Signs of power: Fascist urban iconographies in Ethiopia (1930s-1940s)

Author(s): Marco Antonsich

Source: GeoJournal, Vol. 52, No. 4, Iconographies (2000), pp. 325-338
Published by: Springer
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 ±í GeoJoumal 52: 325-338, 2000. 325
™^ © 2002 Kluwer Academic Publishers. Printed in the Netherlands.

Signs of power: Fascist urban iconographies in Ethiopia (1930s-1940s)

Marco Antonsich
Geographical Section, Department of Political Science, University of Trieste, Rie Europa, 1, 34127 Trieste, Italy (e-mail:
antonma @ univ. trieste. it)

Received 21 August 200 1 ; accepted 3 October 2001

Key words: colonization, Ethiopia, fascism, urban planning

Abstract

The aim of the present paper is to compare two different patterns of urban iconographies in Ethiopia during 1 930s: the one
of the Amhara - the traditionally Ethiopian dominant ethnic group - and the one of the Italian fascism. The paper gives
an historical account of the structure of the Amhara settlements, focusing on the ways the power of their politico-military
chiefs, being they the Negus or the Ras, shaped the spatial order of these settlements. When the Italians conquered military
Ethiopia in 1936, they started re-shaping this spatial order, erasing the signs of the previous power and imposing their new
iconographie apparatus. This was mainly done through urban planning which was devised to 'write' the Fascist concepts of
progress, order, hierarchy, and racial segregation on the territory. Owing to the short duration of the occupation, the poor
material conditions of the colony and the lack of financial resources, such town-planning projects turned out to be just a
political rhetoric exercise.

Introduction Nevertheless, until the nineteenth century, urbanization had

A complete survey of the urban phenomenon in Ethiopia has
not yet been carried out. Up to now the literature has been
based only on the Amhara perspective, that is to say on the
perspective of the dominant Ethiopian ethnic group (Mesfin
Wolde, 1965;AkalouWolde, 1967a, 1967b, 1973; Horvath,
1968, 1969, 1970; Pankhurst, 1982, 1985). A survey of the
settlements of the minority ethnic groups (such as, for exam-
ple, the Oromo and the Guraghe) is still lacking. The present
paper does not pretend to shed new light on alternative his-
tories of urbanization in Ethiopia, yet, adopting the present
literature, to compare two different urban iconographies,
arising from two different patterns of political domination,
Amhara and Italian, focusing, in particular, on the practices
used by the latter to impose its signs of power on the former.
Urbanization in Ethiopia until Italian domination
Although some authors have stated that one of the most re-
markable facts in the long history of Ethiopia has been the
general absence of urbanization (Mesfin Wolde, 1965; Dia-
mantini and Patassini, 1993), according to Akalou Wolde,
Ethiopia, throughout its history, had urban centers with vary-
ing size and range of occurence (Akalou Wolde, 1967b). For
the most part, these centers owed their origin more to the po-
litical and military power than to the influence of economic
functions or to religious activity. The driving force of the
process of Amhara urbanization in Ethiopia had been neither
the gebaya (the market place) nor the bieta Christian (the
Orthodox church), but the gebi (the palace of the sovereign).
been a cyclical rather than a cumulative phenomenon, be-
cause of the constant shift in location of the political and
military capitals. This was not due mainly to the lack of
natural resources (wood, water and food), as many com-
mentators have noted since early times (Ludolph, 1682; de
Almeida, 1954; and, more recently, Chojnacki, 1963), but
to historical factors such as dynastic changes,1 tribal and
religious wars, and territorial expansion.3
Since the fourteenth century, the military camp turned
out to be the most common way of life of Ethiopian sov-
ereigns and their retinue (Akalou Wolde, 1967a). Owing
to the absence of a centralized administrative system, the
sovereigns were forced to move continuously as a means
of controlling the rebellious landlords, levying taxes and
escaping the enemy. Besides scattered huts in rural areas,
the military camps were the only settlements having an ur-
ban spatial pattern. According to Akalou Wolde (1967a),
they were of two types: sefer (temporary military camp) and
ketema (town or city). Usually, a sefer did not develop into
a ketema. It was a decision of the military chief whether to
build sefer or ketema. The sefer did not last more than a
few days. The site was selected on the basis of its supply
of water and firewood and to a lesser extent on whether it
was suitable enough for emplacing tents and other tempo-
rary structures without being too vulnerable to an enemy's
attacks. On the contrary, natural resources were rarely con-
sidered in siting ketema, for which defence was the main
concern. Consequently the ketema was put on the summit
of hills and mountains. There was no difference between
sefer and ketema in their morphological aspects, except for

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326

Plan du Campement de Mênélík Pendant Lexpédítíon d'Adoua

Ras Mènjuíckx

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Figure I. Menelik's sefer during the Adwa expedition (1896) (source: Guèbrè Sellassié, 1932, Atlas, no page quoted).

the market place, which was absent in the sefer, due to its
temporary nature. The primary locus of either the sefer and
the ketema was the gebi (palace compound) of the sovereign,
which, in case of the ketema, was placed in a dominant po-
sition (usually on the top of a hill) and surrounded by a wall.
The gebi was always the first structure to be erected and it
represented the centre of the settlement. In the meantime,
the king's military chiefs and their armies established them-
selves in the various parts of the chosen site according to
their respective military position. Each of these minor gebi
was circular in shape and developed around the main gebi as
separate quarters (see Figures 1 and 2). Indeed, according to
Levine (1960), the Amhara conceive space in terms of con-
centric circles. Like the sefer, also the ketema looked very
scattered (this was a typical feature of the Ethiopian imperial
settlements and it was due to the frequent enmity among mil-
itary chiefs) and its orientation was always directed towards
the potential enemy. Since the Orthodox Church was very
close to the king, religious structures were always built on a
dominant location as well (Taddesse Tamrat, 1972).
The importance of the morphological shape both of the
sefer and the ketema lies in its impact on the form and struc-
ture of the Ethiopian urban centers of the ninenteenth and

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 327

Figure 2. Ras Haylou's sefer (1930s) (source: Griaul M., 1934, p. 1 18).

early twentieth centuries: that is to say, on the first modern
towns of Ethiopia.
There were few exceptions to the above general trends of
urbanization. One of these was Harar (Figure 3). This mus-
lim town of the eastern part of Ethiopia was a very compact
settlement surrounded by a protective outer wall (Ethiopian
ketema did not have any outer protective wall, but only in-
ner walls enclosing the residences of the ruling élite), with
houses built in stone (Ethiopian houses were generally built
in cika - mud and straw) and shape very similar to that of
the Middle East Arab towns. Menelik conquered Harar in
1 887 and, in order to simbolize the new power, he destroyed
the local mosque and built a Coptic church on the same spot
(Scarin, 1942).4
Another exception were the so called 'railway towns'5 of
the early twentieth century, like, for example, Dire Dawa:
here the concentric development of traditional Ethiopian
towns was replaced by a linear pattern of growth, along the
railway tracks (Akalou Wolde 1973).
Addis Ababa, the ketema that, founded in 1 886 by Mene-
lik II, was to become little by little the permanent capital of
the Negus Negestis reign, developed around the gebi (Fig-
ure 4), according to the circular pattern already discussed
above. Later on, the church of Saint-George (Kidus Giyor-
gis) became a new important focus of urban development,

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328

Figure 3. The walled town of Harar at the beginning of the 20th century (source: Scarin E., 1942, no page quoted). The black dots within the walled town
represent Ethiopian-style round houses made of cika (tukul), which contrast with the Arab-style squared-shaped houses.

due mainly to the nearby market area, called Arada (Fig-
ure 5).6 As soon as ras Tafari Makonnen assumed power
in 1930, with the name of Negus Haile Sellassie, his gebi
(called by the Italians little7 or 'new' gebi), being built a
further north of Menelik's gebi (called, later on, 'old' gebi),
became another focus of orientation for the urban growth of
the capital. The same had happened in 1917, when the rail-
way from Gibuti reached Addis Ababa, south of Menelik's
gebi, and pushed, therefore, southward the capital's urban
growth. During Haile Sellassie's rule, the imperial capital
was improved with modern services (as, for example, water
and electric supply, roads for cars, etc.), but it did not change
in shape, still conveying the idea of a scattered settlement to
all western visitors. In 1930, on the occasion of Haile Sel-
lassie's coronation ceremony, some iconographie elements
were built, such as the equestrian monument to Menelik
(Figure 6) and the Star monument in Haile Sellassie Star
Square, the Lion of Judah (Figure 7) in the railway station
square and an obelisk in Arat Kilo square (Pankhurst, 1970,
1985).
Fascist urban iconographies
As soon as fascism conquered Ethiopia it started linking the
main administrative centers of its new empire through a road
network (Figure 8). This strategic priority was depicted by
the fascist propaganda as a typical 'Roman' action, since it
was believed that the Roman Empire itself was built on and
flourished thanks to roads (Cucco, 1937). Moreover, with
the opening of all-years roads7 the Italians aimed at giving a
sign of their superior capacity in dominating Nature, rather
than being dominated as the Ethiopians - according to the
Italians - were used to be (Antonsich, 1997) (Figure 9). It
is interesting to note that, in 1938, the Italians built the so-
called 'Mussolini tunnel' (Figure 10) on the Termaber Pass,
north of Addis Ababa, on the 'imperial road' to Asmara.
Actually, the tunnel was not necessary for the road to easily
climb the 3000 m. of the Pass, yet it was done deliberately
in order to convey the idea of the great capacity and the 'leg-
endary tenacity' of the Italian people (see Poggiali, 1938,
p. 183, 188).
On the Italian agenda, towns foundation came soon after
the construction of the road network. Towns and houses were

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 329

Figure 4. Sketch map of Addis Ababa (scale: 1 inch to 1 mile) drawn by Count Gleichen in 1897 (source: Gleichen, 1898, no page quoted). The settlement
is centered around Menelik's gebi (E). The tracks leading northward (dash lines) indicate the area (named Entotto) of Menelik's previous settlement.

considered as features of civilization and progress (Bosio,
1937; Zocca, 1937; D'Agostino Orsini, 1940). By the fact
that the Ethiopians were seen as a people with no towns
and no houses (Cortese, 1938), Italy legitimized automat-
ically its civilizing mission. The newborn town planning
discipline made its appearance very soon on the imperial
stage and it was directly called out by the Italian Minister
of National Education, Giuseppe Bottai - the same Minis-
ter who, ironically, was also the main supporter of Italian
geopolitics (Antonsich, 1994). In 1937, opening the 'First
National Town Planning Congress' in Rome, Bottai declared
that there was a strong tie between politics and town plan-
ning (the Italian term for the latter is urbanistica), since they
shared the same root (the Greek term 'polis' and the Latin
one 'urbs') (Bottai, 1937a).
When, on May 5th 1936, the Italians reached Addis
Ababa, the widespread feeling was something like: Is it
this the royal capital of the Negus we have been fighting
for? (Bottai, 1937b). Indeed, as we have already seen, the
Ethiopian capital was very scattered, with no regular pattern,
few prominent buildings (almost all of them made of cika)
and, since the beginning of the twentieth century, with lots of
eucalyptus trees hiding all constructions. Nothing was to be
saved according to the Italians (Rigotti, 1939; Bosio, 1937).
Addis Ababa, as well as all other Ethiopians settlements,
were regarded as dirty places without order. In the name of
the public health, as it had already happened in Italy (Ced-

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330

Figure 5. Topographical map of Addis Ababa (scale 1:25 000) drawn by the Italian Military Geographical Institute (IGM) in 1910 (source: L'Universo,
1936, no page quoted). The church of Saint-George (Kidus Giyorgis) is placed by the market area (Mercato in Italian).

erna, 1979; Mioni, 1980), almost all indigenous buildings
were to be razed to the ground and rebuilt on reserved areas,
following linear geometric outlines (Figure 1 1). In this way
the Italians aimed at breaking the Ethiopian social and spa-
tial structure (we must remember that the indigenous social
hierarchy was regulated according to the shape of the settle-
ment - which was built around the gebi of the political and
military leader) and at carrying out a policy of segregation.
Italian urban planners' poor knowledge of the areas where
the new towns were to be built. Indeed, the plans were
mostly drawn by planners who never went to Ethiopia or
who visited the area only few times.
However, it also happened that natural landscape was
quite often included as part of the urban landscape of the
new towns. For example, in Addis Ababa the eucalyptus
forest was not cut down but it became a feature of the new

For the Italians, Ethiopia was a tabula rasa over which
they could draw their plans. The desire for geometrical order
in town planning reached maybe its zenith with the Adigrat's
sketch-plan (1938): here the attention for the local contest is
absent and geometric order is triumphant (Figure 12). The
abstraction of such a sketch-plan is also significant of the
Italian-built town and the same also applied for Dire Dawa,
that was supposed to become, according to the Italian plans,
the 'garden town' of Ethiopia. Yet, natural elements (woods,
hills, rivers) were at the same time also employed as a curtain
preventing the mixture of white and indigenous settlements.
Both Addis Ababa and Dire Dawa were good samples of

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 331

Figure 6. Addis Ababa: Menelik's equestrian monument still stands today in the square of Saint-George church (source: Authors' picture).

this policy, although the latter, at the beginning of the 20th

century, due to the French presence, presented already such
a segregative pattern (Figures 13 and 14).
Indigenous constructions were preserved only in case
they had some historical value to the Italians, like, for exam-
ple, the castles of Gondar (built during 17th century thanks
to Portuguese building techniques) or the walled town of
Harar. Particularly, in the case of Harar, the planning of the
new town was designed to allow white settlers to view the
old historical town from a dominant position (Figure 15).
All other signs of previous Ethiopian power were can-
celled. Destruction and looting concerned many Orthodox
churches. Indeed, the Coptic Church was one of the main
sources of the Ethiopian patriotism - the walls of many
churches were decorated with battle scenes, such as that
of Adwa (1896) in which the Italians were defeated by the
Ethiopians: the first defeat of a western power by a non-
western army (Del Boca, 1982). In Addis Ababa, the Italians
pulled down the Arat Kilo square's obelisk, the equestrian
monument of Menelik, and the monument of the Lion of
Judah (Pankhurst, 1970, 1985). To symbolize the conquest
and to be closer to the Roman imperial tradition, the Italians
also sent one of the Axum's main obelisks to Italy, where it
is still standing not very far from the Fori Imperiali in Rome.
It was obviously in Addis Ababa that Mussolini wished
to realize his dream of imperial greatness. The town was
designated to become 'the second Rome' or 'the Rome of the
Shoa' region (Gresleri et al. 1993). The governor of Rome
was also appointed governor of Addis Ababa and three archi-
tects from the Rome City Council were sent to Addis Ababa,
in order to sketch out the plan of the new town. The leading
idea of this plan was the super-imposition of the new power
Figure 7. Addis Ababa: The Lion of Judah and the railway station (source:
over the old power (Figures 13 and 16). The new Italian
Authors' picture).
sign of the Latin cross represented by the cardo (north-
south) and the decumanus (east-west) was placed over the

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332

Figure S. Road network in 1940: map drawn from an Italian propagandist book (source: Istituto Agricolo Coloniale, 1946, plate 11).

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 333

Figure 9. Building roads as a sign of the Italian superiority over nature and indigenous people (source: Istituto Agricolo Coloniale, 1946, front cover).

Figure 10. The Mussolini tunnel on the Termaber Pass (source: Author's picture).

Abyssinian concentric urban structure, centered on Mene-
lik's gebi (Vecchio Ghebi), Haile Sellassie's gebi (Nuovo
Ghebi) and Saint-George church (S. Giorgio). Moreover,
the old Menelik's palace was designated by the Italian plan-
ners to become either the Italian military headquarters or the
government palace (Talamona, 1985).
Conclusion
where the Ethiopians used to live; the racist segregation was
only partially implemented and many Italians did not give
up living with their Ethiopian women; and, eventually, the
great imperial town plans remained a wishful thinking. Yet,
a wishful thinking that tell us something about the practices
adopted by a totalitarian power in order to erase any signs
of the previous power and occupy, organize and signify the
new 'purified' space (Sibley, 1988).

Owing both to the short-living occupation (from 1936 to

1941) and to the lack of material and financial resources, the Acknowledgement
reality of the Italian colonization came out to be quite differ-
ent from what it had been planned by Fascism: many Italians Thanks to Ervino Cus for technical help in making the
adapted themselves to living in the same houses made of cika figures as clear as possible.

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334

Figure 11. Addis Ababa. New indigenous houses (tukul) to be constructed by the Italians (source: Rigotti, 1939, p. 163). The straight geometry of the plan
- overtly in contrast with the rough terrain - conveys the fascist idea of 'order'.

Figure 12. Adigrat: town-planning sketch-map (source: Gli
Annali dell'Africa Italiana, 1939, p. 427). Written words on
some bloks indicate the main public buildings.
Figure 13. Addis Ababa: the 1936 town-planning drawn by the
architects Guidi and Valle: (a) indigenous quarter; (b) market
area (both indigenous and white races are allowed); (c) Italian
quarter; (d) woods and river; (e) Italian administrative center
(source: Guidi and Valle, 1937, p. 765).

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 335

Figure 14 Dire Dawa: the indigenous settlement separated by the river Dacciatu from the Italian (former French) one (source: Scarin, 1942, p. 125).

Notes 4During the Italian rule, following Mussolini's favourable

lrrhe replacement of the Solomonian dynasty from
Axum by the Zag we dynasty, in the 12th century, was ac-
companied by a new capital, Lalibela, that was built in the
Las ta region.
2The invasion of Ahmed ben Ibrahim, know as the
Gragn, and the following onslaught of the Oromo, during the
sixteenth century, caused the capital of the Ethiopian empire
to move northward, in Gondar, by Lake Tana.
3 At the end of the nineteenth century, Menelik's conquest
of Ethiopian southern provinces - inhabited by the Oromo
people - pushed his capital southward, in Addis Ababa.
policy towards Islam (De Felice, 1988), a new mosque
was built, as a means to weakening the Amhara power,
traditionally associated with the Coptic Church.
^The 'railway Towns' were towns which were built at the
beginning of the xxth century along the railway line Gibuti-
Addis Ababa.
6Kidus Gyorgis was built in 1897 to celebrate the vic-
tory of Adwa (1896), that occured on the day of Saint-
George, whose figure is a powerful religious symbol of the
Ethiopia/Amhara national identity.
7During the raining seasons, in Ethiopia almost all roads
were hardly being travelled over.

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336

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 337

Figure 16 Addis Ababa: the 1936 town-planning drawn by the architects Guidi and Valle (source: Guidi and Valle, 1937, p. 765). The
politico-administrative center of the new town (Nuovo Centro) being at the crossing between Menelik's gebi (Ex Vecchio Ghebi), Haile Sellassie's gebi
(Ex Nuovo Ghebi) and Saint-George church (San Giorgio).

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