Chapter Title: The Mailing of Hong Kong

Chapter Author(s): Tai-lok Lui

Book Title: Consuming Hong Kong

Book Editor(s): Gordon Mathews and Tai-lok Lui
Published by: Hong Kong University Press

Stable URL: https://www.jstor.org/stable/j.ctt2jc0ws.8

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The Mailing of Hon g Kon g
Tai-lok Lui

Shopping i n Hon g Kon g i s a seriou s sport . Indeed , Hon g Kon g ha s

immortalized th e ar t o f shoppin g til l yo u drop . Som e ma y trai n fo r
years for Wimbledon o r the Boston Marathon; I've trained for a lifetim e
to conque r Hon g Kong .
(Gershman 1997:166 )
What makes th e very first glimps e of a village, a town, in the landscap e
so incomparable an d irretrievabl e i s the rigorous connectio n betwee n
foreground an d distance . Habi t ha s no t ye t don e it s work . A s soo n a s
we begi n t o fin d ou r bearings , th e landscap e vanishe s a t a stroke lik e
the facade o f a house as we enter it. It has not yet gained preponderanc e
through a constant exploratio n tha t ha s become habit . Onc e we begi n
to fin d ou r wa y about , tha t earlies t pictur e ca n neve r b e restored .
(Benjamin, quote d i n Gilloc h 1996:64 )

• Introductio n
Hong Kong has, in recent years, been famous for what it can offer t o satisf y
the appetites an d desires of tourists an d keen shoppers. Shopping in Hon g
Kong, so well put by Gershman, is 'a serious sport'. Hong Kong is renowned
for its status a s a shoppers' paradise. For bargain hunters a s well as brand-
name followers, Hong Kong always seems to have something to offer. Indeed,

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24 Tai-lo k Lu i

Hong Kon g ha s earne d it s reputatio n fo r bein g a shoppers ' paradis e i n

international touris m sinc e th e earl y post-wa r years . I n th e Hong Kong
Guide, publishe d i n 1953 , Hong Kon g was describe d a s a 'shoppin g mecca '
(Weiss 1953:7 1 J.1 I t wa s als o depicte d a s 'th e bargai n basemen t o f th e Fa r
East. Just abou t everythin g i s available t o th e shoppe r ... ' (Okule y n.d:188) .
These ar e just a few example s o f how Hon g Kong was presented t o oversea s
tourists i n th e earl y post-wa r decades . Suc h description s o f Hon g Kong' s
attraction t o tourists ar e hardly controversial. At least up t o the earl y 1980s ,
few travel-guid e writer s woul d challeng e th e claim s mentione d above .
Lately, however , travel-guid e writer s ar e becomin g m o r e cautiou s i n
overselling Hon g Kon g in term s o f it s attractivenes s fo r shoppers . Thu s i n
Hong Kong and Macau: The Rough Guide, publishe d i n 1991 , readers wer e
forewarned:
The stories you've heard about bargain-basement price s for electrica l
goods, clothe s an d othe r item s ar e broadly accurat e ... . However ,
don't be misled int o thinking tha t you'r e going to pick up goods for
next t o nothing. The picture has changed ove r recent year s as othe r
Southeast Asian countries have begun to rival the territory .
(Brown and Lee 1991:220)

Yet, tha t said , th e author s ar e quic k t o admi t tha t '[o]n e reason peopl e
c o m e t o Hon g Kon g i s fo r t h e shopping ' (Brow n an d Le e 1991:220) .
Furthermore, i t i s advise d tha t
[e]ven if you hate shopping, it's impossible to avoid walking throug h
a shopping centre on any visit to Hong Kong, since half the pedestrian
overpasses an d walkway s i n Centra l an d Tsi m Sh a Tsu i Eas t pas s
straight throug h on e or more o f them . You're not eve n immun e i n
hotels... . You may as well accept that you're going to see the insid e
of more shopping arcades (or malls) than you thought existe d .. .
(Brown and Lee 1991:223 )

Indeed, Hon g Kon g i s clearl y n o longe r the 'shoppin g mecca' , a t leas t

not i n the sens e of being the 'bargain basement' o f the region. Today, neithe r
merchandise no r food, hote l accommodatio n no r th e othe r leisur e expense s
for th e touris t ar e considere d cheap . Hon g Kon g ha s lon g sinc e joine d th e
league of leading global cities, both i n term s o f its statu s i n th e world urba n
hierarchy (Friedman n 1995 ) an d it s cos t o f living . Tourist s goin g afte r
bargains have been replaced by more affluent visitor s (fo r example, Japanes e

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 The Mailing o f Hong Kon g 2 5

tourists), wh o ar e read y t o spen d o n expensiv e brand-nam e items .

Nevertheless, th e shoppin g scen e i n Hon g Kon g i s stil l phenomenal .
Shopping malls are literally everywhere. One after another , shopping malls
have been constructe d t o cater for the ever-changing needs of consumers .
In Hong Kong, no one would find shopping and its constructed environmen t
unfamiliar. Indeed , one might sa y that shoppin g is a central part, eve n th e
essence, of the Hong Kong way of life.
It is important t o recognize that the people going on shopping sprees in
Hong Kong are no longer confine d t o tourists . Nowadays, huge shoppin g
malls serv e the local s as much as , or more than, th e tourist s (Li m 1999) .
However, a s I shall try t o demonstrat e i n thi s chapter , th e breakdown of
the cognitiv e an d socio-economi c barrie r betwee n th e tourists ' an d th e
locals' consumption in Hong Kong is a recent phenomenon. The growth of
the shoppin g mall cultur e i n Hong Kong — unlike th e experienc e i n th e
United States , Canad a an d Grea t Britain , wher e th e growt h o f shoppin g
malls went hand in hand with growing affluence an d the popularization of
car ownership — does not sprin g from suburbanizatio n an d concomitan t
changes in styles of living (Crawford 1992 ) or the so-called 'highway comfor t
culture' (Kowinski 1985:46-52) . The arrival of shopping malls in Hong Kong
in the 1960 s was not an immediate outcome of changes in the economy of
local urban communities. Rather, it was triggered by changes in the service
sector targeted at tourists from overseas . It was a consequence of 'touris m
urbanization' (Mullin s 1999) , a process of building cities for the purpose of
adjusting to the requirements of the tourist industry. This was the origin of
the 'mailing' process in Hong Kong, a process similar to what we see today
in many citie s of developing economies. Gigantic shoppin g malls locate d
in tourist an d central business districts were built to satisfy primaril y th e
shopping desires of tourists. The subsequent localizatio n o f the shoppin g
mall culture was an outcome of growing affluence amon g the local people
and the development o f a local consumption cultur e since the 1970s .
In this connection, a study of the early development o f shopping malls
in Hong Kong will offer us a good opportunity to look at the early formatio n
of th e loca l consume r cultur e o f Hon g Kong . Contextualizin g th e earl y
development o f the shopping mall culture in a broader social environment ,
wherein tourist s constitute d th e major client s o f the local servic e secto r
and the locals' consumption wa s largely confined t o daily necessities, w e
come to see how the meanings of shopping in shopping malls were gradually
transformed. W e can see how the shopping mall culture, which was shaped
by the development o f the tourist industry, subsequentl y began to develo p

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26 Tai-lo k Lui

into a cultura l fram e o f min d focusin g o n commodit y consumptio n an d

class/status identitie s buil t upo n tha t basis . Earl y shoppin g mall s allowe d
local consumer s t o attribut e a variet y o f meaning s t o thes e increasingl y
popular venues o f consumption. Followin g th e advic e of Benjamin, w e ma y
go back t o ou r memorie s an d earl y experience s o f th e urba n landscap e i n
order t o recapitulate th e plurality an d multiplicity o f meanings o f shoppin g
and shoppin g mall s i n Hon g Kon g before th e arriva l o f mas s consumeris m
in th e 1970s .

• Th e Boundar y
Recalling he r childhoo d i n th e lat e 1960 s an d earl y 1970 s i n a Chines e
t e n e m e n t i n Tsi m Sh a Tsui , S.K . Ng , on e o f th e contributor s t o a boo k
recollecting t h e persona l experienc e o f growin g u p i n variou s loca l
neighbourhoods befor e th e 199 7 hand-over, wrot e a s follows :
After th e building of the Ocean Centre [ a huge shopping mall at th e
heart o f Tsim Sh a Tsui, the central tourist are a of Hong Kong], there
was Harbour City , Princ e Hotel, Marco Polo Hotel .. . all these were
extensions o f th e Ocea n Termina l an d Ocea n Theatre . Thes e
developments looke d ver y natura l — Tsim Sh a Tsu i was alway s a
tourist area , a place for high consumption, trend y and multi-ethnic .
Twenty years ago, when local commercial and personal services were
not quite as well developed as what we find today, Tsim Sha Tsui was
a 'touristic' hot spot for the locals.
(Ng, Shuk-kwan 1997:18 )

This chapte r wil l late r explor e a t lengt h th e cultura l implication s o f

the openin g o f th e Ocea n Terminal , bu t th e poin t I seek t o stres s no w i s
simply tha t ther e wa s indee d a time whe n shoppin g — shopping a s a kin d
of collectiv e an d popula r activity , an d shoppin g mall s a s a prominent par t
of th e buil t environmen t o f Hong Kon g — was fa r mor e remot e fro m Hon g
Kong people's daily routines and less integral to Hong Kong people's everyda y
life tha n i t i s today. Tsim Sh a Tsui belonged t o th e tourists, an d Hong Kon g
people's visit to this 'touristi c hot spot ' was eventfu l an d significant enoug h
to not e i n diaries . Thi s wa s th e cas e becaus e th e shoppin g area s wer e no t
for Hon g Kon g peopl e bu t fo r others : th e tourists. 2 T h e excitemen t o f
window-shopping i n thes e 'touristi c ho t spots ' cam e fro m th e exposur e t o
an unfamilia r environment , a settin g o f hig h c o n s u m p t i o n whic h wa s
intended t o satisf y t h e globe-trottin g tourist s and , a t t h e sam e t i m e ,

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 The Mailing o f Hong Kong 2 7

symbolized th e taste and lifestyles o f the affluent foreigner s comin g fro m

abroad. Fo r the locals, th e unfamiliarit y o f suc h architectura l an d socio -
economic settings o f high consumptio n wa s itself a n attraction. I t serve d
the function o f delineating th e boundary between th e mundane reality of
the locals ' everyda y lif e o n th e on e hand, an d th e fantas y o f alternativ e
ways o f life o n the other, thos e enjoye d b y overseas visitors comin g fro m
countries with a higher living standard .
Writing in the early 1960s , Webb's guidebook Hong Kong has a special
chapter o n 'Advice for the visitor: mainly for tourists' :
The touris t areas , naturall y enough , ar e concentrate d chiefl y wher e
the mai n hotel s ar e t o b e foun d o r alon g th e waterfront . I n Kowloo n
the area extends quite a distance along the main shoppin g thoroughfar e
behind th e Peninsul a Hotel . O n th e Islan d ther e ar e tw o areas : on e
starts alon g the waterfront betwee n th e passenger an d vehicular ferr y
terminals an d stretche s inlan d t o Queen' s Road . Th e othe r lie s alon g
the waterfron t o f th e Wa n Cha i are a [anothe r popula r touris t are a o n
the othe r sid e o f th e Victori a Harbour , als o wel l know n fo r it s bar s
frequented b y sailor s o f th e U S navy ] facin g tha t par t o f th e harbou r
where nava l ship s tie up. Shops caterin g for servic e visitors especiall y
have sprun g u p her e i n respons e t o demand .
In thes e area s man y shop s ar e especiall y 'registered ' fo r th e touris t
trade. Shop s thu s registere d hav e signe d a n undertakin g no t t o stoc k
or dea l i n an y good s fro m Mainlan d China , an d ma y therefor e appl y
for Comprehensiv e Certificate s o f Origi n o n th e purchaser' s behalf ,
where suc h certificate s ar e required. Provide d th e visitor deal s with a
registered shop , he shoul d hav e n o difficult y i n gettin g hi s purchase s
through custom s o n hi s retur n home . Thi s applie s mainl y t o visitor s
from America .
In mos t Easter n citie s ther e ar e certai n area s wher e onl y on e kin d o f
thing i s mad e o r sold , a 'stree t o f th e goldsmiths ' o r a 'stree t o f th e
cobblers'. Hon g Kon g i s n o exception , bu t it s counterpart s ar e no t
found i n th e mai n touris t shoppin g centres . In fac t tha t i s on e o f th e
m o s t strikin g an d possibl y confusin g aspect s o f shoppin g here : a
diversity o f goods is sold almost everywher e an d ofte n al l in on e shop .
(Webb 1961:103-4 )

Webb's descriptio n give s u s a roug h pictur e o f th e ecolog y o f

consumption an d shoppin g activitie s i n th e 1950 s and earl y 1960s, 3 an d
illustrates wha t seeme d t o b e a marked cognitiv e an d socio-economi c
boundary between the shopping areas for the tourists and shops serving the
locals. The former clustere d aroun d area s where overseas visitors (leisur e

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28 Tai-lo k Lui

and business tourist s o r sailors an d soldier s statione d i n o r passing throug h

t h e region ) frequented. 4 However , outsid e t h e area s o f shoppin g an d
consumption fo r th e tourists , ther e wer e market s an d bac k street s a s wel l
as loca l shop s an d stree t trader s servicin g th e locals . Thes e areas , unles s
advised otherwis e b y guideboo k authors , wer e supposedl y 'unsafe ' fo r th e
tourists. 5 Indeed , i n th e guidebook s o f thi s time , tourist s wer e give n th e
advice t o ac t cautiousl y whe n shoppin g i n non-touris t areas :
The colony' s back street s an d narrow alley s aboun d wit h colourfu l
little storefront s wher e on e ca n bargain fo r jad e or ivory carvings ,
paintings an d calligraphy, a n ancient Chines e art form. Bu t here th e
buyer must beware and unless one possesses the expert's eye it is best
to prowl these areas with a resident of long experience in such matters.
(Okuley n.d.:188) 6

Meanwhile, th e loca l people kne w ver y well wher e t o fin d tourist s an d

areas o f touris t activity . I n fact , i t wa s thi s contras t betwee n th e tourist s
and th e local s tha t mad e th e shoppin g experienc e i n th e touris t are a s o
alienating. A shor t stor y entitle d Laihmaht |f# J [The Gift], writte n b y
Kei-si Luk (1998:299-308) in the mid-1960s addresses the colonial experienc e
in buyin g gift s t o sa y farewell t o friend s goin g abroad . H o summarize s th e
main content s o f th e stor y succinctly :
In the story , a young gir l wanders wit h severa l other s throug h th e
shops of Tsim Sha Tsui looking for a gift. She notices with dismay the
gaudy objects that are sold to tourists as authentic Chinese handicrafts.
The enthusiasm o f the tourists, the others, underlines her alienation,
both from her immediate social group and from he r surroundings. For
most o f the stor y sh e is in a private reverie which soo n reveals he r
longing fo r a boyfriend wh o ha s lef t Hon g Kon g an d returne d t o
mainland China . .. . I n he r longin g fo r wha t i s 'authentic, ' sh e
marginalizes herself from the society in which she is placed. She looks
towards a culture of origins and away from he r own community, an d
in the process, becomes an internal exile.
(Ho 1995:135)

The youn g gir l i n th e stor y confront s th e struggl e fo r self-identit y i n a

colonial milieu, - i n th e word s o f th e stor y itself :
Again we are strolling slowly among other visitors, thinking tha t i t
shouldn't be too difficult t o find something 'Chinese' in this number-
one shopping paradise in the Far East. Yuek-ying [the central character

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 The Mailing of Hong Kong 2 9

in the story] has a feeling of disgust in her chest. Yet, what suggestion s
does she have in mind t o replace their [he r friends'] suggestion s [fo r
buying a gift wit h Chines e character] ? Thi s i s a frightening fac t o f
life. When on e keeps askin g oneself th e sam e question, i t has t o be
admitted in pain that on e is .. . feeling rootless .

T h e touris t shoppin g area s offere d a n abundan t suppl y o f souvenir s

symbolizing bot h 'Chineseness ' an d element s o f Hon g Kon g experience .
The emphasis on the 'Chineseness' of Hong Kong's social setting and culture ,
particularly a t a tim e when , durin g th e day s o f th e Col d War , th e colon y
was commonl y portraye d a s 'th e Berli n o f Eas t Asia ' (Gleaso n 1964:13) ,
significantly enhance d th e marketing potential o f such souvenir s t o tourist s
who, paradoxically , spen t mos t o f thei r tim e shoppin g withi n th e urba n
tourist districts . Thu s Gleaso n remarks :
Because of the floodtide o f tourists which has swept into Hong Kong
in the last few years, it has become a conversational bromide to say
that th e influx wil l soo n destroy its colourfu l Chines e community .
To accept suc h a doctrine is to overestimate th e impac t o f touris m
and underrate the resistance of the Chinese .
The Hong Kong tourist is a highly localised phenomenon. Excep t for
a fast motor tour through the main roads of the New Territories and a
short whirl around Hong Kong Island, he rarely wanders more than a
mile fro m th e Islan d an d Kowloo n terminal s o f th e Sta r Ferry . H e
shops, gawks, eats at a few restaurants which are more tourist-oriented
than Oriental , an d i s gone , leavin g nothin g bu t th e clic k o f th e
shopkeepers' abacuses to mark his passage.
(Gleason 1964:183 )

To get a touch o f being close to China, by buying souvenirs with Chines e

characteristics i n a place characterize d a s a shoppers ' mecc a an d capitalis t
paradise bordering a communist country , wa s part o f the tourist excitemen t
of visitin g Hon g Kon g befor e th e openin g u p o f communis t Chin a i n th e
late 1970s .
However, i n t h e eye s o f t h e locals , t h e s e souvenir s wer e hardl y
something clos e t o thei r ow n cultura l experienc e o f Hon g Kong . B y goin g
to th e area s tha t oversea s visitor s frequented , Hon g Kon g peopl e cam e t o
understand thos e others , bu t i n th e proces s o f knowin g thos e others , th e
locals foun d i t difficul t t o locat e thei r ow n selves . The y coul d no t fin d
their ow n identit y i n th e touris t merchandis e displaye d o n th e shelve s o f
these shoppin g centre s i n th e touris t areas . The so-calle d 'Chineseness ' o f

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30 Tai-lo k Lui

the touris t merchandis e wa s a 'Chineseness ' tha t th e loca l Chines e fel t

unfamiliar with , sometime s incomprehensible , an d eve n offensive . Indeed ,
as earlie r discusse d i n th e contex t o f Luk' s shor t story , th e element s o f
' C h i n e s e n e s s ' foun d i n thi s t o u r i s t m e r c h a n d i s e b e c a m e a sourc e o f
alienation — reminding th e locals , particularl y th e loca l youn g people , o f
their rootlessnes s o f bein g Chines e bu t growin g u p i n a British colony .

• Lif e Before Mas s Consumeris m

The locals' alienating experience of shopping in th e tourist area s was indee d
partly an outcome o f the colonia l situation. Tourist shoppin g areas belonge d
to the 'others'. Merchants sellin g souvenirs an d consumption item s targete d
at th e touris t marke t capitalize d o n thi s 'otherness' . Bu t fo r th e locals , th e
alien symbol s o f 'Chines e culture ' onl y serve d t o remin d t h e m o f thei r
situation o f livin g i n a colony . Thi s cultura l alienatio n di d no t exis t i n a
vacuum. I t coincide d wit h alienatio n o n th e basi s o f materia l wealth : th e
tourists enjoye d a wealt h o f whic h th e local s coul d onl y dream . Fo r th e
locals, shopping and consumptio n befor e th e earl y 1970 s were very differen t
from wha t w e experienc e today . Shoppin g an d consumption , beyon d th e
purchase o f dail y necessities , wer e associate d wit h a lifestyl e beyon d th e
reach o f ordinar y people .
In a description o f a government-tolerated squatte r are a behind th e She k
Kip Mei Resettlemen t Estat e i n th e earl y 1960s , i t wa s remarke d that :
There is one main street lined by two or three storey wooden or brick
houses, and the ground floors are all used as shop-fronts. Thes e shops
provide th e resident s wit h mos t o f thei r needs , fro m fres h fis h t o
entertainment in the form of television (customers pay ten cents each
to watch televisio n in a shop).
(Hong Kong Institute of Social Research 1965:13 )
Most of these people have little time and money for entertainment .
Children ar e sometimes given a dollar or so to go and se e a matinee
show or to watch televisio n onc e every two weeks or once a month.
Adults go to the cinema more rarely as a rule.
(Hong Kong Institute of Social Research 1965:72 )

Consumption, define d a s th e purchase o f good s t o mee t basi c need s a s

well as for cultural and psychological gratification, wa s confined t o restricte d
areas:

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 The Mailing of Hong Kong 3 1

This [expenditure on clothes] is the item of expenditure about whic h

the people had the least definit e ideas . Expenditure o n clothe s wa s
not regular for most households. Adults seldom bought or had clothes
made unless it was absolutely necessary. When these were necessary,
a man would spend about $10 for a pair of trousers and a shirt; women
would ofte n bu y a few yard s o f material[s ] t o b e sew n eithe r b y
themselves or by tailors into the traditional Chinese dress of a pair of
slacks and a short over-garment. .. .
The only definite ide a housewives had about expenditure on clothe s
was that about school uniforms fo r their children. Each child usually
had tw o set s o f uniforms a season. As the childre n gre w quickly i t
was often necessary to buy new uniforms ever y year or every one and
a half years . The commo n practic e wa s t o mak e ne w one s fo r th e
eldest chil d only , th e younger childre n wearin g those outgrow n b y
the elder .
Some households save d u p t o bu y ne w clothe s fo r th e childre n a t
Chinese Ne w Year . Th e kin d o f clothe s bough t wa s ofte n schoo l
uniforms. The school uniform was the only presentable clothes which
most o f the children possessed .
(Hong Kong Institute of Social Research 1965:71 )

However, b y th e mid-1960s , a s a resul t o f e m p l o y m e n t create d b y

industrialization an d change s i n th e demographi c structur e o f Hon g Kon g
society, a proto-consumer cultur e emerged , particularly amon g the younge r
generation. T h e 196 6 By-Censu s showe d tha t ther e wer e mor e tha n 1. 8
million person s unde r th e ag e o f 2 0 (50.5 % o f th e tota l populatio n a t tha t
time) (Censu s an d Statistic s Departmen t 1969:17) . More tha n hal f o f th e
Hong Kon g populatio n (53.8% , compare d wit h 47.7 % i n 1961 ) wa s bor n
locally. Som e 80 % (mor e precisely, 81.2% , compared wit h 79.0 % i n 1961 )
used Cantones e a s their norma l language , a s opposed t o Mandari n o r othe r
Chinese dialects. At the same time, the share of manufacturing employmen t
rose t o 39.4% , w i t h almos t on e millio n (994,750 ) person s workin g a s
unskilled an d manua l workers , menia l an d semi-skille d workers , o r skille d
operatives. Working-clas s youths , bot h m e n an d w o m e n , w h o starte d
working when the y were in thei r teens , contribute d a significant portio n o f
their incom e t o thei r parents . Fo r instance , i n Salaff' s stud y (1981 ) o f th e
w o r k i n g daughter s o f Hon g Kong , i t wa s s h o w n t h a t youn g w o m e n
continued t o b e subordinate d t o famil y contro l despit e thei r economi c
independence a s factory o r service workers. However, as these young wome n
were themselve s wage-earners , the y wer e abl e t o sav e u p pocke t mone y

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32 Tai-lo k Lui

and, partl y a s a compensation fo r thei r financia l contributio n t o supportin g

their siblings ' education , wer e give n som e autonom y i n thei r spar e tim e
(see also Cho i 1998) . As Salaf f write s o f on e o f he r informants :
Despite her father's decision-making monopoly, Wai-gun felt she could
weigh his actions o n her own scale and di d not have to take him a s
seriously as in the past. . . .Work also gave Wai-gun the right to spend
up to $15 every fortnight o n personal needs. For her July birthday, her
mother gav e her $ 2 to buy whipped crea m cak e and barbecued por k
for th e whole family, an d she also spent $ 4 of her ow n money o n a
new blouse and shoes, her main summe r clothe s purchases. .. .
In spite of her heavy schedul e o f work an d family obligations , Wai-
gun kept up an amazing roster of activities. One evening, while sh e
and I were strollin g in Victoria Park , Wai-gun showe d m e th e rin k
where she and Shing-w a ofte n roller-skated . Later , while we sippe d
tea on the terrace overlooking the park's 50-meter outdoor swimmin g
pool, she mentioned tha t sh e also was learning to swim.
(Salaff 1981:96,106 )
M e a n w h i l e , t h o s e w h o coul d affor d t o c o n t i n u e thei r studie s i n
secondary schoo l discovere d th e emergin g y o u t h subcultur e throug h
following trend y fashions . Si n recalle d ho w h e acquire d hi s firs t pai r o f
bell-bottoms:
My mom gave me $5 each day. After paying for the bus fare to school,
there wasn't muc h left . Apar t fro m buyin g a packet o f 20-cent ice d
papaya an d a string o f processed bea n curd , I could hardly affor d t o
spend on real consumption items . .. .
I remember I bought m y first pai r of tailor-mad e bell-botto m pant s
when I was i n th e thir d for m o f secondar y school . Carryin g $16 0 I
earned from m y summer job, I took the 35A bus from Kwa i Chung to
Sham Shu i Po and went t o a nameless tailo r shop , recommended t o
me by my friend, o n the fourth floo r of a traditional tenemen t block .

With a pair o f plastic, casua l Y-band sandals , th e bell-bottom pant s

looked perfect .
(Sin 1997:23)
Others go t i n touc h wit h th e worl d o f Hollywood , movi e stars , loca l
idols and changin g fashions throug h th e screen s o f local cinemas, especiall y
during the 5:30 p.m. matinee sessions, which once constituted a very popula r
form o f inexpensiv e entertainmen t fo r youn g peopl e afte r workin g hour s
(Chu 1997 ; see als o Chapte r 3 o f thi s volume) .

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 The Mailing of Hong Kong 3 3

T h e popula r awarenes s o f th e emergenc e o f a yout h subcultur e wa s

triggered by a moral pani c responding t o the allege d seriousnes s o f juvenil e
delinquency. 7 T h e so-calle d 'a fei ? Wil t [tedd y boys ] wer e considere d
worrying i n th e Hon g Kon g o f tha t tim e becaus e o f thei r 'bizarre ' outloo k
and behaviour . The y wer e als o perceive d a s potentia l recruit s fo r tria d
societies. Wha t concern s u s her e i s no t whethe r youn g m e n an d w o m e n
putting o n thei r deni m jean s o r miniskirt s wer e reall y 'a fei' o r not , bu t
rather, t h e e x t e n t t o w h i c h thi s tren d m a r k s th e emergenc e o f a n e w
consumptive cultur e — as, indeed, I believe it does . Public discussion abou t
'a fei' i n tha t perio d indicated , I believe, a changin g cultur e amon g th e
younger generation : th e beginnin g o f a yout h subcultur e i n Hon g Kong .
This wa s als o th e tim e whe n loca l idols (suc h a s Sia o Fong-fong M3J3J an d
Chan Po-ch u S K f t ) emerge d a s role models an d personalities representin g
trendy taste s an d lifestyles. 8 Th e 196 6 Kowloo n Riots , a serie s o f protest s
and stree t violenc e triggere d b y a young man' s hunge r strik e agains t far e
increases, furthe r brough t question s concernin g th e socia l an d cultura l
o u t l o o k o f t h e younge r generatio n t o publi c a t t e n t i o n . T h e colonia l
government wa s shocke d b y th e violen t actio n take n b y th e angr y youn g
people,- the discontent s expresse d i n th e riots suggeste d tha t ther e existe d a
wide ga p between th e colonia l governmen t an d th e governed , particularl y
the young. The colonia l government reacte d to the riots by enhancing youn g
people's socia l integratio n an d directin g thei r energ y int o forma l channel s
such a s participation i n government-sponsored socia l services . The growt h
of yout h service s sinc e th e mid-1960 s bes t showe d th e officia l perceptio n
of th e threat s pose d b y th e ris e o f a youth culture .

• A n Icon o f the New Time s

It is against th e socio-economi c an d cultural backdrop describe d abov e tha t
we ca n understand th e symbolic significance o f the Ocean Terminal (opene d
on 2 2 Marc h 1966 ) i n Hon g Kong' s transitio n t o a consume r society . Th e
opening o f Ocea n Terminal , alon g wit h othe r development s o f th e time ,
such a s th e arriva l o f Japanes e departmen t stores, 9 transforme d th e loca l
consumption culture . I t marke d th e beginnin g o f th e 'mailing ' o f Hon g
Kong, an d quickl y becam e th e ico n symbolizin g th e arriva l o f growin g
affluence. Hon g Kon g i n th e mid-1960 s wa s stil l undergoin g economi c
transformation fro m a n industrial colon y t o a financial centr e i n Eas t Asia .
The openin g of this newly built shoppin g mall signified a transition toward s

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34 Tai-lo k Lu i

a new phase of societal developmen t — a new generation o f local consumer s

was abou t t o emerge . Ye t a t th e time , i n th e mid-1960s , th e comin g o f a n
affluent societ y wa s stil l uncertain . Li m wa s quit e righ t t o sa y tha t i n th e
1960s,
shopping was still a chore, not the unofficial nationa l sport it is today.
Ocean Terminal, par t of the five-arcade comple x known as Harbour
City, i s typical o f Hong Kong's first generatio n o f malls. Built o n a
huge pie r i n Tsi m Sh a Tsu i i n 1966 , i t gre w ou t o f th e colony' s
burgeoning touris t trad e an d service-oriente d industries . Thi s wa s
reflected i n th e origina l tenan t mixtur e — camera, jeweller y an d
luxury-goods shop s — which wer e patronised primaril y by Western
tourists disembarkin g fro m crais' e ships, o r guests a t th e adjoinin g
Hong Kong Hotel. Most locals could not afford th e merchandise sol d
at thes e earl y malls , an d continue d t o bu y dail y necessitie s fro m
traditional shop s an d stree t stalls . Still , th e sit e wa s considere d
important enoug h to house Hong Kong's first televisio n broadcasts in
1967.
(Lim 1999:17 )

With 11 2 shops , Ocea n Terminal , a HK$7 0 millio n project , wa s 'th e

largest shoppin g c e n t r e ' i n Hon g Kon g a t t h a t t i m e ( D e p a r t m e n t o f
Extramural Studie s 1968:116) . Othe r facilitie s include d 'tw o restaurants ,
one servin g C h i n e s e an d t h e othe r Europea n food , fou r bars , postal ,
telecommunications an d trave l offices , garag e service , an d a ca r par k fo r
1,200 cars ' (Department fo r Extramural Studie s 1968:116) . In the mid-1960s ,
Ocean Termina l se t a new standar d i n shoppin g and consumptio n facilitie s
for th e res t o f Hon g Kong .
Describing the city scene of the early 1970 s in her study of young wome n
factory workers , Salaf f mad e a brief not e o n Ocea n Termina l a s a popula r
place fo r youn g peopl e t o rendezvou s an d han g out :
Every year hundreds o f thousands o f tourists visi t Hon g Kong fro m
all parts o f th e world , makin g touris m th e colony' s secon d larges t
industry. Their main activity is shopping in the arcades of downtow n
Kowloon (Tsim Sha Tsui) and Victoria (Hong Kong Island), which have
been built fo r th e taste s an d needs o f the typica l 3-day visitor . Th e
most modern and grandiose of these is the Ocean Terminal, situate d
at the communications hub of Tsim Sha Tsui. ... The Ocean Terminal
is a city in miniature, consistin g of three concourses cramme d wit h
shops, larg e Chines e an d Western restaurant s an d coffe e bars , an d
nightclubs offerin g discotheques , Mandari n danc e music, an d floo r
shows of Chinese entertainers and acrobats. ... Chinese intellectual s

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 The Mailing of Hong Kong 3 5

young an d old gather a t th e attractiv e Caf e d o Brasil, easily accessibl e

along the corrido r that join s the Ocea n Termina l t o the Ocea n Centre .
... Severa l o f m y Chines e factor y worke r friend s an d interviewee s
visited th e Ocea n Termina l t o window-sho p alon g it s corridor s an d
even patronize d th e Chines e nightclu b restaurant s fo r wedding s an d
special dates . Th e majority , however , purchase d necessitie s m u c h
m o r e cheapl y i n t h e lane s an d alley s o f H o n g Kong' s C h i n e s e
neighborhoods an d neve r se t foo t i n th e Ocea n Terminal , althoug h
they use d its front entranc e t o rendezvous wit h friend s o n Sunda y fo r
picnics an d movies , a s di d mos t activ e youths .
(Salaff 1981:124-8 )

This was the time when the people of Hong Kong were going through
the unsettling day s during and after th e riots of the mid-1960s. It was also
the tim e whe n a new generation , bor n an d raise d locally , wa s abou t t o
come of age. They had learnt t o do window-shopping an d had learnt fro m
window-shopping; the y were eager to know more about changing fashion s
and trendy consumption tastes. As one local cultural critic, recounting his
memory of Ocean Terminal in the mid-1960s and the early 1970s, expressed
in retrospect :
Ocean Termina l i s a termina l fo r passenger s boardin g ocea n liners ,
but it s creativ e par t lie s i n it s locatio n i n th e touris t shoppin g area .
Opposite t o Centra l acros s th e harbour , righ t nex t t o th e commute r
node compose d o f th e railwa y terminal , bu s termina l an d ferr y piers ,
it constitute s a n all-encompassin g trave l an d consumptio n hu b -
theoretically i t serve s th e tourists , i n reality i t has become th e locals '
place for popular consumption . Toda y we are familiar wit h th e Pacifi c
Place, Times Square, Cityplaza, an d many other big and small shoppin g
malls. I t i s difficul t t o se e ho w Ocea n Termina l impacte d o n Hon g
Kong society a t tha t time . Bu t fo r thos e growin g u p i n th e 1960s , th e
first visi t t o Ocea n Termina l wa s lik e comin g t o a drea m worl d —
unending corridors , unlimited exhibits , an d colourfu l display s o f up -
market an d luxurious commoditie s an d services. As long as you coul d
afford th e price , an y person , whethe r touris t o r local , prestigiou s o r
unknown, coul d div e int o thi s environmen t o f materia l affluence .
This rightl y matche d th e psychologica l need s o f a hard-working ,
shrewd generatio n — they cam e to recognize the function o f spendin g
money, an d learn t th e socia l implication s o f conspicuou s
consumption, an d th e satisfaction an d pride derived from lookin g an d
being looke d at . Sinc e then , th e peopl e o f Hon g Kon g hav e learn t t o
... follo w lifestyle s presente d i n medi a advertisements , and , withou t
a sense of loneliness, to shop in various shoppin g malls with th e belie f
that ' I consume, therefor e I am' .
(Yau 1997:107-8 )

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36 Tai-lo k Lu i

For man y youn g peopl e lik e Yau , Ocea n Termina l becam e a n aren a fo r
knowing a new worl d o f affluence . Throug h window-shoppin g an d day -
dreaming about desire d objects o f consumption, the y came to be aware of
their own individual identities. In a social and political environment whic h
was still colonial and conservative, the emerging youth culture constitute d
a form of resistance. Strolling along the long corridors of the shopping centre,
the young people learnt t o shop , to consume , an d t o lead a lifestyle tha t
was very different fro m that of their parents. They came to know the outside
world, the world beyond Hong Kong, within Ocean Terminal. The fact tha t
Ocean Terminal was also a pier for dockin g ocean liners an d the point of
arrival and departure for liner passengers at a time when international ai r
transport was still in its infancy made the shopping centre a natural symbol
of the link between Hong Kong and the more affluent countrie s abroad .
As well as being a shopping centre, Ocean Terminal housed travel office s
and the Cable & Wireless. Many young people had to go to Ocean Terminal,
with pre-booked arrangements, to call or to receive calls from thei r friend s
and relatives livin g abroad. The tele x machine wa s presented a s a public
exhibit in the foyer, allowin g visitors to read the latest news from aroun d
the globe , further strengthenin g th e atmospher e o f Ocea n Termina l a s a
place to connect t o the modern world. Meanwhile, well-decorated, higher -
end restaurants, like Maxim's (in Luk's description, 'conjuring up the image
of sidewal k cafe s i n Paris ' [1997:124 ] ) i n Ocea n Terminal facilitate d th e
creation o f a n ambience o f a modern Wester n culture . Ocea n Terminal' s
image of being a 'window' on a different worl d outside Hong Kong was not
just a construct buil t upo n importe d bran d name s an d shop s caterin g fo r
the tourists. It was also grounded on its facilities an d functions, servin g the
locals in their newly more affluent an d internationalized lifestyles .
Ocean Terminal was also a meeting point for young intellectuals. This,
to some extent, was a paradox. On the one hand, as discussed earlier, young
people foun d th e touristi c atmospher e an d th e artificia l constructio n o f
'Chineseness' displayed in the shopping centre to be highly alienating. O n
the othe r hand, however, th e equall y artificial constructio n o f a so-called
Western an d moder n outloo k i n Ocea n Termina l wa s foun d relaxing ,
permissive and even progressive. It conjured u p an image of being carefre e
and modern. The famous Caf e d o Brasil, a kind o f indoor sidewal k coffe e
shop in Ocean Terminal, was an important meetin g place for many youn g
intellectuals, an d becam e par t o f th e memor y share d b y man y youn g
intellectuals an d student activists ever since. In itself, the coffee sho p was
perhaps no t ver y specia l (Kwa n 1997:22) . However , despit e it s plai n

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 The Mailing of Hong Kong 3 7

decoration, i t wa s the coffe e sho p i n th e mid-1960 s an d earl y 1970s . It s

open floor plan , whic h wa s new a t the time, wa s itself a point o f attraction .
Its openness , bot h spatia l an d psychological , allowe d youn g intellectual s
to associat e t h e coffe e sho p wit h creativit y an d alternativ e cultures . Fo r
young intellectual s w h o wer e critica l o f th e colonia l stat e an d socia l
inequalities embedde d i n th e capitalis t economy , thi s wa s als o th e plac e
for th e exploratio n o f radical socia l thought an d politics. Cafe d o Brasil wa s
the gatherin g plac e fo r radica l youn g intellectuals , wher e the y discusse d
politics a s well a s socia l an d philosophica l though t critica l o f th e existin g
establishment. I n Kwan' s retrospectiv e words :
Many years later, I gathered that Cafe do Brasil was the 'cultural cradle'
for youn g intellectuals withi n th e cultura l circl e o f th e 1960s . Ha!
Then I would be qualified a s an intellectual. Honestly, a t that tim e I
could not see an open-space coffee sho p as having anything special in
its cultura l atmosphere . It was jus t on e o f those place s where the y
broadcast Western pop music and you were allowed to buy a cup of
coffee and to stay there for half a day without being hinted at to leave.
... I see Cafe do Brasil as a corridor, or a bridge, connecting Chong Gin
i!]lt [ a literary society ] to 70 Nihndoih Seung Jauhon 70^ftltJilf l J
[70s Biweekly Magazine]. One afternoon, a tall and thin young man,
kind o f a big brother figure , wearin g glasses in a thick blac k frame ,
came t o my table and asked: Are yo u Huai-yuen? I want yo u t o be
our editor of the literary section.' That man was Chung-yin Ng. Just
like this , an d I was fortunately give n th e opportunit y t o joi n 'Th e
Campaign fo r Chines e a s Th e Officia l Language ' an d th e 'Defen d
Diaoyutai Movement', one of the most important mass mobilization s
in the early years of the local student movement .
(Kwan 1997:22 )

T h e moder n an d Wester n outloo k o f Ocea n Termina l facilitate d th e

attribution o f multipl e meaning s t o th e place . Despite it s imag e o f being a
big shoppin g mal l servin g th e loca l leisur e clas s an d oversea s tourists , i t
was perceived a s more tha n jus t anothe r venue o f high consumption . I t wa s
a plac e fo r havin g a tast e o f moder n an d Wester n way s o f life . It s moder n
atmosphere was found liberatin g — it was a rendezvous for the young white-
collar an d factor y workers , a s earlie r noted , an d als o a salo n fo r youn g
intellectuals lookin g fo r philosophica l an d politica l inspiratio n i n coffee -
shop debates . The liberatin g atmospher e foun d i n Ocea n Termina l wa s no t
an i n h e r e n t par t o f t h e shoppin g mall . T h e m u l t i p l i c i t y o f meaning s
attributed to this shoppin g venue was provided by its visitors. These visitor s

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38 Tai-lo k Lu i

found meaning s othe r tha n shoppin g an d consumptio n i n thi s shoppin g

mall carrying the image of being the launch pad connecting Hong Kong to
the rest of the world.
Indeed, a s noted b y Kwan above , i t wa s not Ocea n Termina l a s suc h
that brought abou t the ambience of carefree openness . In hindsight, i t was
the youn g people — some (fo r instance , th e studen t activists ) critica l of
colonialism an d capitalism, other s (youn g white-collar workers) not a t al l
happy wit h wha t wa s lai d ou t befor e the m a s their futur e career s an d i n
search o f alternative experience s — who actively create d the cultural an d
social atmosphere o f Ocean Terminal. The period between th e mid-1960 s
and th e mid-1970 s wa s a time whe n locall y raise d teenager s an d youn g
adults — having grow n u p no t i n Chin a bu t i n Hon g Kong itself, unlik e
many o f thei r parent s — were eagerl y searchin g fo r thei r ow n identities .
The social tensions and political conflict s reveale d by the two riots in th e
mid-1960s, one triggered by a protest against an increase in ferry fares an d
the othe r a n ideologicall y drive n politica l confrontatio n inspire d b y th e
Cultural Revolution in mainland China, prompted young people to rethink
their experience of being Chinese growing up in a British colony. The student
movement (se e Leung 2000) and organized effort s i n cultural an d literar y
circles (see Ng, Huen-yan 1998 ) represented such quests for new identities.
This hunger for something different, b e it hanging out in coffee shop s an d
chatting abou t Frenc h movie s o r radical socia l thought , o r chasing afte r
foreign brand-name products carrying the images of modernity and affluence ,
led young people to look at Ocean Terminal in a different light , a light no t
to be found i n othe r area s o f thei r lives . Young people were restless an d
eager t o loo k fo r ne w symbols , expression s an d lifestyle s a s way s o f
expressing their concerns. The alternative way of life (though not necessarily
a political and ideological alternative) displayed in shop windows constituted
something ne w an d different . Consumption , consumin g an d presentin g
themselves i n way s differen t fro m thei r parents , becam e somethin g
symbolically charged .
The distinctivenes s o f Ocea n Terminal , bot h a s a plac e o f hig h
consumption an d as a 'window' to the outside world, was gradually erode d
in th e process throug h whic h Hon g Kong emerged a s an affluen t societ y
(Lee 1982) . The 1970 s witnesse d th e constructio n o f shoppin g arcade s
targeted at local consumers (Li m 1999:17) . With more shops and shoppin g
centres opening in different part s of Hong Kong, ranging from huge shopping
malls in central business locations to gigantic, integrated shopping centre s
in public housing estates , ther e emerge d a hierarchy o f shoppin g centre s

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 The Mailin g o f Hong Kong 3 9

defined i n terms o f the brands and status of merchandise o n sale, the clas s
background o f clients , an d th e architecture . A s a result o f thi s 'mailing '
process, Ocean Terminal was quickly changed into a part of a larger project
— Ocean Centr e — connecting i t t o th e Harbou r Cit y shoppin g mall .
Subsequent developmen t i n thi s 'mailing ' proces s wa s marke d b y th e
opening of The Landmark (1980) in Central, right above the subway statio n
in the centra l business district , an d Cityplaza (1984 ) in Taikoo Shing, on e
of the massive new housing projects fo r the middle class, redeveloped ou t
of a dockyard. Th e 'mailing ' developmen t wa s not confine d t o th e mai n
urban areas. Concomitant t o the development o f new towns, new shoppin g
centres were built in the New Territories (for example, New Town Plaza in
Shatin). Even public housing projects develope d by the government hav e
had to include th e constructio n o f shopping malls i n their large r plans of
community development . Fo r example, Lok Fu Shopping Centre II (1991)
is a n extensio n t o th e existin g shoppin g centr e o f a redeveloped publi c
housing estate . Thi s serve s a s a n exampl e o f ho w th e governmen t ha s
changed its perception o f the socio-economic statu s an d living condition s
of public housing residents. Public housing residents are no longer seen as
members o f poor working-class households , but rathe r a s affluent peopl e
who ca n affor d t o consum e an d t o lea d a better life . (Se e Chapter 2 fo r
further discussio n o f this point.) They are the potential consumer s for th e
new shopping malls.
More and more gigantic shopping mails have come into existence since
the lat e 1980s . Pacific Place , renowne d a s th e leadin g shoppin g mal l i n
Hong Kong and housing many world-famous brand-nam e boutiques, wa s
opened in 1988 . Dragon Centre , with a n indoor roller coaster, was opene d
in 1994 . More recent addition s t o this long list o f shopping malls includ e
Times Square , Plaza Hollywood and Festival Walk. These shopping mall s
belong to a new generation and are well stratified accordin g to the status of
shops and the spending power of their customers. Global brand-name stores
hop fro m on e mega-mal l t o another , tryin g t o occup y th e prim e site s t o
promote thei r merchandise . Thi s shoppin g exercis e define s th e ris e an d
demise o f individua l shoppin g mall s — those mall s nea r th e to p o f th e
hierarchy are able to catch most o f the stores and boutiques of the leadin g
brands, while those down in the lower tiers have to struggle to secure and
maintain thei r plac e in thi s hierarchy. At the sam e time, the locals, wh o
can afford t o spend and have become more style-conscious,10 have also come
to constitute the main source of clients for these shopping malls. The local
middle class, being identified a s a rising social class in the early 1980 s (Lee

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40 Tai-lo k Lu i

1982; Lui and Wong 1998), and becoming more self-conscious in maintaining
a distinctive lifestyle, constitut e the major socia l force in attracting global
brand-name store s t o establis h retai l outlet s i n Hon g Kong . Wit h th e
proliferation of shopping malls and shopping centres, now no longer confine d
to th e touris t area s bu t rathe r penetratin g almos t ever y corne r o f Hon g
Kong, and th e emergenc e o f intensely status - an d brand-conscious loca l
consumers, as many chapters of this volume reveal, a shopping-mall cultur e
has taken shape in Hong Kong.11 Nowadays, it is these mega-shopping malls
that hav e come to shap e the experienc e o f shopping for mos t Hon g Kon g
people.

• Conclusio n
In thi s chapter , I have trie d t o sho w tha t th e 'mailing ' proces s i n Hon g
Kong has its origin in the tourist industry. Through our examination o f th e
early developmen t o f shoppin g mall s i n Hon g Kong , we hav e see n ho w
shopping as a way of life and the shopping-mall culture have been gradually
localized. Shoppin g a s ' a seriou s sport ' i s a n outcom e o f thi s process .
Shopping i n site s o f consumption , suc h a s Ocea n Termina l i n th e mid -
1960s and the early 1970s, was both an alienating and liberating experience.
Young local consumer s wer e alienate d fro m th e touristi c atmospher e i n
the shoppin g areas , an d thu s fro m thei r ow n identities. However, a t th e
same time, these sites of consumption constitute d places where they could
explore the freedom o f consumin g within th e emergin g youth cultur e a s
well as finding a public domain in the search for alternative ideologies an d
lifestyles. To re-read this history of youth cultur e and consumption i s no t
to romanticize the cultural and social atmosphere of the past, and certainly
not it s emergin g shoppin g mails . Indeed, a s I have trie d t o sho w i n thi s
chapter's discussion , i t wa s not Ocea n Termina l a s such tha t shape d th e
liberating atmosphere ; rather i t was the young people, who brought wit h
them thes e qualities t o the shopping mall.
To go back in our urban memory helps to remind us that wha t i s no w
taken fo r granted in Hong Kong, such as the dominanc e o f consumerism ,
was once very different. Shoppin g is a way of life in Hong Kong today, bu t
actually thi s is a recent development , a product o f only the past 35 year s
and of the 'mailing of Hong Kong' that has taken place during those years.
Once established, the culture of the shopping mall has spread to all corners
of Hon g Kong . Shoppin g mall s for m a n essentia l par t o f th e built-u p

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 The Mailing o f Hong Kong 4 1

environment in Hong Kong today, shaping the pace of life of the local people
— the young people hanging out i n shoppin g malls and , ofte n today , th e
old people as well; hundreds of thousands o f families visi t shoppin g mall s
during weekend s an d publi c holidays , eatin g there , shoppin g ther e an d
entertaining themselves (from cinema-going to ice-skating). Shopping malls
are probably the main venue for family outing s in Hong Kong today.
This to o may be a transitory produc t o f recent history: it ma y well be
that one day, most of our shopping activities will be replaced by e-business,
and window-shoppin g replace d b y Internet surfing . Th e shopping-mal l
culture o f Hong Kong , an d th e shopping-mal l mentalit y o f Hon g Kong' s
people, was born some 35 years ago, as this chapter has explored; and who
knows what may transpire over the next 35 years? But at this moment, th e
mall in Hong Kong is still king.

• Note s
1. I t i s interestin g t o not e tha t shoppin g wa s no t emphasize d i n a Chines e
guidebook publishe d i n 1940 . Rather , th e emphasi s wa s place d o n popula r
entertainment, rangin g from Cantones e oper a t o horse-racing. Se e Tang 1940 .
2. O n th e shoppin g experience s o f tourists , se e Gleaso n 1967:165-90 .
3. Th e poin t concernin g Comprehensiv e Certificate s o f Origi n deserve s furthe r
elaboration here . I t i s suggeste d i n th e officia l guideboo k o f th e Hon g Kon g
Hotels Association , entitle d Hong Kong (Hoffma n 1965:90) , that '[sjom e Hon g
Kong merchandis e i s considere d "Presumptive " ' , meanin g i t i s presumed t o
be mad e i n Re d China ; t o prove Hon g Kon g origin , i t i s necessary t o hav e th e
shop obtai n a Hon g Kon g Comprehensiv e Certificat e o f Origi n (CCO ) fro m
the C o m m e r c e & . Industry Departmen t o f th e Hon g Kon g Government . I t
costs $ 5 an d ca n cove r man y item s u p t o a tota l valu e o f $1,50 0 purchase d
from th e sam e store / Th e politica l reaso n behin d thi s i s o f cours e th e Col d
War,- in th e Col d Wa r years , ther e wer e restriction s o n importin g good s fro m
communist countrie s t o th e Unite d States , an d thi s necessaril y extende d t o
Hong Kong .
4. Fo r a n interestin g accoun t o f th e locatio n o f touris t shops , se e Gleaso n 1967 :
170.
5. Gleaso n (1967:188 ) note d i n th e mid-1960s : 'Unles s yo u ar e wel l acquainte d
with Hon g Kon g residents, the y ar e not especiall y eage r t o recommend smal l
shops t o you. The y d o not wis h t o be cagey , but the y kno w th e hazards o f th e
game. If a friend recommend s a shop an d a tourist eithe r fail s t o find i t o r get s
an inferio r articl e there , th e friendshi p wil l suffe r a s seriousl y a s th e tourist' s
purse. 7
6. Th e sam e warning is largely stil l valid today . Stores that chea t o r short-chang e
tourists, w h e n identified , ar e publicize d b y th e Consume r Council , bu t thi s
apparently hardl y stop s th e practice .

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42 Tai-lo k Lu i

7. O n reaction s t o th e questio n o f juvenil e delinquenc y i n th e mid-1960s , see ,

for example , H o Chung-chun g 1966 .
8. Se e Law 199 6 for a discussion o f local movies an d th e emergin g youth culture .
9. I emphasize Ocea n Termina l i n thi s chapter , bu t othe r development s wer e
also o f considerabl e importanc e i n th e developmen t o f a consumer cultur e i n
Hong Kong. For example, th e opening of Daimaru, a large Japanese departmen t
store, i n Causewa y Ba y i n th e 1960 s 'wa s on e majo r ste p i n th e creatio n o f
Causeway Ba y a s i t no w is'(Leemin g 1977:99), a s a centr e o f Hon g Kong' s
Japanese department stores . Daimaru was , until its closing in 1998 , a landmar k
in th e penetratio n o f Japanes e influenc e i n th e retai l busines s o f Hon g Kong .
10. A n interestin g essa y reflectin g th e self-consciousnes s o f th e youn g middl e
class i n thei r taste s an d styl e i n th e affluen t 1980 s i s Cha n Kwun-chung' s
Affluent, bu t No t Rich ' (1986:85-8) .
11. O n th e connectio n betwee n urba n developmen t an d shopping , Sudji c (quote d
in Miles 1998:64 ) makes a very insightful remark : 'Th e centra l questio n abou t
shops i s whether i t is the form o f shopping tha t dictate s th e nature o f a city, o r
if i t i s th e city' s natur e tha t dictate s ho w shopping , it s primar y c o m m u n a l
activity, i s carrie d out . Perhap s th e trut h i s somewher e i n between ; tha t th e
different incarnation s o f shopping , fro m th e marke t t o th e departmen t store ,
the hig h stree t t o edge-of-town , ar e th e signal s tha t confir m th e directio n a
city ha s taken. '

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