Cross-Cultural

Barry, Yoder / WOMEN

ResearchIN
/ August
AGRICULTURE
2002

Multiple Predictors of
Contribution by Women
to Agriculture

Herbert Barry III

Brian L. Yoder
University of Pittsburgh

Multiple regression was used to test the hypothesis that several cul-
tural customs are each separately associated with contribution by
women to agriculture. The test was applied to a world sample of 108
societies where agriculture is the principal source of food. Six pre-
dictors of female contribution to agriculture are residence not
patrilocal, polygynous marriage, no written language, use of
money, low density of population, and no milk obtained from do-
mestic animals. Women are more likely to contribute to agriculture
in societies where they have a public rather than secluded role,
where their work is necessary to obtain sufficient food, where their
work is valuable for polygynous husbands, or where their work does
not require the superior mobility and strength of men. Causes and
effects of contribution by women to agriculture cannot be deter-
mined because the associated cultural customs adjust to each other
during many generations.

Authors’ Note: This research was reported at the annual meeting of the
Society for Cross-Cultural Research in New Orleans, Louisiana, on Febru-
ary 25, 2000. Statistical analyses were performed at the Computing Ser-
vices and Systems Development, University of Pittsburgh.
Cross-Cultural Research, Vol. 36 No. 3, August 2002 286-297
© 2002 Sage Publications

286

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 Barry, Yoder / WOMEN IN AGRICULTURE 287

Agricultural societies vary greatly in the degree to which women

participate in agricultural work. Barry and Schlegel (1982) re-
ported that in the standard world sample of 186 societies, contribu-
tion by women ranges from zero in some societies to 100% in other
societies. The average contribution by women is slightly less than
50%.
Differences among societies in contribution by women to agri-
culture are associated with differences in several other customs.
Reports on these associations have suggested that the customs
express a single general variable, which is a favorable condition for
high contribution by women to agriculture. Burton, Brudner, and
White (1977) reported that confinement to the home is usually the
alternative for women who do not participate in agriculture and
other public activities. White, Burton, and Dow (1981), in a study of
35 societies in sub-Saharan Africa, concluded that contribution by
women to agriculture responds to the community’s need for their
participation. Burton and Reitz (1981) found similar results in a
world sample.
Burton and White (1984) concluded that low agricultural inten-
sification causes participation by women to be more feasible and
therefore more frequent. Examples of low intensification are root
instead of cereal grain crops and cultivation without use of a plow.
Schlegel and Barry (1986) inferred that high status of women is
associated with contribution by women to agriculture and other
subsistence activities. This inference was based on correlations of
high contribution by women to subsistence with polygyny, bride-
wealth, exogamous marriage, a permissive attitude toward pre-
marital sexual intercourse by girls, and high evaluation of girls.
The present study reports a test of the hypothesis that in a world
sample of societies, variations in female contribution to agricul-
ture are explained by multiple cultural customs rather than by a
single dominant variable. The hypothesis is tested by a regression
analysis. The dependent variable, contribution by women to agri-
culture, is associated with multiple predictors. Multiple correla-
tion measures the degree to which the combination of cultural cus-
toms predicts the score of the dependent variable.

METHOD

The 186 societies in the standard sample (Murdock & White,

1969) were selected to include the major types of human culture

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288 Cross-Cultural Research / August 2002

throughout the inhabited world. The sample excludes urban com-

munities in the contemporary industrial nations. Each society has
a distinctive language and a substantial geographical separation
from each of the other societies. More of the local food supply is
obtained from agriculture than any other single subsistence tech-
nique in 119 societies (64%) according to a code by Murdock and
Morrow (1970).
Previous studies of contribution by women to agriculture have
included societies in which agriculture is a secondary food source.
In the present sample, agriculture is the principal source of food for
each society. The regression analysis therefore excludes societies
in which agriculture is an unimportant food source.
Among the 119 agricultural societies, 108 have an ordinal scale
value on contribution by women to each of four agricultural activi-
ties (Murdock & Provost, 1973a): (a) soil preparation, for example,
with hoe or plow; (b) crop planting and/or transplanting; (c) crop
tending, such as weeding and irrigation; and (d) harvesting, includ-
ing preparation for storage.
The same four agricultural activities were selected by Burton
and White (1984) and by Burton (1996). They are included in a
cluster of eight agricultural activities identified by White, Burton,
and Brudner (1977). The analyses are limited to the societies with
a score on contribution by women to each of these four types of agri-
cultural work. The statistical results therefore are not impaired by
societies with incomplete information.
Burton (1996) has described five methods for imputing missing
information in a scale of female contribution to agriculture. An
advantage of omitting societies without complete data is that
incomplete information sometimes is due to inadequate or contra-
dictory information.
The dependent variable, contribution by women to agriculture,
is the average of the score on the four agricultural activities. An
ordinal scale ranging from 0 to 100 measures percentage of female
contribution to each activity: 0, exclusively by males; 25, by both
sexes but predominantly by males; 50, by both sexes with approxi-
mately equal contribution or with a roughly equivalent division of
subtasks; 75, by both sexes but predominantly by females; and 100,
exclusively by females.
The predictors of contribution by women to agriculture were
obtained from a data file that includes coded information on the
standard sample of societies. Most of the codes with their defini-
tions are reproduced by Barry and Schlegel (1980). The variables

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 Barry, Yoder / WOMEN IN AGRICULTURE 289

considered for use as independent variables are 10 ordinal scales of

cultural complexity (Murdock & Provost, 1973b), several charac-
teristics of the community (Murdock & Wilson, 1972), and a few
measures of subsistence economy (Murdock & Morrow, 1970). A
variable was eligible to be a predictor only if it contained a code on
each society in the standard sample.
Predictors with three or more categories were modified to differ-
entiate between two categories. The first category is associated
with high contribution by women. The second category is associ-
ated with low contribution by women. The meaning of each predic-
tor is clarified by the difference between two contrasting
categories.
Preliminary regression analyses identified groups of cultural
customs that have statistically significant adjusted correlations
with the dependent variable. The adjusted correlation for each pre-
dictor is the partial correlation, which measures each predictor’s
association with the dependent variable after controlling for the
effects of the correlations of the other five predictors with the des-
ignated predictor and with the dependent variable.
The following six predictors were selected and each divided into
two categories. For each predictor, the adjusted correlation with
high contribution by women to agriculture is positive for the first
category and negative for the second category.

1. Residence is not patrilocal after marriage (Murdock & Wilson,

1972). The 35 societies in the first category, not patrilocal, combine
22 with matrilocal, 5 with avunculocal, 4 with neolocal, and 4 with
ambilocal residence. The second category is patrilocal residence for
73 societies.
2. General polygyny is the prevalent form of marriage in 38 societies
(Murdock & Wilson, 1972). The second category, for 70 societies,
combines 49 with limited polygyny and 21 with monogamy. None of
the societies has polyandrous marriage.
3. No written language is used (Murdock & Provost, 1973b). The 63
societies with no written language combine 39 where written
records are absent and 24 with simple tallies. The second category,
for 45 societies, combines 11 with nonwritten records such as pic-
ture writing, 7 with sparse accumulation of indigenous written
records or long use of alien writing, and 27 with indigenous written
records.
4. Use of money is indigenous (Murdock & Provost, 1973b). The 43
societies with indigenous use of money combine 23 with metal coins
or paper currency and 20 with articles of token value, such as

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290 Cross-Cultural Research / August 2002

cowrie shells or wampum. The second category, for 65 societies,

combines 25 with long use of currency of an alien people, 8 with
usable articles such as salt, and 32 with exchange exclusively by
barter.
5. Population is sparse instead of dense (Murdock & Provost, 1973b).
The 44 societies with sparse population combine 11 with fewer
than 1 person per square mile, 10 with 5 people or fewer per square
mile, and 23 with 25 people or fewer per square mile. The second
category, for 64 societies, combines 29 with 100 people or fewer per
square mile and 35 with more than 100 people per square mile.
6. No milk is obtained from domestic animals in 88 societies (Murdock
& Morrow, 1970). The second category contains 20 societies that
obtain milk from domestic animals.

Multiple regression, partial correlations, and the other statisti-

cal tests were calculated by Version 6.1 of the SPSS statistical
package (SPSS, Inc., 1994). The proportion of the variance
accounted for by a correlation coefficient is the square of the corre-
lation coefficient. The square of the multiple correlation coefficient
is adjusted to a lower value to compensate for the estimated error
when calculating the maximal possible value of the multiple corre-
lation. Tests of statistical significance use the two-tail criterion,
measuring the probability that the difference of the correlation
coefficient from zero can be as large or larger by random chance in
either the positive or negative direction.

RESULTS

Contribution by women to agriculture ranges from 0 (exclu-

sively men) to 100 (exclusively women). The scores of the 108 soci-
eties are distributed among 17 levels in the ordinal scale from 0 to
100. The large number of levels enables measurement of small dif-
ferences in contribution by women. The mean score is 48.5. The
standard deviation is 27.9. Among the four agricultural activities,
the mean contribution by females is 30 for soil preparation, 49 for
crop planting and/or transplanting, 58 for crop tending, and 56 for
harvesting.
The multiple regression is summarized in Table 1 for the world
sample of 108 societies. The first column of numbers shows the
unadjusted correlation of each predictor with the dependent vari-
able. The next column, the adjusted correlation, takes into account

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 Barry, Yoder / WOMEN IN AGRICULTURE 291

TABLE 1
Unadjusted and Adjusted Correlations for Each of Six Cultural
Customs With Contribution by Women to Agriculture

Cultural Custom Unadjusted Correlation Adjusted Correlation

Not patrilocal .37*** .41***

Polygynous marriage .37*** .38***
No written language .49*** .35***
Indigenous money .04 .34***
Sparse population .31** .26**
No milk obtained .40*** .22*
Multiple correlation .73
Adjusted proportion .50***

NOTE: Correlations shown are for the world sample of 108 agricultural societies.
The adjusted correlation is the partial correlation of each custom with contribution
by women to agriculture, adjusting for the effects of the other five customs. Sum-
mary values are the multiple correlation and the adjusted proportion of the variance
accounted for by the multiple correlation. Probability values are for the difference
from zero correlation.
*p < .05. **p < .01. ***p < .001.

the effects of the other predictors. The predictors in Table 1 are in

sequence from the highest to the lowest adjusted correlation.
Two of the adjusted correlations, for no written language and for
no milk obtained, are substantially lower than the unadjusted cor-
relations. Table 2 shows that both predictors are positively corre-
lated with each other and with three of the other four predictors.
The adjusted correlation for indigenous use of money is much
higher than the unadjusted correlation. Table 2 shows that indige-
nous use of money is negatively correlated with each of the other
five predictors.
The multiple correlation of .73 indicates a high degree of pre-
dictability from the combination of the six predictors. The propor-
tion of the total variation accounted for by the six predictors, the
square of the multiple correlation, is .53. The adjusted proportion,
.50, is slightly lower. The highest unadjusted correlation of a pre-
dictor with contribution by women to agriculture is .49 for no writ-
ten language, shown in Table 1. The square of .49 is .24, which is
less than half the adjusted proportion of the variance, .50,
accounted for by the combination of six cultural customs.
The regression analysis was also applied separately to the soci-
eties in each of six world areas: sub-Saharan Africa, Circum-
Mediterranean, East Eurasia, Insular Pacific, North America, and

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292 Cross-Cultural Research / August 2002

TABLE 2
Unadjusted Correlations Among the Six Predictors
of High Female Contribution to Agriculture

Not No Indigenous Sparse No Milk

Patrilocal Polygyny Writing Money Population Obtained

Not patrilocal — –.18 .18 –.12 .15 .23*

Polygyny — .31*** –.08 .14 .15
No writing — –.31*** .20* .42***
Indigenous money — –.21* –.15
Sparse population — .10
No milk obtained —

NOTE: Correlations shown are for the world sample of 108 agricultural societies.
*p < .05. **p < .01. ***p < .001.

South America. The highest multiple correlation, .87, is for 22 soci-

eties in sub-Saharan Africa. The adjusted correlations with the
dependent variable are statistically significant for four of the pre-
dictors. The exceptions are for no written language and for sparse
population. In the other five world regions, the multiple correla-
tions range from .59 in the Insular Pacific to .80 in North America.
Only one predictor, sparse population, in only one region, East Eur-
asia, has a statistically significant adjusted correlation with con-
tribution by women to agriculture.
The predictors of high contribution by women to agriculture
include indigenous use of money, which is a measure of high cul-
tural complexity, and no written language, which is a measure of
low cultural complexity. The negative correlation of –.31 between
these two predictors indicates that they seldom coincide in the
same society. The sample of 108 societies contains 17 with indige-
nous use of money but no written language. Among these 17 societ-
ies, 5 have 100% contribution by women to agriculture: Ashanti,
Ganda, Nkundo Mongo, Suku, and Siuai. Only 2 other societies,
Hidatsa and Huron, also have 100% contribution by women to agri-
culture. The sample of 108 societies contains 19 without indige-
nous use of money but with use of a written language. Among these
19 societies, 2 have zero contribution by women to agriculture:
Amhara and Quiche. Only 1 other society, Babylonians, also has
zero contribution by women to agriculture.
The regression analysis of the world sample of 108 societies was
applied to the variables in two previous studies that identified pre-
dictors of contribution by women to agriculture. White, Burton,

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 Barry, Yoder / WOMEN IN AGRICULTURE 293

and Dow (1981), in their study of 35 societies in sub-Saharan

Africa, used two of the predictors in Table 1, residence not
patrilocal and polygynous marriage. Their additional predictors
were no cereal grain crops, absence of slavery, absence of belief in a
high god who is supportive of human morality, and Bantu lan-
guage. In our regression analysis, the only statistically significant
adjusted correlations are for the two predictors in Table 1 and for
Bantu language. The multiple correlation is lower than in Table 1.
Burton and White (1984) applied a regression analysis to a world
sample of 173 societies. Their predictors of contribution by women
to agriculture were sparse population (included in Table 1), no
cereal grain crops, low proportion of food from domesticated ani-
mals, absence of plow, absence of tree crops, and Bantu language.
In our regression analysis, the highest adjusted correlation is for
Bantu language. The only other statistically significant adjusted
correlations are for no cereal grain crops and sparse population.
The multiple correlation is lower than in Table 1.
Two additional independent variables included by Burton and
White (1984), root crops and small number of dry months per year,
could not be included in our regression analysis. Root crops have an
excessively high positive correlation with another predictor, no
cereal grain crops. The scores for dry months per year were not
available. High correlations of small number of dry months with
low proportion of food from domesticated animals and with no
cereal grain crops, reported by Burton and White (1984), indicate a
probable low adjusted correlation of dry months with contribution
by women to agriculture.

DISCUSSION

Different cultural conditions appear to characterize the statisti-

cally significant adjusted correlations of the six predictors with
high contribution by women to agriculture. Our regression analy-
sis therefore supports the hypothesis that contribution by women
to agriculture is associated with several cultural customs rather
than with a single dominant variable.
Some of the customs are consistent with agriculture as a public
rather than secluded role, which enhances the status and power of
women. Other customs are consistent with agricultural work by
women as a method for obtaining sufficient food or for enriching
the family.

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294 Cross-Cultural Research / August 2002

Residence that is not patrilocal encourages a public rather than

secluded role of women. White, Burton, and Dow (1981) suggested
that patrilocal residence favors exclusive male contribution to sub-
sistence activities. The type of residence is matrilocal in 22 of the
35 societies that are not patrilocal. Residence of a young couple
close to the wife’s family provides social support for her. Ember
(1974) reported evidence for more contribution by women to sub-
sistence activities in matrilocal societies.
Polygynous marriage provides an incentive for female contribu-
tion to agriculture. Boserup (1989) points out that multiple wives
become an economic burden for men in societies where men do all
of the agricultural work and women are in the home as domestic
workers. White and Burton (1988) note that polygyny increases as
the value of female contribution to subsistence increases. Polygyny
decreases as women’s opportunity for wage income increases. A
wife who does agricultural work encourages her husband to take
other wives for her own economic benefit. Accordingly, Anderson
(2000) reported that many African women choose a polygynous
marriage because the multiple wives share the work and become
emotionally affiliated with each other. Bonding by polygynous
wives may provide status and support for women, corresponding to
the status and support for men who bond with each other in
patrilocal societies.
No written language is one of 10 measures of a low level of cul-
tural complexity (Murdock & Provost, 1973b). Most of these societ-
ies with low complexity produce little surplus food. Contribution
by women to agriculture is likely to be a necessary source of ade-
quate food for the community.
Indigenous use of money is a measure of high cultural complex-
ity, contrary to no written language. Cultural complexity is multi-
dimensional. Accordingly, Chick (1997) identified two factors in a
factor analysis of the 10 measures of cultural complexity identified
by Murdock and Provost (1973b). Use of money encourages
empowerment of women. Commercial transactions are available
to both sexes. Women are usually active in the market places.
Hadfield (1999) argues that women are able to exercise more self-
determination in societies where they have the option to sell their
own goods in a marketplace. Barter is more often done by men,
excluding women from the transactions.
Sparse population, in common with no written language, is a
measure of low cultural complexity. Sparse population increases

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 Barry, Yoder / WOMEN IN AGRICULTURE 295

the likelihood that an adequate amount of food requires contribu-

tion by women to agriculture. Dense population permits aggrega-
tion of male workers and seclusion of women.
In societies where animals are not milked, agriculture is usually
on a small scale near the home. The superior strength of men is an
advantage for herding and milking large animals.
In the multiple regression, the unadjusted correlation of each
predictor with the dependent variable is adjusted by the correla-
tions of each predictor with each of the other predictors. If two or
more predictors, positively correlated with the dependent variable,
are also positively correlated with each other, their adjusted corre-
lations with the dependent variable are decreased. The adjust-
ment accordingly decreases the correlations of five of the six pre-
dictors with the dependent variable. An exceptional predictor is
indigenous use of money, which has a very low unadjusted correla-
tion with high contribution by women to agriculture but a statisti-
cally significant adjusted correlation.
The six predictors of contribution by women to agriculture are
preliminary identifications of some cultural customs associated
with variations in the dependent variable. The predictors are not
complete or definitive. The combination of six predictors accounts
for only 50% of the variance in contribution by women to agricul-
ture. The predictors were selected from a small number of vari-
ables in a particular data file. For each predictor, its selection and
division into two categories were determined partly by prelimi-
nary regression analyses. In spite of these limitations, the regres-
sion analysis identifies multiple cultural customs that predict con-
tribution by women to agriculture.
The multiple correlation of six predictors with contribution by
women to agriculture signifies an association between variables,
not cause and consequence. The predictors are not necessarily
causes. For example, polygynous marriage, one of the predictors,
was interpreted by White, Burton, and Dow (1981) and by Burton
and Reitz (1981) as a consequence rather than cause of contribu-
tion by women to agriculture. The dependent variable is not neces-
sarily the consequence. Cultural customs change adaptively,
adjusting to each other during many generations.

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296 Cross-Cultural Research / August 2002

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Herbert Barry III is a professor emeritus at the University of Pittsburgh. He

previously published cross-cultural research reports with Irvin L. Child,
Margaret K. Bacon, and Alice Schlegel. He was the second president (1974)
and is parliamentarian and archivist of the Society for Cross-Cultural Re-
search.

Brian L. Yoder received his M.A. in research methods in psychology and ed-
ucation from the University of Pittsburgh in 2001. He is currently a doc-
toral student in social and comparative analysis in education at the Uni-
versity of Pittsburgh.

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