Professional Documents
Culture Documents
0
Table of Contents
Introduction..............................................................................................................................1
Conclusion..............................................................................................................................12
Bibliography............................................................................................................................12
Plagiarism Declaration...........................................................................................................14
Introduction
The global political economy has for years been the subject of many scholarly debates on the
study of various interactions between political and economic institutions and how they
influence each other. Though it has been a very fluctuating landscape for many years even
dating back to the early empires where many held great political and economic power but
was nonetheless quickly replaced by the bigger and greater succeeding empire. The same
events were witnessed in recent decades where more prominent political and economic
“empires” have ascended to oust the previous, with particular emphasis after the Cold War.
Most noticeable the emergence of the BRICS group has also been leading discussions under
global political economy scholars on what its significance and influence is globally.
Correspondingly this essay will argue the significances of BRICS and the South-South
Cooperation on the current global political economy by looking at their impact on the
financial sphere and growing political power. This will be done by first observing the global
political economy landscape in earlier years with particular emphasize on the 2008 financial
crisis. Following will be the conceptualization of BRICS and its involvement within the
South-South Cooperation. Furthermore, the role of BRICS in the current global political
economy will be evaluated with specific significance placed on financial domains like the
BRICS influence on the IMF reform and the establishment of the New Development Bank.
Lastly there will also be argued how the BRICS alliance political power is seen in the present
global political economy landscape and how it has to some degree “reshaped” the global
political economy.
The study of the global political economy embraces numerous spheres from politics to
economics with special regards to financial orders which is conceptualized as
“financialization”. The explanation of financialization refers to the growing significance of
financial markets and its motives from international financial institutions and elites operating
in the governing of economies (Pataccini, 2014:295). The financial markets can influence
global economies immensely and this was evident in the 2008 financial crisis. The 2008
financial crisis is seen as the most severe worldwide economic catastrophe since the Great
depression and caused a global recession on all economies. The crisis led to economic
dominant states like the United States, European Union and Japan to be hampered with
higher debt-to-GDP ratio’s that further declined global economic activities (Drezner and
McNamara, 2013:155). This therefore showed the importance and influence financial markets
holds, especially in times of crisis, but also in general, financial markets and institutions carry
great weight. Trough looking at the Bretton Woods institutions like the IMF and World Bank,
it can be argued that these institutions have the power to adopt certain regulations and
policies that can affect global economies. This can be in the form of specific rules that are
intended to create “stable expectations of behaviour as well as to handle deviations from
expected behaviour” (Drezner and McNamara, 2013:156). Which also means that financial
institutions can exert power and control over states to act in specific ways and also to restrain
them if they do not follow the set out procedures and regulations. With this, states can
sometimes be excluded from engagements if they do not have the same economic and
political views. This consequently leaves some states displeased and also at a disadvantage
which then sets the stage for the restructuring of financial markets and motives that has been
evident in the BRICS grouping that will proceed in the following discussions
The next BRICS member to be examined is Russia which still is a very noticeable economic
powerhouse in the global politically economy even after the severe consequences of the Cold
War. Russia is the leading exporter of natural gas, petroleum, military technology, and
nuclear equipment which makes it very influential in the economic spheres of these
commodities (Ünay, 2013:86). Also with Russia’s economic dominance, it’s a giant regional
power with relations from many bordering states. Russia’s biggest trading partners are China
with exports amounting to a massive $49.3 billion, Belarus with exports worth $22.5 billion
and Germany with $14.2 billion dollars’ worth of exports (OEC, 2022). This makes Russia a
very important economic exporter in its region and is also connected with great regional
power. Moreover, Russia has been seen to have taken strategic steps before the establishment
of BRICS to promote its economic growth. This was perceived when Russia led the original
formation of BRICS to an alliance of emerging global economies to emergent powers in
international relations (Ünay, 2013:86). This was a strategic play from Russia to further
develop its economic prosperities as well as gaining influence in the global community
through its exports and most notably establishing good relations with its BRICS members to
further promote cooperation. Although Russia has not officially specified that it regards itself
as a partner of the SSC it does support the SSC operations through donations to the World
Bank (Singh, 2017:6). Nonetheless, Russia has and still is a very prominent economic actor
in the global political economy especially through its export and trade sectors as well as
being an important regional power that could further promote the BRICS objective and
further develop its economic and political presence in the international community.
Following is India which is the sixth biggest economy in the world and one of the largest
developing states. India is internationally recognized as a country with leading manufacturing
and services corporations that brings in immense growth to its economy through specializing
in outsource and offshore service sector, information technology services and has a reputation
for entrepreneurialism and innovation under its citizens (Lowe, 2016:52). This makes India
one of the fastest growing economies in the global market and with it comes the growing
influence of economic and political spheres. India has changed from a low-income country
(LIC) to a middle-income country (MIC) status which further advances its economic standing
in the global community (Morazán et al, 2012:10). India is among Russia and China,
although to a lesser extent, also a prominent regional power in Asia (Lowe, 2016:51). This is
especially through the change from a LIC to a MIC which further promotes the growth of
GDP and helps to expand India’s influence into other neighboring states. With that India has
also become a donor to other neighboring LICs where India has contributed an estimate of
$200 billion to the New Partnership for Africa’s Development (NEPAD) and is also
advancing SSCs through improving technology inputs of the Pan-African E-Network Project
(Morazán et al, 2012:13). These actions have led to India becoming a very influential actor in
its region as well in the global society. Furthermore, through the partnership of BRICS, India
has gained access to supply chains from other Global South states which then further
develops the SSC model to promote cooperation (Singh, 2017:4). Thus, it can be stated that
India has advanced its economy and GDP well through its association with BRICS to also
promote its presence further in the global economic and political spheres.
Arguably the most important and influential BRICS member is that of China. The way in
which China was able to transform its economy from a very poor GDP in earlier decades to
becoming the second largest in present times has been at the top of global political economy
scholarly debates. China has been able to do this through the restructuring of its economy
form industry led to services led, by expanding its domestic consumption sector and through
global investments (Mminele, 2016:3). Making it an economic force to be reckoned with and
has ever since been dominating most economic markets which has left other major powers in
the international community at an unease. During the 2008 financial crisis when most of the
global economies suffered, China then came out to become the biggest contributor to the
growth of the global political economy (Lowe, 2016:53). This has already by then caused big
debates about China’s prominence in the future of the global political economy. Accordingly,
China is for certain the most powerful member of the BRICS alliance with its ever growing
economy and political influence in the global community. Its economy is unmatched by the
other members and China also holds vast political power by having veto power over any
BRICS notions brought forth (Lowe, 2016:52). Therefore, exhibiting China’s role in the
BRICS alliance and how it can be used to promote China’s economic and political interests.
Likewise, China is the leading regional power in Southeast Asia, through its growing
economy and political capacity (Chakraborty, 2018:185). This is done through the trade
relations, economic connections and political influence China has with bordering states like
Japan, South Korea, Germany, and India. It has similarly been argued that China was the
main initiator to “rebirth” the SSC especially when it started to heavily invest in the African
continent and has since exceeded all of the previous investments and contributions from the
Global North (Singh, 2017:3). This is where China is trying to flex it economic muscles to
surpass the Global North’s involvement in Africa and also to promote better relations with
African states to gain their trust and cooperation. This also brings in forms of critique that
argues China is only using the BRICS objectives for their own economic and political gain
but so too are the other members. Nonetheless through the association of BRICS, China has
succeeded in both reinforcing its dual identity as an avid supporter of the SSC as well as the
rising influence it holds in the global political economy (Adbenur, 2014:90). This is where
China uses it economic prosperity to both further its own political and economic interests and
promote the interests of states associated with the SSC. BRICS helps China to counter the
United States hegemony by allowing it to form important relations with other rising powers
through the SSC in which China’s interests are met as well as the accompanying states
(Adbenur, 2014:90).
Lastly is the late arrival to the BRICS alliance and only African country to join, South Africa.
South Africa is seen as a very important political and economic actor in the African continent
with a growing economy that fosters many new opportunities for international trade and
cooperation. South Africa’s exports to the BRICs members have expanded greatly from $1.10
billion in 2005 to $8.49 billion in 2013 after joining the BRICS alliance (Mminele, 2016:2).
While many argue that South Africa’s inclusion in the BRICS alliance is inconsistent with the
extend of the other members economies, South Africa plays a very important and strategic
role for BRICS. This is because South Africa is seen as a gateway to Africa by being one of
the leading economies in Africa and also being a very influential political actor on the
continent (Singh, 2017:7). It should however be noted that South Africa objectives should not
be compared to the whole African continent because all states differ from their economic and
political objectives and should not be held to one standard presented by South Africa.
Nevertheless, the inclusion of South Africa into BRICS would bring more cooperation as
well as economic and political prosperities that can be achieved for all the members and
throughout the African continent. As a regional power South Africa has gained more
influence especially through the establishment of NEPAD which has advanced its governance
in sub-Sharan Africa and has at times aided global security though its use of “soft” diplomacy
on authoritarian African leaders (Vom Hau, 2017:2). Therefore, it can be noted that even
before BRICS, South Africa was already seen as a vast regional power through its economic
and political standing and after joining BRICS its prominence increased. It has also been
argued that the inclusion of South Africa in BRICS was to further maximize the benefits of
an Africa-centric SSC which also advances South Africa’s economic and political interests
(Singh, 2017:7). With the Africa-centric SSC, BRICS can be seen to become more influential
in Africa through South Africa which then further promotes economic and political
prominence for all the members.
As seen in the previous discussion the key objective for the organization of the BRICS group
was to become economically and politically well established in the Global South to promote
cooperation and development. The SSC is also used as a tool among Global South states that
are aspiring for the same goals to lead towards better cooperation between them and boost
their growing economies. BRICS has, since operating with the SSC, been seen as becoming
very inflectional in both the global economic and political spheres. The BRICS members
represents nearly 42 per cent of the global population that can evidently increase their
opportunities in the global political economy to become more effective in making decisions
with the international community to become more inclusive and to vouch for more
importance to be placed on developing states economies that could in return benefit the
growth of the global economy (Larionova, 2020). The SCC has three important spheres that
is of great significance for BRICS. This is the economic sphere where it allows for trade and
financing opportunities within the Global South states; the political sphere wherein areas are
created for autonomous discussions between the Global South states and a technical sphere
where there is a free flow of knowledge and expertise on social and technological
advancements (Morazán et al, 2012:11). The SSC has been established in all the BRICS
states which has proven to become a key challenge to major international actors like the EU.
This is because the international engagements of the South-South dynamics have extended
out of the EU reach which then further places awareness on the SSC activities (Morazán et al,
2012:11). This denotes that BRICS through the SSC has become recognized as a prominent
global actor that can influence the activities of the SSC which then attracts the attention of
other global political economy institutions on how this influenced will be used.
The establishment of the New Development Bank signifies not only being an alternative
source of financial aid for developing states to be used for infrastructure and industrialization
developments without the use of traditional financial institutions like the World Bank but
moreover to be seen and used as a better financial model that reflects the “principles and
practices of the SSC” (Singh, 2017:4). This reveals the strategic approach that the BRICS
members are tasking to advance their own interests as well as enhancing SSC. Another
resolution which the New Development Bank could hold for its member is to stabilize the
currency markets. Which means that the Bank can be used as a barrier for BRICS during
periods of capital volatility which could be consequential from currency devaluations or
capital flights (Lowe, 2016:51). The establishment of the New Development Bank as an
alternative to the traditional financial institutions of the IMF and World Bank, causes concern
in the global political economy because it stands direct opposition of the current financial
institutions which then shows a shift in the international governance of the financial
paradigms. The founding of the New Development Bank can be seen as momentous because
it signifies the strengthening of the cooperation between the members and scholars have
argued that it is a “coming of age” of the member states in the global financial developments
(Mminele, 2016:4). This suggests that the BRICS influence and power in the global political
economy are unquestionably on the increase. It also implies that BRICS can become a
prominent actor in the global political economy without having many restraints from a
financial perspective because they are not dependent on the international standard of the
traditional financial institutions of the IMF and World Bank.
Growing Political influence through voting power
From a political perspective, it has been argued that the BRICS members used a strategic
approach to institute their political influence in the community. This is through the permanent
seats both Russia and China hold as veto power in the United Nations Security Council as
well as the growing emergence of the other states to also acquire a seat in the forceable future
which would further promote BRICS global impression because of its diversity from other
international institutions (Da Silva, 2020:170). With that, the BRICS members have increased
their influence within global organizations. For example, when the World Bank approved to
increase China’s voting power over various Global North states and has become the third in
its position of the 186 nation-leading institution just behind the United States and Japan and
boosted China’s voting power from 2.78 per cent to 4.42 per cent in 2010 (Abdenur,
2014:94). Another achievement headed by BRICS was the reform of the voting shares in the
financial institutions through the redistribution of 5 per cent of the voting rights in the IMF
and also a 3 per cent provision of voting rights from the World Bank to be allocated to the
emerging powers and developing states with contributions of the BRICS alliance (Ünay,
2013:91). It might not look like an enormous accomplishment to attain these small
percentages but still shows that BRICS political influence is growing in the international
economy and could develop into even higher statures in the near future.
The economic markets which the BRICS members holds because of their combined GDP’s
makes for sites of new demands (Vom Hau, 2017:2). With this control of a share of almost 25
per cent of the global GDP, comes with new areas in which states can engage with BRICS in
the international political sphere. It also indicates that the BRICS members as well as
members from the newly founded New Development Bank wants their economic influence to
reflect into their political influence by acquiring equal voting powers in the international
institutions (Hooijmaaijers, 2021:33). The BRICS role in the global political economy can
become very significant especially if their economic status would lead to a stronger political
governance in the international community (Morazán et al, 2012:7). As seen in the previous
discussions, these steps are being taken because of the BRICS group's growing influence,
particularly through the financial institutions of the reform of voting in the IMF. This shows
BRICS strategic approach to petition for larger influence in the decision-making positions of
global institutions that includes financial as well as economic spheres to become more
inclusive and allowing more participative political governance from other states especially
emerging economic and political powers from the Global South (Ünay, 2013:85).
Nonetheless BRICS presence in the global political economy has become “unalterable”
whereby no global issue can be resolved by keeping BRICS to the side and the importance of
the group as “an emerging global force” has become indisputable now (Chakraborty,
2018:187). This again illustrates how the BRICS alliance has grown from its formation to
become a recognized emerging power in the global political economy with its ever-growing
GDP’s which can also be attributed to its cooperation and influence over the SSC.
Conclusion
In conclusion there has undoubtedly been a change in the global political economy landscape
by looking at the previous landscape and where the BRICS members have showed their
coordination on global engagements. It has been established that the BRICS alliance has
gained much momentum after the 2008 financial crisis and also through its involvement in
the SSC. All of the members of the BRICS have been seen to have benefited from the
alliance, some more than others but showed that there can be good cooperation between them
in promoting cooperation to advance their economies as well as other Global South states.
Thereafter it was argued how the BRICS grouping can be seen to change the global political
economy in slight ways which could probably amount to more influence and political power
in the foreseeable future. This was showed especially on financial matters through the
establishment of the New Development Bank that has been presenting new concerns and
challenges for existing financial organizations as well as the successful appeal of BRICS to
increase their voting within the IMF. Likewise, BRICS political influence has also started to
increase with the adjusting of voting shares in international institutions and also the growing
appeal that their economic influence should be equal to their voting and political influence in
the global community and organizations. Therefore, it can be stated that the BRICS grouping
has proven to become a successful and recognized actor in the global political economy and
could be seen to become even more significant in the economic and political spheres of the
future.
Bibliography
Abdenur, A.E. 2014. China and the BRICS Development Bank: Legitimacy and the
Multilateralism in the South-South Cooperation. IDS Bulletin, 45(4):85-101.
Bijarnia, B.S. 2013. Whither Global Economic Governance? The Emerging Role of BRICS:
An Alternative. Indian Journal of Asian Affairs, 26(1/2):75-92.
Chakraborty, S. 2018. Significance of BRICS: Regional Powers, Global Governance, and the
Roadmap for Multipolar World. Emerging Economy Studies, 4(2):182-191.
Da Silvia, G.G. 2020. BRICS development (Brazil, Russia, India, China and South Africa) in
the Global Political Economic Rules. International Journal of Science and Society, 2(2):168-
175.
Dickins. A. 2006. The Evolution of International Political Economy. The Royal Institute of
International Affairs, 82(3):479-492.
Drezner, W. and McNamara, K.R. 2013. International Political Economy, Global Financial
Orders and the 200U Financial Crisis. Perspectives on Politics, 11(1):155-166.
Gray, K. and Gills, B.K. 2016. South–South cooperation and the rise of the Global South.
Third World Quarterly, 37(4):557-574.
Hooijmaaijers, B. 2021. China, the BRICS, and the limitations of reshaping global economic
governance, The Pacific Review, 34(1):29-55.
Larionova, M. 2020. Role of BRICS in the Global Economy. BRICS Information Portal,
Available: https://infobrics.org/post/31036/ [Accessed 10 October 2022].
Lin, Z. 2022. BRICS Building a Fairer World. BRICS Information Portal, Available:
https://infobrics.org/post/36596/ [Accessed 10 October 2022].
Lowe. P. 2016. The rise of the BRICS in the global economy. Teaching Geography,
41(2):50-53.
Mminele, D. 2016. The Role of BRICS in the global economy. 7 July, Bundesbank Regional
Office in North Rhine-Westphalia, Dusseldorf, Germany.
Morazàn, P. and Knoke, I. and Knoblauch. D. and Schäfer, T. 2012. The Role of BRICS in
the Developing World. Directorate-General for External Policies: Policy Department, 1-43.
Saull, R. 2010. Hegemony and the Global Political Economy. School of Politics and
International Relations, 1-25.
Singh, S. 2017. The BRICS Model of South-South Cooperation. UJCI Africa-China Policy
Brief 2, 1-12.
Ünay, S. 2013. Reality or Mirage?: BRICS and the Making of Multipolarity in the Global
Political Economy, Insight Turkey, 15(3):77-94.
Vom Hau, M. 2017. How the BRICS Exert Influence in the Global Politics of Development.
E-International Relations, 1-5.