the centre of these meet-
ings are the dances by young men, the specific aim of which is to select
the "most handsome" man. In the present context, the description of
these complex and, in many respects, spectacular events must neces-
sarily be cursory (see also Loncke 2002; Paris 1997). The ngaanyka
gatherings can be understood as a succession of visits and return visits
between the members of different maximal lineages. In principle, these
exchanges constitute a connection between the totality of the Wodaabe
lineages, actually, however, they take place in a range of long estab-
lished partnerships between only two lineages, as, for example, the
Gojjanko'en of the Degereewol moiety and the Bi'i Koron'en of the
Alijam moiety.
Ideally, the visits should be performed as a surprise attack, an unan-
nounced collective appearance in a camp of the other lineage, prefer-
ably the camp of an important lineage elder. In this way, the lineage as
a whole is forced into the role of host, i.e. obliged to entertain several

32 I will not discuss the creation of several Wodaabe "chefferies" or "groupe-

ments" in the last few years, a consequence of the decentralisation policy of the
Nigérien state. These more recent socio-political developments and the role
played therein by the young are described in more detail elsewhere (Boesen, in
print c).

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 Wodaabe Dancers on Multiple Stages 153

hundred persons. Most of the time however, the intention to

is made known long before, so that the gathering can be pre
publicly announced. In many cases a precise planning is ne
impossible. Therefore travel agencies who offer the visit of a
tic" ngaanyka-î estival often turn out to be unreliable, their
riving to early or to late in the bush.
In addition to the members of the two lineages concerne
tourists - among whom one often finds development experts
mats - the gatherings are also attended by members of other
lineages, especially by the young men. According to their mo
filiation, these dancers join either the camp of the hosts or t
guests. Thus, the participants do not only represent two
lineages but also the two fundamental units of Wodaabe so
moieties Degereewol and Alijam.33 The gatherings last an e
during which the young men perform their group dances an
Apart from these presentations, ngannyka is an opportuni
receiving group to prove itself a respectable host - a responsi
includes the ritual slaughter of an ox. By the same token, it
invitees to prove that they are worthy guests, which means, e
to show moderation and asceticism, the young dancers abstain
from drinking water. The most important element of ngaany
actual purpose is the performance of a whole serious of gr
that culminates by the end of the week in the gereol dances.
the core piece of the often described "beauty contest" of the
in which the most handsome man from the ranks of the visitors is cho-
sen by selected girls from the host group. The body art of the Wodaabe
finds its deepest expression in the gereol dance: in the elaborate cos-
tume and the mask-like make-up and, above all, in the gracefulness of
the dancers, their reduced slow motion like gestures and their bizarre
play of features.
To become a winner (seekoowo) at ngaanyka is the greatest honour
Wodaabe society can bestow on its male members. It is not only asso-
ciated with a "name" that will last for generations but also with female
favour - a handsome dancer or indeed a ngaanyka winner might well
cherish the hope of departing for home with a new wife. As already
mentioned, among the Wodaabe marriages are arranged within the

33 Ngaanyka gatherings between lineages of the same moiety are also taking
place, they are, however, less spectacular; the important ngaanyka partnerships
that go along with important matrimonial relations occur between lineages
representing Degereewol on the one hand and Alijam on the other (see Paris
1997).
34 For a detailed musico-ethnological description of these songs and dances,
see Loncke (2002).

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 154 Elisabeth Boesen

boundaries of the lineage, fre

cousin. Alongside this official f
ond, equally legitimate form of
( teegal ) which is of necessity
beauty competition between i
of marriage brokering, an op
tween members of different li
Translating teegal by the term
in most cases the woman hers
husband and children by joinin
it as "theft" insofar as it is an
robbed of one of its female members.

This aspect of ngaanyka explains why the Wodaabe not only take de-
light in the ceremony but also regard it with apprehension and refer to
it as the "war of the Wodaabe" (konnu Wodaabe ). With their ritualized
agonal character, the dances become the medium for the rivalry be-
tween the large descent groups and hence for the creation and pre-
servation of interlineage relationships on which the cohesion of the
Wodaabe community depends. The onus of accomplishing this vital, in-
tegrative task is mostly on youths. Of particular interest in our context
is that this "war" and the interaction between two lineages in general
is based on the knowledge of the sukaabe, both the performative ex-
hibited in dance and the historical and mythical displayed in the var-
ious songs and other texts. On the one hand, the knowledge paraded by
the young males reveals difference, i.e., the identity of individual
lineages, on the other hand it is the manifestation of belonging to the
Wodaabe community, in other words, of the oneness of the community.
This connection is particularly evident in two major elements of the
ngaanyka ceremony: the so-called dooynorgol song and the ritual dis-
section of the ngaaynka ox. Young Wodaabe perform many different
songs at ngaanyka , the most important or most "sacred" being dooy-
norgol. Each Wodaabe lineage possesses a specific dooynorgol that ori-
ginates from its respective founding ancestor. It is sung exclusively in
the context of ngaaynka , or more precisely, it marks the beginning of
the ngaanyka meeting. The visiting lineage, or as the Wodaabe describe
it, the "attacking" lineage, makes itself and its desire for ngaanyka
known by assigning selected young men to intone their dooynorgol
near a camp of the other group at the break of dawn. They identify
themselves in the song as "foreign Wodaabe" (jananbe ) and at the same

35 Dup ire defines this mode of marriage as "mariage rapte" or as "mariage

par enlèvement" (Dupire 1962: 247 ff., 1970: 63 ff.); see also Stenning on "mar-
riage by capture" and "marriage by elopement" (Stenning 1959: 143 ff.). On the
mobility of Wodaabe women see Boesen (in print b).

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 Wodaabe Dancers on Multiple Stages 155

time voice their request.36 The second element is the ritual d

of the ox designated for the visitors. Once the animal has
curately cut up, it is the task of a young man from the host
name the individual parts in a fixed order using metaphor
guage.37 This task, the faithful reproduction of vital traditio
daabe knowledge, is considered extremely difficult and a t
challenge. Those who are able for it prove that the lineage th
to brings forth "true" Wodaabe, i.e., worthy ngaanyka par
hence also worthy teegal partners.

IV. Tribal Relations and Social Change

I hope to have made it clear in this brief outline that the ter
culture" in the title of my article is meant quite literally.38
youth culture is about tribal relations, the dialectic between
i.e., the lineages, and the all-embracing unity of Wodaabe soc
tension is expressed in a variety of ways: in speech, in the ou
pearance of the sukaabe, and in the female embellishments of
mestic sphere - the striving for distinction leads to a heighten
typical or the general and to an intensification of its exp
should be noted that these efforts to reinforce identity take
inward direction, and that the confrontation with members
groups does not play an important role here.
This also applies to the relation between the Wodaabe and th
eg, their immediate neighbours. Although the Wodaabe ha
lated elements of Tuareg material culture in many doma
course of the twentieth century, or have at least been inspired
there is little mutual interest and no direct form of reference between
the two groups - this is revealed most clearly by the fact that matrimo-
nial exchanges between them have so far remained a rarity.39 In recent
decades, however, this coexistence has undergone some changes. The
reasons lie in the growing scarcity of resources following the Sahel
droughts, political developments such as démocratisation and decen-
tralisation, and the Tuareg rebellion at the beginning of the 1990s. The
emergence of new, i.e., global resources, in which both groups have an

36 A detailed description and analyses of these phenomena is presented by

Loncke (2002).
37 For the exact enumeration of the more than fifty parts and their designa-
tions see Paris (1997).
38 For a recent discussion of the concept of the "tribe" and its critique see for
example Kraus (2004).
38 On the Wodaabe /Tuareg relation, see Boesen (2004).

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 156 Elisabeth Boesen

interest, is an additional fac

be mentioned here, but also
progress in Niger, initially in
tourism (see Boilley 1998; Klute 2003; Scholze 2007). Here too the
Wodaabe took inspiration, so that in many cases we can now speak of
a direct confrontation of the two groups. It is particularly obvious in
the context of folkloric events, such as the annual cure salée , where
Wodaabe and Tuareg perform their dances and chants.40 The souvenir
trade in Niamey and Agadez is also relevant in this context (Davis
1999; Scholze / Bartha 2004). It can be assumed that this cultural com-
petition will increase in the future and express itself, for example, in
attempts at recognition by UNESCO as "World Cultural Heritage".41
Originally of interest purely in the internal context, the knowledge
and skills of the young Wodaabe are gradually becoming the basis for
participation in global processes of exchange, as in the case of tourism
and the international culture industry. At the same time their knowl-
edge is becoming a new medium for local and national political self-
assertion. The increased mobility of young Wodaabe and their appear-
ance on the world stage has thus contributed to the rapid changes in
local conditions, that can currently be observed, i.e. to new forms of
socio-political organisation and to the fixation or sédentarisation of
the pastoral groups (see Boesen, in print c). Theses changes have, how-
ever, been decisively influenced by socio-political developments in the
Republic of Niger. The effects of the elaboration of a new rural code
(see Lund 1998) and politico-administrative decentralization are parti-
cularly pronounced in the pastoral zones of the country. Here, conflicts
on land use and politico-territorial representation have become more
vehement in recent years. The problem of land rights is a constant to-
pic of Wodaabe conversations, and the necessity to obtain legal rights
is often emphasized by dramatic accounts of Wodaabe being menaced
by other nomadic populations who deny them access to water or at-
tempt to make them leave the pastoral zone altogether. The struggle
over the distribution of land, for the most part between Tuareg, Arabs
and Wodaabe but also within the various ethnic groups, has thus pro-
voked a change of consciousness among the Wodaabe, including the el-

40 While the cure salée in Ingal, a small town close to Agadez, was promul-
gated in the 1990s as a "traditional" festive gathering the pastoral nomads of
the region, the Wodaabe or, to be more precise, several Wodaabe lineages, soon
felt the need to organize their own public annual events that would attract offi-
cial representatives, expatriates and tourists.
41 First steps towards such a recognition inspired certain Wodaabe to pro-
mote the idea of "une maison de la danse Wodaabe" (suudu fijo; Loncke, perso-
nal communication, Niger, August 2005).

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 Wodaabe Dancers on Multiple Stages 157

der generation.42 The recent creation of several Wodaabe grou

administrative units which were introduced during the colon
bears witness to this change. While the Nigérien Wodaabe
preferred to avoid the political stage, they have now obvio
doned this attitude of abstinence. Within the span of a fe
Wodaabe patri-lineages have consecutively succeeded in their
to have their own chef de groupement recognized.43
Another apparent manifestation of the changing socio-po
tuation and self-perception of the Wodaabe are the numerous
associations and NGOs that have come into being in recent years.
While a proliferation of civil society organizations can be observed in
Niger in general, these new organizations have virtually mushroomed
among the Wodaabe; it would be difficult today to find a patri-lineage
that had not established its own association. Apart from procuring di-
rect material support from development aid organisations, the goal of
establishing Wodaabe pastoral associations which, in general, present
themselves as protectors of Wodaabe cultural heritage, is to advance
the territorial formation and the political representation of the groups
involved, i.e., tightly-knit descent groups. The main actors of change
in this case are young Wodaabe, especially those who live part-time in
Niamey and, every now and then, have the opportunity to travel to
Europe, e.g., as invitees to a cultural festival. These young Wodaabe
establish contact with development organizations or other possible
advocates and supporters of Wodaabe interests. By creating associa-
tions and NGOs, they respond to the requirements provided by this
new social vis-à-vis.

There is no doubt that the knowledge acquired by these young people

- among whom there is no one who has enjoyed school education - is
sometimes quite considerable; many of them have basic skills in
French and know how to read and write. Most importantly, however,
they achieved new insights into socio-economic and political develop-
ments. These young "travellers" represent a new and modern Wodaabe

42 Here I do not mention the situation in the eastern parts of Niger, where the
Toubou and certain newly arrived Arab groups play a key role in the struggle
for land rights and socio-political participation.
43 In the colonial and post-colonial system of Niger, mobile populations were
organized in so-called groupements nomades , where the chef de groupement
was a hereditary function. In contrast to the cantons of the sedentary popula-
tion, these politico-administrative units did not correspond to territorial enti-
ties. Instead of establishing their own administrative units the Wodaabe re-
mained for a long time members of various Fulbe chieftaincies. The number of
Wodaabe chieftaincies nationwide has increased from three - created in the
1970s and 1980s - to about a dozen in the last few years.

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 158 Elisabeth Boesen

elite who, in spite of their m

in global processes of exchang
mission of this knowledge p
case. As already mentioned,
collective transfer of knowled
tico-moral instruction of the
priation of knowledge and ski
of individual interaction, in t
tion and its granting.44 Young
edge they have obtained in th
being asked for it, are confronted with scepticism and suspicion.
Although youths strive for eloquence, especially for refinement in re-
spectful speech, and try to enhance these qualities by means of magical
substances, the real capacity or power of the sukaabe does not reside in
their linguistic expression but, as it has been shown, first and foremost
in their aesthetico-performative expression. As we see, their new role
as mediators of knowledge not only requires great effort but also the
emergence of a new concept of knowledge and of new modes of trans-
mission.45

V. Tribal Culture and World Culture

We have finally arrived at the problem of the relationship between

tribal culture and world culture. A detailed discussion of the world
stage performances of the sukaabe would exceed the scope of thi
paper. They include stagings for tourist groups in the authentic
biance of a nomadic camp, concerts in Niamey where Wodaabe ar
invited to join folkloristic manifestations, and, last but not least, pr
sentations on European stages and increasingly in other parts of the
world. In conclusion, I would like to return to the knowledge of the
youth and its social importance.
Youth participation in the spheres of both tribal culture and world
culture produces, as we have seen, social and political change in the
Wodaabe community. In the traditional context, the knowledge of the
sukaabe and its perfection is completely oriented towards internal
interaction. It is incumbent on the youth to lead "the war of the
Wodaabe", i.e. to "capture" women from foreign lineages. This exclu-
sively Wodaabe combat can be seen as (re-)creating the community as

44 This is even true for the father-son relation, and to a certain degree also for
the mother-daughter relation. Those of the children who ask for information,
e.g. magical recipes or song texts, will receive it.
45 On the irreconcilableness of aesthetic and discursive forms of knowledge
and transmission among the Wodaabe see also Boesen (in print c).

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 Wodaabe Dancers on Multiple Stages 159

a whole - both through concrete matrimonial exchange ( teeg

the sense of a symbolic self-manifestation. The proper ena
the knowledge of the sukaabe during ngaanyka is rewarde
speak, with the recognition of belonging to the Wodaabe com
This recognition can be denied to a bad or ugly dancer; elderly
Wodaabe women, marching past the rows of dancers, may make sar-
castic remarks regarding individual dancers and declare: "You are not
my child" (a laataaki bingel am ), i.e., "You don't belong to us". Belong-
ing to the community, however, means that the individual has a right to
a "foreign" woman (janano ), i.e., a woman who comes from a different
Wodaabe lineage. The relationship to others, whether Tuareg, Fulbe or
white observers (anasaranko'en), is irrelevant to this internal interac-
tion. The fact that only Wodaabe can be regarded as jananbe ("foreign-
ers") is the clearest expression of this fundamental exclusiveness and
auto-referentiality.
What does this knowledge mean, however, once it leaves the close
circle and is performed on the world stage? After all, the songs and
dances are the same, the sukaabe present "authentic" Wodaabe cul-
ture. Their performances can be described as such, albeit changes due
to outside influences can be observed, as for example at a concert I at-
tended in the Cité de la Musique in Paris (January 2003), where the
Wodaabe appeared as a warm-up group to Baaba Maal, a famous Haal-
pulaar singer from Senegal. The elaborate donning of costumes and
make-up was transferred to the stage, i.e., the exotic transformation of
the Wodaabe became a feature of the stage performance and gained as
much audience attention as the dances themselves. This was clearly a
different kind of foreignness to that of the Wodaabe context. Another
example of change is the group Etran Finatawa (Tamashek/Fulfulde:
"Stars of Tradition"), a Wodaabe-Tuareg formation established a few
years ago, which combines the polyphonic chants of the Wodaabe with
the electric guitar of Tuareg rebellion music (gitar). Although this
blend was encouraged by the German manager of Etran Finatawa, it
does indicate a further step in the direction of world music. In this case
we can also speak of a process of producing authenticity46; the music
of the group, which consciously blends traditional and modern ele-
ments, is presented as "nomadic music" - nomad blues - where singing
of the landscape and its lonesome individuals is a vital aspect (cf.
Etran Finatawa, World Music Network 2006).
The question remains as to what experience, what knowledge these
performances convey to the individual Bodaado and what significance
they possess for the Wodaabe community. Although the activities de-

46 On the problem of authenticity, see Shannon (2003), Frith (2000).

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 160 Elisabeth Boesen

scribed may in certain instances be inspired by a desire for cultural

self-affirmation and social participation material aspirations also play
a considerable role. Many Wodaabe show a decidedly utilitarian atti-
tude towards their new professions and the exchanges that go with
them. Their products, be it handicrafts or stage performances, are of-
ten described by themselves as of minor quality, as not "the original
thing". While some of the young dancers and singers whose perfor-
mances are marketed as "world music" begin to develop an artistic
ethos and a professional attitude the great majority is rather inclined
to abandon standards of quality. Elderly people often comment upon
the fact that youths neglect the preparatory measures for ngaanyka
tasks, like communal rehearsals and extensive cosmetic and magic pre-
parations, because they spent their time in the city waiting for tourists
or move around Europe. For these young people their sporadic engage-
ments are above all means to an end: They open up new markets for
trade in Niger arts and crafts and promise access to aid organisations
or private individuals that could be won over for aid campaigns.
Unlike the traditional context, where the magnificent dancers and
their lineages embody the unity of the Wodaabe, these encounters and
experiences promote the emergence of new or modern particularist
ambitions. The new skills and contacts of the young enable them to es-
tablish associations and other modern organisations, where individual
families pursue their socio-economic interests, including political am-
bitions. One of the most significant experiences gained by the young
Wodaabe in the course of their travels and performances - which is ex-
pressed in these local initiatives and in gradual sédentarisation - is the
awareness that resources are globally limited. The mobile pastoral way
of life as practised by the Wodaabe is based on the attitude that fresh
resources will always be found. This assumption is fundamentally
questioned on the world stage , i.e., through novel experiences of riv-
alry and scarcity. Thus young people find themselves in a paradoxical
situation where their increased mobility gives them a new perception
of limits and immobility. At the same time, appropriation of their per-
formances by the world stage is seen as a threat. There is danger of a
certain impoverishment, clearly evidenced in growing complaints
about the lack of skill and declining interest of youths in their dances
and chants.

Although I wish to stress the fact that here the commodification of

cultural expressions does not concern marginal or forgotten genres (cf.
Erlmann 1993), but the core of communal aesthetico-ritual self-experi-
ence, my remarks should not be understood as a lament for the authen-
tic Wodaabe culture and community. It would be absurd to regret that
the new mobility of the sukaabe jeopardizes the marked auto-referen-

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 Wodaabe Dancers on Multiple Stages 161

tiality of the Wodaabe - that attitude, young people are boun

vate in their aesthetic expressions, their social intercourse an
matrimonial choices. It was my intention to illustrate that in
under review, youth and its forms of expression do not r
"counter culture" or "subculture". In fact, Wodaabe youth
protagonists both of tribal and of world culture. They promo
cohesion and they struggle for participation in new or global
exchange.
Many Wodaabe, young as well as old, understand that their
ferentiality is an anachronism. At the same time they becom
ingly aware of the fact that their access to new forms of ex
to new knowledge is fundamentally limited. It is in this cont
we must see the complaint of a young Bodaado concerning th
Wodaabe refusal to entertain relations with others. According
the obsession of the Wodaabe with themselves does nothin
profits ( riiba ), and they would be in quite a different posit
had acted like the Tuareg, who some time ago began to marry
and are now in possession of contacts all over Europe. While h
to suggest that the Wodaabe should transcend social bound
relying on the cultural capital and the integrative competenc
sukaabe, i.e. by "capturing" foreign women, other young
Wodaabe who see themselves as mediators between their pasto
madic communities and the outside world, express feelings of
vis-à-vis the nature of these individual contacts and the forms
cipation made possible through them. The insight that their
and their specific modes of expression constitute a doubtful
taking part in global exchanges leads to an ambivalent attitude to-
wards these expressions; many urban Wodaabe, while claiming that
their dances, their chants, their costumes should be preserved and pre-
vented from change, begin to experience this cultural heritage as exo-
tic and outmoded, as un-Islamic and ultimately as an obstacle to true
participation. The incongruity between the specific social and aes-
thetic forms of Wodaabe youth culture and fundamental Islamic values
and norms is vividly felt by the young Wodaabe living in Niamey, espe-
cially the young men. They increasingly turn to Islam and abandon the
most obvious sign of their previous "un-Islamic" and "uncivilised" ex-
istence, namely their long braided hair, which is at the same time one
of the most precious signs of Wodaabe identity.

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 162 Elisabeth Boesen

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Abstract

The term "youth culture" is generally linked with ideas of renewal, breaking
with traditional norms and values, opposition and rebellion. This conception
stems from the fact that, in western societies, "youth" is first and foremost asso-
ciated with adolescence and puberty conflicts. In the case of the Nigérien
Fulbe- Wodaabe however youth ( sukanaaku ) is not regarded in the same way as
a phase of personal development but is rather identified with specific compe-
tencies and social responsibilities. Here, youth constitutes the most important
realm of cultural self-manifestation and affirmation. The central institution of
this youth culture are the male dances which are performed in the context of
the important seasonal lineage meetings.
In recent times, these dances have become a medium of exchange with the
outer world. The "beauty cult" of the Wodaabe attracts photographers, camera
teams and tourists and it also represents an important factor for migration to
urban centres and to Europe. As adorned dancers and photographic subject
young Wodaabe migrants experience themselves as part of a "world culture".
The article focuses on the link between the forms of cultural self-affirmation
which are maintained inside this group of nomadic cattle herders and phenom-
ena of eclectic cultural consumption apostrophized as "world culture".

Zusammenfassung

Mit dem Begriff „Jugendkultur" ist normalerweise die Vorstellung von Er-
neuerung, von Bruch mit althergebrachten Normen und Werten, von Opposition
und Rebellion verbunden. Diese Auffassung rührt daher, dass die , Jugend"
in westlichen Gesellschaften in erster Linie mit Adoleszenz und pubertärem
Konflikt assoziiert wird. Im Fall der nigrischen Fulbe- Wodaabe dagegen wird
Jugend ( sukanaaku ) nicht in dieser Weise als bestimmte Phase der personalen
Entwicklung betrachtet, sondern mit besonderen Fähigkeiten und sozialen
Pflichten identifiziert. Hier stellt die Jugend den wichtigsten Ort kultureller
Selbstreflexion dar. Zentrale Institution dieser Jugendkultur sind die Tänze der
jungen Männer, die im Rahmen der großen saisonalen Lineagetreffen aufgeführt
werden.

In jüngster Zeit wurden diese Tänze zu einem Medium des Austauschs mit
der Außenwelt. Der „Schönheitskult" der Wodaabe zieht Fotografen, Kamera-
teams und Touristen an und spielt eine wichtige Rolle im Zusammenhang der
Migrationen in die Urbanen Zentren und nach Europa. Als geschmückte Tänzer
und fotografisches Objekt erleben die jungen Wodaabe-Migranten sich als Teil

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168 Elisabeth Boesen

einer „Welt-Kultur". Der Artikel

dung zwischen Formen kulturell
Gruppe von nomadischen Rinder
tur" apostrophierten Erscheinun

Dr. Elisabeth Boesen

Université du Luxembourg
Laboratoire d'Histoire
Campus Walferdange
Route de Diekirch, BP 2
L-7220 Walferdange
e-mail: elisabeth.boesen@uni.lu

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