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Religious tourism and religious tolerance: Insights from pilgrimage sites in

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Article  in  Tourism Review · August 2015

DOI: 10.1108/TR-10-2013-0056

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Religious tourism and religious tolerance:
insights from pilgrimage sites in India
Kiran A. Shinde
Kiran A. Shinde is
Professor at the Bharati
Vidyapeeth Deemed
University, Pune, India.
Received 2 October 2013
Revised 29 January 2014
6 April 2014
Accepted 8 April 2014
DOI 10.1108/TR-10-2013-0056
Abstract
Purpose – This paper aims to explore the ways in which religious tourism in India fosters religious
tolerance.
Design/methodology/approach – The paper uses a conceptual apparatus derived from the basic
structure of religious tourism comprising motivation, journey and destination, to understand various
aspects of tolerance. Tolerance, with the implicit meaning of diversity and pluralism, is examined at two
levels – intra-religion and inter-religion – using field investigations from three Hindu pilgrimage sites,
namely, Vrindavan, Tuljapur, Shegaon and review of one Muslim site called Ajmer Sharif. These sites
exhibit a range of combinations, sectarian traditions within Hindu and their interactions with others,
including Muslims and foreigners.
Findings – Each of the sites provides different sets of opportunities for the “others” to get exposed to
religious and cultural aspects. It is found that tolerance within the Hindu sects and with non-Hindus from
other religious faiths is a function of their engagement with cultural performances and participation in the
religious tourism economy in a pilgrimage site.
Originality/value – On a broader level, this paper argues that conceptualising tolerance within a social
and cultural sphere helps in a better understanding of tolerance and identifying areas within religious
tourism where it can be promoted. A conscious effort to promote tolerance through religious tourism will
add value to religious tourism and help it thrive.
Keywords India, Hindu, Pilgrimage, Religious tolerance, Religious tourism, Vrindavan
Paper type Research paper
1. Introduction
This paper examines two concepts, religious tourism and religious tolerance, in pilgrimage
sites in India. Extant scholarship on religious tourism discusses various aspects of
including theoretical explanations (Tomasi, 2002; Smith, 1992), travel patterns and
economics (Vukonić, 1998), socio-cultural impacts (Shackley, 2001) and environmental
considerations (Shinde, 2007a) but has only peripherally explored actual religious practice
around the theme of tolerance (Valdinoci, 2008; Bellamy, 2011; Howlett, 2010). Similarly,
tolerance has been a subject of religious studies, but its understanding in the realm of
religion tourism is under-researched (Russell and Steve, 2010; Jha, 2008; Khan, 2013).
Given this situation, the purpose of this paper is to explore how religious tourism influences
religious tolerance. Understanding the relationship between religious tourism and tolerance
is necessary to develop strategies that not only help in fostering tolerance between visitors
from different backgrounds but also reinforce the universal values of many religious sites
and contributes to a better visitor experience for their visitors.
The paper is organised in five sections. In the first section, a generic explanation and
working definitions of both religious tolerance and religious tourism are provided. The
second section, outlining religious scenario in India, situates religious tolerance as a social
concept. An overview of religious tourism in India and its significance for promoting
religious tolerance is offered in the third section. The fourth section provides detailed
VOL. 70 NO. 3 2015, pp. 179-196, © Emerald Group Publishing Limited, ISSN 1660-5373 TOURISM REVIEW PAGE 179
 insights from four pilgrimage sites about on aspects of religious tourism and opportunities
that are created for religious tolerance. Concluding remarks on realisation of religious
tolerance associated with religious tourism are offered in the final section.

2. Literature review: understanding religious tolerance and religious tourism

At the outset, it is necessary to examine the meanings of the terms tolerance, particularly
in the context of religious aspects, and religious tourism.

2.1 Tolerance
Tolerance, in simple terms, means the “tendency to put up with individuals and groups that
abide by a set of values, norms, customs, and political goals that is different from one’s
own” (Russell and Steve, 2010). However, when applied in the “religious” context, it gets
specific connotations that closely relate with religiosity. Three themes can be identified in
the literature on religious tolerance:

1. Most religions include norms of tolerance, forgiveness, equality (Khan, 2013; Eaton,
2003).
2. Different religious denominations within a faith exhibit different levels of tolerance
(Russell and Steve, 2010).
3. Tolerance, diversity and pluralism are mutually dependent, each reinforcing the other
(Herrmann, 2010; Bhardwaj, 1998).
In particular, religious pluralism implies co-existence of diverse religious beliefs and
practices and the equal importance they garner from their respective followers (Shinde and
Pinkney, 2013). Although indicators such as denominational affiliation, church attendance
and orthodoxy are generally used for explaining religiosity, they provide limited
understanding in regards to their influence on tolerance as exercised by those practising
the religion. It is then imperative to consider the core aspects of a religion which are
represented by three “Bs”: belonging, behaviour and belief, for better explanation of
tolerance. As such, tolerance in practice can be placed along a spectrum with “subtle
discrimination” at one end and “outright aggression” at the other (Russell and Steve, 2010).
In tourism literature, tolerance is particularly rooted in cultural contexts and explained using
the implied meaning of diversity and “otherness” (Shackley, 2001; Herrmann, 2010). It is
when one engages “with other identities and cultural expressions, their multiple meanings,
that an understanding of oneself as well as of the other is created” (Herrmann, 2010,
p. 130). Thus, tolerance and diversity are mutually dependent: tolerance is necessary if
diversity has to survive as a constitutive element of social reality.
Within this context, the idea of the “other” becomes central to tourism experiences and how
“exposure” to the other and engagement with the other can be meaningful in promoting
tolerance. This conceptualisation of tolerance as related to diversity and pluralism, rather
than the canonical prescriptions of a religion, is focus of this paper.

2.2 Religious tourism

Religious tourism refers to contemporary patterns of visitation to places of religious
importance or pilgrimage sites where visitors aim to fulfil religious needs and recreational
needs (Rinschede, 1992; Shinde, 2007b). A comprehensive review of literature is provided
by Timothy and Olsen (2006); therefore, it is of little merit to repeat it here. Instead, it is
prudent to begin exploration of tolerance in relation to religious tourism with the central
premise that it reflects the religious aspect seen in pilgrimage and the touristic aspect of
sightseeing and involving a change away from the regular environment. It is necessary to
examine the basic structure of religious journeys to analyse which aspects are likely to
influence occurrence of religious tolerance the most.

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Religious tourism, similar to its origin of pilgrimage travel, can be explained with a structure
that was first suggested by Turner and Turner (1978) in their work on pilgrimage. It
comprises of three key elements: motivation, journey and destination. Based on this
structure, when a journey has an exclusively religious character with a motivation for
spiritual or religious fulfilment, a visitor is considered to be a pilgrim; therefore, there is a
greater intensity and frequency of behaviours associated with that sphere: overnight stays
in religious structures, participation in religious services, celebrations and rituals. However,
the same may not be true for travellers who are driven by a combination of religious and
non-religious motives, as their motivation is to experience “spectacle” aspects and practice
forms of consumption that are absent in typical image of a pilgrim (Cohen, 1992). Thus, the
exclusivity and intensity of a religious motive may help to consider a visitor to a holy place
as more of a pilgrim than tourist or vice versa (Smith, 1992). However, in recent research,
there has been a conscious effort to move away from such polarisation of tourists and
pilgrims and to consider them two roles performed simultaneously or at different times by
the same visitor to a sacred place (Timothy and Olsen, 2006).
The journey represents both a complex interior process and its external transposition that
brings a pilgrim closer to the sacred and, therefore, is a religious rite in itself and forms an
integral part of the celebration of the sacred that is completed on arrival at a destination.
The journey also means a separation from one’s daily existence and from “regulated and
organised work” (Urry, 1995, p. 129), and this aspect has been considered by scholars to
conceptualise regular “tourism” also as a spiritual journey, as in both cases the return to
daily life is accompanied by an improvement (Graburn, 1977; Boyer, 2011; Urry, 1995).
Thus, from the phenomenological point of view, pilgrimage and tourism are socially similar
but different only in terms of external representation where features of the journey become
explicit; pilgrims and tourists use similar infrastructure (Tomasi, 2002). However, it is likely
that a visitor’s experience and mental state may change in time and intensity according to
his or her own personal characteristics (Poria et al., 2004).
The destination in pilgrimage travel is an “exterior space in which the immanent and
transcendent together form a complex spiritual travel phenomenon” (Singh, 2006, p. 220).
It also means the final moment where the pilgrim reaches the objective of “seeing and
being seen by God” using rites and ceremonies (Shinde, 2007a, p. 343). A “religious and/or
sacred value” is the defining characteristic of a destination. This paper agrees with the
argument of Collins-Kriener: “No place is intrinsically sacred. Rather pilgrimages and their
attendant landscapes, like all places, are social constructions” (Collins-Kreiner, 2010,
p. 444). It follows the premise that there is little conflict between the sacred and the secular,
as they co-exist: religious tourism may sound a profane activity, but it is a means to promote
sanctity of a place (Shackley, 2001; Shinde, 2011).
This basic structure comprising three major components of motivation, journey and
destination has been widely used in understanding pilgrimage travel and its manifestation
in contemporary societies (Morinis, 1984; Bhardwaj, 1998). This paper takes this theoretical
premise further and suggests that each of these components can be situated along a
spectrum of options represented in Figure 1.
Motivations range from obligatory to non-obligatory: for instance, obligatory travel is best
exemplified for Muslims in Hajj to Mecca while for Hindus it is about performing life cycle
rituals at the sites of their family deities. In these instances, the sites are sanctioned within
the faith and religious system to which one belongs. The non-obligatory motivations are to
do with sentimental reasons, spiritual upliftment and quite often finding solutions to
mundane problems; therefore, visitors are free to choose the destination that may or may
not be bound by social sanctions. Depending upon motivation, behaviour of visitors can
also be identified along a continuum between the two poles of highly formalised to relatively
informal category (Morinis, 1992, pp. 14-15). The more one is inclined towards
non-obligatory travel, the higher the likelihood of the occurrence of religious tolerance.

VOL. 70 NO. 3 2015 TOURISM REVIEW PAGE 181

 Figure 1 The continuum in religious tourism

Journey is most significant for understanding tolerance in religious tourism. According to

Morinis (1992, p. 15), the essence of journey is movement which encompasses significant
aspects of meaning and experience of pilgrimage travel. Driven by devotion, this
movement means a spiritual and moral renewal for the individual that cannot be confined
to a particular religion or faith. In this quest, the ways in which the journey takes place
matters. Those who walk on foot and take austere measures to reach their goals are found
to be bound by communities, empathy and compassion for fellow travellers (Giovine, 2010;
Shackley, 2001). While the ones who take the easy and convenient path (in terms of mode
of travel, accommodation and use of other facilities and amenities) and are removed from
the “pain of the journey”, are unlikely to share the same feelings of collective bonding and
tolerance (Shinde, 2008).
Destination, the third aspect in religious travel, also contributes in understanding tolerance.
At one end, are those destinations which are visited for purely religious purpose, are
strongholds of orthodoxy and where purity of the self and the religion matters (any
intervention by others is seen as ritual pollution). At the other, are those where spirituality,
oneness, new faiths and often a sense of spectacle takes centre stage. While the former
may have limited outlook towards tolerance, the latter present a relatively tolerant setting.
The spectrum associated with the structure of religious tourism (motivation, journey and
destination) provides a framework to understand tolerance in a more meaningful way, as it
breaks down areas where tolerance is likely to take place and can be fostered. In the
remainder of the paper, this conceptual framework is used to examine relation between
tolerance and tourism in religious context of India.

3. Religious scenario in India

For this paper, religious scenario in India is described using the approach of “pluralism”
which is conceptually closer to tolerance. The co-existence and pluralism of religious faiths
and practices in India is best illustrated using census data, as shown in Table I (a full
analysis of religious affiliations from 2011 census is not available at the time of writing this
paper).
The diversity of religions and religious practice is multilayered and rooted in ethnic
compositions and geographical and social differentiations that exist even within religious
faiths (Madan, 2004). Most religions are further divided into sects and sub-sects, of which
Hinduism is particularly significant for its magnitude and variation. At the core of Hindu
religious practice is “devotion” which simply means the relation between the deity and its
devotee. While “religious devotion is a form of deeply felt obligation to the world around us”
(Harman, 2004, p. 119), it is manifested at different levels and in different forms and
mediated through social structures.

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Table I Population distribution in India based on religious affiliation
Religion/faith Population in million (%)

Hindus 828.0 80.5

Muslims 138.0 13.4
Christians 24.0 2.3
Sikhs 19.0 1.9
Buddhists 8.0 0.8
Jains 4.2 0.4
Other religions and persuasions 6.6 0.6
Religion not stated 0.7 0.07
Source: Census data (2001)

In its day-to-day expression, religious practice maintains closer relationships with

existential (life-related) problems of human beings, including births, deaths, diseases,
survival and physical sustenance. Devotees believe in worshipping different kinds of
deities that can provide divine assistance required to address these problems. Harman
(2004) distinguishes between three major types: localised family deities (kul-devam),
deities that act as the protectors of the village (gram-devam) and the pan-Indian deities.
These deities form the subject of religious and ritual practices that differ across social
strata. Beyond the practical religious obligations and at spiritual level, Hindus are generally
free to choose any form of devotion that they believe will help them towards spiritual growth,
and it is in this realm that gurus or godmen [and women] enter the religious life which often
acts as a complimentary mechanism to reinforce the religious practice (Warrier, 2003).
With social structure and individual quests as key determinants, the social context of
religious practice contributes immensely to the religious diversity in India. The question
central to this paper is how religious tourism, as a part of religiosity, may influence religious
tolerance towards others in pilgrimage sites where religious activities occupy a
pre-dominant place in the social fabric.

4. Religious tourism in India

In India, religious visitation is estimated around 170 million and to more than 2,000 sites
(UNWTO, 2011); Singh claims that almost 95 per cent of domestic travellers are religious
tourists (Singh, 2001 cited in Sharpley and Sundaram, 2005, p. 164). A nuanced
understanding of religious tourism is gleaned from a domestic tourism survey that was
conducted by National Council of Applied Economic Research (NCAER) for the Indian
Ministry of Tourism in 2002 (about 800,000 households across the country were surveyed
to estimate the total number of domestic tourists by different purposes of travel and to
estimate the total magnitude and patterns of tourist expenditures). The NCAER report
(2003) identifies eight of the top ten ranking domestic tourist destinations as pilgrimage
sites. The numbers of visitors indicate the magnitude: 23 million in Tirupati, 18.2 million in
Puri, 17 million in Vaishno Devi, 11 million in Haridwar, 8.3 million in Mathura-Vrindavan and
so on. Religious tourism also features prominently in the popular travel guidebook Lonely
Planet India, where 47 of the total 126 pictures have a religious theme (Kraft, 2007), and this
is necessarily for the “others” who are curious to visit these places.
A close observation of the NCAER data shows that of the top 50 domestic tourist
destinations, almost all major faiths have a place of their own (Table II). The first five places
are popular Hindu pilgrimage sites, but other sites also attract considerable numbers: the
Islamic site of Ajmer Sharif ranks 9th, the Sikh site of Amritsar is at 10th rank, the Shaivite
site of Sabrimala ranks 12th; a contemporary guru devotion site of Shirdi Sai Baba is on
13th and the Jain site of Mount Abu is on 35th place while Bodh-Gaya, the Buddhist
pilgrimage site is at 45th place. These rankings indicate the diversity of religious sites for
religious tourism, and the scale of visitation appears to be consistent with religious

VOL. 70 NO. 3 2015 TOURISM REVIEW PAGE 183

 Table II Ranking of pilgrimage sites based on the magnitude of visitation
Rank Places % of tourist

1 Tirupati/Tirumala 10.38
2 Puri/Jagannath 7.87
3 Vaishno Devi 7.49
5 Haridwar 4.82
8 Mathura/Vrindavan 3.65
9 Ajmer Sherif 3.53
10 Amritsar 3.12
12 Sabrimala 2.75
13 Shirdi 2.70
17 Badrinath/Kedarnath 1.82
25 Varanasi 1.26
26 Amarnath 1.21
35 Mount Abu 0.82
45 Gaya/Budha gaya 0.24
Source: NCAER Survey (2003)

pluralism observed in India. It would be ideal to explore various aspects of tolerance in all
these sites but that would call for a humungous task.
The following section focuses on a few pilgrimage sites to explore the relationship between
tolerance and tourism using the framework developed in the previous section. The
discussion is largely based on findings from case studies of pilgrimage sites that were
conducted by the author over a span of past ten years. Though these studies were done
with different purposes, in this paper, aspects related to tolerance are highlighted.

5. Methodology
Having discussed religious tourism as a representation of religious pluralism in general, in
this section, the emphasis is on investigating tolerance associated with religious tourism in
pilgrimage sites at two levels: intra-religion, that is within a particular religious faith itself and
inter-religion, where two or more faiths are involved. The intra-religion tolerance is important
for Hindu religion in India, as it constitutes the largest numbers and most diverse nature of
followers.
To explain intra-religion tolerance, three common representations typically found in Hindu
pilgrimage sites are used:
 Vrindavan in north India: A site where Krishna (an incarnation of Vishnu) is the presiding
deity, but the devotional worship cuts across four dominant sects within Vaishnavism
(followers of Vishnu).
 Tuljapur in western India: Site for ritualistic and obligatory pilgrimage travel dedicated
to Devi Tulja Bhavani.
 Shegaon in western India: Site for non-obligatory travel dedicated to a modern Saint
named Gajanan Maharaj.
Inter-religion tolearance is explained by discussing two settings:

1. “Others” in Hindu sites with examples from the Hindu sites of Vrindavan and Rishikesh
in north India.
2. “Hindus” in non-Hindu sites by relying on evidence from Ajmer Sharif and other Islamic
sites, including dargah.
Each of these sites and examples offers a dimension that is helpful in understanding
tolerance from different perspectives; therefore, these sites and their pilgrimage culture are
discussed only to the extent that it is relevant to the subject of tolerance.

PAGE 184 TOURISM REVIEW VOL. 70 NO. 3 2015

This paper is articulated using two intertwining perspectives and mixed methods of
research. First, the author draws upon the knowledge of customary religious practices that
Hindu devotees would undertake during pilgrimage travel to different kinds of pilgrimage
sites. He is able to present an insiders’ view as he is a Hindu, more specifically belonging
to the Maratha community and particularly someone whose family has maintained regular
ties to the deity of Tuljapur and to Shegaon. Second, the author had conducted formal
fieldwork in three sites: Tuljapur and Shegaon in October 2010 and November 2011,
respectively, as a part of a larger ongoing research project of a comparative analysis of six
pilgrimage sites in Maharashtra. Fieldwork in Vrindavan was conducted in 2005 as a part
of his doctoral research. In all cases, fieldwork comprised of both participant observation
and detailed interviews with representatives from key groups of social actors, including
religious functionaries, government officials, visitors, priests, tour guides, organisers and
other knowledgeable residents in the pilgrimage sites. Depending on the scale of
pilgrimage economy and saturation of responses from interviews, the numbers of
interviewees were 50 in Tuljapur, 45 in Shegaon and 92 in Vrindavan. Findings pertaining
to the remaining two sites, i.e. Ajmer Sharif and Rishikesh, are drawn from articles
published by other scholars.
Combining insights as a practising Hindu and based on the knowledge acquired through
fieldwork, it is now necessary to describe each of these cases individually and the
occurrence of tolerance therein.

6. Realising tolerance in religious tourism

6.1 Intra-religion tolerance
6.1.1 Vrindavan. Vrindavan represents the first case for understanding intra-religious
tolerance. Vrindavan is commonly introduced to its visitors as:
Two lakhs [200,000] of people coming [sic] here everyday [. . .]. To see five thousand five
hundred Vrindavan temples (A pilgrim guide cited in Weller, 1997, p. 158).

Although the figures mentioned seem old and current estimates suggest more than six
million visitors to the pilgrimage site of Vrindavan annually, such an introduction is still
relevant, as it shows the pride of the people in boasting about presence of 5,000 odd
temples in Vrindavan (according to 2011 census, the resident population of the town is
about 60,000 and the geographical area admeasures 24 km2). The number itself is
indicative of the diversity and pluralism associated with the Hindu deity Krishna to whom
most of these temples are dedicated. How do these temples co-exist and contribute in
making Vrindavan such a popular pilgrimage site and a religious tourism destination?
Vrindavan represents a mythical, symbolic and a geographic space referring to the setting
of the primordial story of Krishna (Entwistle, 1987). Its geographical fixity is attributed
largely to the conscious efforts of Vaishnava (understood as Vaiខsខnav or Vaiខsខnavite) poet
saints of fifteenth century under the leadership of Vallabhacharya (c. 1479-1530) and
Chaitanya (c. 1486-1533) who encouraged their followers to express devotion to Krishna by
visiting the sites in Braj, a cultural region which includes hundreds of sacred sites places
associated with mythology of Krishna and spans over a 300-km periphery around the twin
towns of Mathura and Vrindavan (Barz, 1976).
The Vaishnava gurus along with their disciples were responsible for developing the
patterns of devotional worship of Krishna. In Vrindavan, six disciples of Chaitanya known as
Goswāmīs, identified various divine visions and images (svaru៮ p) of Krishna in human form
and installed them for worship in shrines and also provided the theological framework for
worshippers. Many of these gurus were successful in establishing their own sectarian
traditions (Sampradāy) of worshipping Krishna. The most notable, the most active, and the
ones that had the maximum influence on Vrindavan’s developments are the Pushtimarg,
Gaudiya Sampraday and Nimbark Sampraday, and two more localised groups called the
Radhavallabh Sampradāy and Sakhi or Haridasi Sampradāy (Entwistle, 1987). By the end

VOL. 70 NO. 3 2015 TOURISM REVIEW PAGE 185

 of the sixteenth century, all these sects built their landmark temples (such as Govind Dev,
Madan Mohan, Gopinath and Jugal-Kishor) with the patronage and support of the Hindu
courtiers from Akbar, the great Mughal emperor, who had bestowed several land grants in
Vrindavan. Over next 500 years, in spite of changing political situations, building of
thousands of temples and religious establishments by followers and patrons of different
sects helped the sects to flourish and create a diversity of religious culture that is practised
today.
A nuanced understanding of these Vaishnava sects in Vrindavan is given by Entwistle
(1987) and is reproduced here as relevant for the topic of tolerance. Pushtimarg doctrine
does not value asceticism and, in fact, virtually encourages its followers to indulge in
sensual gratification, provided they first make a token of dedication of everything to
Krishna. From the very beginning, the Pushtimarg appealed to the affluent patrons,
including kings, landlords and trading communities especially in western Rajasthan and
Gujarat to their main centres in vicinity of Vrindavan (Mathura, Jatipura, Gokul and Kaman
which are a part of the larger pilgrimage landscape of Braj). The Gaudiya Sampraday
evolved out of the ecstatic devotional movement inspired by Chaitanya, and it is still the
most popular form of Vaishnavism, and in Vrindavan, followers of this sect constitute a large
proportion of resident community. The Nimbark Sampradāy has probably been established
in Braj the longest with its older but less imposing temples and places of pilgrimage. There
are two other smaller sets which are described as rasik because they concentrate
exclusively on the savouring the emotional experience (ras) generated by contemplation of
the love play of Krishna and Radha rather than canonical accounts of Krishna’s life or any
theological treatise based upon them (Entwistle, 1987).
Followers of all sects arrive throughout the year in Vrindavan traditions as per their sectarian
traditions, following the different rhythms of their religious calendar and the rituals, festivals
and events surrounding the worship of Krishna (Brooks, 1992). However, they share the
common practice of visiting temples to look at deities (darœan), joining in the chanting of
divine names and listening to songs and plays about Krishna or to sermons which deal with
ethics and exemplary devotion rather than theology. They also participate in the everyday
pattern of temple worship that involves rituals, such as the dressing of the idol in finery and
darœan or beholding of the deity, the communal singing of hymns and the offering of food
to the deity. Alongside, other religious– cultural performances such as Kathā (narration by
professional storytellers that describe the exemplary morality and ethical behaviour of
renowned Krishna devotees and Vaishnava saints and the rewards bestowed by Krishna in
response to acts of unconditional love and devotion), Rāslīā (folk theatre involving
performances of song, dance and dramatic vignettes from Krishna’s life in the Braj region),
Bhandara (or ceremonial feasts) and Mela (fairs) also provide devotees with different ways
of engaging in the pilgrimage culture. Thus, a maze of ritual exchanges and social
relationships between pilgrims and religious gurus, religious functionaries (priests and
guides), performers and businesses provide for a tolerant setting for pilgrimage practice.
The structure of pilgrimage travel in Vrindavan can be summarised as: the motivation for a
visitor to Vrindavan revolves around devotional practices, seeing different forms of Krishna,
seeking counsel from religious gurus and simply to be present in Vrindavan to experience
the divinity of Krishna. The journey still has a substantial component of on-foot travel where
visitors, often in collectives, move from one temple to the other and other places in the
region associated with Krishna legend. The destination are the hundreds of temples,
the residences of gurus, ashrams and the natural landscape of the river, forests and groves
where devotees believe they can still experience Krishna’s presence by participating in
cultural performances.
The religious– cultural performances that constitute the non-obligatory nature provide more
opportunities for a visitor to the experience of the “other”, though the otherness still lies
within the larger religious framework of Krishna worship. So, in spite of regional variations,
patronage patterns and degree of reverence for the various sacred places and practices,

PAGE 186 TOURISM REVIEW VOL. 70 NO. 3 2015

all four sects co-exist. The co-existence is also reinforced by the fact that Krishna devotion
is largely a popular form of religion. The vernacular lyrics and narratives describing the
adventure of Krishna appear more important than any of the Sanskrit doctrinal texts;
therefore there is flexibility for sects to devise and follow their own practices rather than
compete for supremacy (Entwistle, 1987). Moreover, the idea of surrender is central to
devotional worship (Barz, 1976) which to a large extent obliterates the possibilities for
clashes, conflicts and control. The motivation is to engage in devotional worship; therefore
a devotee is free to choose any means, i.e. religious and cultural, which serves the purpose
for his travel.
Thus, both at philosophical and practice level, there are several areas within sectarian
followership of Krishna where tolerance in one sect towards the “other” is fostered and
promoted. The motivation described earlier is a binding factor, the journey is all inclusive
and the destinations of Vrindavan and its surroundings offer an experience which is more
cultural than purely religious. The importance of Vrindavan as a destination for cultural
tourism (as it also lies within the Golden Triangle for Tourism in north India that is framed
around other popular tourist destinations of Delhi, Jaipur and Agra) with its festivals,
performances and splendid architecture adds to the appeal necessary for non-Hindu
visitors, thus providing more opportunities for realisation of tolerance.
6.1.2 Tuljapur. Tuljapur is a small town situated in the state of Maharashtra and is
administered as a municipality with a geographical area measuring 4.16 km2 and resident
population of 35,000 (based on 2011 census). It is a vital pilgrimage site dedicated to Devī
Tulja Bhavānī, a regional form of the goddess of power (Śaktī) (Hawley and Wulff, 1998,
Prayag, 1977). Here the goddess is seen as a manifestation of nature (and is often solicited
in case of natural disasters) and a deity who maintains the livelihoods of people and fulfils
their requests and vows. As such, her devotees, mainly Hindus from the regional
catchment, are inclined to please her by making offerings of sacrificial animals and also
visiting her temple for performing life cycle-related rites and rituals (Prayag, 1977).
The main temple of Tulja Bhavānī is associated with elaborate rituals and restrictions whose
proper performance is complex and time consuming and involves a variety of religious
functionaries. At the temple, there are daily services in which the goddess is bathed,
clothed, fed four meals a day, entertained with devotional music and put to bed at night. An
extension and grand performance of these services is done during festivals dedicated to
Devi. Devotees are able to seek darœan of the Devi and witness these functions throughout
the day and utilise the five occasions prescribed by the temple for offering the abhisខ eka
(special worship that is undertaken as a part of the fulfilment of a vow).
The ritualistic format of pilgrimage practice (Shinde, 2011) is conducted by a religious
specialist group colloquially known as Pujārī. There are two distinct groupings of pujārīs,
both non-Brahmins (unusual observation in a Hindu pilgrimage site): one who has exclusive
rights related to templeworship and temple rituals and the other bestowed with rights to
serve pilgrims and bring them to the temple, but “their rights in Devī’s court are more
prestigious” (Dhere, 2008, p. 65). The rituals and performances also mean that several
specialised services are required to run the cultural economy, and a high degree of
differentiation is seen within ritual services offered by religious specialists. These include
cleaning, maintenance and lighting of lamps and carrying the sacred umbrella during the
processions (for detailed listing of such specialised services, refer to Dhere, 2008). Even
these services have certain sanctity, as they work through hereditary systems and claim
social status of being associated with the temple and receiving shares from the donations
visitors made in the temple.
In summary, travel to Tuljapur is motivated by the urge to perform religious rituals and
temple worship; the journey is largely a quick affair and laden with ritualised performances,
and the destination is a temple and its deity where all social and spatial activities converge.
Even in this highly ritualised arena, one can experience tolerance, albeit at different levels.

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 Tuljapur, according to historical evidence of land grants, was ruled by Muslim rulers, then
by Maratha kingdoms and before going to the colonial fold was with Nizam of Hyderabad
(Prayag, 1977), and therefore has both Hindu and Muslim resident communities. It was
always within or surrounded by Muslim territories which also meant a perceived threat from
the non-Hindu rulers. However, Tuljapur flourished as a Hindu pilgrimage site with
continued support of the Muslim rulers. It is well-known and part of folklore that the town has
never witnessed any communal riots or ethnic violence even under the most adverse
conditions.
One of the ritual services is providing for the bed (palang) for the resting of Devi, and
surprisingly, this service is offered by Muslim families. Every year Muslim craftsmen
bestowed with this hereditary privilege to create palang exercise these rights; they make
new bed every year and bring it to the temple and in a ritual ceremony are honoured with
continuity of this hereditary right. Such an engagement of people from other ethnicities is
common in Hindu pilgrimage sites, as this is related to the co-existence of both Hindu and
Muslim communities that results from prevailing political conditions: a classic example is
that of Banaras, one of the most revered Hindu sites where a significant Muslim community
exists who specialise as weavers and compliment their Hindu suppliers and marketers in
the pilgrimage economy (Eaton, 2003).
Tuljapur, in spite of being a Hindu ritual-based pilgrimage centre, has its own ways of
promoting tolerance and exemplifies tolerance as a social concept that has both economic
and political underpinnings. It also demonstrates the social grounding of the concept of
tolerance and that engagement of “others” in cultural economy leads to more tolerant views
of the religious practice.
6.1.3 Shegaon and Anand Sagar. Shegaon, a small pilgrimage town in Maharashtra, is an
example where both inter-religion and intra-religion tolerance with respect to religious
tourism are evident. While intra-religion tolerance is with regards to the diverse followership
of the patron saint Shri Gajanan Maharaj who resided here from 1878 to 1908, the
inter-religion tolerance is related to the participation of the Muslim community in religious
tourism enterprise. The latter is the subject of this paper.
Shri Gajanan Maharaj provided the inspiration and the instrument to establish the Shri
Gajanan Maharaj Sansthan (SGMS) as a private charitable trust with an explicit purpose of
helping poor and destitute, and development of tribal population in the region (SGMS,
2007). Over time, both the saint and the SGMS trust have grown in popularity; followers
believe in his miraculous powers, and as they experience betterment of their lives, they
become life-long devotees. Their experience of the place is also reinforced by the positive
social and religious image of the SGMS, as well as the rigour with which it follows the
teachings of the saint. The SGMS trust plays the most significant role in religious tourism in
Shegaon. The trust comprises of a president, a manager and ten community members. It
employs about 2,000 people across 42 departments that look after temple rituals,
appointment of priests, monetary donations, accommodation, food donations and meals,
security, post, building construction, water supply, sanitation, parking and vehicles. On an
average, close to 35,000 devotees visit Shegaon daily, and this figure increases to about
45,000 during weekends due to large proportion of day-trippers from nearby cities (the
municipal area of Shegaon is spread over 8.4 km2 and has a resident population of about
61,000 [2011 census]).
One reasons for the recent increase in visitor influx is the opening of Anand Sagar, a theme
park situated about 5 km from Shegaon. It was developed by the SGMS with the following
aim:
To increase devotion and faith amongst people for their own religion and that they achieve
prosperity with peace and be able to benefit from sansthan’s [SGMS] work is the sole aim of the
sansthan (Translated from Marathi; inscribed on a display board at the entrance of Anand
Sagar).

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Anand Sagar is a lush-green landscape spread over 350 acres replete with religious
symbolism and physical manifestations of mythological legends around different faiths.
Some notable elements are the semi-circular cloister housing icons of 18 saintly figures,
a meditation centre, a ceremonial pathway demonstrating various yoga positions, a
3,500 capacity amphitheatre, about 30 floats designed in the lake, an aquarium, a
mini-train and an amusement park with 20 rides. The religious dimension is not explicitly
Hindu and reflects SGMS’s philosophy of equality of all religions (sarva dharma
sambhāv) in its approach for creating a theme park that can be used by people from
diverse religious communities. Interspersed all over the park are icons of more than
thirty saintly figures and exhibits re-enacting stories associated with them and include
figures like Budhha, Mahavira, Guru Nanak, Sai Baba, Shrila Prabhupad, Ramakrishna
Paramhansa and modern saints, including Dada Waswani, and freedom fighters,
including Gandhi and others. These icons help to create a sense of equality and
universality amongst visitors by educating them on the need for devotion and human
service in achieving spiritual growth.
Shegaon and Anand Sagar represent a contemporary site where the motivation is
devotional worship and the intention to see and experience something that fulfils both
religious and recreational needs, making the journeys multilayered and multipurpose, and
the destination does not fail to offers unique visitor experience. Consequently, the
emphasis on a visitors and the possibility to incline them towards tolerance are much
higher.
In Anand Sagar, a sort of spiritual orientation is expected from the visitors. At the
entrance, visitors are given a handout that provides detailed instructions regarding
behaviour in the park, including a list of 16 “dos and don’ts”. Of these, five relate
directly to the conduct of the visitor in front of religious exhibits and the rest instruct on
maintaining discipline, peaceful ambience and hygiene. At regular intervals and at
strategic locations within the park, display boards are inscribed with the reminder that
“Anand Sagar is a ‘spiritual centre’ – please do not behave in any unacceptable manner
here”. The strategy has been effective. Visitors, in interviews conducting during
fieldwork, have mentioned that they are reminded to uphold spiritual behaviour both
within and without the park, as they experience the serenity of the landscape and the
displays of religious teachings through the exhibits. This consciousness extends to their
overall behaviours, including being tolerant to others. Anand Sagar has significantly
promoted participation of non-Hindu visitors also: one can spot several Burkha-clad
women using the play equipment amd swings; strolling in the lawns; and spending
considerable time at different exhibits and experiencing recreation.
As Muslims constitute almost 40 per cent of resident population of the town, their
participation has also increased in other spheres as well. In the past, they were hardly
associated with the pilgrimage economy, but with the development of Anand Sagar into a
tourist attraction and increase in visitor flows, the non-Hindu population is active in the
religious tourism economy; they own almost one-third of the hotels and also have a large
share in the booming local transport business of auto rickshaws (more than 1,200 auto
rickshaws operate on three routes: from railway station to Anand Sagar and nearby
accommodation, from railway station to the temple and between the temple and Anand
Sagar).
The example of Anand Sagar and Shegaon demonstrates how a destination, as it expands
into more universal appeal of religious and recreational needs, also harbours more
tolerance. It also suggests that social and economic embeddings of others in religious
tourism industry generate more opportunities for tolerance.

6.2 Inter-religion tolerance

In this section, three examples are examined to discuss inter-religious tolerance using two
themes: “Others” in Hindu sites and Hindus as “Others” in non-Hindu sites. The presence

VOL. 70 NO. 3 2015 TOURISM REVIEW PAGE 189

 of foreigners in Vrindavan and Rishikesh is highlighted to illustrate the first theme and the
site of Ajmer Sharif (Islamic Sufi shrine) is used for the second one.

6.3 “Others” in Hindu sites

In this discussion, the “other” means those visiting from foreign countries and belonging to
non-Hindu faith.
Vrindavan exemplifies one of the most significant “foreign” interventions found in a Hindu
pilgrimage site. The International Society for Krishna Consciousness (ISKCON) – a religious
movement that began in 1960s and comprising largely of devotees from North America and
Europe – was founded in New York but established one of its first big temples in Vrindavan
to commemorate the place from which their guru Swami Prabhupada had embarked on his
spiritual journey (Brooks, 1992). Popularly known as the “Hare Krishna Movement”, the
members follow the Bhakti tradition of the Gaudiya Vaishnava sect.
The establishment of ISKCON and its temple brought a steady flow of international visitors
to Vrindavan and also increased its popularity for domestic tourism (Brooks, 1992). Over
time, several international devotees of ISKCON also broke away to set up independent
religious organisations such as World Vaishnava Association (established by a Spanish
guru in an old ashram in Vrindavan but actively involved in building religious centres
worldwide) and Food For Life Vrindavan (founded by a British national but working on rural
development in Braj) (FFLV, 2004). Brooks notes that the presence of ISKCON not only
altered the cultural texture of the town, but “reshaped the very contours of the [religious]
landscape of Vrindavan” (Brooks, 1989, p. 184). The significance of ISKCON in Vrindavan
can be gauged by the fact that with its Western appeal, it has emerged as a must-see
temple and must-experience part of a visitor’s itinerary (Shinde, 2007b). ISKCON has
emerged as an active stakeholder in local pilgrimage economy in many ways, one of which
is organising tours to the pilgrimage landscape of Braj:
Krsna Balarama Mandir [ISKCON temple] has initiated five Braja Darœan tours for the pleasure
of the devotees. Braja Darœan is a regular guided bus tour for devotees who would like a quick
tour of Braja. Donations for each darœan are Rs 200 per person (for children below 12 years –
Rs 100). Breakfast is provided. Time: 5:30 am (from temple main gate). Please book at the
Information Centre well in advance.

ISKCON has become integral to Vrindavan, and its presence in social, cultural, religious
and political domain is noticeable (Brooks, 1992). At a practical level, it contributes to the
cleaning of streets around its temple complex and has developed its own system of
sewage and waste disposal within its premises. Thus, ISKCON participates in and
promotes religious tourism of “others” in Vrindavan.
Rishikesh in north India is another example that provides insights about the experience of
foreign tourists in a Hindu pilgrimage. A study conducted by Aggarwal et al. (2008) enlists
several motives for foreigners to visit Rishikesh: foreigners believe that religious places give
a peace of mind and spiritual satisfaction; believe in Indian religion and customs and
participate in temple rituals, including evening prayers at the bank of Ganges; like to attend
sermons and interaction with monks; and enjoy Indian cuisine and having experienced
these feel pleasant and more satisfied. This study suggests that regardless of the
motivation, the physical and metaphysical experience of being in these places and the
urge of knowing Hinduism through rituals and active performances leads foreign visitors to
realise some sort of spirituality. Similar kinds of behaviour of foreign visitors is visible in the
Kumbha Mela which in itself is a prime site of religious practice and spectacle (Maclean,
2003).
In sum, a sense of quest and finding answers by foreigners in Hindu religious sites
definitely helps to foster religious tolerance amongst visitors and about them in the host
communities that are equally involved in such an exercise of exposure and exchange.

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6.4 Hindus as “other” in non-Hindu sites
6.4.1 Ajmer Sharif. Ajmer Sharif, a site dedicated to Sufi saint Khwaja Muinuddin Chisti, is
an excellent example of an Islamic pilgrimage site which has multiple meanings arising out
of the historical and social context in which it is embedded (Bhardwaj, 1998). The
establishment of the site itself has several versions and stories of Hindu king as the main
patron who was a devotee of the Muslim saint and provided the necessary patronage for
flourishing of the site. Religious tolerance is hallmark of the place: “the Khwaja Sahib seems
to attract growing numbers of pilgrims of multiple faiths precisely because of the
hagiography and popular conception of Mu‘īn al-dīn as broadminded. For instance, the
very conception of the saint rests rather firmly within rhetoric of tolerance” (Fuerst, 2011,
p. 58). Muslims and non-Muslims (mainly Hindus) throng to Ajmer in large numbers with
requests for the Khwaja’s divine intervention for improving their lives.
While Ajmer represents a site of pan-Indian significance, there also exist “the local centres
of piety” that include tombs, mazars (small memorial shrines) and graves of locally
respected saints and holy men from Islam who are believed to possess miraculous curing
and healing prowess and therefore visited by non-Muslims also (Bhardwaj, 1998; Bellamy,
2011). Bhardwaj (1998, p. 78) notes that “these holy spots are an integral part of the village
communities in which they exist” and therefore represent instances of tolerance. Tolerance
is also evident in the non-hajj type of religious circulation, mainly ziarat, where “the
behaviour of the individuals [. . .] reflects the cultural context, and the individual’s existential
quest” (Bhardwaj, 1998, p. 79). Several scholars discuss how non-Muslims freely
participate in this kind of ziarat travel (Bellamy, 2011).
In summary, Hindu and Muslim pilgrimage sites in India show a great degree of tolerance,
both at intra-religion and inter-religion level, and this is closely related to the form of
religious tourism that is practiced in these sites and the broader socio-economic
considerations that govern religious tourism.

7. Concluding remarks
This paper, based on findings from pilgrimage sites in India, has argued and illustrated that
a spectrum exists along which one can situate tolerance experiences associated with
religious tourism. The framework developed in this paper has allowed a detailed
exploration of tolerance across three components of religious travel, namely, motivation,
journey and destination. It is demonstrated how the degree of tolerance increases, as one
moves away from travel that is motivated by obligatory and ritual-based practices to travel
that is voluntary, where visitors aim to seek meaning and therefore connect with, and
engage in, a religious– cultural exchange and in situations where religious faiths remain
open for interpretation and provide opportunities assimilating visitors from other ethnicities
and faiths.
The paper has reinforced the theoretical premise that religious tourism involves
multilayered journeys that comprise religious and recreational (leisure and tourism)
characteristics; therefore, it is necessary to contextualise tolerance within the wider
socio-cultural and religious sphere where opportunities for tolerance are created. In spite
of religious importance of pilgrimage sites for religions, their social spheres provide
considerable diversity and pluralism and thereby fertile grounds for promoting tolerance.
The paper has argued that tolerance as a social concept is quite significant for religious
tourism in pilgrimage sites.
The implications of this understanding of religious tolerance from the context of religious
tourism are wide and diverse. It is possible to develop several strategies to encourage
tolerance by focusing the three aspects of motivation, journey and destination
independently and collectively. Besides reinforcing the sanctity and religious values of a
site, it is also important that site managers promote and reiterate the importance of that
place for universal values of peace and goodwill if people are to be motivated to visit and

VOL. 70 NO. 3 2015 TOURISM REVIEW PAGE 191

 expose them to tolerance. Many sites, particularly belonging to modern saints such as
those in Shegaon, Shirdi, Aksharadham and Puttaparti, engage in such kind of exposure
orientation. In addition, such a model is necessary if more tolerance is expected out of
visitors. Volunteerism or seva, as is known in devotional literature, is an important vehicle to
propagate such values of building goodwill amongst devotees, followers and visitors. While
one can find best expressions of volunteer service in Gurudwara, place of Sikh worship,
they are also visible in diverse forms in places such as Shegaon (more than 1,500
volunteers serve at the SSST) and Vrindavan where self-less devotion is the key. With such
an orientation, tolerance can be easily fostered. Journeys present excellent opportunities
for experiencing tolerance as is amply demonstrated in the 12 km long on-foot journey to
the shrine of Vaishno Devi in north India where pilgrims continuously engage in community
singing of hymns in the praising of the deity. As shown in case of Anand Sagar, by
promoting cultural facets rooted in religious contexts, sites can attract diverse kinds of
visitors and thus present more opportunities for tolerance. Similar emphasis on cultural
performances, as in Vrindavan, can attract wider audiences who, while consuming culture,
may also be exposed to other aspects of religious practice both in that site and other sites
of that religion.
In exploring the relationship between religious tolerance and religious tourism, this essay
has glossed over many issues that can be considered as limitations but also opportunities
for further research. The paper has been primarily concerned with Hindu sites but for a
cross-sectional analysis of tolerance, it is prudent to explore a full set of combinations
where one finds interaction in pilgrimage sites where different religious faiths co-exist such
as Hindu-Sikh, Christian-Hindus, Muslim-Hindus and foreigners in any of these
combinations. These explorations may lead to a comprehensive understanding of
inter-religion tolerance. It is also important to study actual rituals and their flexibility that
renders them to assimilate followers of other religions and thereby foster tolerance. Such an
exploration may be necessary for the plethora of Christian sites, particularly in Europe, that
attract more of cultural tourism rather than travel for religious practice. In a reverse way, it
could be fruitful to compare the rigidity of Islamic pilgrimage to Hajj and how it brings
together Muslims from different parts of the same country (say, for instance, those from
Hindi-speaking North Indian states and the ones from Malayalam-speaking Muslims from
Kerala) or from different countries such as Sudan, Malaysia, Indonesia, Pakistan,
Bangladesh, etc.
The broader political contexts can have a significant influence on interactions between
religious faiths and their practice of religious tourism. The demolition of Babri Mosque in the
Hindu pilgrimage site of Ayodhya clearly indicates a situation of conflicts over sacred sites
and religious places. Conflicts do exist and so do the difference between internal and visual
(external) tolerance; therefore, it is necessary to explore these dimensions for their
significance over the social, religious, aspects present in the site itself and in the ways
which religious tourism operates. This paper has also suggested that religious tolerance
also has economic overtones, but exactly how much influence they may exert on practice
of tolerance is an area for research that could also involve consumer surveys to test out
the ideas put forward here. The ways in which social relationships and networks in a
pilgrimage site can guard or liberalise a sites’ religious values and outlook also deserve a
closer attention than that has been possible in this paper. These limitations, however, do
not undermine how pluralism and diversity in religious faith and religious tourism
contributes to a better understanding of the self and the other.

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Appendix. Glossary of terms – Hindi

Hindi word – English meaning

Kul-devam ⫽ Localized family deities
Gram-devam ⫽ Deities that act as the protectors of the village
Vaishnava (understood as
Vaisខ nខ av or Vaisខ nខ avite) ⫽ Pertaining to Visខ nខ u/Krishna or his worship; a devotee of Visខ nខ u/
Krishna
Shaivaite ⫽ Belonging to Shiva or sect worshipping Shiva, one of the Holy
trinity of Hindu gods
Krishna ⫽ Krsņa one of the ten incarnations of Visខ nខ u or Vishnu
Sai Baba ⫽ Name of the saint of Shirdi
Devi ⫽ Generic term used to address goddess/female deity
Tulja Bhava៮ nī ⫽ Name of a goddess – the name has a mythological legend
associated with it
Gajanan Maharaj ⫽ Name of a saint; Gajanan is another name of the elephant-
headed god Ganesha
Maharaj is a honorific title used to address the saint
Vallabhacharya ⫽ A Vaishnava poet saint (c. 1479-1530) and founder of a sect
called Pushtimarg
Chaitanya ⫽ A poet saint (c. 1486-1533) who founded Gaudiya sect within
Vaishnavism
Radha ⫽ The consort of Krishna
Śaktī ⫽ Power; the meaning implied is the Goddess of power
Nizam ⫽ Muslim Rulers (of Hyderabad in this paper)
Anand ⫽ Happiness
Sagar ⫽ Ocean
Anand sagar ⫽ Ocean of happiness
Svaru៮ p ⫽ The very form or “own form” in which Krishna manifests
Goswa៮ mī ⫽ Honorific title of the families whose hereditary right is to tend
the great temples of Vrindavan and surrounding Braj. The title
is usually interpreted as meaning “master of the senses” and
is reserved for the priestly lineages that became established
in Braj by transplant from elsewhere in India in the sixteenth
century
Samprada៮ y ⫽ Teaching tradition and religious community. The four major
Braj samprada៮ ys have a hereditary leadership that was
established in the sixteenth (or in the case of the Nimba៮ rkīs,
possible seventeenth) century
Ras (Sanskrit, rasa) ⫽ Literally liquid, taste or flavour; hence mood, an aesthetic
and/or devotional sentiment
Rasik ⫽ The one who experiences ras
Darśan ⫽ Vision, sight, especially the acct of seeing a deity
Katha៮ ⫽ Religious stories, generally of gods and deity
Ra៮ slīla៮ ⫽ A musical drama depicting Krishna’s sacramental circle
dance with his cowherdess lovers (ra៮ s) and one of a number
of episodes (līla៮ s, “plays”) in his life story
Bhandara ⫽ A community feast offered to a deity and its followers
Mela ⫽ A fair, a gathering of many people
Devī ⫽ Goddess
Abhisខ eka ⫽ Ritual worship
Puja៮ rī ⫽ One who performs puja-ritual worship
Palang ⫽ Bed – particularly used in religious context
Sansthan ⫽ A charitable trust

VOL. 70 NO. 3 2015 TOURISM REVIEW PAGE 195

 Sarva dharma sambha៮ v ⫽ All religions are equal
Burkha ⫽ A veil
Bhakti ⫽ Devotion, love and love of God or by God
Mazars ⫽ Small memorial shrines
Ziarat ⫽ Travel to a local Muslim shrine
Seva ⫽ Devotional service

Corresponding author
Kiran A. Shinde can be contacted at: kiran.shinde@bharatividyapeeth.edu

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