A bed of roses?
: exploring the experiences
of LGBT newcomer youth who migrate to
Toronto
Lauren Munro, Robb Travers, Alex St. John, Kate Klein, Heather Hunter, David Brennan and
Chavisa Brett
Dr Robb Travers is based at the
Department of Psychology,
Wilfrid Laurier University,
Waterloo, Canada, where
Lauren Munro is a PhD student.
Alex St. John is studying at
Western University, London,
Canada.
Kate Klein is studying at York
University, Toronto, Canada.
Heather Hunter is studying at
Dalhousie University, Halifax,
Canada.
Dr David Brennan is based at
the Factor-Interwash Faculty of
Social Work, University of
Toronto, Toronto, Canada.
Chavisa Brett holds an MA in
Environmental Studies from
York University, Toronto,
Canada.
This research was conducted in
partnership with Planned
Parenthood Toronto and was
supported in part by grants from
the Centre for Urban Health
Initiatives, University of Toronto and
the Ontario HIV Treatment Network.
Special thanks to the youth
participants for sharing their stories
and the contributions of our key
informant service provider.
DOI 10.1108/EIHSC-09-2013-0018 VOL. 6 NO. 4 2013, pp. 137-150, C Emerald Group Publishing Limited, ISSN 1757-0980
Abstract
Purpose – This study sought to gain a better understanding of the general life experiences of lesbian,
gay, bisexual and transgender (LGBT) newcomer youth, situated within the broader context of their lives
post-migration. The purpose of this paper is to explore the nature of various forms of oppression
experienced by LGBT newcomers and offers recommendations for transforming services to better serve the
complex needs of this marginalized population.
Design/methodology/approach – The Teens Resisting Urban Trans/Homophobia (TRUTH) project was
comprised of ten focus groups with 70 youth (aged 14-29) living in the Greater Toronto Area (GTA). Another
three focus groups were conducted with 13 GTA service providers and teachers working with LGBT youth,
in addition to one key informant interview. For this paper, the authors drew from a subset of the data
including four newcomer-specific focus groups in which there were 39 youth who identified as refugees or
immigrants, as well as key informant interviews with four youth (three of whom also participated in focus
groups) and one service provider. Participants were asked about “what homophobia and transphobia
meant to them”, “where they experienced it”, “in what forms”, and “how it impacted their daily lives”.
Findings – The experiences of LGBT newcomer youth in this study involved a complex negotiation
of multiple systems of oppression. Youth described experiences of homophobia and racism within
interpersonal relationships, in the LGBT community, in their respective diasporic communities, in social
service encounters and during the immigration/refugee process. Barriers for LGBT refugee youth included
difficulties finding work and accessing health care, as well as the additional burden of proving their sexual
orientation during refugee claimant hearings.
Research limitations/implications – While the combination of focus groups and key informant interviews
is a strength in this study, it also presents challenges for analysis. In focus groups, it is not always clear who
is speaking; because of this, the authors were sometimes unable to differentiate between refugee and
immigrant youth (or those without status) in our focus groups, making it often unclear which perspective
or experience youth were speaking to. Another limitation was the dominance of the “cisgender gay male
voice” in our conclusions. Lesbian and bisexual women were present in fewer numbers and the sample only
included three trans youth.
Practical implications – The findings reveal systemic discrimination on the basis of race and sexual
orientation that illuminate injustices within Canadian society and systems that can enhance the efforts of those
working in policy and service environments. Focused anti-homophobia and anti-racism training, and the
implementation of policies designed to enhance accessibility, could improve service provision for newcomer
LGBT youth. Furthermore, in order to facilitate a more just settlement process, a broader understanding of
sexual identity, gender identity, and gender expression is required of the refugee claimant system.
Originality/value – This study examines the experiences of youth in a large and complex, multicultural, and
gay-friendly urban centre, thus providing timely and current data about the well-being of newcomer LGBT
youth. As such, it is one of the first studies to offer some insights into the life issues and challenges
post-migration of Canadian LGBT newcomer youth.
Keywords Gender, Migration, Race, Inequalities, Sexuality, Refugee/asylum seeker
Paper type Research paper
j ETHNICITY AND INEQUALITIES IN HEALTH AND SOCIAL CARE j PAGE 137
 Introduction
Immigration has shaped the history of Canada, and continues to do so today, with over 250,000
immigrants arriving in the country annually (Citizenship and Immigration Canada, 2009). Canada
has a higher net immigration rate than any other G8 nation (Central Intelligence Agency, 2011).
Toronto, in particular, has embraced immigration and “cultural diversity” as a positive selling
factor to attract both visitors and further immigrants. Consequently, Toronto has undergone
remarkable growth and demographic changes as an urban centre due to the large number of
newcomers[1] choosing the city region as their home; it is now considered by the United Nations
to be the world’s most culturally and ethnoracially diverse city. New immigrants, the majority of
whom are racialized (Hou and Picot, 2004), account for 48.6 per cent of the city’s entire
population (Statistics Canada, 2013), and Toronto is now home to more than 200 distinct
ethnoracial groups, speaking over 140 different languages (City of Toronto, n.d.).
Although diverse cultural representation may attract newcomers to large cities such as Toronto,
there are other forms of diversity that some seek out. Of particular relevance here are “queer-friendly”
spaces that have emerged in some neighbourhoods with the rise of the gay rights movement
(Harper and Schneider, 2003). Over time, cities such as New York and San Francisco have
become known as “hotbeds” for lesbian, gay, bisexual and transgender (LGBT) political action,
and as places where LGBT people can live and interact with less of an immediate threat of
persecution and discrimination. Similarly, Canada’s three largest cities are widely regarded as
queer-friendly centres where LGBT individuals have been migrating for decades. In addition to
the open nature of the Canadian immigration and refugee system, the country’s relatively strong
track record of human rights for LGBT people[2] has caused Toronto, in particular, to emerge
as an increasingly popular international migration centre for LGBT people.
Upon arriving in Canada, newcomer LGBT individuals face challenges adapting to Canadian society
and the “sexual scene” of large cities with well-established gay communities (Maticka-Tyndale,
2008). Generally speaking, in North America, the terms “queer” and “gay” tend to be associated
with whiteness, and middle class white people tend to dominate visible and political gay
communities (Barrett and Pollack, 2005). Another challenge facing LGBT newcomers is
homophobia and heterosexism within the cultural or ethnic community to which they belong
(Crichlow, 2004; Gopinath, 2005; O’Brien et al., 2004). Reasons for widespread homophobia
are complex; in many countries, (including Canada) homophobia is tied into the cultural fabric
in overlapping ways through religion, law and ideologies related to nationalism and “natural”
sexuality (Crichlow, 2004; Gopinath, 2005; Ottosson, 2010).
Though little is known about the experiences of LGBT newcomer youth in Toronto, some barriers
that LGBT newcomers in North America face include: racist or anti-immigrant sentiments
and heterosexist attitudes (Asencio and Acosta, 2009; Crichlow, 2004; Manalansan, 2006),
racism, and sexualization of racism in white gay communities, which includes the construction
of some racial or ethnic groups as particularly sexually desirable and others as not (Barrett and
Pollack, 2005; Crichlow, 2004; Han, 2008; Gopinath, 2005) and homophobia and heterosexism
in cultural/ethnic communities or diasporas (Crichlow, 2004; Fisher, 2003; Gopinath, 2005;
Manalansan, 2006). In Toronto, the Envisioning Project (Mulé and Gates-Gasse, 2012) team has
established international partnerships to document and analyze discrimination against gender
and sexual minorities. In their first report, which summarized conference presentations and
a roundtable dialogue, they highlighted several issues facing LGBT asylum seekers including:
homophobia and heterosexism; difficulty proving one’s sexual orientation; racism in services and
the LGBT community; challenges obtaining housing; and a lack of LGBT refugee services.

Purpose of the study

As a city that purports to embrace cultural and sexual diversity, Toronto attracts LGBT
newcomers from various nations and cultural backgrounds around the world. Newcomer LGBT
youth are an important subset of this community and, since there is a general paucity of research
on their experiences, they are the focus of this paper. As the numbers of immigrants and
refugees coming to Toronto is projected to continue to grow (Hou and Picot, 2004), it is likely
that LGBT youth who are seeking a relatively safe environment in which to live their lives are

j j
PAGE 138 ETHNICITY AND INEQUALITIES IN HEALTH AND SOCIAL CARE VOL. 6 NO. 4 2013
becoming an increasingly large proportion of those migrating to Canada; little is understood,
however, about the challenges they face after migration, the influences of homophobia,
transphobia, and racism on their daily lives, the ways in which they are excluded from
participation in society, and their health and well-being. In this vein, this study sought to gain a
better understanding about the general life experiences of LGBT newcomer youth in Toronto,
situated within the broader context of their lives post-migration.

Method
Data for this paper were drawn from a Toronto-based research project, Teens Resisting
Urban Trans/Homophobia (“TRUTH”). TRUTH involved an action-oriented partnership
between Planned Parenthood Toronto and Wilfrid Laurier University in Waterloo, Ontario.
TRUTH investigated how LGBT youth of different communities, genders, and ethnoracial/
cultural backgrounds experienced and understood homophobia/transphobia on a daily basis.
In order to foster a detailed understanding of how homophobia/transphobia and other forms of
social exclusion impact youths’ lives, health, and well-being, this project utilized a social
determinants of health framework as a theoretical lens.
The concept of the social determinants of health has come to be understood as encompassing
approaches to understanding and promoting health that move beyond individualistic, biomedical
explanations of health and well-being and instead emphasize the how disparities in the
organization and distribution of economic and social resources impact health (Raphael, 2006).
Drawing on this framework, our project emphasized social exclusion as a key determinant of
health and framed it as a multi-dimensional process whereby participation in decision making and
political processes, access to employment and material resources, and integration into common
cultural processes are all affected (Madanipour et al., 1998). Research that seeks to address social
exclusion typically has three central components: it illuminates the disadvantage experienced by
these communities by focusing on their lived experience; it illuminates the social, economic, and
institutional processes by which social exclusion and its corollary outcomes arise; it unmasks the
broader effects of that marginalization on communities (Percy-Smith, 2000). It is a theoretical
resource to understand the myriad of overlapping and interconnected ways that the social world
renders members or particular social groups and communities in positions of marginalization.
It thus looks at the process as well as the outcome of marginalization and draws our attention to
the broader social world that leads to one’s experience of marginalization.
The project was overseen by a team of university- and community-based investigators, as well as
a Youth Advisory Committee comprised of ten LGBT youth from the Greater Toronto Area (GTA),
a geographic region comprising Toronto and its suburban environs, with a population of
approximately 6,000,000 people. Ten focus groups were conducted with 70 youth (aged 14-29[3])
living in the GTA. Another three focus groups were conducted with 13 GTA service providers and
teachers working with LGBT youth, in addition to one key informant interview. For this paper,
we drew from a subset of the data including four newcomer-specific focus groups in which there
were 39 youth who identified as refugees or immigrants, as well as key informant interviews with four
youth (three of whom also participated in focus groups) and one service provider with experience
working with immigrant and refugee LGBT youth. In all, 11 youth were female (one of whom was
trans-identified) and 29 were male (two of whom were also trans-identified). Their age range was the
same as the larger sample (14-29) and their length of time in Canada ranged from four months[4]
to ten years, which the majority coming in the last five years. Youth identified as refugees, immigrants,
and non-status, were primarily racialized, and came from 26 different countries (see Table I).
Our ability to reach this population was contingent upon the trusting relationship that was built
between the researchers and community members. While we use the term LGBT throughout this
paper, it is important to note that there were only three trans-identified youth involved in this subset of
the sample, hence our ability to provide in-depth comments on their specific experiences is limited.

Procedure
Youth were either recruited through agencies included in Planned Parenthood Toronto’s mailing
list or by agencies working specifically with LGBT youth. All focus groups and interviews lasted

j j
VOL. 6 NO. 4 2013 ETHNICITY AND INEQUALITIES IN HEALTH AND SOCIAL CARE PAGE 139
 Table I Participant demographics
Participant number Gender Sexual orientation Country of origin Status

P1 Man Queer Pakistan Refugee

P2 Man Gay Trinidad Visitor
P3 Man Queer Mexico Immigrant
P4 Woman Lesbian Chile Immigrant
P5 Man Bisexual Columbia Immigrant
P6 Woman Gay Mexico Refugee
P7 Man Gay Vietnam Refugee
P8 Man Queer Philippines Immigrant
P9 Man Queer Iran Refugee
P10 Man Queer Afghanistan Refugee
P11 Man Queer India Immigrant
P12 Man Pansexual Turkey Immigrant
P13 Woman Haiti Haiti No status
P14 Woman Lesbian United States Student visa
P15 Man Queer Burundi No status
P16 Man Gay Zimbabwe Refugee
P17 Man Gay Mexico Refugee
P18 Man Gay Russia Immigrant
P19 Man Pansexual Serbia Immigrant
P20 Man Queer Guatemala Refugee
P21 Man Queer China Student visa
P22 Woman Queer India Immigrant
P23 Woman Lesbian Burundi Refugee
P24 Woman Lesbian Ghana Student visa
P25 Man Gay Kenya Refugee
P26 Man Gay Jamaica Refugee
P27 Woman Bisexual China Student visa
P28 Man Bisexual Ukraine Immigrant
P29 Man Pansexual India Immigrant
P30*
P31* Man Gay Jamaica Unknown
P32* (See K2 below. Participant labeled as K2 in paper)
P33* (See K3 below. Participant labeled as K3 in paper)
P34* Man Gay Pakistan Unknown
P35* Woman Lesbian Mexico Unknown
P36* Man Gay St. Vincent Unknown
P37* Woman Lesbian Ecuador Unknown
P38* Man Gay Jamaica Unknown
P39* Man Gay Mexico Unknown
K1 Man Gay Jamaica Immigrant
K2 Man Gay Jamaica Refugee claimant
K3 Man Gay Jamaica Refugee claimant
K4 Woman Bisexual Burundi Refugee claimant
K5 Gay male service provider at an LGBT youth-serving organization

Notes: Participant numbers beginning with “P” were involved in a focus group setting. Participant numbers
beginning with “K” are key informants, and were involved in one-on-one interviews (likely in addition
to being involved in focus groups). Note that all participant numbers that are starred (“*”) were involved in
focus groups that were specifically geared to LGBT newcomer youth; all other participants were involved
in broader focus groups geared to LGBT youth, and simply happened to bring a newcomer perspective
to the group

approximately one hour and were facilitated by LGBT community members (graduate
students and one service provider), and held in youth-serving agencies that were known to be
welcoming to LGBT youth in Toronto. Participants were asked about “what homophobia and
transphobia meant to them”, “where they experienced it”, “in what forms”, and “how it impacted
their daily lives”. They were also asked to respond to some of the key findings that emerged for
LGBT youth in the Toronto Teen Survey (Flicker et al., 2009), including those related to service
access barriers.

j j
PAGE 140 ETHNICITY AND INEQUALITIES IN HEALTH AND SOCIAL CARE VOL. 6 NO. 4 2013
Analysis
Focus groups were transcribed verbatim and then coded using NVIVO 8 Software. Due to the
nature of focus group sessions and transcription methods, we were often unable to separate
the accounts of refugee, immigrant, and non-status youth. This was also an issue in regards
to identifying which youth were open about their sexual orientation or gender identity prior to
migration and those who were not. In the context of these limitations, we undertook a process of
“thematic analysis” (Daly et al., 1997), by identifying emergent themes in the data. Consequently,
the analysis sought to describe and understand the oppressive processes that undergird
youths’ experiences with heterosexism and homophobia and its impact on their daily lives
through identifying emergent themes and linking them to existing knowledge. Using a coding
scheme developed by two undergraduate and two graduate students who had earlier worked
on the Toronto Teen Survey and TRUTH projects, two Research Assistants (RAs) at Wilfrid
Laurier University coded all transcripts. Both received training on coding methods from one of
the study authors, who has expertise in teaching qualitative methods.
The initial coding scheme was developed with significant input from one of this paper’s authors,
and included insights from his own past frontline experience with LGBT youth as well as codes
derived from the literature. In the first round of coding, the initial coding structure was used as the
two RAs worked through the transcripts, accounting for all text and adding new codes as they
went along. During the second stage of coding, they discussed any codes they disagreed on
and reached an agreement through a formal consensus decision-making process. At the
same time, the RAs began to make connections between codes and began to reorganize them
into broader thematic categories. During the final stage of coding, the RAs worked to collapse
broader clusters of codes and to develop “themes”. They reached consensus through
discussion about the naming of these themes, which are described below in greater detail.

Findings
The experiences of LGBT newcomer youth in this study involved a complex negotiation of
multiple systems of oppression. In the following sections, we will discuss participants’
experiences of choosing to migrate to Canada and their resulting experiences of homophobia,
racism, and xenophobia in multiple systems and spheres of their lives.

Choosing Canada: a gay haven?

Youth in the study migrated to Canada for a variety of reasons, many holding a strong
expectation of Canada as a safe, multicultural, and gay-friendly country. Often, the desire to
escape homophobic violence and religious persecution was a prominent factor driving youth to
leave their countries of origin. For example, one participant described his experiences of
homophobic violence in his country of origin and his views of Canada as a safe place:
Back home I had a boyfriend, and he was beaten because they suspected him to be gay. I would
never live in a country where I feel that I’m resented for who I am, [where] I can’t be who I am or who
I want to be, so it wasn’t really hard to leave Jamaica. The reason why I came here [is] because I can
be free, I can be who I am [y] I can get married to my partner here, back home we don’t have
that option, so [it’s] just a sense of freedom and being who I want to be. That’s the main reason why
I came here (K2).

The country’s legalization of same-sex marriage was cited as an important reason for why youth
chose to come to Canada. One youth described Canada as a haven compared to his country of
origin because here he is able live with or legally marry another man: “Back in Jamaica nobody
could consider getting married to a guy or living with a guy, and here I have those options. So for
me, it is a haven” (K1).
Some youth asserted that their positive vacation or study experience in Canada had motivated
them to migrate here permanently. One youth, who had originally come to Canada through a
scholarship programme, decided to stay in Canada because of his experience in Toronto’s gay
community. He said “I felt comfortable being here [y] they took me to Church Street, they took
me all around the different spaces and I felt at home” (K3).

j j
VOL. 6 NO. 4 2013 ETHNICITY AND INEQUALITIES IN HEALTH AND SOCIAL CARE PAGE 141
 Canada was described as a desired immigration destination over other countries because
of the perceptions that it is multicultural and of less overall anti-gay discrimination. Canada’s
social welfare system was also highlighted as a support that youth could access once they
arrived. One youth compared the support provided in the American refugee system to that in
Canada: “At least with Canada, when you move here, you get financial support. With the
US there wasn’t anything” (P31).

Homophobia in Canada
Many newcomer youth found that despite their perceptions of Canada as a gay-friendly country,
they encountered homophobia in a variety of settings including their workplaces, in social
service organizations, through the refugee/immigration process, in educational institutions, and
in their diasporic communities. This included experiences of physical and verbal abuse:
I was actually literally stoned once, just walking to my apartment, ‘cause I was wearing really gay jeans
[laughs] and a group of guys they just threw stones at me. I was shocked [y] yeah, and calling me fag
and everything like that. I was really shocked that happened (P34).

In describing experiences of discrimination in Canada, youth often mentioned that it was still
better than what they would experience in their home countries:
I think that it’s probably safer than where I am from but it’s still not completely safe. There are times
when I feel threatened. Like, I remember walking down Church street one night and there was this
guy who saw me and my boyfriend and he started shouting at us “Stop! Don’t be gay! Don’t be gay!”
in the car. And he definitely, I think homophobia still exists in Canada, but it’s probably safer than
where I’m from (P3).

While interpersonal homophobic violence was something that many youth in the study
experienced, systemic homophobia in many different spheres of living was also a common
experience. These experiences were often unexpected, and contrary to participants’
expectations of what Canada would be like for LGBT people.
Homophobia in the immigration/refugee system. Although youth are able to come to Canada to
make refugee claims based on homophobic persecution in their countries of origin, some
indicated that the process was complicated by having to “prove that they were gay” to
immigration authorities in order to qualify for refugee status. If immigration authorities did not
believe them to be gay, they could be denied status and deported to their countries of origin.
Youth described instances where they were advised by immigration lawyers to provide proof of
their same-sex relationships and their involvement in “gay events”. Some refugee LGBT youth
changed the way they dressed in order to fit stereotypes associated with being gay in
preparation for their hearings.
The idea of proving one’s sexual orientation was problematic for youth because the expected
behaviours and dress code associated with being gay are based on stereotypes, which can be
difficult to exact. One youth commented on the ambiguity of “looking gay”, saying: “I’m still
unsure what gay is. What should you look like? How should you behave? I didn’t know there
were rules you have to follow to be gay” (K2). Youth also addressed the challenges created by
the stereotypical notions of homosexuality operating within the immigration and refugee system:
I think that this is more an issue of homophobia within the immigration board. Mostly it’s the fact that
you have to be a very certain kind of “gay” and you have to be a certain kind of “out” that is recognized
to be liberal, middle class, I would say white, and if you’re not acting in that way then the immigration
board does not recognize you (P38).

A service provider who has worked with LGBT youth confirmed that youth are told to “look gay”
when they attend their refugee claimant hearings. He had witnessed hearings where judges
sought conformity to stereotypical notions of male homosexuality:
I’ve been in hearings where the judge said, “You don’t look gay, I don’t believe you because you don’t
look gay”. I’ve seen it, I’ve heard it, with my own eyes, saying, “Look at you, how do you want me to
believe you are gay? You don’t look anything like a gay person” (K5).

Despite the challenges that LGBT newcomer youth described, most indicated that they felt
more confident about their ability to navigate the homophobia that they face in Canada, as there

j j
PAGE 142 ETHNICITY AND INEQUALITIES IN HEALTH AND SOCIAL CARE VOL. 6 NO. 4 2013
are more legal avenues that they can pursue than in other contexts. Negotiating homophobia for
youth in the study was ultimately about putting things in perspective and understanding that
homophobia exists on a spectrum: “I’m not saying Canada is a bed of roses, but compared to
back home, yes, it is a bed of roses” (K3).
Homophobia within social services. Homophobia was also present in social service
organizations. Reflecting on unfair treatment and direct verbal abuse in service encounters,
one youth said:

One of the questions she asked me, and I don’t think she should have asked me this question, was,
“What’s [your] reason for claiming refugee?” So I said, “Being gay”, and I heard her clearly, and I was
gonna ask her “What did you say?”, or say to her that I wanted to speak to her supervisor. She sort of
turned her back and I heard, she sort of said something like “Fucking faggot” (K2).

Access to social assistance and other benefits was often difficult to come by, and left to the discretion
of individual social assistance caseworkers, who tended to question the legitimacy of refugee claims
that were based on sexual orientation. Youth attributed this to a number of factors: “So I guess the
whole thing of wondering if it’s [the refugee claim] genuine [y] Is the person just being plain
homophobic or just being prejudiced? But I just feel it’s a combination of all of the above” (K3).
Homophobia in diasporic communities. Many youth who experienced homophobic persecution
or violence in their countries of origin were also afraid of encounters with their respective
diasporic communities in Toronto:

They still bring the Caribbean mentality with them [y] which is homophobia. They don’t like that sort
of living [y] they don’t like the whole sense of homosexuality, and the kids grow up and they still carry
on that same sort of tradition. So you have to be careful as well, as to [the] communities or the areas
that you would go into (K3).

The same youth summarized the problem as: “You can take the man out of the country but you
can’t take the country out of the man” (K3). Consequently, many youth avoided people from their
diasporic communities to minimize the chance of homophobic encounters: “I try to not meet
people from my own country or from Latin America because I’m afraid, I know they could do the
same thing that they do in my country” (P6). The issue was summarized simply as, “It’s an extra
problem that newcomers have here, having a little piece of their community so close to them” (K5).

Racism and xenophobia in Canada

Racism within social service organizations. Canadian social service agencies were also places
where LGBT newcomer youth experienced racism. Recounting an interaction with his
caseworker, this youth described barriers to obtaining social assistance benefits:

I have a case worker and she’s a bitch and I think it’s because I’m Black. Seriously, she’s been so
difficult [y] because persons get stuff, and then when I go there thinking I’m going to get stuff, I go to
her and say, “Okay, I have a friend who got this and whatever and I need assistance.” She’s gonna be
like “Oh no you can’t get it” or there’s always some excuse, and she’s really, really difficult [y] I think
it’s because I’m Black (K1).

Racism in the immigration/refugee system. Experiences with racism and stereotypes about
people of particular ethnicities were evident in encounters during the refugee process. Black
Caribbean youth, for example, experienced increased skepticism from refugee board officials
because they were not expected to be gay:

When you go to settle your [refugee] claim, the way people look at you like, “Okay, you’re gay?
Black?” They’re like, you’re supposed to be [y] like they’re looking at you to be rough. You’re not
supposed to be this type of person who comes, “Hey, I’m gay!”, because being gay means soft,
right? And when you come in here to apply for this sort of thing, the look is like [questioning] “Okay?”
But when other persons go there who are of lighter skin tone and from a different background, there’s
no look, they just have this welcoming smile (K3).

Whiteness and racism within the LGBT community. Youth experienced racism in the
mainstream LGBT communities. They described such encounters as particularly shocking

j j
VOL. 6 NO. 4 2013 ETHNICITY AND INEQUALITIES IN HEALTH AND SOCIAL CARE PAGE 143
 because they happened in places where they expected support. Consequently, they found
them to be alienating experiences:

Racism can happen in spaces where you totally would not expect it to happen. I’ve had it in queer
support groups or writing groups, where someone will say something [y] they don’t like brown
people or they don’t like Muslims [y] and I find it really strange because I feel queerness is, you know,
difference, and they should be able to comprehend what it would feel like to be like another sort of
minority here (P34).

These experiences also created tensions within friendships and resulted in LGBT newcomer
youth feeling isolated:
I have white friends and I know that being Black in that group, sometimes I just feel like I’m the odd
one, the outcast. I know that if I go to a club, people are more okay with them being gay than with a
Black person being gay (K2).

Exoticization within the LGBT community. Exoticization, particularly the experience for gay men
of colour of being “sexualized” by white gay men, was experienced by youth of colour.
Newcomer LGBT youth had diverse emotional reactions to exoticization ranging from a feeling
that it might be an advantage to finding it disturbing. Despite it being both a confusing and
emotionally painful experience for youth, one said: “It can be advantageous [y] being Black and
being from the Caribbean, they just stereotype: “Hey Black guys have big dicks”. When it comes
down to sex and the sexual practice, people would favour you” (K3).
South Asian youth also experienced exoticization based on their ethnicity:
It’s almost like ordering something different, you know? Like, “Let’s have a new experience,
adventure”. And it’s just so stereotyped, I’ve had a guy actually be like: “You know, you should wear a
turban, ‘cause it really turns me on” (P34).

Other racialized youth described their emotional reactions to exoticization: “If I’m dating, it’s
almost like a fetish. I’m very fetishized, exoticized. And it’s, I mean, I was okay with that before,
but now I find it really disturbing” (P38).
Eventually, these experiences had an effect on the dating choices made by some newcomer
gay youth:
I date a lot less white gay men. Not that people of colour don’t have their own issues, but
I find that most of the fetishizing, at least in my experience, has happened from middle class gay
men (P34).

Living “without papers”. Refugee claimant youth (specifically, youth who were still waiting to
hear the results of their refugee determination hearing) discussed feeling like they were in a state
of limbo while they were waiting to get appropriate “papers”, which are a form of refugee
identification that allows them to work and access health care, education, and other public
services. They identified significant barriers to health care, education, housing, and employment
that were all related to not having the appropriate immigration papers. This young woman
expressed fears about not being able to access health care:

I had a friend who lived in [a shelter] [y] she was sick [y] and she [was] almost in the same
situation as I am, she doesn’t have papers too. And she couldn’t see a doctor. She could die
at any time because she doesn’t have papers. So I never thought that that could happen here in
Canada (K4).

Refugee youth were also unable to establish a stable financial basis without papers. Obtaining a
good credit record, for example, was a significant problem. Youths’ refugee status was also an
employment barrier, as their social insurance number revealed their status to employers. One
youth explained that this often manifests as wage discrimination: “It’s difficult to find a job,
because in the SIN [Social Insurance] number, the refugee people have a different number. So
they know that you’re a refugee, sometimes they abuse and they pay less than minimum wage”
(P39). These experiences led some youth to question the compromise they were making
between economic success and freedom of gender or sexual expression. Reflecting on his
experience, one youth said: “Back home, I was in a really damn good job. I had everything [y]
[the] only thing I didn’t have [was] the freedom to live my life” (K2).

j j
PAGE 144 ETHNICITY AND INEQUALITIES IN HEALTH AND SOCIAL CARE VOL. 6 NO. 4 2013
Discussion
Our data provide insights into some of the complex and overlapping forms of oppression
experienced by LGBT newcomer youth in Toronto and the effects on their daily lives. The majority
of youth in the study faced considerable homophobia within their countries of origin, which cannot
be isolated from their sometimes very challenging experiences within Canada. Two principal forms
of oppression (racism and homophobia) shaped their experiences once in Canada, on multiple
levels and in multiple settings. While racism and homophobia can be described as distinct from
one another, it is also important to note that these forms of social inequality are inextricably linked.
The concept of intersectionality allows us to explore the interrelationships of gender, class, race,
and ethnicity and other social divisions (Crenshaw, 1991). As Bowleg (2008) points out, individuals
who hold multiple marginalized identities experience them simultaneously and, as such, our
understanding of the impacts of such exclusion requires a degree of complexity. Our findings on
the pervasive racism and homophobia experienced by LGBT newcomer youth corroborate
previous research that highlights the impact of anti-immigrant sentiments and the dominance
of heterosexism in their lives (Asencio and Acosta, 2009; Crichlow, 2004; Manalansan, 2006).
At times, these forms of social oppression challenge these youth’s abilities to form a stable
foundation from which to build a new life in Canada, potentially creating unique pathways to
adverse health and well-being outcomes. Additionally, newcomer youth may lack ethnocultural
community support, which influences their ability to cope with stress (Noh and Avison, 1996).
The homophobic and racist physical and verbal abuse experienced by youth could have a
number of far-reaching negative impacts on their lives, health, and emotional well-being.
Feelings of exclusion and diminished social support have been shown to compromise the
health of LGBT youth (Scott et al., 2004). While the youth in our study highlighted experiences of
discrimination within LGBT communities and their respective diasporic communities, perhaps
more alarming is the degree to which LGBT newcomer youth experience stigma and
discrimination at the hands of social service providers, who are supposed to help them, and
Immigration and Refugee Board (IRB) officials. In a small study of LGBT newcomers, O’Neill
(2010) found that they are often dissatisfied with social service interactions, highlighting the need
for social service and settlement workers “to be aware of the powerful combined effects of
oppressions related to race, ethnicity, gender and sexuality” (p. 30) in serving LGBT newcomers.
LGBT-specific issues aside, Yan and Chan (2010) revealed that social workers themselves do
not feel adequately familiar or prepared to deal with issues facing newcomers to Canada.
Hidalgo and Bankston (2009) point out that immigration policy itself can be described as a form
of social exclusion as it provides a set of laws or policies that reflect the values of a nation – who
is “desirable” and who is not. However, it is also important to interrogate the unofficial ways
in which immigration policies are taken up. Participants’ descriptions of the refugee process
revealed the dominance of stereotypes of gay identity perpetuated by IRB officials who expect
claimants to dress and act in ways that are stereotypically “gay” or “lesbian” by western
standards – a practice which has been noted by other researchers (Epps et al., 2005; Millbank,
2002; Mulé and Gates-Gasse, 2012).
One of the major reasons newcomer youth chose Canada as a migration destination is the
country’s reputation for having a supportive social safety net. Our findings illuminate the clear
disparity between how Canada positions itself as a multicultural haven for LGBT people, and
the daily realities of LGBT newcomers. Luibhéid (2008) contends that queer migration and
settlement represents a nearly impossible subject matter for theorization. However, conducting
research in this area is vital to gaining a better understanding of diverse experiences of LGBT
newcomer youth with various backgrounds, ethnicities, genders and orientations. As such, the
goal of this paper is to share the experiences of LGBT newcomer youth and illuminate injustices
within Canadian society and systems. In this next section, we offer recommendations that may
inform and improve service provision for newcomer LGBT youth.

Implications for policy and practice

These findings have significant implications for policies and practice related to LGBT newcomer
youth. In Canada, as in much of the western world, the social welfare state system is eroding as

j j
VOL. 6 NO. 4 2013 ETHNICITY AND INEQUALITIES IN HEALTH AND SOCIAL CARE PAGE 145
 neo-liberal and conservative forces demand a reduction in government size, and a focus on
market-based policies and systems. Accordingly, the services that are devised for immigration
and settlement assistance are stretched beyond capacity. Services are more streamlined and
less able to be flexible in addressing the specific needs of sub-populations. Unfortunately, this
means that those who are most marginalized and vulnerable are the ones least likely to be able
to get their needs met and thus become more vulnerable to a host of other challenges and
problems in their new society. Given the increasing caseloads, working with “complicated”
clients puts additional burden on services (Travers et al., 2010; van der Meulen et al., 2010);
thus, there is a reluctance to take on the intense needs of marginalized populations such as
LGBT newcomer youth. Unfortunately, given that this is often a hidden and marginalized
population, there are no data regarding the numbers of newcomer LGBT youth in the GTA.
However, the numbers of immigrants and refugees coming to Toronto is projected to continue to
grow (Hou and Picot, 2004), and we can therefore assume that the number of newcomer LGBT
youth will also continue to grow.
The most important implication of these findings is that the systems designed to assist
immigrants and refugees are woefully inadequate in addressing the complex needs of LGBT
newcomer youth. The youth in our study reported incidents of both blatant and insidious forms
of homophobia and racism that require a significant amount of effort to counter. Staff working
in social service programmes should be given enhanced training and supports to better
understand the needs of LGBT youth and hiring practices should aim to include LGBT
newcomers themselves. Focused anti-homophobia and anti-racism training, as well as ongoing
education of support staff, and the implementation of policies designed to enhance accessibility,
could make a difference in the experiences of LGBT youth encountering settlement services.
On a more systemic level, it would be critical to engage in a more nuanced level of understanding
among refugee boards and settlement workers of the diversity of experiences of LGBT youth.
The current system actually encourages claimants to present and behave in ways that further
stigmatize LGBT populations. As evidenced by the data presented in this paper, this implicit and
explicit exploitation of queer stereotyping impacts the health and well-being of LGBT newcomer
youth. Additionally, requiring LGBT youth to “prove” they are gay is dehumanizing and potentially
traumatic for those struggling with self-acceptance and building a healthy self-identity (Mulé and
Gates-Gasse, 2012; Miller, 2010). A broader understanding of sexual identity, gender identity,
and gender expression is required of the refugee claimant system in order to facilitate a more just
settlement process. For instance, instead of encouraging participants to adopt stereotypical
behaviour, methods of triangulating claimant verification can use evidence such as testimonials
of peers and/or providers. At the very least, the refugee system needs to consider the implications
of the hurdles it places in front of marginalized LGBT newcomer youth, many of whom are dealing
with multiple health and well-being concerns.
LGBT newcomer youth are also reporting a lack of support in terms of accessing basic health and
social services. Service inaccessibility may hamper youth’s ability to develop strategies for coping
with marginalization. Our participants reported experiencing homophobia and racism while
attempting to access services which highlight the need for better training on issues facing LGBT
newcomer youth in the health and social service delivery system. Ongoing educational efforts
aimed at those who work with newcomers should directly and specifically address the needs of
LGBT newcomer youth. Though there are some services targeted at LGBT newcomers in some
jurisdictions, these services may require resource enhancements as numbers continue to grow.
Given the sexual health disparities facing LGBT youth in general (Flicker et al., 2009), the
additional challenges facing those who are newcomers make it critical to provide access to
relevant, culturally specific and quality health care. In Ontario, the three-month waiting period to
access the health system creates a significant barrier to newcomers. The experiences of being
racialized, fetishized, exoticized, and marginalized are factors that put youth at high risk for
unprotected sex and risk for HIV, STIs (Asencio and Acosta, 2009; Crichlow, 2004; Flicker et al.,
2009; Han, 2008; Wahab and Plaza, 2009) and pregnancy (Saewyc et al., 2008; Travers et al.,
2011). Delivery of HIV and other sexual health information and services should be enhanced in
order to reduce the impact on newcomer LGBT youth. It would be highly advantageous in terms
of their health outcomes to remove the current Ontario requirement of three-month residency,

j j
PAGE 146 ETHNICITY AND INEQUALITIES IN HEALTH AND SOCIAL CARE VOL. 6 NO. 4 2013
which unnecessarily burdens marginalized immigrants and refugees, and instead offer immediate
access to the Ontario Health Insurance Plan. In other jurisdictions, any and all barriers to relevant
and supportive health care must be eradicated in order to support the health and well-being
of LGBT youth.
Although youth offered some praise for Canada’s social services system, they also discussed
experiences of homophobia and racism within social service organizations that affected their
ability to attain economic benefits. The direct denial of benefits or services means that LGBT
newcomers often receive a lower quality of services, and impeded access to finances, ultimately
decreasing their quality of life. LGBT newcomer youth also reported experiencing racism in
LGBT communities and in social service encounters. It is important for mainstream LGBT
communities to work to amplify the voices and presence of people of colour and immigrants in
their outreach, media, agency staffing and event organizing. Many racialized LGBT individuals
feel a tension between engaging in anti-racist work and anti-homophobia work. However,
managing this tension places a great burden on LGBT newcomer youth; LGBT leaders and
community organizations must make strong efforts to operate as much from an anti-racist
agenda as an anti-homophobia agenda. Another option for addressing some of the tensions
between ethnoracial identity and identification with the LGBT community is developing and
evaluating mentoring programmes that connect LGBT newcomer youth with LGBT volunteers
from their community.

Conclusion
The main focus of the overall TRUTH project was on youth’s experiences of homophobia and
transphobia. However, youth do not experience homophobia and transphobia in isolation; there
are other forms of discrimination that can intersect to create a complex system of multiple
oppressions. In describing their experiences of homophobia, racialized newcomer youth spoke
to the additional complications created by racism. The findings on racism that are presented in
this paper highlight the need for further research that focuses particularly on the intersections of
race and sexual orientation/gender identity for racialized LGBT youth. Future research is also
necessary to highlight the diversity of experience represented within LGBT youth communities in
large cities like Toronto. The original objectives of the TRUTH study were broader than what
appears in this paper, and we have drawn on a sub-sample in writing it. As such, we are limited
at times in our analysis and are not always able to provide the kinds of in-depth insights that
reflect all youths’ experiences equally; research designed to specifically examine the
experiences of LGBT newcomer youth is therefore greatly needed. Moreover, in utilizing a
focus group method, we were not always able to capture the diversity of experience we would
have liked to and we risk “homogenizing” youth experience. For example, youth from different
countries will have experiences that impact the nuances of their immigration or refugee process,
as will bisexual youth and young women. Voices of transgender youth are particularly important
for future research as their narratives were not dominant in our study, and we know that their
experiences with access barriers can be vastly different than cisgender (non-trans) youth.
Furthermore, the trans youth involved in our study may not have felt comfortable voicing their
concerns within focus groups dominated by their LGB peers. In-depth qualitative analyses,
longer-term studies, as well as population-based research could assist in further understanding
the myriad needs of these diverse groups of youth. While this paper aims to provide some
insights into the lives of LGBT newcomer youth, the intersections of their experiences of
structural inequality based on sexual orientation, gender, race and class are complex and need
to be further explored.

Notes
1. In this paper, “newcomers” is used broadly to include immigrants, refugees and those without legal
status in the country.
2. Canada was one of the first nations to decriminalize homosexuality in 1969 and as of 2003, in the
province of Ontario, became the third jurisdiction in the world to legalize same-sex marriages; in 2005,
Canada became the fourth nation in the world to legalize same-sex marriages nationwide, making it the
first nation in the Americas to do so. It should be noted, however, that human rights advances have been

j j
VOL. 6 NO. 4 2013 ETHNICITY AND INEQUALITIES IN HEALTH AND SOCIAL CARE PAGE 147
 more focused on sexual orientation and less so on gender identity. Transgender people have some legal
protections in some of Canada’s provinces, and federal legislation is slowly passing through the various
stages of approval.

3. This is the age range of people considered to be “youth” by several LGBT youth-serving organizations
in the GTA.
4. While Toronto is home to many white LGBT newcomers whose experience is markedly different than
those who are racialized, our participants are almost entirely racialized.

References
Asencio, M. and Acosta, K. (2009), “Migration, gender conformity, and social mobility among Puerto Rican
sexual minorities”, Sexuality Research & Social Policy: Journal of NSRC, Vol. 6 No. 3, pp. 34-43.

Barrett, D.C. and Pollack, L.M. (2005), “Whose gay community? Social class sexual self expression and gay
community involvement”, The Sociological Quarterly, Vol. 46 No. 3, pp. 437-56.
Bowleg, L. (2008), “When black þ lesbian þ womanablack lesbian woman: the methodological challenges
of qualitative and quantitative intersectionality research”, Sex Roles, Vol. 59 Nos 5-6, pp. 312-25.

Central Intelligence Agency (2011), “The world factbook: net migration rate”, available at: www.cia.gov/
library/publications/the-world-factbook/rankorder/2112rank.html (accessed 10 April 2012).
Citizenship and Immigration Canada (2009), “Facts and figures 2009: permanent and temporary residents,
2005-2009”, available at: www.cic.gc.ca/english//resources/statistics/facts2009-summary/permanent/01.asp
(accessed 10 April 2012).
City of Toronto (n.d.), “Living in Toronto: Toronto’s racial diversity”, available at: www.toronto.ca/toronto_
facts/diversity.htm (accessed 10 April 2012)
Crenshaw, K.W. (1991), “Mapping the margins: intersectionality, identity politics, and violence against
women of color”, Stanford Law Review, Vol. 43 No. 6, pp. 1241-99.
Crichlow, W. (2004), “Buller men and batty bwoys: hidden men in Toronto and Halifax black communities”,
doctoral dissertation, University of Toronto, Toronto.
Daly, J., Kellehear, A. and Gliksman, M. (1997), The Public Health Researcher: A Methodological Approach,
Oxford University Press, Melbourne, pp. 611-8.

Epps, Valens and González (Eds) (2005), Introduction, Passing Lines: Sexuality and Immigration, Harvard
University Press, Cambridge, Mass.

Fisher, D. (2003), “Immigrant closets: tactical-micro-practices-in-the-hyphen”, Journal of Homosexuality,

Vol. 45 Nos 2-4, pp. 171-92.

Flicker, S., Flynn, S., Larkin, J., Travers, R., Guta, A., Pole, J. and Layne, C. (2009), Sexpress: The Toronto
Teen Survey Report, Planned Parenthood Toronto, Toronto.

Gopinath, G. (2005), Impossible Desires: Queer Diasporas and South Asian Public Cultures, Duke University
Press, Durham, NC.

Han, C.S. (2008), “A qualitative exploration of the relationship between racism and unsafe sex among Asian
Pacific Islander gay men”, Archives of Sexual Behavior, Vol. 37 No. 5, pp. 827-37.

Harper, G.W. and Schneider, M. (2003), “Oppression and discrimination among lesbian, gay, bisexual,
transgendered people and communities: a challenge for community psychology”, American Journal of
Community Psychology, Vol. 33 Nos 3/4, pp. 243-53.
Hidalgo, D.A. and Bankston III, C.L. (2009), “Reinforcing polarizations: US immigration and the prospect of
gay marriage”, Sociological Spectrum, Vol. 30 No. 1, pp. 4-29.

Hou, F. and Picot, G. (2004), “Visible minority neighbourhoods in Toronto, Montréal and Vancouver”,
Canadian Social Trends, Vol. 72, pp. 8-13.

Luibhéid, E. (2008), “Queer/migration”, GLQ: A Journal of Lesbian & Gay Studies, Vol. 14 No. 2, pp. 169-90.

Madanipour, A., Cars, G. and Allen, J. (Eds) (1998), Social Exclusion in European Cities: Processes,
Experiences, and Responses, Jessica Kingsley, London.

j j
PAGE 148 ETHNICITY AND INEQUALITIES IN HEALTH AND SOCIAL CARE VOL. 6 NO. 4 2013
Manalansan, M.F. (2006), “Queer intersections: sexuality and gender in migration studies”, International
Migration Review, Vol. 40 No. 1, pp. 224-49.
Maticka-Tyndale, E. (2008), “Sexuality and sexual health of Canadian adolescents: yesterday, today and
tomorrow”, The Canadian Journal of Human Sexuality, Vol. 17 No. 3, pp. 85-95.

Millbank, J. (2002), Imagining Otherness: Refugee Claims on the Basis of Sexuality in Canada and Australia,
Melbourne University Law Review, available at: http://kirra.austlii.edu.au/au/journals/MULR/2002/7.html
Miller, E. (2010), “Queer is in the eye of the newcomer: mapping, performance & place based media”,
InTensions, Vol. 4, pp. 1-24.
Mulé, N. and Gates-Gasse, E. (2012), Envisioning LGBT Refugee Rights in Canada: Exploring Asylum
Issues, Ontario Council of Agencies Serving Immigrants, York University, Toronto, available at:
www.ocasi.org/downloads/Q6Envisioning_Exploring_Asylum_Issues.pdf (accesssed 20 July 2013).
Noh, S. and Avison, W.R. (1996), “Asian immigrants and the stress process: a study of Koreans in Canada”,
Journal of Health and Social Behavior, Vol. 37, pp. 192-206.
O’Brien, C., Abualsameed, S., Carolo, H., Heung, F., Ridgley, A. and Scanlon, K. (2004), Home y Away
From Home? Youth, Families & Communities, Aids Committee of Toronto, available at: www.actoronto.org/
website/research.nsf/pages/homeawayfromhome; www.actoronto.org/website/research.nsf/pages/
homeawayfromhome (accessed 3 January 2013).
O’Neill, B. (2010), “Challenges faces by lesbian, gay and bisexual newcomers: implications for services”,
Canadian Social Work, Vol. 12 No. 2, pp. 24-31.
Ottosson, D. (2010), State-Sponsored Homophobia: A World Survey of Laws Prohibiting Same Sex
Activity Between Consenting Adults, International Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual, Trans and Intersex Association,
available at: http://old.ilga.org/Statehomophobia/ILGA_State_Sponsored_Homophobia_2010.pdf
(accessed 10 July 2013).
Percy-Smith, J. (Ed.) (2000), Policy Responses to Social Exclusion, Open University Press, Buckingham.
Raphael, D. (2006), “Social determinants of health: present status, unanswered questions, and future
directions”, International Journal of Health Services, Vol. 36 No. 4, pp. 651-77.
Saewyc, E.M., Poon, C.S., Homma, Y. and Skay, C.L. (2008), “Stigma management? The links between
enacted stigma and teen pregnancy trends among gay, lesbian, and bisexual students in British Columbia”,
The Canadian Journal of Human Sexuality, Vol. 17 No. 3, p. 123.
Scott, S.D., Pringle, A. and Lumsdaine, C. (2004), Sexual Exclusion: Homophobia and Health Inequalities:
A Review of Health Inequalities and Social Exclusion Experienced by Lesbian, Gay and Bisexual People,
UK Gay Men’s Health Network, London.
Statistics Canada (2013), “NHS Focus on geography series – Toronto, immigration and ethnocultural
diversity”, National Household Survey 2011, Minister of Industry, Catalogue, No. 99-000-X, Ottawa,
(accessed 13 March 2014).
Travers, R., Guta, A., Flicker, S., Larkin, J., Lo, C., McCardell, S. and van der Meulen, E. (2010), “Service
provider views on issues and needs for lesbian, gay, bisexual and transgender youth”, Canadian Journal of
Human Sexuality, Vol. 19 No. 4, pp. 191-8.
Travers, R., Newton, H. and Munro, L. (2011), “‘Because it was expected’: heterosexism as a determinant
of pregnancy among sexually diverse youth”, The Canadian Journal of Community Mental Health, Vol. 30
No. 2, pp. 65-79.

van der Meulen, E., Oliver, V., Flicker, S. and Travers, R. (2010), “Obstacles to sexual health services for
youth: service providers’ perspectives”, Canadian Journal of Human Sexuality, Vol. 19 No. 4, pp. 185-90.
Wahab, A. and Plaza, D. (2009), “Queerness in the transnational Carribean-Canadian diaspora”, Carribean
Review of Gender Studies, Vol. 3 No. 1, pp. 1-34.
Yan, M.C. and Chan, S. (2010), “Are social workers ready to work with newcomers?”, Canadian Social Work,
Vol. 12 No. 2, pp. 16-23.

Further reading
Puar, J. (2007), Terrorist Assemblages: Homonationalism in Queer Times, Duke University Press Books,
Durham, NC.

j j
VOL. 6 NO. 4 2013 ETHNICITY AND INEQUALITIES IN HEALTH AND SOCIAL CARE PAGE 149
 About the authors
Lauren Munro is a Doctoral Student in Community Psychology at Wilfrid Laurier University and
Research Coordinator for the Equity, Sexual Health & HIV Research Group, which focuses on
improving the health and well-being of gender and sexual minorities. To date, Lauren has been
involved in projects that address the role of Gay-Straight Alliances in schools, the impact of
social exclusion on the health of trans people, and issues of sexual health and HIV vulnerability.
Lauren Munro is the corresponding author and can be contacted at: munro.lauren@gmail.com

Dr Robb Travers is an Assistant Professor in Psychology at Wilfrid Laurier University and

holds additional appointments as an Assistant Professor, Dalla Lana School of Public Health,
University of Toronto, and the Centre for Research in Inner City Health, St. Michael’s Hospital.
His community and academic partnerships focus on social exclusion and the health and
well-being of trans communities and LGBT youth.

Alex St. John is a First Year Law Student in the Faculty of Law at Western University.
He recently completed his undergraduate degree in political science and psychology from
Wilfrid Laurier University where he also worked as a research coordinator in the Equity, Sexual
Health and HIV Research Group. Alex has a passion for social justice, politics, and rugby.

Kate Klein’s research to date has focused on LGBTQ health and well-being, as well as critical
perspectives on qualitative and/or community-based research ethics. She is interested
in arts-informed research and activism, feminist/DIY/crip theatre, reproductive justice, and
disability justice.

Heather Hunter is currently a Medical Student at Dalhousie University. Prior to this she
completed an MA in community psychology at Wilfrid Laurier University with her research
focusing on the experiences of LGB newcomers living in Toronto.

Dr David Brennan is an Associate Professor in the Factor-Inwentash Faculty of Social Work at the
University of Toronto and an Ontario HIV Treatment Network Scholar. Dr Brennan’s research focuses
on the health and well-being of sexual minorities and has been funded by the Social Sciences and
Humanities Research Council of Canada, and the Canadian Institutes of Health Research.

Chavisa Brett holds a Master of Environmental Studies from the York University focusing on
qualitative research. Brett works predominantly on social, cultural and physical environments
that impact health outcomes.

To purchase reprints of this article please e-mail: reprints@emeraldinsight.com

Or visit our web site for further details: www.emeraldinsight.com/reprints

j j
PAGE 150 ETHNICITY AND INEQUALITIES IN HEALTH AND SOCIAL CARE VOL. 6 NO. 4 2013