The Sociological Study of Stress

Author(s): Leonard I. Pearlin

Source: Journal of Health and Social Behavior, Vol. 30, No. 3 (Sep., 1989), pp. 241-256
Published by: American Sociological Association
Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/2136956
Accessed: 21-03-2016 13:29 UTC

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 The Sociological Study of Stress*

LEONARD I. PEARLIN

University of California, San Francisco

Journal of Health and Social Behavior 1989, Vol. 30 (September):241-256

This paper presents a critical overview of current concepts and analytic practices

in stress research and considers how they can be changed to make the research

more consistent with core sociological interests. An overarching concern of the

paper is the analytic use of basic information about people's social and

institutional affiliations and statuses. It is important that such information be

treated not simply as data that need to be controlled statistically; we must examine

the bearing of these data on each domain of the stress process: the exposure to and

meaning of stressors, access to stress mediators, and the psychological, physical,

and behavioral manifestations of stress. The conceptualization and measurement of

stressors should move away from their focus on particular events or chronic strains

and should seek instead to observe and assess over time constellations of stressors

made up of both events and strains. Moreover, the effects of the mediators-coping

and social support-are evaluated most fruitfully in terms of their effects in limiting

the number, severity, and diffusion of stressors in these constellations. Finally,

sociological stress researchers should not be bound to outcomes that better serve

the intellectual interests of those who work with biomedical and epidemiological

models of stress, nor should the research be committed exclusively to a single

outcome.

Sociologists have an intellectual stake in field. In this paper I attempt to identify what I

the study of stress. It presents an excellent regard as some of the conceptual and analytic

opportunity to observe how deeply well-being issues that should be considered in bringing

is affected by the structured arrangements of the study of stress closer to sociology.

people's lives and by the repeated experiences Much of the paper is organized around

that stem from these arrangements. Social what have come to be recognized as the

research into stress is entirely consistent with domains of the stress process: stressors, stress

a present-day social psychology that seeks to mediators, and stress outcomes. There is

establish the unities between social structure considerable accumulated evidence that this

and the inner functioning of individuals process and its components largely arise from

(House 1981a). Yet stress is not generally and are influenced by various structural

seen as part of a sociological mainstream, arrangements in which individuals are embed-

partly, I believe, because those of us who are ded. To a large extent these arrangements

engaged in stress research are not consistently determine the stressors to which people are

attentive to the sociological character of the exposed, the mediators they are able to

mobilize, and the manner in which they

experience stress. In view of its importance,

* Direct all correspondence to Leonard I.

the structural background of the stress process

Pearlin, Center for Social and Behavioral Sciences,

deserves a closer examination than it usually

237; University of California; 1350 Seventh

receives.

Avenue; San Francisco, CA 94143-0848. Support

for this paper was provided by the National

Institute of Mental Health, Grant MH AG42127; THE STRUCTURAL CONTEXTS OF THE

the Consortium for Research into Stress Processes,

STRESS PROCESS

funded by the W.T. Grant Foundation; and the

Most research into stress starts with an

Network for Health Promotion and Disease

Prevention, funded by the MacArthur Foundation. experience -an exigency that people confront

241

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 242 JOURNAL OF HEALTH AND SOCIAL BEHAVIOR

and their perceptions of that exigency as

The importance of roles and role sets as

threatening or burdensome. Many stressful

sources of stress are elaborated in a later

experiences, it should be recognized, don't

discussion of chronic strains. Here I wish to

spring out of a vacuum but typically can be

emphasize that interrelated levels of social

traced back to surrounding social structures

structure-social stratification, social institu-

and people's locations within them. The most

tions, interpersonal relationships-mold and

encompassing of these structures are the

structure the experiences of individuals; these

various systems of stratification that cut

experiences, in turn, may result in stress.

across societies, such as those based on social

Therefore the structural contexts of people's

and economic class, race and ethnicity,

lives are not extraneous to the stress process

gender, and age. To the extent that these

but are fundamental to that process. They are

systems embody the unequal distribution of

the sources of hardship and privilege, threat

resources, opportunities, and self-regard, a

and security, conflict and harmony. In

low status within them may itself be a source

searching for the origins of stress, we may

of stressful life conditions. Thus it is quite

begin fruitfully by scrutinizing the social

understandable that the community studies

arrangements of society and the structuring of

conducted in the 1950s and 1960s consis-

experience within these arrangements. This

tently revealed powerful associations between

search, I believe, will reveal how ordinary

people's statuses in stratified systems and

people can be caught up in the disjunctures

indicators of their well-being (e.g., Gurin,

and discontinuities of societies, how they can

Veroff, and Feld 1960; Hollingshead and

be motivated to adopt socially valued dreams

Redlich 1958; Srole, Langner, Opler, and

and yet can find their dreams thwarted by

Rennie 1960). Interest in these statuses

socially erected barriers, and how as engaged

continues today, particularly as evidenced by

members of society they come into conflict

the explosion of literature examining gender

with others and with themselves.

and stress (e.g., Gore and Mangione 1983;

Certainly not all stress researchers are

Kessler and McRae 1981; Thoits 1986).

interested in the structural contexts of the

Another important structural context is

stress process. As I noted above, most begin

found in social institutions and their arrange-

their work by looking directly at potential

ments of statuses and roles. Incumbency in a

stressors that reside in individuals' experience

major institutionalized role necessarily entails

without regard to the possible structural

persistent encounters with a host of conditions

origins of the stressors. Sociological inquiry,

and expectations that exert a structuring force

however, does not have the option of ignoring

on experience. Because the roles themselves

these origins. The distinguishing mark of

persist in time, experiences within them tend

sociological inquiry is its effort to uncover

to become a repeated feature of their

patterns and regularities shared by people

incumbents' lives. When these experiences

whose social characteristics and circum-

are threatening and problematic, they may

stances are similar. The essential element of

result in stress. There are abundant indica-

the sociological study of stress is the presence

tions that such experience is common among

of similar types and levels of stress among

incumbents of occupational (e.g., Kahn 1973)

people who are exposed to similar social and

and of family roles (see e.g., Pearlin 1983).

economic conditions, who are incumbents in

Moreover, one does not act alone as an

similar roles, and who come from similar

incumbent of a role. Instead, one role is part

situational contexts. There can be little, if

of a larger role set or of a constellation of

any, sociological interest in randomly distrib-

complementary roles around which important

uted problems or randomly distributed re-

interpersonal relations are structured. Thus

sponses to the problems. Such random or

one cannot be a husband without a wife, a

idiosyncratic stress is of legitimate interest to

parent without a child, a colleague without a

clinicians or biologists, but not to sociolo-

fellow worker. Relationships formed by role

gists. Therefore a salient feature of sociolog-

sets are relatively enduring and stable, and

ical stress research is its concern with the

typically are of considerable importance to

socially patterned distribution of components

the parties involved. Consequently, when

of the stress process: stressors, mediators, and

such relationships are problematic and filled

outcomes. Such patterns provide a cue that

with conflict, they can produce considerable

individuals' potentially stressful experiences

stress.
and the ways in which they are affected by

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 SOCIOLOGICAL STUDY OF STRESS 243

these experiences may originate in the social depressive symptomatology may be a more

orders of which they are a part. typical expression of stress among women,

Much of this discussion might appear to whereas drinking and other behaviors may be

belabor the self-evident, particularly because more typical among men (Aneshensel 1988).

virtually all social inquiry into stress collects The general point to be drawn from these

information about people's backgrounds and examples is that the structural contexts of

situational circumstances that enables these people's lives can affect each major phase of

social patterns to be detected analytically. the stress process. When analytically we

Certainly current research cannot be faulted slight people's social and economic back-

for its failure to assemble basic sociological grounds, we necessarily neglect the sociolog-

data, but it can be faulted for failing to subject ical exploration of links that join broader

the data to sociological scrutiny. All too dimensions of social organization to personal

often, people's background and circumstan- stress.

tial attributes are either overlooked in analy-

ses or receive only scant attention. Thus data

that should be at the heart of sociological SOCIAL STRESSORS

inquiry are frequently treated only as analytic

noise that needs to be controlled statistically. Historically, stress research has been guided

Of course there is nothing wrong with the by two modal concerns: one having a primary

logic of controlling for the effects of social interest in naturalistic stressors and the other

background characteristics; such controls can in the mediation and outcomes of stress. As

reveal whether a statistical relationship be- the preceding discussion suggests, sociolo-

tween other factors is spurious or independent gists have been and should be interested in the

of the possible effects of the social character- former. For other scientists, who are more

istics (Rosenberg 1968). Yet when social concerned with stress outcomes and their

structural and contextual data are collected psychological and biological dimensions, the

only so that they may be controlled, that nature and origins of the stressors are less

treatment precludes the examination of their important. To those researchers it makes little

potentially important roles in the study of difference whether stress is controlled experi-

stress. mentally in the laboratory, is unique to

Information about structural contexts and individuals, or is anchored in highly unusual

people's links to those contexts should be circumstances. From their viewpoint, the

analyzed at virtually every step of the stress response of the organism to stress is legiti-

process. Gender can be taken as an illustra- mately of greater interest than the cause of the

tion because, as I noted earlier, this is a status stress (Pearlin 1982). Sociological attention,

on which a large and burgeoning research by contrast, is more fixed on the stressors and

literature exists (see e.g., Pearlin and Anesh- their naturalistic sources.

ensel 1986). First, gender is a characteristic Stressors, of course, refer to the experien-

that influences the stressors to which people tial circumstances that give rise to stress.

are exposed: women and men often experi- Although virtually all social scientists en-

ence different stressful circumstances (Pearlin gaged in stress research are interested in

and Lieberman 1978). In addition, even stressors, they differ considerably as to how

where exposure to stressors is similar for they conceptualize stressors and as to the

women and for men, the effects of these importance they attach to different types of

stressors on the outcomes may be conditioned stressors. In recent years, attention generally

by gender. Perhaps, for example, equivalent has been divided between life events, on the

occupational hardships have different impacts one hand, and more enduring or recurrent life

on men and on women because of differences problems, sometimes referred to as chronic

in the conditions that men and women face in strains, on the other.

other roles (Pearlin 1975a). Third, the

personal and social mediating resources that

can be mobilized to deal with hardships also Life Events as Stressors

may vary with gender (Pearlin and Schooler

1978). Finally, gender is a characteristic that Life events have occupied by far the most

can affect the ways in which stress outcomes research attention in the past 20 years.

are manifested. Thus, as I shall describe later, Indeed, in some circles life events inappropri-

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244 JOURNAL OF HEALTH AND SOCIAL BEHAVIOR

ately have become a metaphor for stress Readjustment Rating Scale (1967) are simply

research. There are at least three reasons for markers or surrogate indicators of ongoing

the impressive surge of life events research in conditions; they do not represent free-

the past two decades. First, the pioneering standing or discrete life change. The loss of a

work of Hans Selye (1982) provided an home through foreclosure or a jail sentence,

important theoretical foundation for events for example, is not an event that erupts

research. Second, in response to Selye's unexpectedly. More likely, the event is

theoretical inspiration, a method was devel- merely an episodic segment of continuing

oped to assess in seemingly simple and problems. Because the event inventory allows

objective fashion the magnitude of eventful us to see only the segment and not its history,

change experienced by individuals. Third, we ignore the more extended life circum-

interest in research into life events was stances of which the event may be a part.

spurred by its early success in showing Thus questions that presumably are asked

relationships between the scope of eventful about events may in fact elicit information

change and various indicators of health. All in about nonevents. Therefore the tools used to

all, stress researchers who attempted to assess eventful change tend to confuse events

identify and measure stressors found a theory with more enduring stressors.

to stimulate their work, a method by which to This confusion, in turn, brings into ques-

carry it out, and empirical results to reward tion the meaning of past research findings

their efforts. showing relationships between events and

Since the launching of life events research, health, relationships that have provided much

however, its theory, its methods, and its of the empirical support for the interest in life

findings have been called into question. It is events as stressors. To the extent that events

not my purpose here to provide a review of are surrogate indicators of noneventful, ongo-

life events research; others (e.g., Dohren- ing circumstances, empirical relationships

wend and Pearlin 1982; Thoits 1983) have between events and health may be explained

done so. Instead I shall focus on a few of the more accurately by the continuing circum-

more salient problems of this research. stances in which the event is embedded. Thus

With regard to underlying theory, it is now in interpreting events-health relationships we

clear that a key assumption about life events are susceptible to exaggerating the importance

as stressors is untenable. Following from the of eventful change and to minimizing-or

implications of Selye's observations of labo- overlooking altogether-the problematic con-

ratory animals' responses to environmental tinuities of people's lives. The confusion

changes, the theory held that all change is between an event and a more chronic life

potentially harmful because all change re- strain, I submit, impedes a clear understand-

quires readjustment. Sociologists should find ing of the social etiology of ill health and

this notion difficult to accept because change emotional distress.

is a normal and inexorable feature of every In general, the theoretical assumptions, the

level of social life and of aging. At any rate, methods, and the findings that gave life

the weight of current evidence shows that not events research its early impetus have each

change per se but the quality of change is come under critical scrutiny. It is encouraging

potentially damaging to people. Specifically, that current sociological stress research is

changes that are undesired, unscheduled, moving away from some of the early

nonnormative, and uncontrolled are most assumptions and confusions regarding events

harmful (Fairbank and Hough 1979; Gersten, and their stressful impact. It is now common

Langner, Eisenberg, and Simcha-Hogan 1977; practice to distinguish events by their quali-

Thoits 1981; Vinokur and Seltzer 1975). I ties, such as their desirability or their

believe that researchers no longer accept normative character. Even more promising

unquestioningly the assumption that change is and innovative is the work of Avison and

categorically bad for people or that the Turner (1988), which seeks to separate events

magnitude of change is harmful independent from the more enduring stressful circum-

of its quality. stances in which the event may be embedded.

Next, the instruments used to identify life Earlier I emphasized that as sociologists we

events are misleading in crucial respects. are interested in stress as it reveals patterned

Many events that typically appear on invento- differences among groups and collectivities

ries such as the Holmes and Rahe Social differentiated by their social and economic

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SOCIOLOGICAL STUDY OF STRESS 245

array of potential chronic stressors is to focus

circumstances. Life events research generally

their attention on problems that arise within

has lacked this sociological character, al-

the boundaries of major social roles and role

though the reasons seem to lie more in the

sets. As I argued above, problems rooted in

analytic treatment of events than in the

institutionalized social roles are often endur-

inherent nature of the events. Past research

ing, for the activities and the interpersonal

tended to treat events as though they occurred

relationships they entail are enduring. More-

willy-nilly, with no consideration of the

over, when problems-or strains, as I refer to

social and economic situations of the people

them-occur within roles, they are likely to

who experienced the event. Some events, of

affect their incumbents, because typically we

course, create havoc in a contextual vacuum,

attach considerable importance to our major

such as when one's house is destroyed by

roles. Difficulties in job, marriage, or parent-

lightning (although even this random event

hood have important effects because the roles

may have nonrandom social and economic

themselves are important. Furthermore, the

consequences). From a sociological perspec-

focus on role strains can reinforce the links

tive, events that are experienced idiosyncrati-

between the contexts that largely structure

cally can be ignored. Often, however, events

people's activities, relationships, and experi-

that in fact are rooted in people's social and

ences, and their well-being.

economic circumstances are treated as though

Several types of role strain were assessed in

they are unrelated to these circumstances. To

our earlier work (Pearlin 1983; Pearlin and

avoid treating these kinds of events as though

Schooler 1978); only a brief review of those

they are capricious happenings, we must

types is presented here. One type is role

reveal their links to people's relevant social

overload, a condition that exists when

and economic characteristics. Some events

demands on energy and stamina exceed the

under some conditions are powerful stressors

individual's capacities. Role overload is

that affect people's lives directly and indi-

found most commonly in occupational and

rectly; research into these stressors should not

homemaker roles as well as in specialized

be abandoned, only rethought. The research

roles, such as among informal caregivers to

needs to establish that events in fact are

seriously impaired relatives. Interpersonal

events and not proxy indicators of chronic

conflicts within role sets are the type of

hardships. Research also needs to be more

chronic strain reported most often. This type

selective in the events it studies, focusing

of strain assumes many forms, but they all

particularly on those that illuminate the

entail problems and difficulties that arise

connections between social forces and individ-

among those who interact with each other in

ual well-being. This approach requires a

sets of complementary roles, such as wife-

sensitivity to events whose occurrence varies

husband, parent-child, or worker-supervisor.

with people's key social and economic

Still another type of strain, inter-role conflict,

statuses, such as age and life stage, gender,

is found at the juncture of different roles. It

race and ethnicity, occupational status, and

entails the incompatible demands of multiple

economic class. The presence of relationships

roles, especially demands of work and

between these kinds of master statuses and

family. Commonly individuals cannot satisfy

potentially stressful events would bespeak the

the demands and expectations of one of these

social character of eventful stressors.

roles without forsaking those of the other. A

different strain involves role captivity, which

exists when one is an unwilling incumbent of

Chronic Strains as Stressors

a role. People experiencing this type of strain

include housewives or retirees who would

The second major type of stressor involves

prefer outside employment or employed

the relatively enduring problems, conflicts,

workers who would prefer to be at home with

and threats that many people face in their

young children. The roles that these people

daily lives. The very number and diversity of

occupy might not be onerous or filled with

this type of stressor and the formidable

conflict; the people simply prefer to be and to

measurement problems that they entail are

do things outside the confines of the un-

among the reasons why life event inventories,

wanted role.
by comparison, are so inviting a research

Finally, role restructuring is an important

tool. One way in which sociologists can gain

but overlooked type of strain that certainly

some conceptual control over the extensive

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 246 JOURNAL OF HEALTH AND SOCIAL BEHAVIOR

deserves more attention. It is virtually inevi-

strains are confounded with outcomes. That

table that relationships in role sets undergo

is, answers to questions about role strains and

change. Although the actors and the role sets

answers to questions about outcomes, such as

remain the same, either the aging process or

depression, may be guided by the same

extraneous exigencies force alterations in

underlying state of disaffection. Thus we

long-established patterns of expectation and

must confront the nagging possibility that the

interaction. This phenomenon can be ob-

robust correlations between measures of strain

served in a variety of situations, such as the

and measures of psychological distress reflect

rebellious adolescent who complains that he

a lack of independence between the indicators

is treated as a baby, the apprentice who grows

of these constructs. There is no quick fix to

restless with his mentor as he masters his craft,

this difficulty; obviously one must exercise

or adult children who must assume increasing

care in wording the questions about strain so

responsibility for the care of aged parents.

that they contain no language of distress, but

Often the restructuring of entrenched relation-

to a large extent the independence of the

ships is not easy; it can result in a sense of

measures must be established analytically.

betrayal, status loss, and the violation of

This can be done first by identifying people

expectations. These kinds of strains may

who are equivalent with regard to strain but

develop insidiously and may persist until

who differ in the level of distress they

people readjust to the new expectations and

express, and then by determining whether

norms governing the relationships.

these differences can be explained systemati-

Not all severe strains are found within

cally. For example, we might find that

major roles. Living in or close to poverty,

differences in the amount of distress experi-

residing in neighborhoods where there is

enced among people who report the same

reason to fear crime or violence, and having a

strains may be explained by variations in

serious chronic illness are among the ambient

coping and social support. When uniform

strains that cut across roles and envelop

levels of strain joined to varying levels of

people. Still other strains may arise in more

distress can be explained in a theoretically

informal and elective roles, such as in

meaningful way, the explanation bolsters our

voluntary activities and associations or in

confidence in the independence of our

dealing with friends and acquaintances. Thus

measures of strain and of distress and in the

the strains that people experience in their

significance of the relationships between

institutionalized roles by no means represent them.

all chronic stressors.

Two methodological problems underlie the

identification of chronic strains. One problem

The Convergence of Events and

is that the chronicity of these strains is often

Chronic Strains

inferred rather than established empirically.

In my own work I have treated certain

Even if it were possible to overcome the

problems as chronic simply because they exist

difficulties in measuring and assessing both

within a continuing relationship and are not of

life events and chronic strains, our research

a sort that is likely to vary appreciably within

still would be encumbered by conceptual

a relatively short time. The absence of marital

blinders. A serious limitation of inquiry into

reciprocity is a case in point (e.g., Pearlin,

stressors is the tendency toward "either-or"

1975b). This problem is reflected in situations

thinking. In searching for stressors, we

where one member of the marital pair feels

usually focus either on life events or on

that the other is not contributing equally to the

chronic strains. As a result of this unwitting

relationship. Ideally, the chronicity of this

tendency we have missed opportunities to

kind of strain should be evaluated on the basis

observe the ways in which events and strains

of information about the length of time for

converge in people's lives. There are at least

which the problem has been experienced. Yet

three ways in which events and strains come

because problems of this type can have

together in stressful experience: 1) events lead

insidious onsets, it may be difficult, if not

to chronic strains; 2) chronic strains lead to

impossible, to determine duration with reason-

events; and 3) strains and events provide

able confidence.
meaning contexts for each other.

The second methodological difficulty con-

Consider first the capability of events to

cerns the possibility that measures of role

cause strains. Studies of events typically

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SOCIOLOGICAL STUDY OF STRESS 247

just as preceding conditions color the mean-

examine the events as direct causes of stress

ing and the impact of the event, consequent

in individuals. Yet events also cause stress in

conditions also may regulate the impact of the

an indirect manner by altering adversely the

event. Retirement, for example, might have a

more enveloping and enduring life conditions.

negative effect on well-being if the retirement

These conditions, in turn, become potent

results in a loss of status or the atrophying of

sources of stress in their own right-perhaps

prized skills; it might have a positive effect if

more potent than the precipitating event. This

one finds in retirement the opportunity to

process, in which events adversely restructure

pursue self-fulfilling passions that previously

social and economic conditions of life, has

had been held in abeyance.

been demonstrated empirically for at least

Events, then, typically do not stand as

three events: involuntary job loss (Pearlin,

stressors separate from the durable stains that

Lieberman, Menagham, and Mullan 1981),

people experience, nor do the strains neces-

divorce (Pearlin and Johnson 1977), and

sarily persist apart from the events they may

death of spouse (Pearlin and Lieberman

precipitate. Events and strains often flow

1978). These events commonly result in such

together in people's experiences, although

circumstances as increased economic hard-

researchers might see them as separate and

ship, heightened interpersonal conflict, or

unrelated. Events can create stressful strains;

greater social isolation. These kinds of

strains can precipitate stressful events; and

circumstances, in turn, may be stronger

events and strains each constitute the contexts

antecedents of stress than the events that

that shape the meanings and the stressful

helped to create the circumstances.

effects of the other. Merely correlating events

Just as stressful chronic problems may be

or strains with health outcomes fails to

created by events, stressful events can be

capture an accurate picture of an antecedent

triggered by persisting problems. As I argued

process that often involves a dynamic connec-

earlier, research into events usually does not

tion between events and relatively durable

separate the events from the strains that might

strains.
have preceded them. Consequently there has

been little study examining how enduring

strains give rise to events. Some scattered

Primary and Secondary Stressors

evidence, however, suggests that this situa-

tion occurs. We know, for example, that

Underlying the above discussion is the

continued marital conflict can result in

assumption that significant stressors rarely, if

separation and divorce (Menaghan 1982).

ever, occur singly. If people are exposed to

Indeed, it is reasonable to speculate that in

one serious stressor, it is very likely that they

general, prolonged interpersonal conflict can

will be exposed to others as well. One event

precipitate events which mark the disruption

leads to another event or triggers chronic

of or withdrawal from the troubled relation-

strains; strains, for their part, beget other

ships.

strains or events. Thus clusters of stressors

In the third way in which events and strains

may develop, each cluster made up of a

converge in stressful experience, each pro-

variety of events and strains. Furthermore,

vides the meaning context for the other. Thus

the clustered stressors may be formed by

the nature of relevant conditions preceding

problems that originated in different institu-

the event may influence whether or not an

tionalized roles (Wheaton in press): job loss

event is experienced as stressful. It would be

may engender economic strains, occupational

a mistake, for example, to assume that

strains may create marital strains, and so on.

divorce is uniformly stressful without consid-

It is reasonable that stressors should prolifer-

ering whether the couple's prior marital life

ate and diffuse within and across institutional

was characterized solely by strife and frustra-

lines, because the multiple sectors of people's

tion or whether it also contained fulfillment

lives are interrelated such that disruptions in

and satisfaction. Indeed, Wheaton (1988)

one sector are likely to cause disruptions in

shows that the intensity of the strains

others. Moreover, the stressors experienced

experienced in roles tends to govern the levels

by one individual often become problems for

of stress that follow transitions out of the

others who share the same role sets. Thus a

roles. Depending on prior circumstances, the

married person who is in a difficult work

same transitional events might be experienced

situation probably has a spouse who is under

either as liberating or as depriving. Moreover,

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248 JOURNAL OF HEALTH AND SOCIAL BEHAVIOR

stress as a consequence (Pearlin and McCall

lished relationships, and when impairment is

in press).
severe, prolonged, and progressive, the care-

For the sociological stress researcher, the

giving comes to dominate the interactions

multiplication and the contagion of stressors

between actors whose previous relationships

means that studies must cast a wide net to

were organized in a very different way. A

capture the full array of stressors that are

number of primary stressors, those involved

present in an individual's life. If we fail to

directly in providing care to the impaired

discern all the appreciable stressors that are

person, can be observed. They include the

contemporaneous, we also will fail to inter-

vigilance that may be required to monitor and

pret correctly the outcomes that we observe.

control the patient, the psychological losses

Suppose, for example, we wished to study the

that accumulate with the patient's continued

relationship between serious physical injury

deterioration, and exhaustion and overload.

and depression. Our inquiry would be incom-

Several secondary stressors stem from these

plete, if not misleading, if we assumed that

primary problems. For example, increased

the injury was the only stressor present; in

conflict with others is quite common, as when

such a case we would ignore possible

the caregiver feels abandoned by family

concomitant economic, occupational, family,

members. Caregivers holding outside jobs

and social problems. Variations in depression

may find themselves unable to devote them-

thus reflect not only the seriousness of the

selves fully to one activity without neglecting

injury itself but also variations in the

the requirements of the other. Economic

clustering of stressors. It is not an event or a

strain arising from diminished income or

strain that merits the sociologist's attention,

increased expenditure is another frequently

but how the organization of people's lives

observed secondary stressor, as are the losses

may be disrupted in the stress process.

of desired social relationships and activities

One step toward bringing this organization

outside the caregiving situation. Once set in

into view is to distinguish primary and

motion, these secondary stressors produce

secondary stressors. Primary stressors are

their own stressful outcomes.

those which are likely to occur first in

These examples are intended to illuminate

people's experience. The stressor may be an

pivotal point: important life problems, whether

event, especially one that is undesired and

in the form of events or of durable strains, do

eruptive, such as the untimely death of a

not exist in isolation from other problems.

loved one, involuntary job loss, or injury; or

The very integration of individuals' activities

it could be a more enduring or repeated

and relationships means that disruptions in

stressor, such as those experienced in mar-

one area of their lives serve to create other

riage or occupation. Whereas primary stress-

disruptions. Therefore sociological stress re-

ors can be conceptualized as occurring first in

searchers cannot confine their attention to a

experience, secondary stressors come about

single event or to groups of events, nor can

as a consequence of the primary stressors. I

they examine only one role strain on the

do not refer to them as secondary because

assumption that it is the only problem or the

they are less potent than the primary stressors.

most important problem faced by the individ-

On the contrary, once established, secondary

ual. Instead, the presence and the organiza-

stressors independently may become capable

tion of constellations of stressors need to be

of producing even more intense stress than

discerned and measured independently. The

those we consider to be primary. They are

discernment of this organization, in turn, may

secondary only on the basis of their presumed

be enhanced by distinguishing primary and

order in the stress process, not on the basis of

secondary stressors. This distinction will help

their importance to the process.

to discriminate between people who may be

Examples of secondary stressors resulting

similar with regard to their exposure to one

from more primary stressors may be drawn

stressor but who differ appreciably with

from our current studies of specialized

caregiving roles, those involving the care of regard to the array of stressors to which they

impaired relatives or friends (Pearlin, Sem- are exposed. Such discrimination can go far

ple, and Turner 1988; Pearlin, Turner, and

in explaining why people who seem to be

Semple 1989). Informal caregiving to im-

alike with regard to the problems that they

paired people is an extreme instance of role face differ sharply with regard to the intensity

restructuring: usually it occurs within estab-

and range of the stress outcomes that they

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SOCIOLOGICAL STUDY OF STRESS 249

productive of stress. We do not yet know,

manifest. People who are treated analytically

however, how to look systematically for these

as similar may, in fact, be different.

combinations. We can only assume that the

I would like to raise a final issue with

kinds of values which will produce stressful

regard to the identification and specification

effects must have relevance to the social

of stressors; this issue concerns values. As I

conditions under study. At this stage of our

have emphasized, a central task of research

work, however, sociological researchers must

into stress is to explain why individuals

rely on their intuition to identify the stressful

exposed to stressor conditions that appear to

mix of circumstances and values, for there is

be similar do not necessarily suffer the same

no established theoretical guide to identifica-

outcomes. Part of this explanation lies in

tion. At least this much is known: the

social values. By values I refer to what is

relationships of social stressors to individual

defined socially as good, desirable, and

stress may be seen most clearly when we take

prized or as something to be eschewed

into account social values that help to shape

(Williams 1960, pp. 397-470). Although the

the meaning of the stressors. This line of

importance of values to stress research has

inquiry is worth following by sociologists.

been recognized (Lazarus and Folkman 1984,

The careful study of stressors, then, should

pp. 77-81), their part in the stress process has

provide the researcher with an opportunity to

not yet been examined systematically. Val-

learn something about social life as it bears on

ues, I believe, regulate the effects of

individual functioning. The sociological study

experience by regulating the meaning and the

of stressors can reveal the connections

importance of the experience (Pearlin 1988).

between social organization and the organiza-

To understand the role of values in

tion of lives. To find these connections,

regulating the impact of stressors, one must

however, we cannot treat stress as stemming

understand that conditions are stressful when

from unconnected happenings. Instead the

they are threatening. I use "threat" in the

antecedents of stress need to be understood in

broadest sense to include reactions to such

terms of process, whereby broad structured

disparate constructs as loss, unfulfilled needs,

and institutional forces, constellations of

violation of self-image, and blocked aspira-

primary and secondary stressors, and widely

tions. Some conditions may be intrinsically

shared values converge over time to affect

threatening, as when one's life is at stake.

people's well-being. Most certainly, the

More often, however, the threat that people

sociological study of social stress does not

experience from the circumstances they face

rely on predictive models. We must guide our

depends to some degree on the values they

effort not simply by identifying and adding

hold-that is, on what they define as

together all factors that might contribute to

important, desirable, or to be cherished. An

the variance of an outcome but also by asking

example can be provided from a study that

how and why these contributions come about.

showed that marital partners from unequal

Prediction alone does not make us wiser

status backgrounds also tended to have higher

sociologists; for that purpose we need also to

levels of marital stress (Pearlin 1975b).

be good explainers and interpreters.

Further analytic probing revealed that these

inequalities were related to stress primarily

among people who held certain status values.

THE MEDIATORS AND

Specifically, hypogamous people-those who

"married down"-were particularly vulnera- THEIR INTERVENTIONS

ble to marital stress, but only when they

I have already suggested two explanations

valued status enhancement and upward mobil-

for the fact that the same stressors do not

ity. Others who also had married down but

necessarily lead to the same stressful outcomes:

who were not status strivers were unaffected

different configurations of unobserved stress-

by their hypogamous marriage. Thus the

ors may surround the observed stressor, or

cause of stress was neither a structural

different values may endow the same stressor

arrangement alone nor a value alone but a

with different meanings. Yet by far the largest

particular combination of the two.

responsibility for explaining outcome differ-

Although other illustrations also could be

ences has been placed on constructs that I

mobilized, at this time we possess only scant

refer to collectively as mediators. They are

evidence that certain values, when combined

mediators in the sense that they have been

with certain social conditions, are especially

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 250 JOURNAL OF HEALTH AND SOCIAL BEHAVIOR

shown to govern (or mediate) the effects of

and economic circumstances and their coping

stressors on stress outcomes. Coping and repertoires.

social support have received the most atten-

Is coping a set of general dispositions

tion in the research literature; for this reason I

activated when one is faced with threatening

shall confine my attention to these mediators.

problems, or does it consist of more specific

Other constructs, however, also have been

responses invoked selectively in dealing with

cast analytically as mediators; in particular

specific kinds of problems? From a personal-

these include the self-concepts of self-esteem

ity perspective, coping may be seen as a

and mastery (Pearlin and Schooler 1978).

tendency to react in characteristic ways to

These aspects of self represent personal

threat, regardless of the nature of the threat or

resources and appear to serve as appreciable

the context in which it arises. It is distinctly

barriers to the stressful effects of difficult life

possible that there are general coping disposi-

conditions. In addition, personality constructs

tions which cut across different situations.

such as Type A, hardiness, and invulnerabil-

Perhaps, for example, people who engage in

ity are treated implicitly as mediators. Al-

denial in one situation will do the same in a

though such constructs possibly are useful in

very different situation. Yet the sociologist

explaining differences among individuals in

finds it difficult to accept the notion that

the effects of stressors, their utility in

people cope with retirement from the job, for

explaining differences among socially and

example, in the same way as with being fired

economically demarcated groups has not yet

from the job, or with conflict with one's boss

been demonstrated. For this reason they have

in the same way as with conflict with one's

not attracted the attention of sociologists to

child. There is simply no reason to assume

the same extent as other types of mediators.

that coping will be the same regardless of the

Although coping and social support cer-

nature of the impinging stressors, the institu-

tainly intersect, they are quite distinct; each

tional contexts in which they occur, or the

has its own conceptual problems. Briefly and

relationships they might involve. Individuals

selectively I shall point out some of these

have personalities that retain their integrity

problems. Then I shall consider strategies for

from one situation to another. Yet the coping

evaluating mediating effects within the stress

responses that mediate the stressful impact of

process.
one situation may be entirely inappropriate to

another. Therefore the researcher who is

sensitive to the social and contextual origins

Coping
of stressors also must be sensitive to the

situation-specific character of coping.

Coping refers to the actions that people

Even so, the functions of coping are

take in their own behalf as they attempt to

essentially the same in all situations, although

avoid or lessen the impact of life problems

the forms of coping might vary from one

(Pearlin and Schooler 1978). Although coping

situation to another. As we described in detail

refers to individuals' actions and perceptions,

elsewhere (Pearlin and Schooler 1978), all

it is of sociological interest because important

coping-regardless of the nature of the

elements of coping may be learned from one's

stressors-serves either to change the situa-

membership and reference groups in the same

tion from which the stressors arise, to manage

ways as other behaviors are learned and

the meaning of the situation in a manner that

internalized. Because interest in coping was

reduces its threat, or to keep the symptoms of

rooted initially in clinical concerns, research-

stress within manageable bounds. Therefore

ers tend to think of a person's coping

we possess a conceptual framework for the

repertoire as representing a clinical profile

study of coping that has general application,

unique to the individual and to ignore the

even though the behavioral elements of

shared, normative basis of individual coping.

coping are more specific to the particular

Although aspects of one's coping indeed may

stressor that is being experienced and vary

be unique, it is likely that people who interact

with that stressor (Pearlin and Aneshensel

with each other and who share important life 1986).

circumstances will also share coping behav-

iors. Consequently part of the sociologists'

Social Support

research agenda should be aimed at identify-

ing the associations between people's social

It would appear that among the major

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SOCIOLOGICAL STUDY OF STRESS 251

mediating constructs, social support should an individual attribute. When the social and

interactional nature of social support is

have the clearest and best established theoret-

ignored, we are left with an incomplete, if not

ical links to social theory. Somewhat surpris-

ingly, however, this is not the case. Perhaps distorted, picture of how it functions. The

forms of support, its reciprocity, the connec-

one reason is that sociologists who are

tions between seeking and receiving support,

interested in social networks tend not to be

its stability, and even whether or not it is

the same as those working in stress and social

welcomed depend not on the recipient alone

support. Networks refer more directly than

but on the donor-recipient relationship.

supports to the structure of people's social

Supporting relationships are found in virtu-

attachments. These attachments, of course,

ally all institutional and social contexts:

differ in extensiveness and composition for

religion, occupation, family, neighborhood,

different groups in the society. As Lin and his

voluntary associations, the medical care

colleagues describe (Lin, Dean, and Ensel

system, and elsewhere. Just as the forms and

1986, pp. 17-30, 53-70), most people's

functions of support may vary with the nature

attachments include some mix of formal and

informal, primary and secondary, and strong of the relationship from which support is

and weak ties; some attachments exist with drawn, there is some evidence (House 198 lb,

59-85) that the effect of support is con-

friends and others with relatives; some

strained or enhanced by the context in which

involve frequent face-to-face interaction and

the relationships exist. Thus we need to learn

others do not. The organization of one's

more both about the interactional aspects of

social network mirrors the organization of

support and about the effects of social

one's engagement with the larger society.

Whereas the social network can be re- contexts on its forms, functions, and efficacy.

Sociologists should be foremost among the

garded as the totality of the social resources

contributors to this research.

on which one potentially may draw, social

support represents the resources that one

actually uses in dealing with life problems

(Pearlin 1985). In most instances, of course, How Do Mediators Mediate?

one's sources of support in dealing with any

The very words "coping" and "social

given stressor will be much more restricted

support" contain implicit consequences. Once

than one's total network. Consequently stress

a behavior is labeled as coping, we assume

researchers tend to ignore network and its

that it succeeds in relieving stress; if someone

structure and to deal only with support as it is

is labeled as the recipient of support, he is

perceived by the individual. Certainly there is

perforce supported. These assumed beneficial

nothing wrong with data that bear on

consequences, inherent in the very language

perceived support; studies indicate that per-

we use to refer to stress mediators, inadvert-

ceived support indeed has a mediating

ently may have diverted us from asking

function in the stress process (Turner 1983).

whether in fact the mediators do mediate,

Yet, when the study of perceived support is

and, if so, how. At any rate, insufficient

separated from the study of networks, we are

effort has been devoted to evaluating the

unable to see how individuals' support is

efficacy of the mediators, especially in the

associated with their integration into various

social institutions and contexts. The identifi- case of coping.

In raising this issue here, I am concerned

cation of the connections between individu-

less with the methodology of determining

als' social life and their inner well-being

how much difference the mediators make than

could be enhanced, I submit, by joining the

with where to look for these differences. In

study of social support more closely to the

this regard it is useful to recall that stressful

study of social networks.

situations may contain constellations of pri-

Aside from its separation from network,

mary and secondary stressors. Moreover,

the study of support lacks sociological

each type of stressor may contain multiple

substance for still another reason: typically it

subtypes of stressors. This conceptualization

considers only the recipient of support and

of the stress process suggests ways to search

ignores the donors of support and their

for the effects of coping and social support

interactions with the recipient (Pearlin 1985;

that currently are not recognized. Specifi-

Pearlin and McCall in press). A construct that

cally, we should expand our assessments of

is inherently interactional is treated instead as

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 252 JOURNAL OF HEALTH AND SOCIAL BEHAVIOR

efficacy to include the ability of the mediators

ity between the circumstances of social life

to inhibit the scope and severity both of the

and individual functioning.

primary stressors and of the secondary

In looking for indicators of individual

stressors that follow. To whatever extent the

stress that are sensitive to social circum-

mediators succeed in constraining the inten-

stances, one is drawn inevitably to phenom-

sity, number, and diffusion of stressors, they

ena that traditionally have been the domain of

also must succeed eventually in constraining

biology and medicine. Thus sociologists must

the extent and intensity of stress outcomes.

attain some usable knowledge of the research

These indirect effects of the mediators may be

concerns that lie outside their own discipline.

every bit as instrumental in minimizing stress

Although this knowledge is both necessary

outcomes as the direct effects to which

and desirable, preoccupation with the medical

attention usually is limited.

and biological markers of outcomes can come

The evaluation of indirect effects of

at the expense of attention to the social

mediators should help further to illuminate

antecedents of the outcomes. Indeed, there

the question that now has been raised at

are institutional pressures toward such preoc-

several points of this paper: What accounts

cupation. Because these pressures arise out of

for variations in the outcomes of stressful life

prevailing economic and institutional condi-

conditions? Our understanding of the variabil-

tions, I discuss them largely from a perspec-

ity of stress outcomes will be enhanced by

tive of the sociology of knowledge.

observing how coping and social support

In selecting the outcomes they will study,

affect each step of the process that precedes

sociologists and others may be influenced

the outcomes. If we confine our assessment of

subtly by the sources of funding for stress

the mediators solely to their direct effects on

research. Most agencies that fund research in

outcomes, we will not be able to detect their

this area are organized around diseases-

important indirect effects, those which are

heart, cancer, mental, and so on-and the

exercised through their regulation of anteced-

experts enlisted by these agencies to judge the

ent conditions.
merits of proposed research are typically

oriented to biomedical models. Understand-

ably these models place less importance on

the social origins of stress than on the

OUTCOMES

organismic manifestations. Thus in evaluating

the merits of proposed research, the agencies

Outcomes refer to the manifestations of

may give more weight to the theoretical and

organismic stress. Many manifestations exist,

methodological command of the biomedical

and they are found at multiple levels of

outcomes than to that of the antecedent

organismic functioning. Indeed, the multiplic-

processes. In attempting to satisfy evaluative

ity of stress indicators has led some research-

criteria, the sociologist may be drawn unwit-

ers to question whether the very notion of

tingly into clinical, diagnostic, and epidemio-

stress is useful (Elliott and Eisdorfer 1982). A

logical issues beyond the depth necessary to

construct that subsumes such diverse (al-

identify the social circumstances that affect

though presumably related) phenomena as the

well-being. I do not argue that limits should

immunological and endocrine systems, the

be placed on sociologists' expertise with

digestive and cardiovascular systems, anxi-

regard to stress outcomes, but I do believe

ety, depression, and mental health-to name

that this expertise should serve primarily to

just a few-is bound to create confusion. The

illuminate the organization of social life, the

confusion is compounded understandably by

structure of experience, and the effects of

the fact that several disciplines have devel-

these phenomena on individual health and

oped their own distinctive approaches to the

functioning. Sociologists properly may be

study of stress and its indicators. Yet despite

health researchers, but they also must be

its ambiguity, the notion of stress provides a

social researchers.

framework sufficiently flexible to encompass

As Mirowsky and Ross (1989) have

the broad and diverse range of constructs

cogently discussed, sociological stress research-

found in sociological studies of stress and

ers who are interested primarily in mental

health. Thus for sociologists, an attractive

health outcomes are currently encountering a

feature of the stress concept is its ability to

special set of institutional constraints on the

absorb the far-reaching notion of inseparabil-

selection of outcome criteria. In psychiatry,

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SOCIOLOGICAL STUDY OF STRESS 253

attention is focused increasingly on patholo- ships. None of these outcomes has a

gies likely to have a powerful genetic compelling theoretical priority over the oth-

etiology, such as schizophrenia and bipolar ers, but there may be a theoretically compel-

depression. The study of these disorders fits ling reason to avoid reliance on a single

comfortably within the medical model, its outcome in assessing the stressfulness of

orientations to disease, and the identification social conditions.

of cases needing treatment. By contrast, the The observation of multiple outcomes is

social scientist is more likely to be interested highly desirable because people having differ-

in dysfunctions that have a powerful social ent social and economic characteristics also

and experiential etiology, such as anxiety and may have different modes of manifesting

subclinical depressive disorders. Moreover, stress. As a result, we run the risk of seriously

these different orientations to outcomes re- misjudging the effects of difficult life circum-

quire different tools. The medical researchers stances if we judge effect only on the basis of

and the psychiatric epidemiologist need elab- a single outcome. Gender differences again

orate diagnostic instruments that can yield an provide a telling illustration. It has been

accurate count of the prevalence and inci- shown repeatedly that women more than men

dence of various disorders and that can are host to depressive symptoms and emo-

identify cases in need of treatment. The social tional distress. In turn, this finding has led to

scientist, by contrast, needs symptom scales speculation that women may be more vulner-

to rank people according to the intensity of able than men to certain stressful circum-

their distress. Whereas the medical researcher stances, such as network losses (e.g., Kessler

and the epidemiologist are concerned with

and McLeod 1984). Yet before we can accept

diagnostic tools that will help reliably in case the assumption of vulnerability, we must be

identification, the sociologist is concerned

sure that we have considered a full range of

with measures of distress that are reliably relevant outcomes. Perhaps men and women

sensitive to antecedent processes. do not differ in their overall vulnerability to

These differences are reasonable and legit- stressors, but differ instead with regard to the

imate, and they should be maintained. particular outcomes to which they are vulner-

Sociologists should avoid immersion in the able. This warning emerges from the work of

medical and epidemiological models that Aneshensel (1988), who showed that apparent

emphasize diagnosis and case finding. Such gender differences in vulnerability to the

immersion not only fails to serve the goals of impact of events disappear when excessive

social research; it may even hinder the drinking and other outcomes are considered

achievement of those goals by diverting time along with depression. That is, the stressful

and resources to issues that are extraneous to events are no less harmful for men than for

social inquiry. women, a fact that was obscured when only

What outcomes should be considered in depression was examined. We must keep in

sociological research into stress? Understand- mind that structurally demarcated groups may

ably, the answer to this query is based on the manifest stress in different ways. Unless

kinds of data to which sociologists have ready multiple outcomes are considered, we can

access as well as on their theoretical perspec- mistakenly exaggerate the vulnerability of

tives. For example, sociologists typically do some groups while underestimating at the

not look at endocrine secretions or at the same time the general impact of the stressors

immunological system because they possess under examination.

neither the skills nor the facilities to do so

without the costly collaboration of others.

Instead we usually examine outcomes that can SUMMARY AND DISCUSSION

be assessed through direct observation, medi-

cal records, or self-evaluations and reports. In this paper I have not sought to lay out

Examples of stress indicators found in steps to be followed; rather, I have attempted

sociological studies include health histories, to raise issues to be considered in the

symptoms of physical health, symptom scales sociological study of stress. The overarching

measuring a variety of dimensions of mental strategy of social research into stress is the

health, the abuse of alcohol or of mind- identification of the many links that join

altering drugs, inability to fulfill role obliga- forms of social organization to individual

tions, and the disruption of social relation- stress. I have suggested a number of concep-

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 254 JOURNAL OF HEALTH AND SOCIAL BEHAVIOR

tual and analytic perspectives that I believe severity of primary and secondary stressors.

will enable us to advance this agenda. One These are the indirect effects which soften

crucial element is the examination of statuses stress outcomes but which are not in view

and other background circumstances at each when we concern ourselves only with the

step of the stress process. We need to know direct effects of the mediators on outcomes.

how these social factors bear on the kinds of Finally, some of the difficulty encountered

stressors to which people are exposed, the in analytically explaining variations in out-

personal and social resources to which people comes lies with the range of outcomes

have access, and the emotional, behavioral, selected for study. Focusing exclusively on a

and physical disorders through which stress is single outcome, such as depression, may lead

manifested. This proposal contains nothing to the mistaken conclusion that some groups

new; it deserves emphasis only because of people are affected adversely by stressors

researchers tend either to limit the analyses of that leave others unaffected. These putative

social background factors or to relegate them variations in vulnerability, however, may be

to serving as controls through which the an artifact of the ways in which different

independent effects of other conditions are social and economic groups channel and

established. Yet the sociological stake in manifest stress. Consequently the inclusion of

stress research requires the careful and a reasonable range of outcomes should

comprehensive analysis of information about prevent us from making inappropriate assump-

the structural contexts of people's lives. tions of differential vulnerability to common

Many important life experiences, some of stressors.

them stressful, are rooted in these contexts. However one thinks of the stress process, it

Stressful experiences may take on different obviously consists of multiple conceptual

forms and configurations and it is unlikely components; each component potentially has

that they can be fully captured by examining multiple aspects or dimensions. The richness

either life events or life strains separately and and the complexity of the process invite us to

apart from each other. Over time, stressors phrase research questions in very different

typically surface as groups or constellations ways. One study, for example, may be

of stressors, some primary and others secon- concerned mainly with the epidemiological

dary, that blend events with more durable distribution of depression; another may have

strains. This is a useful way to look at the as its central question the buffering effects of

antecedent process, and is consistent with social support on depression; a third might

available empirical evidence. It seeks stress- seek to evaluate the effects of a particular

ors in the organization of lives and in the event or role strain on depression. Each

structure of experience rather than among question places a somewhat different set of

unrelated "risk factors." issues at the center of its interests. Although

One of the analytic tasks of the stress the questions may generate overlapping data,

researcher is to explain variations in stress the data essentially serve different research

outcomes. First, some of the variation in goals.

outcomes is to be found in the constellations When studies start with questions about the

of stressors. When we observe events and parts played across the stress process by the

strains singly while ignoring broader clusters social and economic arrangements in which

of primary and secondary stressors, we may people's lives are embedded, they produce

incorrectly assume more similarity in expo- knowledge that has a distinctive emphasis.

sure to stressful experience than actually Although studies of this type share with other

exists. In other words, part of the unexplained approaches an interest in individuals' well-

variations in outcomes may be due to relevant being, they also help to illuminate those

stressors that are not being observed and aspects of social organization which pertain

whose effects therefore cannot be assessed. particularly to the differential exposure to and

Second, even though we have probably meaning of stressors, to differences in the

relied too heavily on the explanatory power of various kinds of resources that people can

coping and support, nevertheless we may mobilize in responding to stressful circum-

systematically have underestimated their me- stances, and, finally, to differences in the

diating effects. We cannot appreciate the full manifestation of stress. The sociological

capacity of these mediators until we examine study of stress, I believe, can contribute

their effects in limiting the number and uniquely both to an understanding of social

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SOCIOLOGICAL STUDY OF STRESS 255

. 1981b. Work Stress and Social Support.

life and to an understanding of how the fates

Reading, MA: Addision-Wesley.

of individuals come to be bound to it.

Kahn, Robert L. 1973. "Conflict, Ambiguity, and

In emphasizing some of the conceptual

Overload: Three Elements in Job Stress."

ingredients and analytic strategies of a

Occupational Mental Health 3:2-9.

sociology of stress, I do not wish to wave a

Kessler, Ronald C. and Jane D. McLeod. 1984.

banner of disciplinary parochialism. Yet it is

"Sex Differences in Vulnerability to Undesir-

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LEONARD I. PEARLIN is Professor of Medical Sociology, Department of Psychiatry, at the University

of California at San Francisco. He has a long-standing interest in social structure and individual

functioning.

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