An Exploratory Investigation into

Impulse Buying Behavior in a

Transitional Economy: A Study of Urban
Consumers in Vietnam

As a transitional economy, Vietnam is open to many new mar- ABSTRACT

keting experiences. Along with slowly increasing wealth,
changes are occurring in the retail environment as stores begin
to replace individual vendors. The changing retail environment
suggests the usefulness of understanding shopping behaviors
relevant to retail settings. The authors examine impulse buying
behaviors of urban consumers in Vietnam. The authors con-
ducted an exploratory study that included both qualitative and
quantitative methods to provide a general understanding of ur-
ban Vietnamese consumers’ impulse buying behaviors. Results
show that individualism, age, and income are significantly re-
lated to impulse buying behaviors of Vietnamese consumers. In
addition, personal-use products are the most common impulse
purchase items, despite the collectivist nature of consumers in
Vietnam. The authors’ findings suggest that, at least with re-
spect to impulse buying and despite cultural differences, con-
sumers from transitional economies such as Vietnam may share
some common tendencies and behaviors with consumers in ad-
vanced economies. The authors discuss other observations and
conclude with suggestions for further research.

The movement to freer markets in transitional economies such

as China, Vietnam, and Eastern Europe has generated great in- Nguyen Thi Tuyet Mai,
terest in marketing challenges unique to these countries (Batra Kwon Jung, Garold
1997). Accordingly, marketing issues, and specifically con-
sumer behaviors, in transitional economies are receiving in- Lantz, and Sandra G.
creasing attention from both scholars and practitioners. Loeb
Vietnam started its economic reform in 1986, when it shifted
from a centrally planned economy to a market economy. Sim-
ilar to other transitional economies, there is a rapidly grow-
ing middle class in Vietnam, especially in major cities
(Speece and Nair 2000). The emerging middle-class con-
sumers are an attractive market for international firms be-
cause they are increasingly exposed to Western products and
lifestyles through the media (Cui and Liu 2001). Accordingly,
because of the increasingly important role of international
business and the growing interest in cultural differences in
consumer behavior (Maheswaran and Shavitt 2000), it is nec- Submitted May 2001
Accepted May 2002
essary to examine consumer behaviors in general and con-
© Journal of International Marketing
sumer buying behaviors in particular in transitional Vol. 11, No. 2, 2003, pp. 13–35
economies, including Vietnam. ISSN 1069-031X

13
 In the area of consumer behavior, impulse buying is consid-
ered an important and widespread phenomenon. For more
than 50 years, a considerable amount of research has exam-
ined this behavior; however, as in many other areas of con-
sumer research, studies on impulse buying have used
theoretical frameworks based on evidence from Western cul-
tures and primarily from U.S. culture. Impulse buying behav-
iors are presumed to be largely universal in nature; however,
local market conditions as well as social and cultural forces
could influence the way consumers operate on impulse (Rook
1987; Shamdasani and Rook 1989). Although most research
examining impulse buying behavior is from the United States,
a few studies have examined impulse buying behaviors in
other countries, such as the United Kingdom (Bayley and Nan-
carrow 1998; Dittmar, Beattie, and Friese 1995; McConatha,
Lightner, and Deaner 1994), South Africa (Abratt and Goodey
1990), and Singapore (Shamdasani and Rook 1989). Almost no
research has examined impulse buying behavior in transi-
tional economies; therefore, we believe that examining this be-
havior in a transitional economy, such as that of Vietnam, will
contribute to a more complete understanding of this important
consumer behavior.

The term “transitional economy” refers to those countries

CONCEPTUAL BACKGROUND that were centrally planned but now are undergoing a market
AND HYPOTHESES transition (Desai 1997; Fforde and Vylder 1996). The transi-
tion of these countries also involves the movement from
Vietnam: command to free market economies (Batra 1997) and from
The Research Context closed to open economies (Shultz and Pecotich 1997). Transi-
tional economies are considered emerging markets with
growth potential (Batra 1997), and growth rates are especially
notable among transitional economies in Southeast Asia
(Shultz and Pecotich 1997). Vietnam started Doi Moi, or its
economic reform, in 1986. High growth rates have been the
result: Almost 9% growth was achieved between 1992 and
1997 (Nguyen 2000). Although the growth rate decreased to
5.8% in 1998, it hit 6.8% in 2001, which, after China, is the
second-highest growth rate in the region and among develop-
ing economies (Vietnam Investment Review 2002).

Vietnam is considered a promising market for both local and

international firms: The country has a population of nearly
77 million, of which more than 80% live in rural areas and
approximately 20% live in urban areas (Nguyen 2003). Popu-
lation density is high in urban areas, especially in big cities.
There are about 3 million people living in Hanoi and more
than 5 million people living in Ho Chi Minh City (Thong Ke
Publishing 1999).

Similar to other transitional economies and attributable to Doi

Moi, the standard of living has increased for all citizen groups
in Vietnam (Do 1997; Fforde 1997; Shultz and Pecotich 1994),

14 Nguyen Thi Tuyet Mai, Kwon Jung, Garold Lantz, and Sandra G. Loeb
especially in big cities with increasing middle-class popula-
tions (Speece and Nair 2000). The findings from a survey con-
ducted by the market research company Taylor Nelson Sofres
suggest that emerging consumers, or the “consuming class,”
account for an average of 37% of the population in major
cities and have average monthly income per household of
US$350 (Lan Anh 2001). These consumers have consumption
and entertainment habits such as wandering the streets and
shopping and playing sports (Lan Anh 2001). In addition, the
emerging high-income consumers are more demanding shop-
pers and tend to spend more money when shopping. Viet-
nam’s General Statistics Office (2000) reports that nearly 77%
of the population living in rural areas has a per capita average
annual income slightly more than US$150. The figure is more
than US$600 for people in Hanoi and US$900 for people in
Ho Chi Minh City.

In terms of marketing infrastructure, although wet markets

remain popular in rural areas in Vietnam, supermarkets and
shopping centers are increasingly popular in major cities. At
present, there are approximately 60 supermarkets in Hanoi
and approximately 70 in Ho Chi Minh City (1080 Service
2001). In addition, many small shops along streets, shopping
centers, and wet markets provide a variety of products and
services for different income groups. Consumers can easily
find both foreign and local products that range from expen-
sive to inexpensive, which is different from before the eco-
nomic reform (Do 1997). According to Beresford and Dang
(2000), such availability is like “a drought meeting a rain-
storm” for Vietnamese consumers, especially for the new
middle-class consumers who have higher income because of
Doi Moi and enjoy the sudden increase in consumer goods
availability.

Along with the “openness” and liberalization of the Viet-

namese economy have been many changes in the value sys-
tem and standards, which has caught the attention of public
and government authorities and has caused much debate.
The move toward the market economy “turns [the value sys-
tem and standards] upside-down compared to those in the
centrally planned and subsidized economy, and erodes tradi-
tional values” (Boothroyd and Pham 2000, p. 151; see also
Toyama 2001, p. 20). In terms of consumption patterns, more
attention is paid to the differences between the segments of
old thinking and new thinking and between the haves and
the have-nots (i.e., rich versus poor) (Shultz and Pecotich
1994). The “old thinking” group is more likely to include
older people in the population who lived for a longer time
before the economic reform and those who may not have
many opportunities to access the fruits of Doi Moi. Accord-
ingly, these people are likely to hold more traditional values
and to receive less modern influence. Conversely, the “new

Impulse Buying in a Transitional Economy 15

 thinking” group is more likely to include a younger popula-
tion that is more likely to have access to global media and
thus be exposed to worldwide fashion and modern lifestyles.
This group includes “urban nouveau riche ... and generally
those people who are receptive to the seduction of goods”
(Shultz and Pecotich 1994, p. 224).

Given the changes in the marketing environment, there is po-

tential for impulse buying to occur, especially in major Viet-
namese cities. Moreover, it will be worthwhile to observe
how a buying behavior that is widely recognized by its per-
vasiveness in Western, developed countries operates in Viet-
nam, a transitional Asian economy.

Impulse buying is considered a pervasive and distinctive as-

Impulse Buying pect of consumers’ lifestyles in the United States. It is reported
that almost 90% of people make occasional purchases on im-
pulse (Welles 1986), and impulse buying accounts for up to
80% of all purchases in certain product categories (Abrahams
1997; Smith 1996). Accordingly, over the past 50 years, there
have been many studies examining impulse buying behavior.

Extant research has focused on a variety of aspects related to

impulse buying, but mostly on the underlying nature of im-
pulse buying, the definition and measurement of the con-
cept, and the attempt to distinguish impulse buying from
nonimpulse buying (Cobb and Hoyer 1986; Piron 1991, 1993;
Rook 1987; Rook and Hoch 1985).

In marketing literature, impulse buying historically has been

defined simply as unplanned purchasing (e.g., Cobb and
Hoyer 1986; Kollat and Willett 1967). Rook (1987, p. 191) re-
defines impulse buying as occurring “when a consumer ex-
periences a sudden, often powerful and persistent urge to
buy something immediately. The impulse to buy is hedo-
nically complex and may stimulate emotional conflict. Also
impulse buying is prone to occur with diminished regard for
its consequences.” Impulse buying is described as relatively
extraordinary, exciting, and more emotional than rational,
and it is characterized by (1) relatively rapid decision making
and (2) a subjective bias in favor of immediate possession
(Rook 1987; Rook and Hoch 1985). According to Burroughs
(1996, p. 463), “Rook’s (1987) inquiry provided a notable lift
to the study of impulsive buying.”

Beatty and Ferrell (1998, p. 170) slightly extend Rook’s

(1987) definition of impulse buying by defining it as “a sud-
den and immediate purchase with no pre-shopping inten-
tions either to buy the specific product category or to fulfill a
specific buying task.” By building on the conceptualizations
of previous research, impulse buying could be defined as an
unplanned purchase characterized by (1) relatively rapid de-

16 Nguyen Thi Tuyet Mai, Kwon Jung, Garold Lantz, and Sandra G. Loeb
cision making (Rook 1987; Rook and Hoch 1985), (2) hedonic
complexity and more emotion than rational (Bayley and Nan-
carrow 1998; Rook 1987; Rook and Hoch 1985), and (3) non-
inclusion of purchases that are simple reminder items that
fulfill a planned task, such as a gift for someone (Beatty and
Ferrell 1998).

The individualism–collectivism dimension is arguably one

of the most important cultural factors pertaining to the issue Cultural Orientation
of impulse buying (Hofstede 1980; Triandis et al. 1988). Key (Individualism and
individualist concepts include independence, self-orienta- Collectivism) and
tion, idiocentricism, freedom, and self-confidence, whereas Impulse Buying
key collectivist concepts pertain to interdependence, other-
orientation, allocentrism, harmony, and conformity (Hui
1984; Triandis et al. 1988). According to Triandis (1994, p.
42), “all of us carry both individualist and collectivist ten-
dencies; the difference is that in some cultures the probabil-
ity that individualist selves, attitudes, norms, values, and
behaviors will be sampled or used is higher than in others.”
In line with this reasoning, Singelis (1994) argues that two as-
pects of self, independent self and interdependent self, can
and do coexist in individuals.

According to Lee and Kacen (2000), the theory of individual-

ism–collectivism offers insights into many variables that are
linked to impulsive purchasing and is well suited to the
study of impulse buying behavior. Individualists tend to
make decisions independently of others (Roth 1995) and
therefore have more freedom and should be less constrained
when exposed to impulse buying stimuli. It should be easier
for individualists to open their shopping lists and accept new
buying ideas without considering others’ influence much. In
addition, individualists are more likely to make a purchase
decision quickly when they experience an urge to buy, be-
cause they place their personal goals, motivations, and de-
sires over those of in-group members (Kagitcibasi 1997). In
contrast, collectivists consider themselves members of a
community, emphasize the opinions of others or group
norms, and care more about the needs and desires of others.
Accordingly, when exposed to impulse buying stimuli, col-
lectivists should be more likely to experience some feelings
of constraint; in other words, there are more things for them
to consider before buying. These feelings of constraint may
block collectivists’ ability to experience spontaneous buying.
Consequently, the purchase decision-making process may be
slowed and impulse buying actions less likely.

Because it is an Asian country, we expect Vietnam to be char-

acterized strongly by collectivism. It has been suggested that
with the movement from command economy to market econ-
omy in transitional economies, a salient (psychological)
characteristic is “the move away from collectivist forms of

Impulse Buying in a Transitional Economy 17

 societal organization and mentality toward individualist
forms” (Reykowski 1994, p. 276). In Vietnam, the movement
toward a market-driven economy has created many changes
in social values. The collectivist political values that domi-
nated the past still exist along with modern social values,
such as accepting wealth, individualism, and flexibility
(Hoang 1999). In terms of consumption patterns, it also has
been suggested that the trend toward a consumer culture
“tends to be apposition to many of the values, attitudes, and
behaviors associated with traditional Vietnamese culture”
(Shultz, Pecotich, and Le 1994, p. 248). Therefore, we expect
that individualism and collectivism coexist in Vietnamese
consumers (with varying levels of each) and that individual-
ism and collectivism are measured as two separate dimen-
sions that are predicted to have significant impact on
impulse buying behavior (in opposite directions). On the ba-
sis of our discussion, we present the following hypotheses:

H1: Individualist orientation is positively related to im-

pulse buying behaviors of Vietnamese consumers.

H2: Collectivist orientation is negatively related to im-

pulse buying behaviors of Vietnamese consumers.

Regional Differences. The literature suggests differences between

Geographic and Demographic consumers from northern Vietnam (mainly Hanoi) and con-
Characteristics and sumers from southern Vietnam (Ho Chi Minh City) regarding
Impulse Buying their consumption patterns (e.g., Shultz and Pecotich 1994).
People in Hanoi are considered more traditional and are be-
lieved to save money, whereas people in Ho Chi Minh City are
considered more modern and are believed to “just spend
money all the time” (Shultz, Pecotich, and Le 1994, p. 245). In
addition, because of a longtime association with the centrally
planned economy, people in the north are expected to hold
more traditional values, including a collectivist nature, than
are those in the south, whereas people in the south may show
a more individualist nature than those in the north. Because
we predict individualism to relate positively to impulse buy-
ing and collectivism to relate negatively to impulse buying, we
expect that people in the south are more likely to engage in im-
pulse buying than are those in the north. Thus, we propose the
following hypothesis:

H3: Consumers in the south region of Vietnam (i.e., Ho

Chi Minh City) engage in more impulse buying be-
haviors than do those in the north region (i.e.,
Hanoi).

Gender. Gender has received some attention in prior research

as a factor that may affect impulse purchases. Several studies
have examined whether men or women are more impulsive
shoppers (e.g., Cobb and Hoyer 1986; Kollat and Willett

18 Nguyen Thi Tuyet Mai, Kwon Jung, Garold Lantz, and Sandra G. Loeb
1967); however, research findings are inconsistent. Kollat
and Willett (1967) find that women tend to buy on impulse
more than men do (the results were insignificant in another
study by Bellenger, Robertson, and Hirschman [1978]). Cobb
and Hoyer (1986) find the opposite: Women are more likely
to exhibit some element of planning before entering the store,
whereas men are more likely to be impulse shoppers.

In Vietnam, women traditionally are responsible for house-

work, including daily shopping for meals, but men seldom
shop for meals and generally seem not to have the habit
and/or hobby of shopping. As a result of Doi Moi, consumers
have more and varied purchase decisions. However, men
tend to be in charge of buying big-ticket items, and women
still tend to shop for food and small items. The findings from
a recent survey about emerging consumers in urban Vietnam
show that up to 70% of a family’s shopping decisions are
made by women (Lan Anh 2001). In addition, shopping has
become a habit and even a hobby for many women. Cur-
rently, for Vietnamese consumers, it is expected that impulse
buying is more likely to occur with small, low-value items
than with high-value items. Accordingly, compared with
men, women tend to have more chances to be exposed to im-
pulse stimuli and are more likely to engage in impulse buy-
ing. Therefore, we hypothesize the following:

H4: Female Vietnamese consumers engage in more im-

pulse buying behaviors than do male Vietnamese
consumers.

Age and Income. It is suggested in the literature that younger

people have more impulsivity compared with older people
(e.g., Rawlings, Boldero, and Wiseman 1995). With regard to
buying behavior, it is expected that younger consumers are
more likely to experience an urge to buy things sponta-
neously when exposed to the relevant objects and to act on
the urge, whereas older consumers may demonstrate better
ability to control their buying impulses. Accordingly, we ex-
pect that older people are more likely to be calm when cop-
ing with the prospect of an impulsive purchase and thus are
less likely to engage in impulse buying.

In Vietnam, younger people have had less exposure than

older people to a centrally planned economy and are less
likely influenced by traditional values and behaviors, such as
leading a simple and thrifty life (e.g., Hoang 1999) and shop-
ping at traditional markets (Shultz, Pecotich, and Le 1994).
Conversely, young people are more likely to be pioneers in
adopting new lifestyles, buying new and fashionable prod-
ucts, and enjoying shopping in new types of markets that
could trigger impulse buying. Therefore, we present the fol-
lowing hypothesis:

Impulse Buying in a Transitional Economy 19

 H5: Age is negatively related to impulse buying behav-
iors of Vietnamese consumers.

In a study by Abratt and Goodey (1990), higher income is sug-

gested as one of several factors that can account for the higher
level of impulse buying in the United States compared with
other countries. A study by Mogelonsky (1994) logically sug-
gests that impulse buying is reserved for those consumers who
can afford it. Furthermore, we expect those consumers with
higher income to have less constraint in acting on their im-
pulses; they could have a more “open” shopping list that allows
them to receive sudden and unexpected buying ideas with less
difficulty in payment. Thus, they may be able to buy on impulse
more frequently than can others. For people with lower in-
comes, an impulse buying tendency may be more likely inter-
rupted by the so-called income block, which may lead to less
impulse buying. In Vietnam, Doi Moi has brought opportunities
to increase income and living standards for most people, espe-
cially in urban areas. Therefore, an increasing number of con-
sumers are able to afford impulse buying. On the basis of the
preceding discussion, we hypothesize the following:

H6: Income is positively related to impulse buying be-

haviors of Vietnamese consumers.

Early studies on impulse buying have emphasized the taxo-

Product Type and nomical approach, classifying products into impulse and
Impulse Buying nonimpulse categories. This approach has drawn much criti-
cism in the literature because of its lack of diagnostic nature
(Dittmar, Beattie, and Friese 1995; Rook 1987; Rook and
Hoch 1985). Rook (1987, p. 191) notes that though a taxo-
nomical approach can be useful, “it tends to divert attention
from the internal motivation and its expression that are cru-
cial to the impulsive purchase.”

The study by Dittmar, Beattie, and Friese (1995, p. 493)

points out that most early research on impulse buying is only
at a taxonomic level and does “not explain why, nor predict
beyond the particular goods studied.” The study then inves-
tigates types of products that tend to be purchased impul-
sively and the underlying reasons for the behavior. The
authors argue on the basis of social constructionist theory
that products are impulsively bought to reflect self-identity.
These products are more likely to be items that symbolize the
preferred or ideal self and, as such, should be influenced by
social categories such as gender. The authors, nevertheless,
note that they give only a preliminary test of the model and
suggest further investigation into the role of identity.

Lee and Kacen (2000) also point out that it is necessary to ex-
amine types of products that would enable an individual to
express personal or group identity and that product cate-

20 Nguyen Thi Tuyet Mai, Kwon Jung, Garold Lantz, and Sandra G. Loeb
gories are likely to be affected by cultural factors. They refer
to the terms “shared products” and “personal products,”
which Han and Shavitt (1994) also examine. Shared products
are defined as ones for which the decision-making process
involved in purchase and the pattern of product usage are
likely to include family members or friends, whereas per-
sonal products are ones for which the purchase decision and
product usage are usually done by an individual.

On the basis of the preceding discussion, we recognize the po-

tential impact of product types that are associated with self-
identity. However, we believe that modifying the concepts
developed by Han and Shavitt (1994) may be necessary to fit
into the impulse buying context and to meet our interest in
examining the impact of the product types that are associated
with personal and group identity in the Vietnamese context.
Consequently, we provide two modified concepts of product
types: personal-use products and collective-use products.

Personal-use products are ones for which products are usu-

ally used by an individual, such as fashion apparel, cosmet-
ics, or personal care products, and collective-use products
are ones for which the pattern of product usage is likely to in-
clude family members or friends, such as groceries and gifts
for friends or relatives.

In psychoanalytic psychology literature, Freud (1956) inter-

prets impulses as the consequences of two competing forces:
the pleasure principle and the reality principle. The pleasure
principle encourages immediate gratification, whereas the re-
ality principle encourages delayed gratification. These two
forces often compete, and “impulses may be difficult to resist
because they often involve anticipated pleasurable experi-
ences” (Rook 1987, p. 190).

Hoch and Loewenstein (1991) suggest that close temporal

proximity of the stimulus is a product condition that seems
conducive to triggering a buying impulse. It is stated that
the more immediate a reward, the greater is its reinforcing
value (Chung and Herrnstein 1967). Therefore, the immedi-
ate availability of a reward tends to increase both the desire
for it and the consumer’s impatience. Accordingly, we as-
sume that when consumers are exposed to personal-use
products, they are more likely to experience the time-
inconsistent preference induced by close temporal proxim-
ity of the stimulus than they are with collective-use prod-
ucts. In other words, the pleasure principle may be more
salient than the reality principle, and the impulses may be
more powerful and persistent because pleasurable experi-
ences and gratification are anticipated (by consumers
themselves) and immediate (no need to wait until knowing
the others’ gratification).

Impulse Buying in a Transitional Economy 21

 In terms of the decision-making process, it seems there are
fewer constraints impeding the decision-making process for
personal-use products when consumers experience a sudden
urge to buy them. In contrast, consumers may need to consider
whether their purchases benefit or satisfy others when decid-
ing to buy collective-use products. In addition, consumers de-
ciding to buy collective-use products are more likely to
experience some “interrupts” and therefore are more likely to
maintain their self-control. As a result, an impulse purchase of
collective-use products might be less likely to occur.

Furthermore, purchases of collective-use products frequently

could be a result of shopping for the family, when items are
bought for family or household use. Shoppers tend to con-
sider this task irksome and repetitive (Bayley and Nancarrow
1998). Although collective-use products, such as necessary
household items, can be “the source of meaning, benefit, of a
burst of adrenalin, of shopping buzz” (Bayley and Nancarrow
1998, p. 11), they are less likely than many personal-use
products to stimulate the strong interest of the consumer.

In accordance with our discussion, we expect that impulse buy-

ing is more likely to occur with personal-use products than with
collective-use products, even for consumers in a collectivist cul-
ture such as Vietnam. Therefore, we hypothesize the following:

H7: Personal-use products are more likely to be bought

on impulse than are collective-use products.

To explore impulse buying behaviors of Vietnamese con-

METHODOLOGY sumers, we used both qualitative and quantitative methods.
We first conducted focus group interviews to develop a gen-
eral understanding of impulse buying behaviors of Vietnamese
consumers. We identified personal-use and collective-use
product categories during the qualitative study. Next, we con-
ducted a survey to test the hypotheses.

We conducted focus group and personal interviews with two

Qualitative Study objectives. The first objective was to obtain a general under-
standing of impulse buying behaviors of Vietnamese con-
sumers before conducting the survey. We report general
findings in the “Results” section. Second, we conducted the
qualitative portion to identify the personal-use and collec-
tive-use product categories used in the survey.

Selection of Personal-Use Products Versus Collective-Use Products.

First, we conducted a small number of personal interviews
(20 subjects) in which the subjects were provided a brief de-
scription of impulse buying and then asked to list from 5 to
10 items they often bought on impulse. Second, we con-
ducted a focus group of nine participants, who first were con-
firmed to have a common perception of impulse buying. We

22 Nguyen Thi Tuyet Mai, Kwon Jung, Garold Lantz, and Sandra G. Loeb
asked these participants about items they often bought on im-
pulse. We added these items to the list, which resulted in a fi-
nal list of 19 items. The group went through each item and
discussed its likelihood to be an impulse item and the main
purpose of buying it (who would use it). The result of the dis-
cussion was a short list of consumer goods that were more
likely to be bought impulsively for either personal use or col-
lective use. Finally, we selected 4 items to represent the two
product categories. Clothing and shoes were chosen as the
personal-use products; souvenirs and small gifts as well as
books for children were selected as the collective-use prod-
ucts. Although some items perhaps could be classified as
personal-use in some situations and collective-use in others,
we believe that the selected items adequately capture basic
differences between the two categories.

Sample. We drew a sample of 358 subjects from two major

cities of Vietnam: 208 from Hanoi and 150 from Ho Chi Minh Survey
City. Hanoi, the capital, is located in the northern part of
Vietnam, and Ho Chi Minh City, the largest city in Vietnam,
is located in the southern part of Vietnam. We selected these
locations to ensure the essential conditions for the occur-
rence of impulse buying (i.e., major urban cities) and to high-
light regional differences.

In our sample, women account for 65.5% of subjects and

men account for 34.5%; married subjects account for 44% of
subjects and unmarried for 56%. The sample covers a range
of ages from 16 to 60; the average age is 28.7 (78% are be-
tween 23 and 40 years of age). Subjects’ monthly income
ranges from less than VND 500,000 (US$33.3) to more than
VND 5 million (US$333), and nearly 40% have monthly in-
come greater than VND 1.5 million (US$100).

Measures. We adopted and modified the individualism and col-

lectivism scale from Lee and Brislin (1998). The scale measures
individualism and collectivism at a personal level and treats in-
dividualism and collectivism as two separate dimensions (see
the Appendix). Because we believe that individualist and col-
lectivist natures could strongly coexist among consumers in a
transitional economy, the scale is appropriate for our study. We
measured each aspect of the cultural orientation by eight items
on a seven-point scale (1 = “strongly disagree”; 7 = “strongly
agree”) (a = .69 for individualism; a = .76 for collectivism).

We measured both attitudinal and behavioral aspects of im-

pulse buying in this study: impulse buying tendency and im-
pulse buying frequency. The impulse buying tendency scale
measures attitudinal aspects of impulse buying and is
adopted and modified from Rook and Fisher (1995). We used
seven items on a five-point Likert scale (1 = “strongly dis-
agree”; 5 = “strongly agree”) (a = .86).

Impulse Buying in a Transitional Economy 23

 We measured the behavioral aspect of impulse buying by asking
the frequency of impulse buying. One item measuring impulse
buying frequency (“How often do you buy things on impulse?”)
was adopted from Kacen and Lee (2002). We measured this item
on a seven-point scale (instead of a four-point scale), where 1
represents “very rarely” and 7 represents “very often.”

We measured the age of the respondents by asking the year

that they were born, and we calculated actual ages of the re-
spondents from this. We measured monthly income using
five categories of income levels.

Questionnaire Development. We first developed all scales and

questions in English and then translated them into Viet-
namese. Two Vietnamese experts in English checked the
translations. We pretested the questionnaire on a small con-
venience sample (more than 50 students) and made neces-
sary changes for the purpose of accuracy and understanding.

The questionnaire first posed a series of questions to capture

respondents’ cultural orientation, impulse buying tendency,
and impulse buying behavior. The next set of questions asked
about their impulse buying behaviors for specific product
categories representing personal-use and collective-use prod-
ucts. Finally, respondents provided demographic informa-
tion such as age, gender, and income.

Types of Impulsive Products. In addition to the findings related

RESULTS to the hypothesized relationships, qualitative and survey
data provide suggestions on the impulse buying behavior of
General Findings from urban Vietnamese consumers. The list of high-impulse items
Focus Group and provided by the respondents in personal interviews and in
Personal Interviews the focus group suggests that these goods are identity-rele-
vant items rather than purely functional items and are more
likely to have potential for self-presentation, self-expression,
mood adjustment, and entertainment. This point is consis-
tent with findings from the study by Dittmar, Beattie, and
Friese (1995). In addition, the top impulsive items are clothes
and shoes, similar to those in prior studies by Shamdasani
and Rook (1989) and Dittmar, Beattie, and Friese (1995).

Moreover, in line with Stern (1962), impulsive items are

more likely relatively inexpensive. There was a strong agree-
ment in the focus group discussion on the “price threshold”
for an impulsive purchase: It could be a wide range for vari-
ous products, but in general it was less than US$15 per item.
We discuss this issue subsequently.

Motivations of Impulse Buying. The findings from our qualitative

research (focus group and personal interviews) show that im-
pulse purchases are more likely to happen with personal-use
products than with collective-use products. The findings

24 Nguyen Thi Tuyet Mai, Kwon Jung, Garold Lantz, and Sandra G. Loeb
also provide some insight into consumers’ motivations re-
garding impulse buying in the specific context of Vietnam’s
transitional economy.

The findings suggest that consumers may encounter more

barriers in making a quick buying decision when they expe-
rience an urge to buy collective-use products rather than
personal-use products. Although many consumers care
much about their relatives and friends and experience a
strong desire to buy things for others, when exposed to the
relevant objects, their urge to buy may “cool down” because
they are not sure about the others’ satisfaction and/or be-
cause of some “bad” experiences in buying things impul-
sively for others.

Whenever I see something that may fit my son [the only

son] I often want to buy for him immediately. However,
he is 15 this year, and it is not as easy to buy for him as
when he was small. Yesterday, I intended to buy a nice
jacket for him when I saw it but then I gave up my idea. I
was not sure if he likes that material and the style. I think
it would be better for him to choose for himself what he
likes. (female, 44)

I do not think that I will buy anything for my mom with-

out checking with her. Once in a shop, a nice shirt
caught my eyes from the first second when I saw it. I
was confident that my mom would love the color and
the style. However, the shirt was not welcome by her
when I brought it home because she had changed her
taste in terms of color. She did not wear that shirt al-
though she wanted to please me. (female, 27)

In addition, the qualitative findings suggest that the lack of

product availability in the past (poor quantity and quality)
makes people’s desire for products instant and compelling
when they confront the current variety of choices, like “a
drought meeting a rainstorm.” Therefore, it is easy for con-
sumers to have an urge to buy for themselves when exposed
to something relevant. Furthermore, as more product cate-
gories and brands become available in the market, consumers
become more demanding in satisfying their needs and wants.
They may be disappointed if they are given something that
does not match their needs and wants, such as a “gift” result-
ing from impulse buying. This could be a barrier to impul-
sively buying collective-use products.

Shopping Enjoyment and Impulse Buying. Our personal inter-

views have some parallels to findings from semistructured
interviews by Hausman (2000): Consumers use shopping not
just to buy products but also to satisfy needs such as having
fun and seeking novelty. Because of the newly developed

Impulse Buying in a Transitional Economy 25

 shopping system in Vietnam, this is mainly true of urban
consumers shopping in new forms of markets, such as su-
permarkets, in which they can find a wide range of products
with attractive displays and a good shopping environment.
As expressed by the consumer opinions that follow, it
seems that many people with newly gained wealth, though
they enjoy new shopping environments, are still “con-
scious” and able to control emotions when experiencing the
urge to buy impulsively.

Before [the transition] it was a really difficult time and

not fun at all for me to go shopping. Now, whenever I
can arrange some free time [I am so busy] I often go to In-
timex or Five-Mart [supermarkets in Hanoi] with my
husband and my son. I think I can achieve multi-objec-
tives. It is a good chance for myself to learn many new
and interesting things in a nice place. I also like to com-
pare the prices there with those in the wet markets. At
the same time, we can have relaxed time together. My
son can enjoy some games there, and I may buy some-
thing if I really like. (female, 35)

Shopping is not my favorite habit, but I often go shop-

ping [in supermarkets] with my wife because she wants
to. I know it is often more expensive to buy things there
but it is a nice place to go and see. (newly married
male, 27)

It is really a nice place to visit [the supermarket]. The at-

mosphere is much nicer than outside markets. We have
“freedom” to examine products for a long time and do
not need to buy without being bothered by the sellers....
The fixed prices are good because then I can go out to
buy similar ones bargaining at lower prices. Money
should be spent wisely. (female, 38)

These opinions suggest that for Vietnamese consumers, shop-

ping enjoyment may have a significant impact on impulse
buying, but the impact magnitude may still be modest and
the maxim “shop often, buy little” may reflect the shopping
pattern of many consumers (McDonald, Darbyshire, and
Jevons 2000).

Cultural Orientation, Region, Demographics, and Impulse Buying.

Hypotheses Testing H1 through H6 predict the influence of cultural orientation,
region, and consumer demographics on impulse buying. We
used multiple regression analyses to test these hypotheses.
Because impulse buying was measured in two aspects, we
performed multiple regression analysis on each of the two
variables (i.e., Model 1 on impulse buying tendency and
Model 2 on impulse buying frequency). The results are sum-
marized in Table 1.

26 Nguyen Thi Tuyet Mai, Kwon Jung, Garold Lantz, and Sandra G. Loeb
Individualism related positively to impulse buying. Its relation-
ship was significant with both impulse buying tendency (p <
.05) and impulse buying frequency (p < .01), which provides
supporting evidence for H1. Collectivism related negatively to
impulse buying, as we expected. However, its significance
failed to reach the conventional level of significance.

The regional difference did not significantly relate to im-

pulse buying in either model, thus H3 was not supported.
Gender showed a significant relationship to the impulse buy-
ing tendency. However, the relationship was the opposite of
our prediction, and therefore H4 was not supported. We pro-
vide possible explanations for this subsequently.

As predicted, we found a significant negative relationship

between age and impulse buying in both models, in support
of H5. A significant income effect was found in both models.

Dependent Variables
Table 1.
Model 1 Model 2 Results of Regression Analysis
(dependent variable = impulse (dependent variable = impulse
buying tendency) buying frequency)
Independent
Variables Coefficients t-Value Significance** Coefficients t-Value Significance**

H1: Individualism (+) .069 1.706 p < .05 .159 2.622 p < .01

H2: Collectivism (–) –.069 –1.483 p < .10 –.100 –1.427 p < .10

H3: Region
Hanoi* — — — — — —
Ho Chi Minh City (+) –.018 –.208 n.s. –.048 –.380 n.s.

H4: Gender
Male* — — — — — —
Female (+) –.172 –2.068 p < .01 –.011 –.089 n.s.

H5: Age (–) –.015 –2.712 p < .01 –.021 –2.620 p < .01

H6: Income (VND)*

<500,000 — — — — — —
500,000–999,000 (+) .188 1.526 p < .10 .221 1.203 n.s.
1,000,000–1,499,000 (+) .232 1.779 p < .05 .411 2.105 p < .05
1,500,000–1,999,000 (+) .368 2.084 p < .05 .449 1.704 p < .05
>2,000,000 (+) .086 .640 n.s. .188 .938 n.s.

Intercept 2.998 7.984 .000 3.985 7.106 .000

F = 2.546 p < .01 F = 2.713 p < .01
R2 = .062 R2 = .066

*Reference category for dummy variables.

**One-tail test results.
Notes: Signs in parentheses represent hypothesized relationships; n.s = not significant.

Impulse Buying in a Transitional Economy 27

 Impulse buying was found to be significantly higher in in-
come groups between VND 1,000,000 and VND 1,999,999
than in the lowest income group. However, the highest in-
come group’s impulse buying was not significantly different
from that of the lowest income group, which suggests a pos-
sibility of a nonlinear relationship between income level and
impulse buying. Therefore, H6, which predicts a linear posi-
tive relationship between income level and impulse buying,
was not fully supported.

Product Types and Impulse Buying. To test H7, we calculated

means of impulse buying frequencies for each product cate-
gory and then compared them. In line with our expectation,
personal-use products are more frequently bought on im-
pulse than are collective-use products, and the difference is
statistically significant at p < .05 (mean 3.71 versus 3.50, re-
spectively; degrees of freedom = 357), thereby providing em-
pirical support to H7.

In this study, we investigated impulse buying behaviors of ur-

DISCUSSION ban Vietnamese consumers. Although almost any product can
be bought on impulse (Rook 1987; Rook and Hoch 1985), our
qualitative investigation found that for urban Vietnamese con-
sumers, impulse purchases tend to be small, relatively inex-
pensive items, such as clothing, items for use in the home,
music items, and gifts. The price threshold provided in the
group discussion can be explained by such reasons as a low
standard of living in Vietnam and a traditional habit of saving
and planning that were dominant before the Doi Moi transition.

We also examined the impact of cultural orientations and

some geographic and demographic variables on impulse buy-
ing behavior of urban Vietnamese consumers, as well as con-
sumers’ susceptibility to two product categories, personal-use
products and collective-use products, in terms of the behav-
ior. Most of the hypotheses were supported by the data,
which highlight some similarities and uniqueness in con-
sumer behavior patterns observed in more developed
economies. Specifically, we found that individualist orienta-
tion was positively related to impulse buying. However, we
did not find the negative relationship between collectivist
orientation and impulse buying to be significant. This sug-
gests that the economic transition in Vietnam has influenced
consumers’ values, attitudes, and consumption behaviors,
which in turn has led to the coexistence of collectivism and
individualism in individuals, the latter of which seems to be
increasing and significantly affecting impulse buying. We
also found that young and affluent consumers were more
likely to engage in impulse buying. In transitional economies
such as Vietnam, this group of consumers is believed to have
benefited most from economic reform. In addition, we found
that personal-use products were more frequently bought on

28 Nguyen Thi Tuyet Mai, Kwon Jung, Garold Lantz, and Sandra G. Loeb
impulse than were collective-use products. Taken together,
these findings suggest that despite cultural differences, when
transitional economies achieve a certain level of develop-
ment, consumers from transitional economies such as Viet-
nam might have some tendencies and behaviors similar to
those of consumers in more advanced economies, at least
with respect to impulse buying.

Although there was general support for most of the hypothe-

ses, those regarding gender and regional differences were not
supported. Although gender was not materialized in the be-
havioral measure (i.e., impulse buying frequency measure),
men exhibited a higher impulse buying tendency than did
women. A partial explanation is that though Vietnamese
women generally shop more frequently and seem to enjoy
shopping more than men do, they may be influenced by past
conditions and values. Before, though women shopped daily,
they needed to plan all expenses carefully so that their fami-
lies’ modest incomes could be spent “wisely.” It used to be
that if women bought things that were not of benefit to their
husbands and/or children, people would spread bad rumors.
Consequently, planning purchases was a sign of a “good”
woman, a sentiment that may still be held by many women.
In contrast, it is believed that men often do not enjoy shop-
ping much, particularly when it comes to bargaining, a com-
mon practice in Vietnam. If they see something they like,
they may be more inclined to buy it quickly, whereas women
are “more patient about looking at things, evaluating their
merits, anticipating an upcoming need” (male, 30).

The research findings show no significant differences in im-

pulse buying between Hanoi and Ho Chi Minh City. This may
be explained by decreasing cultural differences over time be-
tween them due to the integration in many fields of the coun-
try, mobility, and modern outside influences on consumers
in both cities. Another possible explanation refers to the sam-
ple limitation including “nonoriginal southerners” in Ho Chi
Minh City. A larger and more representative sample covering
more cities may be needed to test this point.

Although we found significant relationships between im-

pulse buying and cultural orientation and demographic vari-
ables from regression analysis, the regression models
produced low R2 values. The low R2 values could be attribut-
able to the following factors: First, by nature, the influence of
demographic and cultural variables on consumer behaviors
is rather indirect. Many prior studies on impulse buying be-
haviors have examined such factors as individual differences
(e.g., shopping enjoyment) and situational variables (e.g.,
mood state) in a specific shopping context. These factors
could have a more direct or stronger effect on impulse buy-
ing. In our study, however, we focused on cultural and demo-

Impulse Buying in a Transitional Economy 29

 graphic variables whose influence on impulse buying could
be more indirect; therefore, we could expect to obtain low R2
values. Second, the impulse buying measures used in our
study were general measures of impulse buying; that is, they
were measured without specific product and shopping trip
framing. This lack of product and shopping trip specificity
could be another reason for low R2 values.

To achieve a better understanding of an important buying be-

Suggestions for havior, impulse buying in transitional economies, and specifi-
Further Research cally in Vietnam, this research could be extended in several
respects. First, although we found no regional difference in this
study, a study using a larger, more representative sample in-
cluding cities other than Hanoi and Ho Chi Minh City, such as
Danang and Hue, would be useful to further verify the regional
differences in impulse buying behaviors of urban consumers in
Vietnam. Second, considering the widening gap between urban
and rural areas in Vietnam, it would also be useful to examine
the difference in impulse buying behavior between urban and
rural areas. When the conditions for impulse buying behaviors
are improved in rural areas (e.g., certain level of income, shop-
ping infrastructure), it would be meaningful to examine the im-
pulse buying behavior between these markets. In addition,
further research may need to examine the impact of situational
factors, including physical and social factors, on impulse buy-
ing, especially in the specific context of transitional economies.
Further research also may need to be conducted in a cross-cul-
tural context, using different countries representing different
cultures and levels of economic development. It would also be
wothwhile to compare impulse buying behavior among con-
sumers in different transitional economies.

Impulse buying is a pervasive behavior and an important as-

pect of consumer behavior. Our research has achieved a cer-
tain success in examining this behavior and factors
influencing it in the context of urban Vietnam. The findings
may be important from a theoretical perspective, because they
contribute to a better understanding of impulse buying behav-
ior from the new context of a transitional economy. Our re-
search also suggests some managerial implications regarding
promotion of impulse buying through increased physical and
temporal proximity (Hoch and Loewenstein 1991). For exam-
ple, retailers could use basic methods such as creating an at-
tractive shopping environment to get more attention and
visits from shoppers and enhancing salespeople’s roles in pro-
viding shoppers with immediate, anticipated gratification
through their “courtesy,” “respect,” “helpfulness,” and
“charm” (see Hausman 2000; Shamdasani and Rook 1989).
We believe it is crucial to both theory and practice to receive
more research investigating consumer behavior in general and
impulse buying in particular in the context of transitional
economies that have, to date, attracted only modest attention.

30 Nguyen Thi Tuyet Mai, Kwon Jung, Garold Lantz, and Sandra G. Loeb
Items Measuring Impulse Buying Tendency Appendix.
(adopted from Rook and Fisher’s [1995] buying impulsiveness scale)

1. I often buy things spontaneously.

2. “Just do it” describes the way I buy things.
3. I often buy things without thinking.
4. “I see it, I buy it” describes me.
5. “Buy now, think about it later” describes me.
6. I buy things according to how I feel at the moment.
7. I carefully plan most of my purchases.

Items Measuring Impulse Buying Frequency

(modified from Kacen and Lee [2002])
1. How often do you buy things on impulse?

Items Measuring Individualism and Collectivism (adopted and modified

from Lee and Brislin’s [1998] IC–dimension scale)

Individualist Items
1. When I am not happy with my family, I stay away from them.
2. When members of a family are not happy with one another,
they should stay away from each other.
3. I behave consistently with my own personal attitudes,
even though my family group may not agree with me.
4. Members of a family should behave in a manner consistent
with their own personal attitudes, even though others
in the family may not agree with them.
6. Members of a family should not have to rely on others in the family.
7. I pursue goals that are important to my own personal achievement,
independent of the goals that my family may have.
8. Members of a family should pursue goals that are important
to their own personal achievement, regardless of family goals.

Collectivist Items
1. I will stick with my family if they need me, even when I am
not happy with them.
2. Members of a family should stick together, even when they
are not happy with each other.
3. I behave in a manner consistent with the way my family group
expects me to, even though I may not personally agree with
their expectations.
4. Members of a family should behave in a manner consistent
with the way others in the family expect them to, even though
they may not personally agree.
5. I strive to make an important contribution to my family.
6. Members of a family should try to make an important contribution
to the family.
7. I pursue goals that are important to my family group, even though
these goals may not be consistent with my own personal desire
for achievement.
8. Members of a family should pursue goals that are important to the
whole family, even though these goals may not be consistent
with their own personal desire for achievement.

Impulse Buying in a Transitional Economy 31

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