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Maria Hsia Chang and A. James Gregor - Political Populism in The Twenty-First Century - We The People-Cambridge Scholars Publishing (2021)
Maria Hsia Chang and A. James Gregor - Political Populism in The Twenty-First Century - We The People-Cambridge Scholars Publishing (2021)
the Twenty-First
Century
Copyright © 2021. Cambridge Scholars Publisher. All rights reserved.
Chang, Maria Hsia, and A. James Gregor. Political Populism in the Twenty-First Century : We the People, Cambridge
Copyright © 2021. Cambridge Scholars Publisher. All rights reserved.
Chang, Maria Hsia, and A. James Gregor. Political Populism in the Twenty-First Century : We the People, Cambridge
Political Populism in
the Twenty-First
Century:
We the People
By
Chang, Maria Hsia, and A. James Gregor. Political Populism in the Twenty-First Century : We the People, Cambridge
Political Populism in the Twenty-First Century: We the People
All rights for this book reserved. No part of this book may be reproduced,
stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means,
electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise, without
the prior permission of the copyright owner.
Chang, Maria Hsia, and A. James Gregor. Political Populism in the Twenty-First Century : We the People, Cambridge
This book is dedicated to
Chang, Maria Hsia, and A. James Gregor. Political Populism in the Twenty-First Century : We the People, Cambridge
Copyright © 2021. Cambridge Scholars Publisher. All rights reserved.
Chang, Maria Hsia, and A. James Gregor. Political Populism in the Twenty-First Century : We the People, Cambridge
CONTENTS
Preface....................................................................................................... ix
Chang, Maria Hsia, and A. James Gregor. Political Populism in the Twenty-First Century : We the People, Cambridge
Copyright © 2021. Cambridge Scholars Publisher. All rights reserved.
Chang, Maria Hsia, and A. James Gregor. Political Populism in the Twenty-First Century : We the People, Cambridge
PREFACE
When he passed away on August 30, 2019, he had written three chapters of
Political Populism in the Twenty-First Century: We the People. To honor
my late husband’s commitment to Cambridge Scholars Publishing (CSP), I
assumed the responsibility of completing his project.
To that end, I revised and added to one of his chapters, and contributed four
additional chapters. It should be noted that Professor Gregor had apprised
me of the project from its beginning, and that we were in agreement on the
subject of populism and its various manifestations. That being said, the
responsibility for this book’s contents is mine alone.
Chang, Maria Hsia, and A. James Gregor. Political Populism in the Twenty-First Century : We the People, Cambridge
Copyright © 2021. Cambridge Scholars Publisher. All rights reserved.
Chang, Maria Hsia, and A. James Gregor. Political Populism in the Twenty-First Century : We the People, Cambridge
CHAPTER ONE
INTRODUCTION
hung, bombed, or killed in any other of the myriad ways government have
inflicted deaths on unarmed, helpless citizens.”1
The numbers are so grotesque at this level that we must actually revise our
sense and sensibilities about the comparative study of totalitarianisms to
appreciate that of the two supreme systemic horrors of the century, the
communist regimes hold a measurable edge over the fascist regimes in their
life-taking propensities. For, buried in the datum on totalitarian death mills
Chang, Maria Hsia, and A. James Gregor. Political Populism in the Twenty-First Century : We the People, Cambridge
2 Chapter One
as a whole is the terrible sense that communism is not “Left” and fascism is
not “Right”—both are horrors—and the former, by virtue of its capacity for
destroying more of its nationals, holds an unenviable “lead” over the latter
in life taking.
At the turn of the twentieth century, the first intimations of what was to
come made their appearance when a young Vladimir Lenin (1870-1924)
dreamed of a universal revolution that would transform the world. It would
be a revolution inspired by the theoretical conceptions of Karl Marx (1818-
1883) and Friedrich Engels (1820-1895), which would sweep away all
oppression, to render human life a fulfillment.
At the time there were other, more orthodox Marxists who anticipated that
Lenin’s modification of doctrine might lead to the creation of a “vanguard”
political party that conceived itself the repository of revolutionary truth—a
circumstance that could well foster a demand, on the part of its leadership,
for strict obedience and unqualified conformity to its dictates. As it turned
out, Lenin’s Bolsheviks demanded from Russians much more than that.
Knowingly or unknowingly, Lenin had set the stage for a series of wholly
man-made tragedies that would sear the twentieth century.
Chang, Maria Hsia, and A. James Gregor. Political Populism in the Twenty-First Century : We the People, Cambridge
Introduction 3
During the same period of time, in Southern Europe, another Marxist radical
was planning revolution. Benito Mussolini (1883-1945) had declared his
Marxist commitment at first maturity. In the course of the next decade, he
proceeded to rise through the ranks of the Socialist Party to become an
acknowledged revolutionary intellectual and leader of its most radical
faction, as well as the editor of the party’s journal, Avanti! But, like Lenin,
Mussolini was a revolutionary Marxist with a difference. Attracted to
radicals who gave expression to the syndicalist beliefs of Georges Sorel
(1847-1922), he became interested in group psychology and the intricacies
of mass mobilization. All of which gave special substance to a doctrine that
would cost Italy, and Europe, untold suffering in the evolving century.
In the North, in the first years of the century, another Marxist intellectual,
admired by Lenin, had made a discovery. After poring over its original texts
for more than a decade, Ludwig Woltmann (1871-1907) discovered racism
at the very core of Marxism, Marx having identified race as one of the
material factors shaping human history. Woltmann went on to draw out the
implications of Marx’s contention. If socialism was to succeed, he argued,
it would have to take race into critical account by advancing itself as a
“racial” or “national” socialism. The dialectic of history might well be
material, but it was a materialism that incorporated biology. Woltmann’s
work contributed to the growing volume of contemporary literature devoted
to “race science” and probably influenced the revolutionary reflections of a
young Austrian radical, Adolph Hitler (1889-1945), who, as a National
Socialist, was to bring ruin to Europe and a large part of Africa.
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While all of this was transpiring in Europe, it had resonance in Asia. Even
before the turn of the new century, Sun Yat-sen (1866-1925) had mobilized
a growing anti-imperial disaffection in China into a truly revolutionary
movement. His followers sought the overthrow of the Qing dynastic rulers
in order to institute a program of national economic development. By the
second decade of the new century, however, a collection of self-characterized
Marxists began to organize in China. With the support of Lenin’s Third
International, they founded the Chinese Communist Party in 1920. Among
the founders was Mao Zedong (1893-1976) who, contrary to all classical
Marxist directives but rationalized by Lenin’s “creative developments,”
undertook to mobilize peasants for a Marxist revolution in agrarian China.
In effect, around the time of the end of the First World War (1914-1918), a
collection of derivative Marxist movements had undertaken revolutionary
initiatives in both Europe and Asia which would dominate the history of the
Chang, Maria Hsia, and A. James Gregor. Political Populism in the Twenty-First Century : We the People, Cambridge
4 Chapter One
Chang, Maria Hsia, and A. James Gregor. Political Populism in the Twenty-First Century : We the People, Cambridge
Introduction 5
Some of the realization grew out of the recognition that one of the features
of left-wing, mass-mobilizing, developmental revolutions was its readiness
to literally destroy everything and everyone that had been the “establishment.”
By 1927, Stalin had hammered out an inflexible doctrine that was imposed
on all his subjects. It allowed neither deviation nor resistance, and involved
measures designed to preclude any such possibilities. Millions of persons
were disappeared, including resistant intellectuals, recalcitrant members of
the forced agricultural collectives, untold numbers of the proletariat, as well
as thousands of non-Bolshevik socialists labeled “enemies of the
revolution.” We have no certain statistics on the number of democides that
resulted from Stalin’s Great Terror, but they have been assessed in the tens
of millions.
When any of this was revealed at the time, the lay public was told that it
was undertaken in the service of “the working class.” It was somehow
described as intrinsically liberating and, as such, an embodiment of
ennobling “Enlightenment values.” A quarter of a century later, with much
Chang, Maria Hsia, and A. James Gregor. Political Populism in the Twenty-First Century : We the People, Cambridge
6 Chapter One
the same conviction, Mao Zedong was held to be vested with that same
responsibility.
While the advocates of Fascism had spoken of its intention to uplift masses
and engender a new civilization, intellectuals in the West simply dismissed
those claims as “right-wing” apologetics for a destructive political
dictatorship. At the same time, there was little, if any, discussion concerning
the character of the “right wing” regime of Adolf Hitler’s National
Socialism. Hitler unleashed devastation on Europe of such an order as to
consume millions, most completely innocent of any offense. Jews and
gypsies, Slavs and the “unfit,” were universally consigned to death camps
where they perished.
Since the Second World War, only the revolutionary right is held to be evil.
Though born in a time of a dearth of information, the distinctions have
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Chang, Maria Hsia, and A. James Gregor. Political Populism in the Twenty-First Century : We the People, Cambridge
Introduction 7
But the Soviet Union did not continue with Lenin’s New Economic Policy
for long. In the power struggle that followed Lenin’s death in January 1924,
Stalin at times supported the NEP, and at other times opposed it. By 1928,
Lenin’s quasi-capitalist economy was replaced by Stalin’s command
economy, in which private property and market signals were eliminated.
Whatever the modifications, however, Stalin’s command economy
remained one governed by a developmental imperative. It was an essentially
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Chang, Maria Hsia, and A. James Gregor. Political Populism in the Twenty-First Century : We the People, Cambridge
8 Chapter One
Whatever the differences, all these developmental systems, of the left and
right, were state- and party-dominant. They were doctrinally fueled,
inflexibly authoritarian, and sustained by armed militias. They all sought
totalitarian control of opinion, the systematic inculcation of doctrine, and
the general uniformity of political behavior.
either the capitalists or the wealthy dominate. At best, they were junior
partners in a party-dominant arrangement, subordinate to the inflexible rule
of the “Leader.”
Chang, Maria Hsia, and A. James Gregor. Political Populism in the Twenty-First Century : We the People, Cambridge
Introduction 9
With the end of the Second World War and the survival of developmental
dictatorships of the left, a number of authoritarian and developmental
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systems arose in Africa and the Middle East which identified themselves as
“socialist.” Allowing private property and with an economy governed by
market signals, only the use of uncertain Marxist jargon led some to speak
of them as “leftist.”
Chang, Maria Hsia, and A. James Gregor. Political Populism in the Twenty-First Century : We the People, Cambridge
10 Chapter One
Cold War (1947-1991), Western economists were convinced that the Soviet
bloc had the resources to survive the contest. During this period, both the
Soviet Union and China developed nuclear capabilities and the vehicles for
their delivery. At enormous expense for all concerned, there was nuclear
missile competition between the West and the revolutionary Eurasian
systems.
In the course of all this, tensions began to develop between the Soviet Union
and Mao Zedong’s People’s Republic of China. It became increasingly
obvious that post-Stalinist Russia was seeking some kind of accommodation
with the West. At the same time, Moscow sought to improve the overall
productivity of the Soviet Union. It was experimenting with economic
strategies that simulated the existence of a market. In the effort to improve
the general availability and quality of consumer goods, some sectors of the
economy were allowed to employ something like the traditional market;
others were made subject to experiments with computers, attempting to
simulate market signals.
The Chinese Communist Party observed all that with a jaundiced eye. It
concluded that Moscow had embarked on systemic revision, giving the
appearance of a reversion to capitalism. Mao began to speak of a
revisionism in the Soviet Union which not only threatened the security of
China, but the integrity of international revolution itself. Still smarting from
the failures attendant on the Great Leap Forward and the efforts by his
subordinates to limit his power, Mao mobilized the youth of China to a
reaffirmation of his revolution. He closed all the institutions of learning and
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Chang, Maria Hsia, and A. James Gregor. Political Populism in the Twenty-First Century : We the People, Cambridge
Introduction 11
By that time, the Chinese military had brought an end to the Great
Proletarian Cultural Revolution. After Mao’s death in 1976, the twice-
purged Deng Xiaoping took control of the party, repudiated Mao’s
radicalism and, insisting that socialism is not poverty, began a reform to
industrialize the Chinese economy.
The communes of Mao’s failed Great Leap Forward were dismantled. Farm
families were allowed to undertake small manufactories to fabricate
agricultural utensils and household goods. Commodity markets reappeared
and, as manufacturing increased, foreign sales and investments were
allowed in “special economic zones” along the coast which very quickly
expanded to other parts of China. Rights akin to private property rights were
introduced.
By the turn of the decade, in 1981, China was operating a dual economy of
a state-owned sector that remained under the state’s bureaucratic control,
and a vital and growing sector that responded to individual initiative, the
profit motive, and market signals. Foreigners were allowed to invest in
China, to introduce modern marketing skills and corresponding technology.
As a consequence, China’s economy began growing at double-digit rates.
Possessed of a hardworking and competent population, as well as abundant
natural resources, China very rapidly constructed a suitable infrastructure
by implementing the most modern developmental strategies from its
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In 1981, the party undertook a reexamination of the Maoist era at the historic
Sixth Plenum of the Eleventh Central Committee Meeting of the Chinese
Communist Party, and issued its summation, Resolution on Certain
Questions of our Party since the Founding of the People’s Republic of
China. According to the Resolution, the almost quarter century of Mao’s
rule had seriously impaired the nation’s development with excessive
“leftism.” Henceforth, China would undertake development under the
Communist Party’s “Four Cardinal Principles.” Whatever the economic
reform, the political system was to remain the monopolistic purview of the
Communist Party, with nationalism providing collective impetus.
Chang, Maria Hsia, and A. James Gregor. Political Populism in the Twenty-First Century : We the People, Cambridge
12 Chapter One
During those years, Mikhail Gorbachev (1931-) moved upward through the
ranks of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union (CPSU) to achieve, by
1985, commanding station as General Secretary of the Party. Unlike many
Western specialists, Gorbachev was well aware of the deficiencies of the
Socialist command economy. To revive the sclerotic economy, he turned to
perestroika—a “restructuring” or “reform” of the Soviet Union’s productive
system.
Chang, Maria Hsia, and A. James Gregor. Political Populism in the Twenty-First Century : We the People, Cambridge
Introduction 13
The CPSU broke into factions, their leaders making themselves heard in the
elective Congress of People’s Deputies. Boris Yeltsin (1931-2007) was one
of the most vocal and popular among them. A member of the CPSU from
1961, he was initially an ally of Gorbachev but, by 1990, had become
resolute in his opposition. In 1987, Yeltsin resigned as candidate member
of the CPSU’s Politburo. Still a leader in the CPSU’s regional party in
Moscow, he continued to advocate increased political liberalization and
began to speak of a market-governed economy.
In 1991, Yeltsin was popularly elected to the newly created post of President
of the Russian Soviet Federated Socialist Republic. When the politically
exhausted Gorbachev resigned in December of that same year, effectively
dissolving both the CPSU and the Soviet Union itself, Yeltsin became the
first president of what became known as the Russian Federation.
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Almost the first thing the new president undertook to accomplish was to
restore private property and open the nation’s productive system to market
forces. In the whirlwind of confusion that ensued, state-owned property was
selectively distributed and acquired by individuals and groups of
individuals, establishing them as system “oligarchs.”
By that time, what had been the economy of the Soviet Union had contracted
to about half its past productivity—in size and output, its economy
compared with that of Italy or California. The numbers enlisted in the
military had declined in equal measure; the air force declined in similar
measure, for lack of maintenance and spare parts; the naval forces rusted in
port. With all that, Yeltsin’s popularity plummeted. In October 1998,
military forces attempted a coup to stop what they anticipated would be a
total disintegration of Russia. Although the coup attempt was thwarted,
Chang, Maria Hsia, and A. James Gregor. Political Populism in the Twenty-First Century : We the People, Cambridge
14 Chapter One
Those countries that had fallen outside the Soviet orbit at the conclusion of
the Second World War simply returned to the forms of representative
democracy that had prevailed before the conflict. Germany and Italy
behaved very much as though nothing of consequence had intervened. The
post-war political systems they assumed looked and functioned very much
as those before the advent of National Socialism and Fascism, but with a
recognition of what had happened during their respective interregnums of
revolutionary dictatorships.
With the disappearance of the Soviet Union, all the states that had been in
its trammels were expected, upon release, to revert to representative
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democratic forms, even in cases where they had never before been
representative democracies. So confident were some in the West of a
universal prevalence of liberal democracies that they anticipated a world
without ideologies. Francis Fukuyama, in a much-publicized and -touted
1989 National Interest essay, “The End of History,” which was expanded
into the 1992 The End of History and the Last Man, celebrated the
“unabashed victory of economic and political liberalism” and pronounced
that: 4
What we may be witnessing, is not just the end of the Cold War, or the
passing of a particular period of postwar history, but the end of history as
such: that is, the end point of mankind’s ideological evolution and the
universalization of Western liberal democracy as the final form of human
government.
Chang, Maria Hsia, and A. James Gregor. Political Populism in the Twenty-First Century : We the People, Cambridge
Introduction 15
And yet, towards the end of the century, political movements identified as
populist began to take shape within the representative democracies of the
West. Fukuyama had defined “ideology” as “not restricted to the secular
and explicit political doctrines we usually associate with the term, but can
include religion, culture, and the complex of moral values underlying any
society as well.”5 By that definition, the ideas and concerns of populist
movements certainly qualify as ideologies.
Defining Populism
By the first years of the twenty-first century, it is said that populism “has
spread like wildfire throughout the world.”6 For a phenomenon so recent,
there are already hundreds of volumes and articles devoted to the subject,
and some of the best scholars involved in the enterprise.7 The belief is that
we are witnessing unusual political developments that require special
conceptual definition.
But like so many words in politics, the word “populism” has little consensus
in meaning. As political scientists Cas Mudde and Cristobal Rovira
Kaltwasser observed:8
Populism is one of the main political buzzwords of the 21st century. The term
is used to describe left-wing presidents in Latin America, right-wing
challenger parties in Europe, and both left-wing and right-wing presidential
candidates in the United States. But while the term has great appeal to many
journalists and readers alike, its broad usage also creates confusion and
Copyright © 2021. Cambridge Scholars Publisher. All rights reserved.
frustration.
An effort to define populism might begin with the word’s Latin root—
populus or people. Accordingly, the word “people” is prominent in
dictionaries’ lexical definitions of populism. As an example, The Oxford
Dictionary defines populism as “The quality of appealing to or being aimed
at ordinary people.”10
Chang, Maria Hsia, and A. James Gregor. Political Populism in the Twenty-First Century : We the People, Cambridge
16 Chapter One
The “populism” label has its roots in the People’s Party, a political party
formed in the early 1890s by aggrieved farmers in southern and western
United States who felt neglected by politicians and bankers.
The farmers first formed the Farmers’ Alliance to advance their complaints.
They held that the major financial institutions in the northeast, with their
insistence on maintaining a gold standard for currency, made it difficult to
obtain and repay credit. The farmers objected to the railroads charging
arbitrary rates for the transport of goods—rates that would vary without
warning, which made earning a livelihood precarious. They accused
politicians of ignoring their complaints and favoring heavily populated
urban areas. They chafed at the political arrangement wherein senators, two
of whom ostensibly represented each state, were appointed instead of
elected by the people—a situation that the farmers believed led to the
senators having little incentive to serve their rural constituencies.
To rectify the wrongs, the farmers called for a progressive income tax,
government ownership of railroad and telegraph systems, direct election of
senators, and a host of other measures to make government more responsive
to their needs. But the ensconced political and financial elites refused to
consider the farmers’ demands.
All of this came together in the early 1890s when the Farmers’ Alliance
formed a political party that could directly address their concerns in
Washington, D.C. The farmers called their nascent party the People’s Party,
which colloquially became known as the Populists.
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Chang, Maria Hsia, and A. James Gregor. Political Populism in the Twenty-First Century : We the People, Cambridge
Introduction 17
In contrast, the American agrarian populists and the populists of the twenty-
first century were in no way as enterprising. To rectify perceived wrongs,
populists think in terms of election cycles in pursuit of policies that are
limited in time and scope. While there may be instances in which populist
policies border on the projects of revolution, they are not so abundant that
they create irremediable conceptual confusion.
Chang, Maria Hsia, and A. James Gregor. Political Populism in the Twenty-First Century : We the People, Cambridge
18 Chapter One
Mudde and Kaltwasser pointed out that despite the lack of scholarly
agreement on the defining attributes of populism, there is a general
agreement that all forms of populism include some kind of appeal to “the
people” and a denunciation of “the elite.” In other words, populism views
society as separated into two antagonistic camps—"the pure people” versus
“the corrupt elite.”12
Chang, Maria Hsia, and A. James Gregor. Political Populism in the Twenty-First Century : We the People, Cambridge
Introduction 19
Notes
1 R. J. Rummel, Death by Government (NY: Routledge, 1997), p. 9.
2 Irving Louis Horowitz, “Foreword,” in Ibid., p. xiii.
3 For further reading, see A. James Gregor, The Faces of Janus: Marxism and
Fascism in the Twentieth Century (Yale University Press, 2000); Fascism and
History: Chapters in Concept Formation (Cambridge Scholars Publishing: 2019);
The Fascist Persuasion in Radical Politics. (Princeton University Press: 1974);
Italian Fascism and Developmental Dictatorship (Princeton University Press:
1979); Marxism and the Making of China: A Doctrinal History (Palgrave
Macmillan: 2014); Marxism, Fascism, and Totalitarianism: Chapters in the
Copyright © 2021. Cambridge Scholars Publisher. All rights reserved.
Intellectual History of Radicalism (Stanford University Press: 2009); and Maria Hsia
Chang, The Labors of Sisyphus: The Economic Development of Communist China
(New Brunswick, NJ: Transaction, 1998).
4 Francis Fukuyama, “The End of History?,” The National Interest, Summer 1989,
p. 1,
https://www.embl.de/aboutus/science_society/discussion/discussion_2006/ref1-
22june06.pdf. Retrieved July 21, 2020.
5 Ibid., p. 3.
6 Barry Eichengreen, The Populist Temptation: Economic Grievance and Political
2018); Cas Mudde and Cristoval Rovira Kaltwasser. Populism: A Very Short
Introduction (New York: Oxford University Press, 2017); Jan-Werner Müller, What
is Populism? (University of Pennsylvania, 2016); and Paul Taggart, Populism (Open
University Press, 2000).
8 Mudde and Kaltwasser, Populism: A Very Short Introduction, op. cit., p. 1.
Chang, Maria Hsia, and A. James Gregor. Political Populism in the Twenty-First Century : We the People, Cambridge
20 Chapter One
9 Peter C. Baker, “’We the People’: the battle to define populism,” The Guardian,
January 10, 2019, https://www.theguardian.com/news/2019/jan/10/we-the-people-
the-battle-to-define-populism. Retrieved July 24, 2020.
10 “Populism,” Lexico, https://www.lexico.com/definition/populism. Retrieved July
23, 2020.
11 “Elitism” and “elite,” Lexico, op. cit., https://www.lexico.com/definition/elitism
lecture to the Oxford University Junior Scientific Club (London: Oxford University
Press, 1919), p. 6. For more on the definitions of nation and nationalism, see Maria
Hsia Chang, Return of the Dragon: China’s Wounded Nationalism (Boulder, CO:
Westview Press), chapter 2: “On Nationalism”.
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Chang, Maria Hsia, and A. James Gregor. Political Populism in the Twenty-First Century : We the People, Cambridge
CHAPTER TWO
A. JAMES GREGOR
It was common knowledge that in the time leading up to the First World
War, Tsarist Russia had experienced a popular protest movement that was
a mélange of socialist and broadly democratic sentiment, involving the
peasantry and a coterie of urban intellectuals who supplied motivation.
What had been sought at the time was political change for an economic
system more responsive to the demand for equity. Most impressive was the
fact that the form assumed by the protest was popular—involving members
of the general population pitted against established political leadership. A
general resemblance was perceived between that protest and the protest that
brought Boris Yeltin to power and sealed the end of the Soviet Union. As a
result of the perceived similarity, it was early decided that the emergent
political form might conveniently be identified as populist. Analysts
suggested that Yeltsin’s rise had been the product of a spontaneous protest
that in substance was a modern expression of the populist movement of the
Copyright © 2021. Cambridge Scholars Publisher. All rights reserved.
With the gradual disaggregation of the Soviet Union through the decade of
the 1990s, social science failed in every manner in which it could fail. Not
a single recognized political scientist had predicted the collapse and
disappearance of the USSR. We had misunderstood all the signs that we
now, in retrospect, seem to clearly understand. Seeking not to fail again,
political and social scientists have chosen to study populism with renewed
vigor.
Chang, Maria Hsia, and A. James Gregor. Political Populism in the Twenty-First Century : We the People, Cambridge
22 Chapter Two
had “gone to the people” and succeeded in mobilizing inert masses toward
a nonviolent transformation of the prevailing political arrangement. The
movement that carried Yeltsin to power clearly distinguished itself from the
arrangement it replaced. The entire sequence that rode the crest of popular
sentiment was essentially electoral and non-violent, though no less
transformative than a violent alternative.
But historians quickly indicated that the differences between the two
political manifestations in Russian history were sufficiently emphatic to
render comparison problematic. The Narodniks, for example, sought to
mobilize the peasantry, not for peaceful activity, but for the overthrow of
the Romanov dynasty and the instauration of a kind of agricultural socialism
that would result in the universal redistribution of land, and the
establishment of the village commune as the central institution of a new
egalitarian order.
In fact, so implausible was the entire Narodnik program that very soon the
urban-based leadership of the movement was compelled to opt for
alternative strategies. Rather than the simple persuasion of the peasantry to
achieve their purpose, the intellectuals were driven to organize terroristic
cells, convinced that rather than peasant appeal, violence would compel the
monarchy to concede the changes sought. In 1877, their terrorist strategy
culminated in the assassination of the Tsar. Rather than concessions, the
authorities reacted with repression so severe that Narodnism, for all intents
and purposes, was extinguished.
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Most analysts concluded that the history of the Narodniks really revealed
little affinity with, and could not be helpful in informing us about the
contemporary dynamics, the population and the leadership that produced
the events that resulted in the Yeltsin presidency. The populism of the
Narodniks did not seem to reveal anything that might be helpful in
explaining the appearance or the course of the political movement that
brought Yeltsin to power. If the term “populism,” understood to refer to the
Russian Narodniks, is employed as a sorting concept, the results would be
confusing and unconvincing. An alternative historical instance would have
to be sought to discharge that cognitive function. In fact, just such an
alternative was forthcoming.
One of the more notable political events of the twenty-first century was the
rise of Vladimir Putin to power as President of the Russian Federation, the
successor to the Soviet Union. The very appearance of the Russian
Chang, Maria Hsia, and A. James Gregor. Political Populism in the Twenty-First Century : We the People, Cambridge
Populism of the Russian Federation 23
The recession of Soviet rule was largely the result of the efforts of Boris
Yeltsin who, by exploiting popular sentiment over the course of a decade,
managed to erode public support for the prevailing Communist system.
Through behaviors now considered populist, he undermined public
acquiescence to continued rule by the Communist Party establishment. By
supporting the systemic reforms initiated by Mikael Gorbachev, Yeltsin
identified himself with the broad sentiments of the non-party public. Given
the opportunity to freely express their interests, the general public sought
relief from the Soviet system in the introduction of market governance of
production.
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Chang, Maria Hsia, and A. James Gregor. Political Populism in the Twenty-First Century : We the People, Cambridge
24 Chapter Two
before the final dissolution of the Soviet Union were made with substantial
electoral majorities of over fifty percent of total votes cast.
Between the first and second elections, Yeltsin’s presidency was afflicted
by a multiplicity of grave and complex problems ranging from difficulties
attending the transition from the inclusive one-party state to a federated,
representative republic riven by factions and afflicted by separatist
impulses. Adding to Yeltsin’s challenges was his attempt to fit the
Commonwealth of Independent States that sought to politically retain the
constituent republics of the former Soviet Union in an alternative structure.
As the old system dissolved, a new system struggled between, and among,
the three branches of the newly proposed representative democracy.
Throughout all of this, Yeltsin also had to wrestle with the special problems
that attended the disintegration of the Soviet Union. Chechnya, for example,
had opted for complete independence, and by the time of Yeltsin’s
presidency was prepared to employ military and terroristic violence to
secure its purpose.
Chang, Maria Hsia, and A. James Gregor. Political Populism in the Twenty-First Century : We the People, Cambridge
Populism of the Russian Federation 25
Analysts had never been comfortable with Yeltsin. The discomfort arose not
necessarily because of his personal behavior, but out of the
acknowledgment of the unfamiliar political properties of the system that
harbored him. While the system displayed some of the features of
representative democracy, it seemed far less predictable, as though the
participants somehow misunderstood their roles or had misplaced some
relevant script.
Yeltsin was president by popular choice. He was, in fact, the first popularly
elected leader of Russia in a thousand years—all of which rendered the
character of his tenure entirely unchartered. Although generally supported
by western representative democracies during his tenure, Yeltsin was beset
by indigenous coup attempts as well as armed uprisings. The security of his
office seemed to hang on nothing more than the irregular sensibilities of a
volatile public who oscillated between giving him their support and
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tentative tolerance. Yeltsin clearly was not vested with anything like
traditional authority. Neither he, nor the people of Russia, appeared
comfortable with the new political arrangements.
Chang, Maria Hsia, and A. James Gregor. Political Populism in the Twenty-First Century : We the People, Cambridge
26 Chapter Two
All of which took a toll on Yeltsin’s health. Almost immediately after his
second election to the presidency in 1996, he underwent complex cardiac
surgery. Soon after, he resigned from the presidency.
Yeltsin had never been in full control of his cabinet. Turnover was high,
which suggested indecisiveness and fecklessness on his part. He had several
prime ministers, the last of whom was Vladimir Putin. When Yeltsin retired,
he chose Putin as his replacement.
For Putin, the collapse of the Soviet Union had been catastrophic for a
number of reasons. He deplored the scattering of the ethnic Russian
population over what is now spoken of as Russia’s “near afar”—the
republics that, for decades, had been integral parts of the former Soviet
Union. Putin’s sentiment appears genuine and enduring, and expresses the
nationalism that is at the center of his political convictions.
Together with the sense of loss that arises from the Russian diaspora is the
recognition that the disintegration of the Soviet Union brought with it an
erosion of international political status. For half a century Marxist-Leninist
Chang, Maria Hsia, and A. James Gregor. Political Populism in the Twenty-First Century : We the People, Cambridge
Populism of the Russian Federation 27
Russia was an arbiter of global affairs; by the first years of the new century,
however, it had been reduced to a country of modest pretention, with an
economy about the size of that of Italy, and a military incapable of
suppressing revolution within its own boundaries. Worse still, Russia faces
irreversible demographic decline with its population reduced to half that of
the United States, along with rising mortality rates and declining birth rates.
Poverty remained oppressive, afflicting almost fifty percent of the general
population. Russia had become a nation in political, economic, military, and
demographic eclipse.
Putin chose the restoration of the nation’s economy as his first responsibility.
For almost a decade, the growth of the Federation’s economy, measured in
terms of the nominal gross domestic product (GDP), registered about seven
percent per annum. The extent of poverty correspondingly diminished.
Mortality rates were reduced with the increased availability of medical
services. Unemployment was ameliorated. In general, Putin’s efforts were
impressive and won the approval of Russia’s general population.
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All of that was accomplished in the context inherited from Yeltsin’s rule.
Whatever Yeltsin had accomplished was jeopardized by military weakness.
But centrifugal forces threatening the integrity of political control, along
with the suppression of separatist impulse in the republics, ethnic enclaves,
and districts, required either the convincing threat or the actual employment
of military force.
Putin recognized the problems he had inherited from Yeltsin. (1) Yeltsin’s
failed attempt to suppress the Chechen separatists caused him vital popular
support. (2) Russia’s military capabilities had become dangerously impaired.
(3) To maintain and foster public support, the Russian government would
be required to field a military capable of controlling whatever threats,
internal or external, might arise. That alone would require (4) the total
Chang, Maria Hsia, and A. James Gregor. Political Populism in the Twenty-First Century : We the People, Cambridge
28 Chapter Two
Chang, Maria Hsia, and A. James Gregor. Political Populism in the Twenty-First Century : We the People, Cambridge
Populism of the Russian Federation 29
In recent years, Putin has made use of, among others, the political thought
of Ivan Ilyin (1883-1954). Putin refers to Ilyin in major addresses, and
makes affirmative references to Ilyin’s anti-Soviet work, Our Tasks. Ilyin
was a convinced Christian, as were most of the pre- and anti-Soviet
nationalists. Similarly, Putin’s nationalism has a prominent cultural
component, of which religion constitutes a significant expression, as
evidenced in Putin’s establishment of an enduring relationship with the
Russian Orthodox Church.
Chang, Maria Hsia, and A. James Gregor. Political Populism in the Twenty-First Century : We the People, Cambridge
30 Chapter Two
As a result of all this, the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) has
moved fully operational multinational combat forces to positions in Poland
and the Baltic States. As critical as these territories may be for a robust
forward defense of Russia, they can no longer serve. Any effort by Moscow
to regain access would immediately provoke response by NATO’s armed
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forces. However much moved by its security concerns, Moscow will find it
difficult to act with any independence in Eastern Europe or the Baltic region.
The West is aware of Putin’s dispositions—an awareness that, in the future,
must function as part of NATO’s strategic calculations.
Chang, Maria Hsia, and A. James Gregor. Political Populism in the Twenty-First Century : We the People, Cambridge
Populism of the Russian Federation 31
suggests, in turn, that Putin will have considerable room to maneuver, both
politically and militarily, for the foreseeable future.
Putin’s Project
Putin’s political conduct is informed by a sustained commitment to a
durable and demanding project. Unlike the typical populist, Putin has
chosen to enlist himself in a project requiring an indeterminate length of
time as well as the investment of exacting human and material capital. At
the same time, Putin has found himself constrained by the limitations
imposed by the democratic constitution that legitimates the Russian
Federation. The result has been a series of “illiberal” political behaviors
duly recorded by his domestic and foreign opponents.
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Chang, Maria Hsia, and A. James Gregor. Political Populism in the Twenty-First Century : We the People, Cambridge
32 Chapter Two
The Russian population was supportive. Terrorists had been punished, and
the Russian military had demonstrated its prowess. Putin, who had been
largely unknown before the Second Chechen War, received superlative
ratings at its conclusion. It was an experience that could only fix several
convictions among his beliefs. Yeltsin’s First Chechen War had demonstrated
the inadequacies of the then-current Russian military forces, which
humiliated the Federation. It became Putin’s purpose to rehabilitate the
Russian military. He interpreted public response to the war as evidence of
the public’s demand for security, and was convinced that if he planned to
rule effectively, he would have to deploy a world-class military.
was well aware of the ills that plagued his unhappy nation, a mere shadow
of the former Soviet Union. In control of only part of the economy of what
once was a composite community, the productivity of the Russian
Federation had seriously diminished.
Putin very early realized that restoring the nation’s economy and
reestablishing its security required more extensive controls than those made
available by the populist arrangements he had inherited. Seeking to restore
and enhance productivity, for example, would require more than a response
to popular cues—it required the systematic and controlled mobilization of
the population, as well as the resources of the nation. All of this would
require an extended period of time and the organized compliance of the
populace.
Chang, Maria Hsia, and A. James Gregor. Political Populism in the Twenty-First Century : We the People, Cambridge
Populism of the Russian Federation 33
The essentially liberal constitution that governed Russian politics by the end
of the 1990s left Putin limited instrumentalities to achieve his ends. Unlike
Yeltsin, Putin gave no indication that he had an abiding commitment to
political populism. For Putin, populism was simply the working environment
he had inherited. Putin’s initial popularity provided little assurance of
continuity. Given his options, Putin decided to work within the limitations
left him by the Yeltsin constitution. Popular support remained substantial
throughout the period of Putin’s revisions of economic regulations. His tax
reforms, reducing obligations through flat tax regulations, stimulated
productivity and were largely approved by his constituency. His approval,
measured by his ratings in the polls, fluctuated with his proposal to alter
pension accessibility. The apparent fragility of his support seems to have
convinced him that pursuit of his projects necessitated greater control of the
Federation’s population than that allowed by the liberal constitution.
In pursuit of his ends, Putin began to exercise increasing controls over the
Federation’s judicial system, believing the controls as necessary to achieve
his multifaceted and demanding project. Foreign and domestic critics
complain that court cases in the Federation that have a high salience
invariably prompt government intervention that resulted in the courts’
compliance with the Kremlin’s preferences. In cases where the government
has little or no interest, most Russians are seemingly content with the
operation of the judiciary.
and government influence. Such sentiments are not unusual given the
history of jurisprudence in Russia under Soviet rule. That the sometime
corrupt prevailing system seems acceptable to most Russians is probably
the consequence of having experienced jurisprudence under a unitary party-
dominant alternative. Rather than dissipating energy in political conflict,
Russians collaborate in making the nation an international power that is no
longer subject to foreign intrigue.
Chang, Maria Hsia, and A. James Gregor. Political Populism in the Twenty-First Century : We the People, Cambridge
34 Chapter Two
By Putin’s third term in office, the communications media had been largely
domesticated. Currently, there remains one major television station and a
few small print publications that are not controlled or directly influenced by
the government. Putin’s response to criticism is that left uncontrolled, the
media would be a portavoce for international liberal sentiment by warping
Russian political opinion to serve the ends of others.
Putin has not concealed the fact that his convictions are “illiberal,” and that
his preferred form of governance is a “sovereign democracy.” But he has
not betrayed the fundamentally democratic mode of governance fashioned
by Yeltsin. He has obeyed the Federation’s constitution and subjected
himself to periodic judgment by the national electorate. His electoral
victories have invariably been in the range of seventy percent. While there
have been regular complaints of “irregularities,” there is little direct
evidence of electoral fraud.
There is ample evidence that Putin remains very popular among the general
population. Many, if not most, Russians credit Putin with reestablishing
Russia’s international reputation and restoring it to a measure of prominence.
Under Putin, Russia is an exemplar of traditional values with which most
Russians identify—those of Christian faith, traditional morality, and
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personal conservatism.
It is clear that Moscow does not intend to attempt equivalency with Western
arms. The strategy is one of deploying deterrent force that makes aggression
most unlikely, and of marshaling sufficient modern ground, air and naval
assets to prevail in local or regional conventional conflicts. As part of its
deterrent capabilities, the Russian military is increasing its space
deployments.
Chang, Maria Hsia, and A. James Gregor. Political Populism in the Twenty-First Century : We the People, Cambridge
Populism of the Russian Federation 35
After the disaggregation of the Soviet Union, the Russian military suffered
major losses in both inventory and command capabilities. Over the years of
Yeltsin’s tenure there was a virtual collapse of the military. Under Putin,
following the revival of the national economy, major reconstruction of the
military was undertaken. Much of existing equipment and many bases had
to be abandoned. The air and space defense forces were reorganized as the
“aerospace force”. By 2015, the Russian military was deploying advanced
MiG-35s and contracting for stealth, air superiority, and ground attack
Sukhoi SU-57s. Though few in number, the advanced aircraft are candidates
for foreign sales, which serve as a potential resource of funding for
continued research and development.
Russia has developed cyber capabilities that make it the equal of any
potential opponent, and an existential threat to the most advanced military.
It is not clear that the Western powers have developed an adequate defense.
Recently, the Russian aerospace force has undertaken long distance flights,
reappearing over both the North Pacific and Atlantic. One long distance
aircraft traveled to Venezuela in a show of solidarity. For the first time in
many years, aircraft of the aerospace force are conducting regular flights
over the Russian Far East. At the same time, the Russian navy has sought to
enhance its blue water capabilities, with Russian combat vessels the size of
missile cruisers appearing once again in the Western Pacific. Together with
the increased activity, Moscow has commissioned one of the world’s largest
icebreakers for tours in the Artic regions.
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Chang, Maria Hsia, and A. James Gregor. Political Populism in the Twenty-First Century : We the People, Cambridge
36 Chapter Two
existence, it made overtures to relate with the West, but the attempts proved
abortive. Since that time, both the United Nations (UN) and NATO have
proved to be more contentious than supportive. On frequent occasions, UN
human rights organizations objected to the behavior of the Kremlin for
failing to conform to the UN’s essentially liberal-democratic civil and
human rights standards. Russia’s attempts to curb separatist activities in
Georgia and Ukraine had precipitated threatening responses from both the
world and NATO. The UN has sought to intervene not only in Ukraine, but
in the separatist regions of Georgia. Even with Belarus, Moscow has had its
difficulties. As a general reaction, NATO moved its forces into Poland and
the Baltic states. With all of this, Russia can expect little tranquility in the
coming years but only recurrent tensions generated by regional efforts at
political independence. That, in turn, will foster continued foreign direct and
indirect intervention. There is no reason to believe that any of that will
change in the calculable future.
Beyond that, there is a systemic issue that the Kremlin, one day, will be
obliged to confront. That issue turns on China and its escalating economic
and military power. In the near term, the Russian Federation benefits from
its economic and security relationship with Beijing—Russia satisfies
China’s fuel requirements, and China provides Russia with a security
perimeter in depth all along its Far Eastern flank.
That arrangement may be temporary. The reasons are not far to seek. A great
deal of China remains unexplored in terms of domestic resources; some
geologists are convinced that China may be rich in subsoil potential. If that
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is so, and China proceeds to discover and exploit its own domestic fuel
deposits, one of the critical factors sustaining the relationship between
Moscow and Beijing could be effectively cancelled.
More interesting in this context is the acknowledgment that the Russian Far
East and the adjacent Artic waters are in all probability possessed of an
abundance of critical resources, including fossil fuels and rare earth
minerals. Equally arresting is the fact that China has never accepted Russian
occupation of the territories of Northeastern Asia. The Chinese have always
held that the Russian seizure of that large territory was accomplished by an
“unequal” treaty during the Qing dynasty, at a time when China was unable
to defend itself.
In his time, Mao Zedong warned the Russians that China would one day
undertake a reckoning. The Chinese have never accepted Russia’s occupation
Chang, Maria Hsia, and A. James Gregor. Political Populism in the Twenty-First Century : We the People, Cambridge
Populism of the Russian Federation 37
There is evidence that since the disaggregation of the Soviet Union, Russian
residents in the Far Eastern territories have begun to return to European
Russia. There are no confirmed statistics, but the translocations appear
substantial. There is also some evidence that their place is being occupied
by cross-border Chinese. All of which suggests that Russia’s hold on the
territory may be more fragile than is currently appreciated. All of which
means that the entire region harbors potential conflict.
The Chinese have given no overt sign that they are prepared to move on the
territory in the foreseeable future. But the Chinese are very patient and
animated by their own irredentist nationalism, which entails the acquisition
of the Russian Far East to redress what they have long considered a grievous
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affront. When that takes place, Russia will find itself in very difficult
circumstances. A defense of its Far Eastern possessions against the Chinese
would sorely tax Russian capabilities.
The loss of the Far Eastern territories would strip Russia of its in-depth
security in the East, bringing China’s massive military within striking
distance of the heartland of the Federation. At the same time, the loss of the
area’s resource potential would reduce still further Russia’s international
status.
All of these difficulties mount as Putin concludes his final term as president
of the Russian Federation. In 2024, in accordance with the provisions of the
Russian Constitution which allow an individual only two consecutive terms
in office, Putin will conclude his tenure as executive head of the Russian
state. Should he not choose to surrender his leadership responsibilities, he
Chang, Maria Hsia, and A. James Gregor. Political Populism in the Twenty-First Century : We the People, Cambridge
38 Chapter Two
can either have a chosen surrogate assume the office until he can become
eligible again (as he had done in the past), or he can have the constitution
altered to permit him eligibility.
Since the year 2000, Vladimir Putin has effectively been president of the
Russian Federation. Using place holders when appropriate, he has respected
the letter of the constitutional prescriptions concerning eligibility. At the
end of his current eligibility in 2024, he will be over seventy years of age.
While he has announced that he will not run for office at that time, there is
no assurance that will be the case, particularly if one or more of Russia’s
problems have matured. Depending on the conditions prevailing at the time,
decisions may be entertained that would permit Putin to continue as
president beyond the limits mandated by the constitution. More fateful still
would be a decision to modify the very form of governance, eliminating the
features of populism that make the president’s tenure a function of election
cycles.
Putin has already modified the powers of the president, far exceeding those
enjoyed by Yeltsin when the system was initially established. Putin has
entered into relations with United Russia—the political party that has
supervised Putin’s elections throughout his campaigns, and that now
dominates the lower house of the Federation’s parliament. Putin has charged
the youth contingents of United Russia to carry his message to the general
electorate—a responsibility totally unanticipated by the populist political
system he inherited from Yeltsin.
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Chang, Maria Hsia, and A. James Gregor. Political Populism in the Twenty-First Century : We the People, Cambridge
Populism of the Russian Federation 39
Chang, Maria Hsia, and A. James Gregor. Political Populism in the Twenty-First Century : We the People, Cambridge
Copyright © 2021. Cambridge Scholars Publisher. All rights reserved.
Chang, Maria Hsia, and A. James Gregor. Political Populism in the Twenty-First Century : We the People, Cambridge
CHAPTER THREE
A. JAMES GREGOR
As the Soviet Union disintegrated during the final years of the twentieth
century, the political communities that had been the willing or unwilling
components of its empire began to agitate for independence, demanding
liberation from Soviet dominance. They sought increasing opportunities for
political choice—the use of their own language and the right to fly their own
ethnic-national flag. There were successive waves of popular resistance to
Soviet control in the Eastern portions of Central Europe and in the Baltic
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Chang, Maria Hsia, and A. James Gregor. Political Populism in the Twenty-First Century : We the People, Cambridge
42 Chapter Three
Poland
Even before the formal collapse of the Soviet Union, there were unanticipated
political stirrings in the Eastern states of Central Europe. In Warsaw, twin
brothers Jaroslaw and Lech KaczyĔski (b. 1949) had been active in the
founding of Solidarity, the independent labor union that was so influential
in undermining Soviet control of Poland. The KaczyĔski brothers were
allies of Lech WalĊsa, the leader of Solidarity, until the disappearance of
the Communist government when a disagreement concerning the role to be
assigned to bureaucrats in the new system prompted a separation. While
WalĊsa sought reconciliation between all parties, the KaczyĔski brothers,
being anti-communist in principle, objected to what they took to be the
excessive presence in the post-Soviet government of those who had assisted
Communist rule of Poland.
During the first decade of the twenty-first century, the Polish economy,
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It was during this period that the KaczyĔski brothers organized the Law and
Justice Party (Prawo i SprawledliwoĞü or PiS) to give voice to those who
were disenfranchised in the expanding economy. Their efforts succeeded so
well that in 2015, for the first time since 1989, a single political party won
a dominant majority of seats in the lower chamber of the Polish parliament.
Chang, Maria Hsia, and A. James Gregor. Political Populism in the Twenty-First Century : We the People, Cambridge
Populism in Central Europe: Poland and Hungary 43
The groups that composed the membership of the Law and Justice Party
were those largely neglected by the liberals who engineered post-Soviet
Polish developments. Among the neglected were farmers and traditional
families. Farmers had been bypassed by the rapid industrialization of Poland
after the lifting of the developmental constraints built into the Soviet
Council of Mutual Economic Assistance (Comecon). At the same time, the
liberals who had structured Poland’s economic developments neglected the
conditions surrounding family life. For the Law and Justice Party, the
traditional family was an integral part of the Catholic commitment to the
maintenance and furtherance of collective religious life.
The KaczyĔski brothers held both farmers and families to be essential to the
restoration of Poland as a sovereign and respected community. They held
the modernization and enhancement of agriculture necessary so that the
nation could provide for its own critical sustenance and survival. Beyond
the religious imperative, the KaczyĔski brothers supported the family
because stable family life could create the conditions for a higher birth rate
for a nation that had suffered disheartening demographic losses in and after
the recent war. What the brothers never concealed was the fact that their
politics, predicated on both religious and nationalist sentiments, were
grounded in a form of anti-liberalism.
By the middle of the first decade of the new century, the KaczyĔski brothers
were elected to leadership positions in the new Republic of Poland—Lech
to the presidency, and Jaroslaw to the prime ministry. Populism had come
to Poland.
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Chang, Maria Hsia, and A. James Gregor. Political Populism in the Twenty-First Century : We the People, Cambridge
44 Chapter Three
Buoyed by its decisive electoral victory in October 2015, the Law and
Justice Party set to reform the judiciary. As soon as it became evident that
Law and Justice would win a majority of seats in parliament, the liberal
Civic Platform Party sought to assure continued liberal influence in the
courts by nominating five new judges to the Constitutional Tribunal, the
most important constitutional court in Poland.
In response, the Law and Justice Party argued that their concern was to
protect Poland’s democracy by not allowing a roundly defeated and rejected
liberalism to dictate the nation’s judicial and political future. To allow the
Civic Platform to seat its judicial nominees would mean a nullification of
what the popular vote had decisively renounced. Law and Justice argued
that the political leadership of the European Union (EU) was composed of
unreconstructed liberals seeking to salvage liberalism in Poland through the
continuation of its agents’ domination of Poland’s politics after they had
been defeated in elections. The way to oppose anti-liberal developments in
Poland was by defeating the Law and Justice Party at the ballot box—
something the liberals apparently were unable to do.
That was the core of the argument Law and Justice would advance whenever
its opponents accuse the party of “authoritarian violation of the separation
of governmental powers,” and a “denial of civil rights.” Law and Justice
Chang, Maria Hsia, and A. James Gregor. Political Populism in the Twenty-First Century : We the People, Cambridge
Populism in Central Europe: Poland and Hungary 45
insisted that what the government sought was the full expression of the
choices made by the electorate of Poland. To allow the defeated liberal
parties to continue to influence national policies would be anti-democratic—
a willful obstruction of the will of the people.
The leaders of Hungary and the Baltic states supported Poland’s position,
as did the leaders of a variety of populist movements in Europe. They
maintained that the efforts by civil rights liberals in the EU were interfering
in the internal political affairs of Poland, and that Warsaw had every
sovereign right to fix the conditions for its own political arrangements. They
all rejected the notion that Poland be made subject to sanction.
While the Law and Justice Party does not have an official ideology, its
political disposition is evident in its behavior. It considers itself advocating
an “illiberal, but thoroughly consistent, democracy” against the anti-
democratic mummery of a dominant European liberalism. While democratic
in principle, Law and Justice rejects the traditional liberal conviction that
society is no more than a voluntary association of persons drawn together
exclusively to defend and further their individual wellbeing.
The KacziĔski brothers were well trained in the European and Roman
Catholic tradition of political jurisprudence. They fully accepted the
Thomistic interpretation of the Aristotelean conviction that the community
has existential priority over the individual members of that community. In
nature, individuals are not simply born “endowed” with a roster of
“unalienable rights.” Rights are derivative, rather than endowed.
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In order that individuals survive their birth, they must depend on a primary
community of support—some variation of the family. If individuals have
rights, those rights are derivative of their membership in a community. In
the case of the family community, it has existential precedence over its
constituent members. The family not only provides for the physical survival
of individuals, but communicates to its members the initial precepts of a
value system (synderesis) that serves as the rational foundation of morality.
It is that morality in which individual rights find their origin.
The very nature of moral life and the rights, both individual and group, that
attend it, constitute the grounds for culture and civilization. Their very
complexity gives rise to demands for a larger and more diverse political
community in which alternative behaviors may be freely chosen and
individuals develop into multifaceted personalities and mature moral
Chang, Maria Hsia, and A. James Gregor. Political Populism in the Twenty-First Century : We the People, Cambridge
46 Chapter Three
This is the essence of the “civic nationalism” that is at the core of the
nationalism of the Law and Justice Party. It is a conception that makes
loyalty and compliance the prerequisites for membership in the community.
There are no ethnic or racial requirements. While Poland is remarkably
homogeneous in its ethnic composition (97 percent Polish) and religious
affiliation (87.2 percent Catholic), those properties are not required for
citizenship. Citizenship requires only conscientious loyalty to Poland.
Jaroslaw KacziĔski has made all this quite clear. In that sense, the Law and
Justice Party does have a supportive rationale, but the rationale is religious,
not political. It is one that can be quite complicated if pursued into the
complexities of Catholic doctrine. Doctrine, however, is rarely made a
public issue in Poland. In public statements KacziĔski regularly gives his
views a secular expression. He has identified his nationalism, for example,
with that of Józef Pilsudski, the interwar ruler of Poland, whose vision of a
“Greater Poland” was that of a multi-ethnic, federated community potentially
composed of, among others, Lithuanians, Czechs, Slovaks, Serbs, Ukrainians,
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and Jews.1 He never suggested that any religion become a requirement for
citizenship.
The Law and Justice Party has not identified itself with ethnic nationalism.
Its objections to the requirement that it accept a mandated quota of refugees
from the Middle East and/or Africa are based, not on xenophobic biological
or ethnic considerations, but on the not unreasonable concern that Muslim
immigrants, informed by anti-Christian religious sentiments, could not be
easily assimilated into Poland’s Catholic community.
The Law and Justice Party holds that given the prevailing realities, the
national community requires rigorous self-defense from both subversive
dissent and external aggression. Both Thomas Aquinas and Aristotle
considered rule by a virtuous monarch—selected by the community at
large—as the best alternative. Given an environment peopled by individuals
Chang, Maria Hsia, and A. James Gregor. Political Populism in the Twenty-First Century : We the People, Cambridge
Populism in Central Europe: Poland and Hungary 47
As the Party struggled to gain electoral support, it found that the media were
not only dominated by individualistic liberals, but that Poland’s privately-
owned media were (and remain) largely owned and/or financed by
foreigners. After its electoral success in 2015, there was a call among Party
activists to “Polonize” the private media to little effect. At the same time, a
vigorous effort was made to replace the administrative bureaucracy of
Poland’s public media with Law and Justice loyalists. The result is that
media delivery in Poland is very mixed—with the public media providing
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48 Chapter Three
The Party’s efforts to “Polonize” the media has brought censure from the
European Union’s bureaucratic guardians of press freedom—a matter of
grave concern for the political leadership in Warsaw as Poland is one of the
principal recipients of EU’s economic assistance. Since the beginning of the
century, aid from Brussels has provided major financial support for
Poland’s agro-industrial development. Any sanctions for civil rights
violations that could reduce the measure of EU funding would have
significant impact on Poland’s continued development, particularly its
agricultural modernization. The development of Poland’s transportation and
communications infrastructure would suffer, as would its ability to conduct
scientific research. Given such concerns, it is unlikely that the populist
leadership in Warsaw will proceed in any aggressive fashion against the
domestic private media.
The future of Polish populism. Beginning in 2015, the Law and Justice
Party has won significant political elections, especially in provincial
contest, but its electoral victories never exceeded 40-45 percent of the
overall popular vote. The Party’s support remains essentially rural with little
prospect of expansion. Its victory in the European parliamentary elections
largely reflected the same electoral distribution of support. That the
electoral base of the Law and Justice Party is rural and composed of
individuals of relatively specific educational and income properties, is
incontestable. That those facts would change in the foreseeable future is
unlikely. Unlike the rural population, the Polish urban population is secular,
liberal and globalist in general orientation. Their inability, thus far, of
defeating the Law and Justice Party is a consequence of urban voters
distributing their ballots over a number of opposition parties. The opposition
Chang, Maria Hsia, and A. James Gregor. Political Populism in the Twenty-First Century : We the People, Cambridge
Populism in Central Europe: Poland and Hungary 49
to Law and Justice is not unified: The far-left parties refuse to vote with the
moderates, while Civic Platform supporters refuse to vote with either. As
long as its opposition remains fragmented, Law and Justice will prevail by
default.
The quality and quantity of Poland’s trade and diplomatic relations depend
heavily on the attitudes of the Law and Justice Party. Being nationalists, the
Party resists political and trade relations with Russia and Germany. Moscow
has been Poland’s enemy for a painfully long period of time. Its imposition
of a Marxist-Leninist dictatorship over Poland in the aftermath of the
Second World War, and the memory of the massacre of Poles at the hands
of Soviets during that conflict, are still fresh in the minds of survivors.
Polish relations with Germany are no better. The German occupation of
Poland during the Second World War left a memory of suppression and
systematic violence that remains vivid to this day. The fact that
contemporary Germany not only represents the very liberal views of
Brussels, but has publicly objected to Poland’s domestic political behavior,
has done nothing to moderate Warsaw’s foreign policy dispositions.
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Poland’s alienation from Russia and Germany works against its critical
interests. Both countries are influential in any EU deliberations concerning
Poland’s economic future. As has been suggested, developmental grants are
essential to the continued growth of the nation’s productive system.
Domestically, any punitive action by Brussels could well undermine the
electoral support of Law and Justice. Whether or not the EU chooses to
invoke such sanctions against Poland depends on a great many factors,
among which is the number of allies to which Warsaw can appeal.
The fact is that Poland needs every ally in the European Union to whom it
can appeal. Brussels fears a coalition of Euroskeptic nations. For the
present, the collateral support of other populist polities can foreclose any
punitive action by Brussels against Poland. Continued support, however, is
not assured, given the fragility of populist systems. Of the present roster of
Chang, Maria Hsia, and A. James Gregor. Political Populism in the Twenty-First Century : We the People, Cambridge
50 Chapter Three
Hungary
At the end of the 1980s, as the Soviet Union withdrew its controls, Viktor
Orbán (b. 1963) was one of the young political activists who sought the
transformation of the Hungarian political and economic system. The
promise of Western liberalism early captured his allegiance. Orbán quickly
demonstrated a talent for political leadership and, by age 35, became one of
the youngest prime ministers in the history of Hungary.
In 2002 and 2006, Orbán and his political associates were defeated by a
resurgent socialism. Taken together, these developments led Orbán to
entertain grave misgivings concerning political and economic liberalism.
Virtually without resistance, liberalism had allowed socialism, once again,
to become a threat to the nation. Irreducibly opposed to socialism in
whatever form, Orbán labored to assure that his party—Fidesz or the
Hungarian Civic Alliance Party—would be an undefeatable opponent of
any reconstituted socialism.
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Orbán conceived the nation the repository of material and spiritual values
that made individual life meaningful. A non-socialist economy would be
vehicle for collective material gratification in an environment of spiritual
fulfillment. He conceived nationalism the basis of the politics of Fidesz, and
Christianity its inspiration. Orbán sought to protect and foster both. The
result was an explicit affirmation of a convinced political conservatism.
Chang, Maria Hsia, and A. James Gregor. Political Populism in the Twenty-First Century : We the People, Cambridge
Populism in Central Europe: Poland and Hungary 51
Fidesz modified the Constitutional Court by altering the number and the
tenure of judges. The retirement of judges was fixed at age 62, which created
new vacancies that allowed Fidesz to nominate and seat enough judges to
influence the political disposition of the Court.
In so claiming, Fidesz represented the facts. The reality was that the bulk of
Hungary’s electorate identified with the politics of Orbán, as did much of
the media. It was within these political parameters that the migrant surge of
late summer 2015 swept over Europe.
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Using the Balkans as a transit passage, over 100,000 migrants crossed the
borders of Hungary—the first EU country they reached on their way to more
attractive economic termini. The effect on Hungarians was traumatic.
Chang, Maria Hsia, and A. James Gregor. Political Populism in the Twenty-First Century : We the People, Cambridge
52 Chapter Three
migrants that descended on the farmlands and roads of rural Hungary left
major afflictions in their wake. Beyond the debris and human waste were
damaged crops and property, sexual molestation and desecration of
religious artifacts. Whether or not, or in what measure true, the reaction was
a political demand to defend its citizens. Almost immediately, the Hungarian
government sought to seal its borders. A razor-wire fence was constructed
along the Serbian and Croatian border, and migrants were refused entry. In
response, Brussels denounced Hungary as having violated the human rights
of migrants, which presumably included the right to cross borders anywhere
without any constraints whatever.
At the same time, in their efforts to protect themselves, Croatia, Serbia, and
Slovenia urged that the “Balkan entry route” into Europe be closed.
Supporting their appeal, Budapest warned that Muslim jihadists were using
the route to penetrate Europe to take advantage of the abundant “soft
targets” to which they would thereby gain access.
living in Germany. The German Minister of the Interior admitted that the
flood of immigrants presented an almost insoluble set of problems. Migrants
resisted assimilation; most refused or could not learn to speak German. They
characteristically organized themselves into self-regarding family-clans,
obeying their own rules of conduct. Comprising less than 13 percent of the
population, migrants were responsible for almost 35 percent of recorded
crime. In Saxony, a stabbing of a German by migrants precipitated a
massive protest that verged on rioting.
Chang, Maria Hsia, and A. James Gregor. Political Populism in the Twenty-First Century : We the People, Cambridge
Populism in Central Europe: Poland and Hungary 53
the free choice of citizens, and that the content of the public media reflected
popular preferences. The government was not imposing its preferences on
the people; it was giving the people a voice.
There is little confirmable evidence that the government or its agents violate
the law to affect their purpose. Certainly, there is no evidence that the
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Chang, Maria Hsia, and A. James Gregor. Political Populism in the Twenty-First Century : We the People, Cambridge
54 Chapter Three
All of this led to tensions with the Central European University (CEU) that
was founded in 1991 and funded by George Soros. The government
maintained that the entire tenor of instruction at CEU has been politicized,
to the detriment of the political orientation of the general population. The
tensions became so pronounced that in December 2018, the university
announced it would cease operations in Hungary and relocate to Vienna,
Austria.
Hungary has its unique features. Its future will reflect the consequence of a
number of interacting personalities and cultural, demographic, and
historical factors. One of those determinants is surely Viktor Orbán himself.
Determined, intelligent, strategically perspicacious, and persuasive, Orbán
has shepherded Hungary from straitened economic circumstances to a
respectable rate of growth. It is in the ranks of the North Atlantic Treaty
Organization (NATO) and contributes to the organized defense of Europe,
but its chosen form of sovereign democracy has made it the subject of
criticism by the liberal democrats of the EU.
The European Union was formed to house and foster liberal democratic
systems, with the clear intent of creating a continent in which individual
nation-states would no longer maintain an identifiable presence. The fact
that Hungary seeks to retain its national identity, its particular culture, and
its traditional religion has generated considerable tension within the Union.
Chang, Maria Hsia, and A. James Gregor. Political Populism in the Twenty-First Century : We the People, Cambridge
Populism in Central Europe: Poland and Hungary 55
For its part, Budapest resists the EU’s imposition of sanctions on individual
nations because of their domestic politics and/or their international conduct,
arguing that the punishments meted out are arbitrary and difficult to justify.
Some Hungarian intellectuals claim that international standards are so
discrepant as to be contradictory. While some world bodies impose
sanctions on the Russian Federation for its occupation of Crimea, others
overlook the Chinese occupation of the contested islands of the South China
Sea. While the EU denounces the Christian democracy of Poland and
Hungary as not sufficiently democratic, neither the EU nor the United
Nations objects to the one-party dictatorship of the People’s Republic of
China. Whatever the case, Hungary is not disposed to taking the sanctioning
judgments of Brussels very seriously, which will remain a contentious issue
for the foreseeable future.
For the time being, irrespective of the chorus of objections from the liberal
media and those who speak in their name, Hungary proceeds with its foreign
relations behavior while maintaining its active membership in the EU and
in NATO’s collective defense of Europe. At the same time, it has
simultaneously entered into intricate and sustained relationships with the
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Russian Federation.
Chang, Maria Hsia, and A. James Gregor. Political Populism in the Twenty-First Century : We the People, Cambridge
56 Chapter Three
Ukraine are not the result of Kremlin influence. Budapest has raised
objections to Ukraine’s treatment of its Hungarian minority, and considers
Kiev’s decision to conduct all instruction within its educational system in
Ukrainian as a disservice to Ukraine’s sizeable Hungarian-speaking
minority.
The reality is that relations between Hungary and the Russian Federation
are proper, and nothing more. Hungary remains a committed member of
NATO’s collective defense of Europe, whose potential enemy is Russia.
Most Hungarians have reservations concerning Russia, from long experience
of tension, threat and military occupation between the two countries. The
relationship with Russia does not appear to be a threat to the EU or NATO.
Hungary follows its own counsel.
Chang, Maria Hsia, and A. James Gregor. Political Populism in the Twenty-First Century : We the People, Cambridge
Populism in Central Europe: Poland and Hungary 57
influence could be significant. What that means for the European Union is
problematic. What it could mean for liberal democracy is perhaps the most
interesting question of all.
Notes
1 Critics insist that the Law and Justice Party is tendentially anti-Semitic, but the
evidence is far from convincing. The Party has sought to stop the common practice
of identifying the extermination camps that the German occupation constructed in
Poland as “Polish death-camps”. That is easily understood and hardly evidence of
anti-Semitism. The Party has objected to the regular references to “Polish anti-
Semitism” for obvious reasons. The entire history of anti-Semitism in Poland is
complex and confusing, and the charge of anti-Semitism so serious, that it requires
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Chang, Maria Hsia, and A. James Gregor. Political Populism in the Twenty-First Century : We the People, Cambridge
Copyright © 2021. Cambridge Scholars Publisher. All rights reserved.
Chang, Maria Hsia, and A. James Gregor. Political Populism in the Twenty-First Century : We the People, Cambridge
CHAPTER FOUR
The word “Brexit” is the conflation of two words, “Britain” and “exit”. It
means the withdrawal or departure of Great Britain from the European
Union.
Thirty years later in 1993, the EEC was renamed by the Maastricht Treaty
as the European Community (EC). In 2009, the EC officially became the
European Union (EU)—a political and economic union of European states
with a common European citizenship; a common policy on security, foreign
affairs, trade, agriculture, fisheries and regional development; a standardized
system of laws in specified matters; a single currency, the euro; and a single
market of free movement of people, goods, services and capital.2
Chang, Maria Hsia, and A. James Gregor. Political Populism in the Twenty-First Century : We the People, Cambridge
60 Chapter Four
In the case of the United Kingdom, although its membership in the European
Communities had been endorsed by a popular referendum, the British
people had not given their consent to either the Maastricht Treaty or the
UK’s membership in the European Union. As Dr. Madsen Pirie, co-founder
and president of the Adam Smith Institute, observed, “Many people in the
UK thought that European integration was completed with the
establishment of a single market [the EC], and were opposed to the creation
of a European state as a political entity.”3 All of which culminated in a
referendum on the European Union in 2016, more commonly known as the
Brexit referendum.
On June 23, 2016, despite threats, dire warnings of financial doom, and
opposition from UK and international elites—including PM Cameron,
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Issues. Among the issues in the debate over Brexit were economic concerns
of trade, the red tape of EU regulations, the number of jobs that could be
lost or gained by a withdrawal, and the UK paying more into the EU budget
than it received.
Chang, Maria Hsia, and A. James Gregor. Political Populism in the Twenty-First Century : We the People, Cambridge
Populism in the United Kingdom: Brexit 61
As Hartley-Brewer put it, “the fundamental issue” is that “it should be the
people of Britain, through our own elected representatives, who should
decide who is and who is not entitled to benefit from our hard-earned taxes,
not unelected Brussels bureaucrats—or even the elected representatives of
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Chang, Maria Hsia, and A. James Gregor. Political Populism in the Twenty-First Century : We the People, Cambridge
62 Chapter Four
x Age: Older voters were more likely to vote Leave, while younger
voters tended to vote Remain. Of those aged 18-24, 27 percent voted
to leave, compared to 60 percent of voters aged over 65. Just over 70
percent of 18-24-year-olds voted Remain, whereas 40 percent of
those aged 65 and over supported Remain.12
x Race/ethnicity: A majority (53 percent) of white voters wanted to
leave, while 33 percent of Asian voters and 27 percent of black
voters chose Leave.
x Urban/rural: Sascha O Becker, Thiemo Fetzer and Dennis Novy
found that voters in rural areas were more likely to vote for Brexit
than those living in urban areas.13
x Ideology: Whereas a strong majority (58 percent) of Conservative
voters favored leaving the EU, only a minority of Labour voters (37
percent) and of Scottish National Party supporters (36 percent)
favored leaving. Voting to leave the EU was also strongly associated
with holding socially conservative political beliefs, thinking life in
Britain is getting worse rather than better, opposing cosmopolitanism,
and believing feminism, multiculturalism and globalization to be
forces for ill.
to the subject of populism. Recall that in Chapter One of this volume, one
way to define populism is by what it is not—elitism. The Oxford English
Dictionary defines “elite” as “A group or class of people seen as having the
most power and influence in a society, especially on account of their wealth
or privilege.”14 Wealth, privilege, power and influence all pivot on
socioeconomic status (SES) or class, which is determined by income,
occupation, and education. By those measures, Remainers were more elitist
than Leavers.
Income. Controlling for age, gender and ethnicity, Matthew Goodwin and
Oliver Heath15 found that support for Brexit was 10 percentage points higher
among households with income below £20,000 than among households with
income above £60,000. The unemployed, people in low-skilled and manual
occupations, and those who felt their financial situation had worsened were
also more likely to support leaving the EU.16 Becker, et al., also found that
Chang, Maria Hsia, and A. James Gregor. Political Populism in the Twenty-First Century : We the People, Cambridge
Populism in the United Kingdom: Brexit 63
both individuals and areas with low income and manufacturing employment
were more likely to vote Leave.17
Education (or the lack of it) could matter more for two broad reasons. First,
people with low or no qualifications may be harder hit by immigration,
globalization, and austerity measures. . . . Second, people with low or no
qualifications may be exactly the demographic that is more easily swayed
by the misinformation and unrealistic promises of the Leave campaign.
Chang, Maria Hsia, and A. James Gregor. Political Populism in the Twenty-First Century : We the People, Cambridge
64 Chapter Four
Education may thus be proxying for the role of the anti-EU propaganda that
dominated the tabloid press at the run-up to the election.
In other words, although one in four Leavers had a college degree and
research had found that Leave voters were as knowledgeable about the EU
as Remainers,27 Professor Ioannidou concluded that not being college
educated had rendered Leavers weak-minded and thus susceptible to anti-EU
propaganda. Ioannidou is not alone in his presumption—one that is redolent of
the low regard that Remainer elites had for Leavers.
On April 23, 2016, two months before the Brexit referendum, The Telegraph
published an opinion essay of mixed messages by then-U.S. President
Barack Obama.29 He began by stating that he respected Britons’ autonomy
of will—that “the question of whether or not the UK remains a part of the
EU is a matter for British voters to decide for yourselves”—but then
proceeded to tell the British people they must stay in the EU because “in
today’s world, even as we all cherish our sovereignty, the nations who wield
their influence most effectively are the nations that do it through the
collective action that today’s challenges demand.”
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It was probably a coincidence that Obama’s op/ed marked the point in polls
when public opinion in the UK began a sharp rise favoring Leave. On the
day after the Brexit referendum, Tyler Durden of ZeroHedge30 noted that
“one look at the charts and it becomes pretty clear when exactly the
inflection point occurred.” That point was April 22nd when Obama’s op/ed
was published, which led Durden to conclude that “It appears the Brits don’t
like being told what to do by other nations’ leaders.”
Half a year after the referendum, on January 5, 2017, Sky News hosted a
debate on the state of the United Kingdom since the Brexit vote.31 Panelist
Lionel (b. Margaret Ann) Shriver, an award-winning American author and
journalist who lived in London, said that when she returned to the UK after
a summer in the United States, she found an entirely different country—a
post-Brexit referendum UK where the “Remainers are at the Leavers’
throats.” She said she found the Remainers’ attitudes towards the people
Chang, Maria Hsia, and A. James Gregor. Political Populism in the Twenty-First Century : We the People, Cambridge
Populism in the United Kingdom: Brexit 65
who voted for leave to be “very distasteful”—"a real contempt of, not just
bitterness, but an aggressive contempt.” Shriver made special note of the
“incredibly unfair” leap made by Remainers equating Leavers’ concern
about immigration with racism.
The Sky News video also gave a voice to ordinary Leavers, including an
interview with a man-on-the-street who pointed out that racism is calling
someone a racial epithet, but wanting to control immigration is not racism.
Sky News also interviewed workers at a large Burleigh manufacturing plant.
According to the workers, Remainers were anti-nationalist elites who
dominated the “London-centric” UK government and who, in advocating
the UK to remain in the EU, were only “doing it for themselves, and not for
the country.”
Many of the comments left by viewers of the YouTube video of the Sky
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“Yup, I see this contempt demonstrated almost every day. Mainly on the
BBC.”
“You lot that keeps calling leavers stupid and proclaiming yourselves more
intelligent.”
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66 Chapter Four
“When you try and engage in dialogue with remainers they start to become
abusive when you don't agree with what they say. No one deserves to be
called an ill educated stupid c***.”
“I was very much on the fence up until maybe a week beforehand and have
to say it was the arrogant, dogmatic swagger of the Remain camp that put
me over to Leave. They didn't speak for me, I didn't want to be associated
with that. All they did—and continue to do—is treat the Leave vote like
trash.”
“Aggressive contempt is too mild a term. I'd say active hatred is more like
it.”
“The liberal-leftists seem to have a belief that it is only their views that
count, all others are derided with contempt that they should have voted a
different way from what is 'correct' in their views. That this is fundamentally
undemocratic doesn't seem to permeate their views.”
“If there's one thing that has become abundantly clear last year (first with
Brexit and then with Donald Trump's election victory), it's the Left's
complete and utter contempt for democracy when they don't get their way.
And it's always capped off by the way they think they're so intellectually and
morally superior to the rest of us. I said the day before the referendum result
that if Remain had won then I would've just accepted it and wept. But look
at the Remoaners—it's been nearly 10 months and they're still having
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tantrums because the vote went against them. First they tried to demand a
second referendum, then they tried to contest it in the courts, and then tried
to claim that it was swung by Russian hackers. They need to take a look at
themselves before they start judging others; they're acting like a load of
spoilt kids.”
A few of the comments on the Sky News video were from Remainers who
took issue with what panelist Shriver had said. Ironically, their comments
simply confirmed Shriver’s observation that Remainers were contemptuous
of Leavers.
As examples, one Remainer viewer wrote that “If 48% of the people hold
you in contempt, its [sic] because you are contemptible.” Another called
Leavers “Nazis” and equated the Brexit referendum with the election in
Germany in the 1930s which voted Hitler and the National Socialists into
power. Leavers being Nazis justified the contempt Remainers had for them
because “Contempt for racists and xenophobes is the right thing to do” since
Chang, Maria Hsia, and A. James Gregor. Political Populism in the Twenty-First Century : We the People, Cambridge
Populism in the United Kingdom: Brexit 67
“theres [sic] only one right side.” Yet another Remainer commenter who
calls him/herself “stable genius,” attributed the outcome of the Brexit
referendum to stupid Leavers being duped by Russia. According to stable
genius,
Then there was actor Neil Dudgeon. In tweets in March and April of 2018,
Dudgeon referred to the 17,410,742 fellow Brits who had voted for Brexit
by the pejorative label of “far right”. He called them insane (“out of your
minds”) and equated post-Brexit UK with totalitarian North Korea.34
Such was Remainers’ resentment against Leavers that nearly three years
after the Brexit referendum, on January 27, 2019, during an appearance on
the Australian TV show “News Breakfast,” when asked her view on Brexit,
actress Miriam Margolyes fumed:35
"Well, bollocks is what it is. It’s wrong and it’s based on ignorance, people
were lied to. Politicians didn’t tell the truth, particularly Boris Johnson. . . .
[Brexit is] absolute nonsense, piffle. And David Cameron, who was our
prime minister, he should be boiled in oil."
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Aftermath
Pro-Brexit politicians like UKIP leader Nigel Farage hailed the referendum
as the UK’s “independence day”. Boris Johnson, the former mayor of
London and public face of Vote Leave, exulted that the UK now had a
“glorious opportunity” to pass its own laws, set its own taxes and control its
own borders. Anti-Brexit Prime Minister David Cameron, however,
humiliated by the referendum result, declared he would step down by
October. He said, “The British people have voted to leave the European
Union and their will must be respected. The will of the British people is an
instruction that must be delivered.”36
In July 2016, former Home Secretary Theresa May was elected Conservative
Party leader and became the UK's second female prime minister after
Margaret Thatcher. The following March, under her leadership, London
Chang, Maria Hsia, and A. James Gregor. Political Populism in the Twenty-First Century : We the People, Cambridge
68 Chapter Four
Instead of strengthening her hand, the results of the new election weakened
May and the Conservative Party. Although the Conservative Party remained
the largest single party in the House of Commons, it lost its majority with a
net loss of 13 seats. In contrast, the Labour Party made a net gain of 30 seats,
the first time the party had gained seats since 1997. The Conservative Party
then formed a minority government with support from the Democratic
Unionist Party (DUP) of Northern Ireland.
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Chang, Maria Hsia, and A. James Gregor. Political Populism in the Twenty-First Century : We the People, Cambridge
Populism in the United Kingdom: Brexit 69
Johnson withdrew the rejected withdrawal agreement and called for an early
general election. On December 12, 2019, in an election widely seen as a
second Brexit referendum, voters delivered a devastating defeat to the
Labour Party but gave the Conservative Party, the only party to run on a
platform of delivering the result of the 2016 referendum, an 80-seat majority
in Parliament, the largest Tory margin since the days of Margaret Thatcher.
The Conservatives, traditionally the party of the rich, took territory that
Labour had held for nearly a century—in Leigh, Workington, Wrexham,
Ashfield, Bolsover, Darlington and a slew of other working class seats in
the North and Midlands of England.38
The election was also a major victory for Johnson, who had made delivering
Brexit the key objective of his premiership. According to Daniel McCarthy,
“Johnson did it by purging his party—he made it clear that outspoken
opponents of Brexit were unwelcome, no matter how high-ranking or
prestigious they might once have been.”
Less than a month later, on January 9, 2020, the comfortable majority won
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Chang, Maria Hsia, and A. James Gregor. Political Populism in the Twenty-First Century : We the People, Cambridge
70 Chapter Four
Writing for The Telegraph, journalist Robert Taylor named other elites,
whom he called “the guilty men of Remain”.47 Among those men were Tony
Blair, David Gauke, Hugh Grant, Dominic Grieve, Michael Heseltine, Gary
Lineker, John Major, George Soros “and his millions,” Chuka Umunna, and
“just about every Liberal Democrat MP”. Taylor singled out Brian Kerr, a
member of the House of Lords and a Justice of the Supreme Court of the
UK, for special disapprobation. Taylor wrote:
Lord Kerr, one of the architects of Article 50, who fought tooth and nail to
overturn the [2016] referendum result, assuring the world that Britain would
“come to heel”. You heard him right. The world’s oldest democracy should
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Populism in the United Kingdom: Brexit 71
ignore the decision of its people and come to the heel of the European Union,
literally like a dog.
Vowing that the elites’ attempt to deny democracy will never be forgiven,
Taylor delivered this stinging rebuke to the guilty men of Remain:
These are the Guilty Men, who refused to accept democracy. It is only now,
after the general election and its massive mandate for Boris, that the scale of
that guilt is clear. They said that Leave voters were duped by a right-wing
plot – so stupid that we didn’t realise it – and that if we had the chance to
think again, we’d reverse our decision. They rejoiced in older voters dying
off, predicting that this would make a Remain victory a certainty. . . . They
refused to condemn those who called Leavers everything from bigots and
racists to imbeciles.
Because of this Leaver stupidity, they calculated, our vote to leave the
European Union could be overturned, however foul the means. So, they
colluded with the EU and foreign governments to undermine the British
position in Brexit negotiations, aiming either for no Brexit at all or a
withdrawal agreement that would leave the UK subject to all EU rules in
perpetuity....
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Yet, despite it all, the voters still decided to “Get Brexit done”. And finally,
today, it will be. Millions of us have told these Guilty Men where to go.
Chang, Maria Hsia, and A. James Gregor. Political Populism in the Twenty-First Century : We the People, Cambridge
72 Chapter Four
and familial loyalty,” whereas ordinary Brits are “Somewhere” people, who
“view nation, place, family and belonging as incredibly important.”48
Eatwell and Goodwin highlighted the role of the press and the media in the
Remainer elites’ portrayal of Leavers, especially their “concerted” failure
to clearly explain exactly what it was about the EU that seemed so bad that
people wanted the UK to leave. To paint Leavers as ignorant, stupid, racist
xenophobes, the media focused on the Leavers’ anger about immigration—
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Populism in the United Kingdom: Brexit 73
Eatwell and Goodwill then detailed how, besides immigration, the UK’s
national sovereignty had been undermined by membership in the EU. There
was the loss of the ability to make trade agreements and to ban imports of
goods or services. Most importantly was the subjugation of all UK laws to
EU laws, which meant UK courts and even Parliament, the raison d’être of
which is to make laws, were no longer sovereign.
Eatwell and Goodwill pointed out that none of these issues and concerns
was discussed “cooly” by the press and media. At the same time, Remainer
political elites used politically correct agendas to silence any opposition. By
caricaturing Leavers as ignorant, xenophobic racists, the elites could simply
dismiss Leavers’ concerns for the importance of community and the
preservation of Britain’s cultural heritage.50
The import that Leavers placed on national sovereignty was not misplaced.
Nearly a year after the 2016 Brexit referendum, a secret document came to
light which showed that for half a century, the British people had been kept
in the dark about the truth of what membership in the European Economic
Community (EEC)—renamed the European Union in 2009—actually
Copyright © 2021. Cambridge Scholars Publisher. All rights reserved.
entailed.51
The document, FCO30/1048,52 dated April 2017, was prepared for then-
Prime Minister Edward Heath’s53 Foreign and Commonwealth Office.
Classified under the UK’s Official Secrets Act and locked away for almost
50 years, the document instructed London to keep the British public in the
dark about what membership in the EEC meant, and predicted that in about
30 years when voters realized what was happening, it would be too late for
the UK to leave.
Chang, Maria Hsia, and A. James Gregor. Political Populism in the Twenty-First Century : We the People, Cambridge
74 Chapter Four
Here was a civil servant advising that our politicians should connive in
concealing what Heath was letting us in for, not least in hiding the extent to
which Britain would no longer be a democratic country but one essentially
Copyright © 2021. Cambridge Scholars Publisher. All rights reserved.
More shocking than FCO30/1048 was a report in May 2012, more than four
years before the Brexit referendum, that a group of senior Eurocrats were
secretly plotting to replace then-President of the European Council Herman
Van Rompug with a super-powerful EU president who would abolish the
UK as a sovereign state altogether.
Chang, Maria Hsia, and A. James Gregor. Political Populism in the Twenty-First Century : We the People, Cambridge
Populism in the United Kingdom: Brexit 75
plot.” Lord Stoddart told Hall it was a plot “by people who want to abolish
nation states and create a United States of Europe.” Stoddart said, “These
people are determined to achieve their final objective. The only hope for
Britain is to leave the EU and become an independent nation.”54
On January 31, 2020, at 11 p.m., after a delay of more than three and a half
years and a second referendum, the United Kingdom finally broke free from
the European Union and regained its national sovereignty.
Notes
1 “Merging the Executives,” CVCE.eu,
https://www.cvce.eu/obj/merging_the_executives-en-575850b6-f472-406a-936d-
8c08a9e0db32.html. Retrieved May 25, 2020.
2 “Five things you need to know about the Maastricht Treaty,” European Central
turmoil: Analysis” Toronto Star, June 25, 2016. Retrieved June 26, 2016.
7 Julia Hartley-Brewer, “If David Cameron doesn’t stop European migrants claiming
Copyright © 2021. Cambridge Scholars Publisher. All rights reserved.
benefits, Britain cannot stay in the EU,” The Telegraph, December 9, 2015,
https://www.telegraph.co.uk/news/newstopics/eureferendum/12041041/If-David-
Cameron-doesnt-stop-European-migrants-claiming-benefits-Britain-cannot-stay-
in-the-EU.html. Retrieved June 3, 2020.
8 Lord Ashcroft, “How the United Kingdom voted on Thursday…and why,” Lord
(Center for Economic Performance) Discussion Paper No. 1499, September 2017,
pp. 2-3, 15-16, http://cep.lse.ac.uk/pubs/download/dp1499.pdf. Retrieved June 7,
2020.
12 Vicky Spratt, “The truth about young people and Brexit,” BBC, October 5, 2018,
Chang, Maria Hsia, and A. James Gregor. Political Populism in the Twenty-First Century : We the People, Cambridge
76 Chapter Four
https://www.bbc.co.uk/bbcthree/article/b8d097b0-3ad4-4dd9-aa25-af6374292de0.
Retrieved June 7, 2020.
13 Sascha O Becker, Thiemo Fetzer and Dennis Novy, “Who voted for Brexit? A
https://www2.deloitte.com/content/dam/Deloitte/uk/Documents/finance/deloitte-
uk-finance-cfo-survey-q2-2016.pdf. Retrieved June 10, 2020.
20 John Curtice, “Britain divided? Who supports and who opposes EU membership,”
Copyright © 2021. Cambridge Scholars Publisher. All rights reserved.
cit., p. 15.
26 Sascha O Becker, et al., “Who voted for Brexit? A comprehensive district-level
Chang, Maria Hsia, and A. James Gregor. Political Populism in the Twenty-First Century : We the People, Cambridge
Populism in the United Kingdom: Brexit 77
27 Noah Carl, Lindsay Richards, and Anthony Heath, “Leave and Remain voters’
knowledge of the EU after the referendum of 2016,” Electoral Studies, vol. 57
(February 2019), pp. 90-98,
https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S0261379418302609. Retrieved June
23, 2020.
28 “UKIP demands apology from Cameron,” BBC News, April 4, 2006,
https://twitter.com/dudgeon_neil/status/982225873808982017,
https://twitter.com/dudgeon_neil/status/972305754467258368,
https://twitter.com/dudgeon_neil/status/974010707451809798. Retrieved June 18,
2020.
35 News Breakfast’s tweet of the video of Margoyles’ interview, January 27, 2019,
https://twitter.com/BreakfastNews/status/1089643666090602496?ref_src=twsrc%5
Copyright © 2021. Cambridge Scholars Publisher. All rights reserved.
Etfw%7Ctwcamp%5Etweetembed&ref_url=https%3A%2F%2Fd-
19151877681050074308.ampproject.net%2F2004252135000%2Fframe.html.
Retrieved May 15, 2020.
36 “Brexit: David Cameron to quit after UK votes to leave EU,” BBC, June 24, 2016,
Chang, Maria Hsia, and A. James Gregor. Political Populism in the Twenty-First Century : We the People, Cambridge
78 Chapter Four
40 Robert Taylor, “The Guilty Men of Remain will never be forgotten,” The
Telegraph, February 1, 2020,
https://www.telegraph.co.uk/politics/2020/02/01/guilty-men-remain-elite-will-
never-forgiven/. Retrieved Feb. 9, 2020.
41 Paul Joseph Watson, “Leftist Losers React to UK Election,” YouTube, December
https://www.spiked-online.com/2020/01/28/terry-christian-the-true-face-of-
remoaner-bigotry/. Retrieved June 23, 2020.
45 Paul Joseph Watson, “Leftist Losers React to UK Election,” YouTube, December
Margolyes says she wishes coronavirus had killed Boris Johnson when Prime
Minister was struck by the bug,” Daily Mail, May 9, 2020,
https://www.dailymail.co.uk/tvshowbiz/article-8303091/Harry-Potter-star-Miriam-
Margolyes-admits-wanted-PM-Boris-Johnson-DIE-COVID-19.html. Retrieved May
15, 2020.
47 Robert Taylor, “The Guilty Men of Remain will never be forgotten,” The
wrong and shows they still fail to understand why people backed Brexit,” Brexit
Central, October 24, 2018, https://brexitcentral.com/remainers-caricature-leave-
voters-wrong-shows-still-fail-understand-people-backed-brexit/.Retrieved March
26, 2020.
50 Roger Eatwell and Matthew Goodwin, National Populism Against Liberal
Democracy (London, UK: Penguin, 2018), pp. 36, 30, xxii, xxix, xxxii, and 9.
51 Lara Deauville, “REVEALED: How Whitehall thought British public TOO
Chang, Maria Hsia, and A. James Gregor. Political Populism in the Twenty-First Century : We the People, Cambridge
Populism in the United Kingdom: Brexit 79
53 Born into a lower middle-class family, life-long bachelor Edward Heath was
leader of the Conservative Party from 1965 to 1975, and became Sir Edward Heath
in 1992. In 2015, ten years after his death at age 89 in 2005, Heath was named in
several police investigations into historical child sex abuse and satanic ritual abuse.
Detectives said if he were alive, Heath would have been interviewed “under caution”
in relation to seven out of 42 allegations, including the alleged rape of an 11-year-
old, but that nothing should be inferred about his guilt or innocence. “Edward
Heath,” Wikipedia, https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Edward_Heath. Retrieved June 22,
2020.
54 Macer Hall, “EU plot to scrap Britain,” Express, May 4, 2012,
Chang, Maria Hsia, and A. James Gregor. Political Populism in the Twenty-First Century : We the People, Cambridge
Copyright © 2021. Cambridge Scholars Publisher. All rights reserved.
Chang, Maria Hsia, and A. James Gregor. Political Populism in the Twenty-First Century : We the People, Cambridge
CHAPTER FIVE
Over the past few decades, in virtually all western democratic countries, a
series of intercorrelated developments have taken place. There has been a
crisis in traditional political representation—elective assemblies lost their
authority and popular participation has declined. Among the more
immediate consequences is the proliferation of new political forms,
sufficiently distinct to be identified by specialists as instances of an inclusive
category “populist.” Some speak of our time as engaging a populist
Zeitgeist. In the twenty years since 2000, academic studies of populism
increased 584 percent, from 288 to 1,681 publications.1
Europe.
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82 Chapter Five
Italy
In the wake of Brexit, Italy’s populist Five Star Movement officially called
for a referendum on whether to keep the euro currency. Since Italian law
does not allow referendums to change international treaties, an Italexit
referendum would be an expression of public opinion without the force of
law, but it would send a clear signal to Rome.3
By April 2020, a Tecne Institute poll found that nearly half of all Italians,
49 percent, were in favor of leaving the EU—20 percent more than a year
and a half ago when the question was last put to the public.4 That poll finding
is all the more impressive given the fact that just 18 years ago in 2002, after
the introduction of the euro, Italy was the second most pro-euro country
after Luxembourg, with 79 percent expressing a positive opinion.5
According to the Pew Research Center, there are two main populist parties
in Italy—the Five Star Movement and the League.6
Stars’ founders believed that the internet could be marshaled for a direct
democracy and a new kind of political party—one without organization,
money, ideology or headquarters. Grillo instead used his blog, Il Blog di
Beppe Grillo,7 and the social networking site, Meetup.com, to bring people
together to campaign on local issues and field candidates for elections.8
The "five stars" of M5S refer to the five issues of public water, sustainable
transport, sustainable development, right to internet access, and
environmentalism. In a conversation with his deputies in 2013, Grillo
referred to the Five Star Movement as “populist”. He said: “We are
populists, we talk to people's bellies and we don't have to be ashamed. . . .
We are the belly (la pancia) of the people."9 As a populist movement, Five
Star also advocates e-democracy, zero-cost politics, degrowth, nonviolence
and most recently, universal income.10
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Populism in Italy and France 83
Pew Research Center rated Five Star as ideologically centric (5.2 on the left-
right scale) and vehemently anti-elitist (9.9 on anti-elitism).11 The
movement variously is described as populist,12 anti-establishment,13 anti-
immigration,14 anti-globalist,15 environmentalist,16 and Eurosceptic.17
x Four years after it was founded, Five Star catapulted to become the
second most voted-for party in the 2013 general election, although
the party won only 109 of 630 positions in the Italian Parliament’s
lower house, the Chamber of Deputies, because Five Star refused to
ally with another party to form a coalition government.
x Luigi Di Maio was one of the 109 Five Star parliamentary
representatives who, at age 27, became the youngest vice president
of the Chamber of Deputies. In September 2017, with more than 82
percent of the vote, he was elected prime ministerial candidate and
political head of Five Star.
x In 2016, two Five Star members, Virginia Raggi and Chiara
Appendino, were elected mayors of Rome and Turin, respectively.
x In the March 2018 general election, although Five Star was the
political party that garnered the largest number of votes, a center-
right alliance that included the populist League party won a plurality
of seats in both houses of Parliament. With no political party winning
an outright majority, the result was a hung parliament. In May 2018,
Five Star Movement and the League reached an agreement to form
a new government, with law professor Giuseppe Conte as prime
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Chang, Maria Hsia, and A. James Gregor. Political Populism in the Twenty-First Century : We the People, Cambridge
84 Chapter Five
days, which ended when Five Star forged an alliance with the center-
left Democratic Party (PD) to make a new ruling majority in
Parliament. Conte convened a new cabinet, with Di Maio as minister
of foreign affairs. Di Maio then resigned as leader of Five Star.20
Through ups and downs, Five Star Movement’s poll ratings had stood at
around 30 percent, just behind the Democratic Party. Writing in December
2016, University of Salford Professor of Politics James Newell observed
that a vote for Five Star was more a protest vote that drew support from all
parts of the political spectrum than an endorsement of the party’s eclectic
left-right mix of beliefs. People voted for it because of their disgust with the
political class “in whom vast swathes have virtually no confidence.” United
only in their desire to shake up the status quo, Five Star activists and
supporters were divided across the whole range of issues separating left and
right, including those on the EU, taxation, and migrants. In Newell’s
judgment:21
It is doubtful that such a party can remain cohesive when faced with the
pressures of governing. The M5S would probably crumble under the weight
of the responsibility for making choices that can only benefit some while
hurting others. . . . [P]rotest parties railing against “the system” are as likely
to find themselves being absorbed by it as they are to transform it once in
office. Faced with the day-to-day pressure, they are doomed to become a
party just like all the others.
League (Lega). The Northern League (Lega Nord) was founded in 1991 as
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Chang, Maria Hsia, and A. James Gregor. Political Populism in the Twenty-First Century : We the People, Cambridge
Populism in Italy and France 85
Founded as a regional party with the aim of secession, the League began as
an ideologically catch-all party. As Bossi said in 1982 to his early followers,
“It does not matter how old you are or what your job or political tendency
is. What matters is that…we have a fundamental common goal that is before
and above our political party divisions."23
The League’s chameleon quality is reflected in its supporters who span the
left-right continuum. In the 1992 general election, 25.4% of League
supporters were former Christian Democratic voters, 18% were Communists,
12.5% Socialists, and 6.6% were former voters of the post-fascist Italian
Social Movement.27 A 1998 Abacus poll found that 29.4% of League voters
identified as centrist, 38.9% identified with the right, and 39% with the
left.28
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86 Chapter Five
For years Italy has been the primary route into Europe for hundreds of
thousands of asylum seekers and other migrants. The Italian peninsula’s
proximity to coastal North Africa has led to the crossing of the Mediterranean
Sea as the most used route for undocumented migrants. Their principal
destination by boats and rafts are the southernmost Italian territories—the
Pelagie Islands—just 70 miles (113 km) from Tunisia and 103 miles (167
km) from Libya, the two countries in North Africa accounting for more than
80 percent of migrants reaching Italy.34 According to the European Union’s
Dublin Regulation,35 migrants are to apply for legal residence, protection or
asylum permits in the first EU country they cross into. This means that once
Copyright © 2021. Cambridge Scholars Publisher. All rights reserved.
the migrants have landed in Italy, they effectively are barred from leaving
Italy until their case has been processed and positively concluded.
Since 2013, Italy had taken in more than 700,000 migrants, mainly from
sub-Saharan Africa.36 A peak was reached in the year from August 2016 to
July 2017 when almost 183,000 migrants made their way to Italy. Between
August 2019 and the end of July 2020, more than 21,000 people reached
Italy—an increase of 148 percent from a year ago.37 Italy’s Interior Minister
Luciana Lamorgese said, “We have seen entire families leave to reach
Italian territory.”38
In 2018, a Pew Research Center poll found that a majority (71%) of Italians
wanted fewer immigrants to be allowed into the country, 18% wanted to
keep the current level, and only 5% wanted to increase immigration.39 In
2019, according to a poll published by Corriere della Sera, half of all
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Populism in Italy and France 87
Italians (51%) favored closing Italy's ports to migrants arriving via the
Mediterranean; 60% faulted Europe for the migrant emergency, including
61% of League supporters and 70% of Five Star supporters.40 Anti-
immigration, however, is an issue that transcends Italy’s populist parties. In
June 2017, former Prime Minister Matteo Renzi, leader of the center-left
Democratic Party, said Italy had no moral duty to host migrants, and urged
his country to escape its “do-gooder mentality”.41
Initially greeted with contempt and irony by political elites and the media,
the League succeeded in a few years to . . . build one of the most important
Italian political parties. In a time of crisis of participation and decline of
mass parties, this new political entity managed to promote new militancy
and create a strong organization, with a network spread throughout the
country.
No Europe for Italy. In addition to the established Five Star and League
populist parties, there is an embryonic movement, No Europe for Italy.
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88 Chapter Five
Calling the EU “the biggest political fraud of the past few decades” which
cannot be reformed, Paragone decried all the “so-called eurosceptic parties”
that believed the EU could be reformed from within. He claimed his new
party would give Italians “the first ever opportunity to express their view”
because Italy “lacks a party that explicitly proposes Italy’s exit from the EU
and Eurozone.”44
Expressing the anger felt by many Italians at what they perceived to be the
EU’s failure to respond quickly enough to Italy’s pleas for help when the
COVID-19 coronavirus pandemic struck, Paragone told reporters in Rome:
“I say ‘No’ to this Europe and I start afresh with Italy, because I want to
start from the sovereignty of a state which has all the cards it needs to play
all the markets. The euro is in fact a slightly-devalued Deutsche Mark, so
Germany does better in a Germanic union.”45
France
According to the Pew Research Center, there are two populist parties in
France. They are La France Insoumise on the left, and National Rally on
the right.47
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Chang, Maria Hsia, and A. James Gregor. Political Populism in the Twenty-First Century : We the People, Cambridge
Populism in Italy and France 89
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90 Chapter Five
National Rally (né National Front). Founded in 1972 as the National Front
(Front National), National Rally (Rassemblement national) is classified by
the Pew Research Center as anti-elitist (8.9 rating) and radical right, with a
score of 9.7 on the left-right scale.54
A fringe party in its first decade, National Front (NF) became a major force
of French nationalism after 1984, and has put forward a candidate at every
presidential election but one since 1974. In the first round of the 2002
presidential elections, Le Pen obtained 16.86 percent of the votes, which
qualified him for the second round—the first time for someone with far-
right views. Le Pen, however, lost by a large margin in the second round to
then-President Jacques Chirac, a conservative.
From its beginning, National Front had been anti-European Union and anti-
immigration, both legal and illegal. The party advocated significant cuts to
legal immigration; opposed French membership in the EU, eurozone,
NATO, and the Schengen Area (26 countries in the EU where passports and
any other types of border control at their mutual borders are abolished); and
favored economic interventionism, protectionism, and a zero-tolerance
approach to law and order.
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Le Pen was also the first far-right European politician to inveigh against
Muslim immigration from the former French colonies in North Africa.
Nicknamed the "Devil of the Republic" by the mainstream media55 for his
Holocaust denial and opposition to Muslim immigration, Le Pen was
described by John Lichfield, Paris correspondent for The Independent, as “a
sincere anti-semite and racist, descended from an extreme nationalist
tradition in France,”56 and by Der Spiegel as a “primitive and old-fashioned”
racist and anti-Semite.57 Britannica calls his party “neofascist” for
resurrecting slogans used by French fascists in the 1930s.58 Despite being a
“neofascist” “primitive,” Le Pen shocked the French elite59 by capturing
more votes than Socialist candidate Lionel Jospin in the first round of the
2002 presidential elections, but was defeated in the second round as
disparate parties rallied together behind incumbent Jacques Chirac to return
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Populism in Italy and France 91
him to office with the largest margin of victory in the history of the French
presidency.
In 2012, after her father resigned from the NF, former lawyer Marine Le
Pen, youngest daughter of Jean-Marie, was elected party leader with a two-
thirds vote. Marine began a systematic de-demonization (dédiabolisation)
or normalization of the party by softening its rhetoric and censuring
controversial members like her father and his allies. In May 2015, Jean-
Marie was suspended from the party he had founded after he refused to
attend a disciplinary hearing for dismissing the gas chambers used in Nazi
concentration camps as a mere “detail” of history.60 In August 2015, the
bitter feud between Jean-Marie and the daughter he had groomed, led to the
elder Le Pen being expelled from the National Front altogether after a three-
hour extraordinary party congress.61 The next year, Jean-Marie founded a
new political party, the Jeanne Committees (Comités Jeanne), named after
Joan of Arc.
Marine aimed to unite the factions of the French Right into a nationalist
movement based on traditional free market and Catholic values, although
she herself, though raised a Roman Catholic, is pro-abortion and twice-
divorced.64 In a February 2017 interview with La Croix International,
Marine claimed to have “a strong faith” and “have never doubted it,” but
maintained religions should not tell the French people how to vote.
Admitting to being “angry with the Church because I think that it interferes
in everything except what it should really be concerned with,” Marine took
issue with Pope Francis’ and French bishops’ open-borders stance on
immigration which demanded “that states go against the interests of their
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92 Chapter Five
have voted for Brexit. France has a thousand more reasons to leave than the
UK because we have the euro and Schengen. This [Brexit] result shows the
EU is decaying, there are cracks everywhere.”69
More recently however, Marine Le Pen softened her opposition to the EU.
In January 2019, she “definitively” ruled out the exit of France from the
eurozone. She told Le Figaro: “We are pragmatists, we are not ideologues.
If we regain all our sovereignty, if we reform the European Central Bank
(ECB), and if the euro remains a major problem, we will put the problem
back on the table.”70
On April 15, 2019, Marine Le Pen presented the party's manifesto and
program for the upcoming European Parliament elections in Strasbourg,
France, in which she retreated from earlier calls for France to abandon the
euro and to quit the EU. Declining to explain why she no longer favored a
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Populism in Italy and France 93
Since Marine Le Pen was elected leader of the NF in 2011, its popularity
steadily increased to become a major political party by 2015. On its website,
National Rally claims a membership and “sympathizers” numbering 83,000
across France and abroad, from all socio-professional classes and
backgrounds.72 Below are the post-2011 electoral achievements of National
Front/Rally and Marine Le Pen:
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94 Chapter Five
first time. In the legislative election, National Front was the third
most voted party, winning 13.02% of the votes and eight seats.
x In the 2019 European Parliament election, National Rally came first
with over 23% of votes and 23 seats.
x In 2020, National Rally was the most popular party with France’s
white working class.76
Writing in July 2020, John Lichfield observed that there were many barriers
to National Rally enjoying more electoral successes. They included the
party’s “chaotic finances”; the increasing divide between the party in the
North (blue collar, ex-left-voting, anti-immigrant, pro-big state) and South
(ex-center-right, anti-state and anti-Muslim); and a section of the party—as
well as a large part of the wider French “hard right and ultra-right”—who
“would like to see the back of the Le Pens” because they believe the family
name and control of the party are “a barrier to the kind of success that the
nationalist-populist anti-European right has enjoyed in Italy or Austria.”77
In June 2020, Louis Aliot, vice president of National Rally and a member
of the National Assembly who was Marine’s lover for a decade before they
separated in 2019, was elected mayor of Perpignan in southwest France. But
Aliot did not run for mayor as a member of National Rally. His campaign
was heavily influenced by Robert Menard, the hard-right but non-National
Rally mayor of nearby Béziers who had been campaigning openly for a new
post-Le Pen leadership of the French populist right. The informal alliance
between Aliot and Menard is said to exacerbate the ideological split in the
National Rally between “its southern and northern tribes.”79
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Populism in Italy and France 95
No one had claimed authorship of the vests, just as no one had stepped
forward as leader of the protests, but the ubiquitous and inexpensive yellow
vests likely were chosen as “a unifying thread and call to arms” to symbolize
“the difference between the haves and the have-nots” because of the vests’
association with working-class industries, such as the construction industry.82
Copyright © 2021. Cambridge Scholars Publisher. All rights reserved.
Indeed, increases in fuel taxes and prices especially affected the working
and lower-middle classes who, living in the less-expensive outskirts of
urban cities, depended on their cars for transportation and to earn a living.
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96 Chapter Five
those with assets of more than €1.3 million ($1.54 million); a minimum
wage of €1,300 ($1,538) per month; pensions and wages indexed to
inflation; a ban on outsourcing jobs and industries; an end to the CICE tax
credits and incentives for large corporations; protection of small businesses
by banning the construction of large shopping centers; a better migrant
policy that repatriates failed asylum seekers and culturally integrates
immigrants by instructing them in French language, history and civics;
amending the Constitution by adding the people’s right of referendum; and
lastly, “Obey the will of the people.”87
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Populism in Italy and France 97
“vandals”.91
When Gilles Le Gendre, a senior politician from Macron’s party, was asked
what the government should have done differently about the Yellow Vests,
he replied: “We were probably too intelligent, too subtle.”92 For his part,
academic geographer Christophe Guilluy, author of the 2014 La France
Périphérique, comment on a sacrifié les classes populaires (Peripheral
France and How We’ve Sold Out the Working Classes), said the Yellow
Vests Movement was the equivalent of the Brexit movement in that
opposition to both came from “the professional classes – academics,
journalists, media workers and so on – who think of themselves as liberal-
left but who are entitled and superior in manner.” In France, these are the
people who voted for Macron who, according to Le Gendre, “are arrogant
enough not only to believe that you should think like them, but that they are
always morally superior and always right.”93
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98 Chapter Five
In the United States, too, establishment elites regard the populism and
supporters of Donald Trump with unconcealed contempt. They are the
subject of the chapter to follow.
Notes
1 Library of Congress,
https://www.loc.gov/books/?all=true&dates=2000/2099&q=populism.
Retrieved December 12, 2020.
2 Joey Millar, “EU BACKLASH: Brexit ‘TSUNAMI’ expected as 34 referendums
1, 2016, https://theconversation.com/what-is-italys-five-star-movement-69596.
Retrieved August 8, 2020.
9 Martina Castigliani, “Grillo, confessione a eletti M5S: 'Finzione politica
Chang, Maria Hsia, and A. James Gregor. Political Populism in the Twenty-First Century : We the People, Cambridge
Populism in Italy and France 99
Five Star Movement,” in Dwayne Woods and Barbara Wejnert (eds.). Many Faces
of Populism: Current Perspectives (Bingley, UK: Emerald Group Publishing, 2014).
13 Donatella M. Viola, “Italy,” in Donatella M. Viola (ed.), Routledge Handbook of
Modern Culture, and Reactionary Politics (London, UK: Springer Nature, 2020), p.
199.
15 Linda Reeder, Italy in the Modern World: Society, Culture and Identity (London,
headed by stand-up comedian Beppe Grillo raises fears in EU,” The Independent,
February 22, 2013, . Retrieved August 8, 2020.
18 “2.7 million people apply for Italy's basic income scheme,” The Local, April
cit.
25 Parenzo and Romano, Romanzo padano, op. cit., pp. 49–52.
26 Jessica Phelan, “Is Italy’s League a ‘far-right’ party?,” The Local.it, February 28,
2018, https://www.thelocal.it/20180228/is-italy-northern-league-a-far-right-party.
Retrieved August 15, 2020.
27 Pietro Ignazi, Partiti politici in Italia (Bologna: Il Mulino, 2010), pp. 87–88.
28 Roberto Biorcio, “La Lega Nord e la transizione italiana,” Rivista italiana di
Chang, Maria Hsia, and A. James Gregor. Political Populism in the Twenty-First Century : We the People, Cambridge
100 Chapter Five
https://web.archive.org/web/20170808154607/https://formazioneonline.unisalento.
it/pluginfile.php/23746/mod_resource/content/1/Biorcio1999_LegaNord.pdf.
Retrieved August 16, 2020.
29 Davide Romano, “Romanzo padano, la Lega di Bossi: Berlusconi seduttore e
Maroni ex venduto. Parla Davide Romano,” Politica e Società 2.0, September 29,
2009.
30 Anna De Filippo, “La Nega Nord,” Life in Italy, December 7, 2018,
migration – both into and out of their countries,” Pew Research Center, December
10, 2018, https://www.pewresearch.org/fact-tank/2018/12/10/many-worldwide-
oppose-more-migration-both-into-and-out-of-their-countries/. Retrieved August 16,
2020.
40 Nando Pagnoncelli, “Le colpe dell’emergenza migranti? Il 60% punta il dito
Chang, Maria Hsia, and A. James Gregor. Political Populism in the Twenty-First Century : We the People, Cambridge
Populism in Italy and France 101
2020, https://unherd.com/thepost/meet-the-leader-of-the-new-italexit-party/.
Retrieved September 22, 2020.
45 John Follain, “Populist Senator Founds ‘Italexit’ Party to Quit EU, Ditch Euro,”
cit.
48 Ibid.
49 Christine Buckley, “’Unsubmissive’ France…and other awkward political
cit.
55 Victoria Craw, “National Front leader Marine Le Pen tipped for French
https://unherd.com/2020/07/the-everlasting-saga-of-the-le-pen-family/.
Retrieved September 21, 2020.
Chang, Maria Hsia, and A. James Gregor. Political Populism in the Twenty-First Century : We the People, Cambridge
102 Chapter Five
57 Spiegel Staff, “The Rise of Europe’s Right-Wing Populists,” Der Spiegel, September
28, 2010, https://www.spiegel.de/international/europe/continent-of-fear-the-rise-of-
europe-s-right-wing-populists-a-719842.html. Retrieved August 25, 2020.
58 Michael Ray, “National Front,” Britannica,
https://www.britannica.com/topic/National-Front-political-party-France. Retrieved
October 8, 2020.
59 Spiegel Staff, “The Rise of Europe’s Right-Wing Populists,” Der Spiegel,
Jean-Marie Le Pen, Provocative Founder, to the Margins,” The New York Times,
May 4, 2015, https://www.nytimes.com/2015/05/05/world/europe/far-right-party-
in-france-tries-to-push-jean-marie-le-pen-provocative-founder-to-the-
margins.html. Retrieved September 29, 2020.
61 “French National Front expels founder Jean-Marie Le Pen,“ BBC News, August
https://unherd.com/2020/07/the-everlasting-saga-of-the-le-pen-family/. Retrieved
September 21, 2020.
64 Ibid.
65 Bernard Gorce and Céline Rouden, “Len Pen: Nationalism is neither illegal nor
66 Marine Le Pen, “To Call This Thread by Its Name,” The New York Times, January
2020.
Chang, Maria Hsia, and A. James Gregor. Political Populism in the Twenty-First Century : We the People, Cambridge
Populism in Italy and France 103
Impressive Gains, But Hopes For Real Political Power Remain A Fantasy,”
International Business Times, March 31, 2014, https://www.ibtimes.com/french-
municipal-elections-far-right-national-front-scores-impressive-gains-hopes-real-
political. Retrieved September 31, 2020.
75 Mark John and Leila Abboud, “Far-right National Front stuns French elite with
https://www.express.co.uk/news/uk/1331465/brexit-news-france-frexit-
referendum-theresa-may-negotiations-remainer-spt. Retrieved October 9, 2020.
81 “Priscillia Ludosky, une Martiniquaise derrière les gilets jaunes,” FA Guadaloupe,
Chang, Maria Hsia, and A. James Gregor. Political Populism in the Twenty-First Century : We the People, Cambridge
104 Chapter Five
93 Andrew Hussey, “The French elites against the working class,” New Statesman,
Chang, Maria Hsia, and A. James Gregor. Political Populism in the Twenty-First Century : We the People, Cambridge
CHAPTER SIX
By that definition, the political movement that elected Donald John Trump
to the presidency of the United States can be considered populist.
Additionally, since many of his supporters were animated by a robust
American nationalism, that makes the populism of Trump a populism of the
right, instead of the left.
Copyright © 2021. Cambridge Scholars Publisher. All rights reserved.
“When was the last time anybody saw us beating . . . China in a trade deal?
When did we beat Japan at anything? When do we beat Mexico at the
border?. . . . We owe China $1.3 trillion. We owe Japan more than that. So
they come in, they take our jobs, they take our money, and then they loan us
back the money, and we pay them in interest, and then the dollar goes up so
their deal's even better. How stupid are our leaders? How stupid are these
politicians to allow this to happen?”
Trump maintained that what led to an America “in serious trouble” with an
anemic gross domestic product (GDP), the worst labor participation rate
since 1978, and an 18-20 percent real unemployment rate, was the
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106 Chapter Six
Presenting himself as a political outsider who was using his own money and
therefore not beholding to special interests and lobbyists, Trump promised
to be that leader who would bring manufacturing jobs back from abroad
and, in so doing, “take the brand of the United States and make it great
again.”
and weakens democratic rule”; the media and academic institutions that
engage in “flat-out assaults” on America’s history, traditions and values;
and social media platforms that discriminate against conservatives by
“silencing, coercing, canceling, or blacklisting” disapproved speech.
Trump then enumerated how the forces of globalism which had “exerted a
religious pull over past leaders, causing them to ignore their own national
interests” must be confronted. He called for reform of the international
trading system that, for decades, had been “exploited by nations acting in
very bad faith” against the interests of the United States. Railing against the
$15 trillion U.S. trade deficits incurred over the last quarter century, and the
outsourcing of American jobs to enrich a small handful “at the expense of
the middle class,” Trump vowed to negotiate trade terms that would be
balanced, fair and reciprocal.
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The Populism of Donald Trump 107
Then there was the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO). Trump
insisted that U.S. allies must pay their fair share of defense. Two months
after his U.N. speech, Trump’s pressuring proved fruitful. On November 29,
2019, NATO Secretary General Jens Stoltenberg announced that more
members were meeting the guideline of spending a minimum of two percent
of their GDP on defense—from only three members just a few years ago to
nine. The remaining NATO member countries promised they would do so
by 2024.3
“The free world must embrace its national foundations. It must not attempt
to erase them or replace them. . . . If you want freedom, take pride in your
country. If you want democracy, hold on to your sovereignty. And if you
want peace, love your nation. Wise leaders always put the good of their own
Copyright © 2021. Cambridge Scholars Publisher. All rights reserved.
people and their own country first. The future does not belong to globalists.
The future belongs to patriots. The future belongs to sovereign and
independent nations who protect their citizens, respect their neighbors, and
honor the differences that make each country special and unique.”
Lind was unusual among pundits in predicting Trump’s electoral victory as,
according to polling data, he did not have even an outside chance of
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108 Chapter Six
winning. What catapulted Trump to the White House, to the enduring shock
and disbelief of the Democratic Party and many in the media, was his
message of middle-class populism, which Victor Davis Hanson identified
as a populism of “less government, doubt over overseas military commitments,
fears of redistribution and globalization, and distrust of cultural elites.”5
Trump’s populist appeal to the middle- and former middle-class who felt
marginalized by the Democratic Party’s use of identity-politics to court
racial minorities, women, and non-heterosexuals, was borne out by the 2016
exit poll data6 revealing deep divisions by race, gender, education, and class
among Americans.
Gender. In 2016, the gender gap in presidential vote preference was among
the widest in exit polls dating back to 1972. Women supported Clinton over
Trump by 54% to 42%, while more men supported Trump than Clinton by
53% to 41%, which was a larger margin than the 7-point advantage Mitt
Romney had in 2012 and much different than in 2008 when men preferred
Barack Obama over John McCain by a single point.
without a college degree voted for Trump 52%-44%, by far the widest gap
in support among college graduates and non-college graduates in exit polls
dating back to 1980. Among whites, Trump won an overwhelming share of
those without a college degree by 67% to 28%—the largest of any presidential
candidate since 1980. But Trump also outperformed Clinton by a 4-point
margin of 49% to 45% among white college graduates, a group that many
had identified as key to a potential Clinton victory.
Class. Over the course of Barack Obama’s two terms as president, the U.S.
middle class had shifted their allegiance to the Republican Party, which
helped account for Trump’s victory. The Democrats, meanwhile, became a
party of the upper class and “a sliver” of the lower class.7
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The Populism of Donald Trump 109
Research by the Wall Street Journal (WSJ)9 confirmed the switch in voter
bases of the two political parties, which explained their changed positions
on trade and immigration to benefit their respective voter blocs. Using real
GDP, median household income, type of employment and education as
measures of socio-economic class, the WSJ found that in just ten years, from
2008 to 2018, the Democratic Party had become the party of not just the
rich, but the super-rich, whereas the Republican Party became the party of
the middle-class and the working poor.
To begin, in 2018, the GOP had lost all congressional districts with GDPs
above $62 billion; Republican lawmakers did not represent even a single
section of America’s richest districts. Instead, the vast majority of
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110 Chapter Six
In contrast, in 2008 the Democratic Party was already trending toward being
a party of the super-rich, winning congressional districts with GDPs of $70
billion to $90 billion or more. By 2018, the transformation was complete:
Democrats largely represented voters who lived in the richest districts—
those with GDP of $90 billion or more—and in “a sliver” of poor districts.
Between 2008 and 2017, the median household income of Democrat
congressional districts increased 17% from $52,000 to $62,000, while that
of Republican voters hardly changed at all.
The shifts in the two parties’ voter bases would explain Republican voters
whose jobs are threatened by free trade becoming the demographic group
most in support of an economic nationalist agenda of tariffs on foreign
imports and reduced foreign competition in the labor market. In contrast,
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Chang, Maria Hsia, and A. James Gregor. Political Populism in the Twenty-First Century : We the People, Cambridge
The Populism of Donald Trump 111
was a reaction to the elite’s contempt for the white middle class. As Hanson
put it: 11
[S]corn for the white middle class . . . was widespread among many elites,
and it ignited a Trump backlash. . . . The anger that Trump tapped had been
a long time in coming. But few politicians knew it firsthand, much less saw
it as merited or even useful in the political sense. . . . [Trump] had seen a
critical preexisting and vast swath of potential voters in proverbial swing
states who were . . . resentful over the disdain shown them by elites,
especially the likes of Barack Obama and Hillary Clinton. And they were
irate at the winners of globalization who had somehow blamed them for
being the global economy’s losers.
In other words, the elite’s contempt for the white middle and working
classes predated the 2016 election. In truth, some eight years before, at a
fundraising event in San Francisco on April 6, 2008, presidential hopeful
Barack Obama condescendingly dismissed working-class voters in old
industrial towns decimated by job losses as "bitter” people who “cling to
guns or religion or antipathy to people who aren't like them or anti-
immigrant sentiment or anti-trade sentiment as a way to explain their
frustrations."12
Elites less prominent than Obama and Clinton were equally derisive of
Trump supporters. As examples, on August 12, 2016, FBI agent Peter
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112 Chapter Six
Strzok texted his extramarital lover Lisa Page that Trump voters stank: “Just
went to a southern Virginia Walmart. I could SMELL the Trump support.”16
Another (unidentified) FBI employee texted an FBI attorney on the day after
the 2016 election that “Trump’s supporters are all poor to middle class,
uneducated, lazy POS [pieces of shit].”17
Hillary Clinton wasn’t the only politician who regarded Trump voters with
unconcealed contempt. On September 15, 2018, during a speech at the
Human Rights Campaign’s annual dinner in Washington, D.C., former Vice
President Joe Biden called Trump supporters “a small percentage of the
American people” who were “forces of intolerance,” “virulent people, some
of them the dregs of society.”22 Hanson pointed out that those “dregs of
society” in 2016 numbered 63 million—46% of all voters.23
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The Populism of Donald Trump 113
Nor were Progressives the only elites who held the white middle and
working classes in contempt. Republican “never Trumpers” were equally
condescending.
“Look, to be totally honest, if things are so bad as you say with the white
working class, don’t you want to get new Americans in? Basically if you are
in free society, a capitalist society, after two, three, four generations of hard
work, everyone becomes kind of decadent, lazy, spoiled, whatever. Then,
luckily, you have these waves of people coming in from Italy, Ireland,
Russia, and now Mexico, who really want to work hard and really want to
succeed, and really want their kids to live better lives than them, and aren’t
sort of clipping coupons or hoping that they can hang on and, meanwhile,
grew up as spoiled kids and so forth.”
Copyright © 2021. Cambridge Scholars Publisher. All rights reserved.
Hanson noted that Progressive and conservative “never Trump” elites not
only were racist, they were hypocrites who excused their crude stereotyping
of white middle America by insisting that racism against whites was not
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114 Chapter Six
racism. While accusing the middle and working classes of “white privilege,”
the elites themselves were blind to their own outsized “white privilege of
insider contacts, professional degrees, wealth, inheritance, and influence.”30
Trump’s Presidency
In December 2017, nearly eleven months into Trump’s presidency, CNN’s
White House reporter Stephen Collinson conceded that although “A
politician who actually does what he told voters he would do seems almost
unfathomable in Washington, a town of broken promises,” President Trump
had “obstinately” honored the vows he’d made, “even those that horrify the
political and foreign policy establishment, media critics and allied
leaders.”31 By October 2018, Marc A. Thiessen of the Washington Post
Writers Group recognized that “For better or worse, since taking office,
Trump has done exactly what he promised he would do.” Thiessen noted
that where Trump had failed to keep promises, such as building the wall or
repealing Obamacare, it was not for lack of trying, and that Trump
backtracked on a campaign pledge only in a few rare instances, such as
when he reversed course on his promise to withdraw all U.S. forces from
Afghanistan.32
clients are the U.S. Census Bureau and the Social Security Administration,
by September 2019, the median- or average-income U.S. family saw an
annual increase of $5,214 since Trump had acceded to office, from about
$61,000 to $66,214.34 Heritage Foundation senior fellow Steve Moore
pointed out that annual median household income gains in the eight years
of the presidencies of George W. Bush and Barack Obama were,
respectively, $400 and $1,043, whereas under Trump, in less than three
years, the income gains were 500% to 1,303% larger. Trump’s tax cuts also
added an additional $2,500 to the after-tax income of a typical family of
four, which made the increase in income of most middle-class families
closer to at least $6,000 in the Trump era.35
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The Populism of Donald Trump 115
October 2019. Over the same period, prices for all items less food and
energy rose 2.3%, food prices rose 2.1%, while energy prices declined
4.2%.36
Trump’s tax cuts also included a reduction in the business tax rate from
35%—the highest in the developed world—to 21%. That led to businesses
giving wage increases, bonuses and increased benefits to more than 6
million workers, as well as the repatriation of over $1.5 trillion from
overseas and the creation of nearly 9,000 Opportunity Zones with no taxes
on capital gains on long-term investments. The zones, in turn, attracted $52
billion of new investment in economically distressed communities, creating
half a million new jobs.37
For its part, the Trump White House claimed the creation of 7 million new
jobs, more than 1.2 million of which were in manufacturing and
construction, as well as “record low” unemployment rates for African
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116 Chapter Six
Trade. The Trump White House also claimed to have negotiated “fair and
reciprocal” trade agreements to defend American workers and stem the
outsourcing of jobs overseas. Among the trade-related action taken were the
withdrawal from the “job-killing” Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP); ending
the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA) and replacing it with
the United States-Mexico-Canada Agreement (USMCA); signing an
executive order making it government policy to buy and hire American;
concluding a “fully-enforceable” Phase One trade agreement with China on
pirated and counterfeit goods, and the protection of American ideas, trade
secrets, patents, and trademarks; imposing tariffs on hundreds of billions
worth of Chinese goods, and on foreign aluminum and foreign steel to
protect U.S. vital industries and national security; and signing more than 50
agreements with countries around the world to increase foreign market
access and boost exports of U.S. agriculture products.41
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The Populism of Donald Trump 117
But the outbreak of the COVID-19 global pandemic in Spring 2020, which
led to lockdowns, closures of businesses and the resultant unemployment of
millions, decimated much of those economic gains. At its worst, in April
2020, the U.S. unemployment rate rose to an unprecedented 14.7%—a level
not seen since data collection began in 1948—before declining to 6.7% by
November 2020.46
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118 Chapter Six
Even before he was elected president, candidate Trump had a battle plan to
reshape America’s judiciary. According to Leonard A. Leo, the executive
vice president of the Federalist Society and an informal Trump adviser,
Trump had instructed his transition team to prioritize appointing young,
conservative judges who could resist “tremendous political and social
pressure.” The plan’s implementation was entrusted to Donald F. McGahn
II, who became Trump’s White House counsel.48
The plan to reshape the judiciary was aided by Senate Republicans who,
having gained control of the Senate in 2015, effectively shut down the
judicial confirmation process in the last two years of the Obama administration,
which led to an unusually large number of court vacancies when Trump
assumed office. Furthermore, until the 2018 midterm elections that returned
a Democratic majority to the House of Representatives, the GOP had control
over both houses of Congress, which meant that Senate confirmation of
Trump’s judicial nominees was expedited by simple-majority votes.
After Trump was in office for not even a year, he already was on the verge
of putting more “originalist” (original intent of the Founders) conservatives
in the circuit courts than any other president. By February 2020, in a little
over three years, Trump’s nominees filled two of the nine seats on the
Supreme Court, and a quarter of federal judicial seats, including 137
district-court judges and 51 appellate judges. The Economist observed that
“No president since at least Ronald Reagan has racked up judicial
appointments so quickly.”49 In September 2020, Trump nominated his third
Supreme Court justice, Amy Coney Barrett, an originalist, who was
Copyright © 2021. Cambridge Scholars Publisher. All rights reserved.
confirmed by the Senate the next month, bringing the total number of
Trump’s Supreme Court justices to three—a signal achievement for post-
WWII presidents in their first term of office.
True to his word, every one of Trump’s judicial nominees was conservative,
a fact vouched by the Federalist Society and other conservative groups. The
significance was recognized by Baher Azmy, director of the progressive
legal advocacy group, Center for Constitutional Rights, when he lamented
that Trump’s judicial appointments could “end the progressive state as we
know it.”50
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The Populism of Donald Trump 119
At about noon, Trump addressed the protesters from the Ellipse of the White
House. Claiming to have won the election by a landslide, he said he had
“overwhelming evidence” that the election had been “rigged” and “stolen
on a scale never seen before” by “radical-left Democrats” and “the fake
news media.” He cited evidence of electoral irregularities of fraudulent
Copyright © 2021. Cambridge Scholars Publisher. All rights reserved.
mail-in ballots, dead and non-citizen voters, people registering to vote after
the deadline, and “illegal and unconstitutional changes” to election
procedures in the battleground or swing states, made by local and state
officials without the mandated approvals by the state legislatures.53
Trump thanked “the more than 140 members of Congress,” calling them
“warriors,” and urged them “to confront this egregious assault on our
democracy.” Referring to Biden as “somebody in there that should not be in
there,” Trump bemoaned that “our country will be destroyed” and “has had
enough. We will not take it anymore.” He vowed, “We will never give up,
we will never concede . . . when there’s theft involved,” and called on his
supporters to “fight like hell” and “to primary the hell out of the ones that
don’t fight” because “if you don’t fight like hell, you’re not going to have a
country anymore.” Trump ended his speech by inviting the protesters “to
walk down Pennsylvania Avenue” to the Capitol building “to cheer our
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120 Chapter Six
brave senators and congressmen and women” and “to peacefully and
patriotically make your voices heard.”54
More than half an hour before Trump concluded his speech, White House
Press Secretary Kaylieh McEnany tweeted at 12:36 p.m. that at the
President’s “direction, the National Guard is on the way along with other
federal protective services. We reiterate President Trump’s call against
violence and to remain peaceful.”55 The Associated Press noted that three
days before, on January 3, the Capitol Police had declined an offer from the
Pentagon to send National Guard troops, and an offer of FBI agents from
the Justice Department. “Instead, despite plenty of warnings of a possible
insurrection and ample resources and time to prepare, the Capitol Police
planned only for a free speech demonstration.56
In the mayhem, 140 people were injured, five people died. Capitol Police
officer Brian Sicknick was among the five, initially reported to have died
from being struck by a fire extinguisher, but medical examiners found no
Copyright © 2021. Cambridge Scholars Publisher. All rights reserved.
evidence of blunt force trauma.58 Of the four remaining deaths, unarmed 14-
year Air Force veteran Ashli Babbitt was shot by a police officer;59 three
other protesters died from “medical emergencies” of a heart attack, a stroke,
and being trampled to death.
After Capitol Police secured the building, the House and Senate reconvened
that night to certify the Electoral College votes. At 3:41 a.m. the next
morning, Vice President Mike Pence confirmed Joe Biden as the winner of
the presidential election.60 Three hours before, at 12:49 a.m., Deputy White
House Chief of Staff Dan Scavino tweeted this statement from Trump:61
Even though I totally disagree with the outcome of the election, and the facts
bear me out, nevertheless there will be an orderly transition on January 20th.
I have always said we would continue our fight to ensure that only legal
votes were counted. While this represents the end of the greatest first term
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The Populism of Donald Trump 121
in presidential history, it’s only the beginning of our fight to Make America
Great Again!
On January 13, a week before Trump’s term of office expired, the U.S.
House of Representatives voted 232:197, including ten Republicans, to
impeach him for a second time for “incitement of insurrection” of the
January 6 storming of Capitol Hill.
In the United States, the reason for impeaching a president is to remove him
from office. As stated in Section 4, Article II of the U.S. Constitution, “The
President, Vice President and all civil officers of the United States, shall be
removed from office on impeachment for, and conviction of, treason,
bribery, or other high crimes and misdemeanors.”62 In other words, as
Cornell Law School’s Legal Information Institute explains, “the American
impeachment process is remedial, not penal: it is limited to office holders,
and judgments are limited to no more than removal from office and
disqualification to hold future office.”63
On February 23, 2021, former U.S. Capitol Police Chief Steven Sund, who
resigned a day after the January 6 riot, testified before the Senate Rules and
Homeland Security committees. His testimony made clear the riot could not
Copyright © 2021. Cambridge Scholars Publisher. All rights reserved.
have been provoked by Trump’s speech because the rioters had come
prepared. Sund said:65
“This was an attack that we are learning was pre-planned, and involved
participants from a number of states who came well equipped, coordinated,
and prepared to carry out a violent insurrection at the United States Capitol.
I witnessed insurgents beating police officers with fists, pipes, sticks, bats,
metal barricades, and flag poles. These criminals came prepared for war.
They came with weapons, chemical munitions and explosives. They came
with shields, ballistic protection, and tactical gear. They came with their own
radio system to coordinate the attack, as well as climbing gear and other
equipment to defeat the Capitol’s security features.”
Sund also testified that far-left elements were among the rioters. He said
that the assessment by the U.S. Capitol Police’s Intelligence and Inter-
Agency Coordination Division (IICD) “indicated that members of the Proud
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122 Chapter Six
Boys, white supremacist groups, Antifa, and other extremist groups were
expected to participate in the January 6th event and that they may be
inclined to become violent.” Despite the Capitol Police’s own assessment
that there could be violence, the IICD concluded that “the level of
probability of acts of civil disobedience/arrests occurring based on current
intelligence information” was “Remote” to “Improbable”.
On February 20, 2021, in a virtual address to the online G-7 (Group of Seven
industrialized countries) summit, declaring that the days of “America First”
diplomacy were over, Biden signaled the end of Trump nationalism and a
return to globalism. As reported by the AP, “President Joe Biden used his
first address before a global audience Friday to declare that ‘America is
back, the transatlantic alliance is back,’ after four years of a Trump
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Notes
1 “Transcript: Donald Trump announces his presidency candidacy,” CBS News, June
2016, https://www.politico.com/magazine/story/2016/03/donald-trump-the-perfect-
Chang, Maria Hsia, and A. James Gregor. Political Populism in the Twenty-First Century : We the People, Cambridge
The Populism of Donald Trump 123
They Live in Different Worlds,” Wall Street Journal, Sept. 19, 2019,
https://www.wsj.com/graphics/red-economy-blue-economy/. Retrieved October 21,
2019.
8 Ruth Igielnik and Rakesh Kochkar, “GOP gained ground in middle-class
https://www.theguardian.com/world/2008/apr/14/barackobama.uselections2008.
Retrieved November 19, 2019.
13 Joe Tacopino, “Clinton: Half of Trump’s supporters are a ‘basket of deplorables’,”
if they’re ‘hillbillies’ during wild House hearing,” Newsweek, July 12, 2, 2018,
https://www.newsweek.com/peter-strzok-trump-smell-hillbillies-1020892.
Retrieved November 19, 2019.
Chang, Maria Hsia, and A. James Gregor. Political Populism in the Twenty-First Century : We the People, Cambridge
124 Chapter Six
17 David K. Li, “FBI employee blasted Trump voters: ‘Uneducated, lazy POS,” New
York Post, June 15, 2018, https://nypost.com/2018/06/15/fbi-employee-working-on-
hillary-probe-blasted-trump-supporters-as-lazy-pos-after-election/.
Retrieved November 19, 2019.
18 Salena Zito, “Why liberal elites are so resentful of middle America,” New York
16, 2020.
26 Kevin D. Williamson, “The Father-Führer,” National Review, March 28, 2016,
https://www.nationalreview.com/magazine/2016/03/28/father-f-hrer/. Retrieved
Copyright © 2021. Cambridge Scholars Publisher. All rights reserved.
2018, https://www.washingtonpost.com/news/global-opinions/wp/2018/06/18/has-
trump-finally-gone-too-far/. Retrieved November 19, 2019.
29 David Brooks, “The East Germans of the 21st Century,” New York Times, January
https://www.cnn.com/2017/12/07/politics/donald-trump-promises-kept/index.html.
Retrieved November 23, 2019.
32 Marc A. Thiessen, “Trump could be the most honest in modern history,” Chicago
Chang, Maria Hsia, and A. James Gregor. Political Populism in the Twenty-First Century : We the People, Cambridge
The Populism of Donald Trump 125
https://www.chicagotribune.com/opinion/commentary/ct-perspec-honesty-trump-
keeps-campaign-promises-presidential-truthfulness-1017-story.html.
Retrieved November 21, 2019.
33 “About Us,” Sentier Research, https://sentierresearch.com/aboutus.html.
Sentier Research,
https://sentierresearch.com/reports/Sentier_Household_Income_Trends_Report_Se
ptember_2019_10_30_19.pdf. Retrieved November 23, 2019.
35 Steve Moore, “It’s a middle-class boom—How Americans are really doing under
United States Department of Labor Bureau of Labor Statistics, November 19, 2019,
https://www.bls.gov/opub/ted/2019/consumer-prices-increase-1-point-8-percent-
in-the-12-months-ending-october-2019.htm. Retrieved November 23, 2019.
37 “Trump Administration Accomplishments,” WhiteHouse.gov,
https://www.whitehouse.gov/trump-administration-accomplishments/.
Retrieved February 4, 2021.
38 Andy Kiersz and Joseph Zaballos-Roig, “Trump boasts the economy is the best
it’s ever been. Here are 9 charts showing how it’s fared compared to the Obama and
Bush presidencies,” Business Insider, October 10, 2019,
https://www.businessinsider.com/9-charts-comparing-trump-economy-to-obama-
bush-administrations-2019-9. Retrieved November 23, 2019.
39 “Trump Administration Accomplishments,” WhiteHouse.gov.
40 Ibid.
41 Ibid.
Copyright © 2021. Cambridge Scholars Publisher. All rights reserved.
42 Ibid.
43 Ibid.
44 Ibid.
45 Larry Greenfield, “President Trump is the Chemo During These Divisive Times,”
2017, https://www.economist.com/books-and-arts/2017/09/21/the-liberal-order-of-
the-past-70-years-is-under-
threat?fsrc=scn/tw/te/bl/ed/theliberalorderofthepast70yearsisunderthreat. Retrieved
November 1, 2019.
48 Charlie Savage, “Trump Is Rapidly Reshaping the Judiciary. Here’s How,” The
Chang, Maria Hsia, and A. James Gregor. Political Populism in the Twenty-First Century : We the People, Cambridge
126 Chapter Six
https://www.nytimes.com/2017/11/11/us/politics/trump-judiciary-appeals-courts-
conservatives.html?partner=msft_msn. Retrieved November 22, 2017.
49 “Donald Trump is appointing federal judges at a blistering pace,” The Economist,
Police rejected offers of federal help to quell mob,” AP, January 7, 2021,
https://apnews.com/article/capitol-police-reject-federal-help-
Copyright © 2021. Cambridge Scholars Publisher. All rights reserved.
some of the Capitol rioters,” The Washington Post, January 23, 2021,
https://www.washingtonpost.com/national-security/doj-capitol-rioters-charges-
debate/2021/01/23/3b0cf112-5d97-11eb-8bcf-3877871c819d_story.html.
Retrieved February 22, 2021.
58 Evan Perez, David Shortell, and Whitney Wild, “Investigators struggle to build
murder case in death of US Capitol Police officer Brian Sicknick,” CNN, February
2, 2021, https://www.cnn.com/2021/02/02/politics/brian-sicknick-charges/index.
html. Retrieved February 22, 2021.
59 Jake Dima, “Attorney for Capitol officer who shot Ashli Babbitt disputes claims
Chang, Maria Hsia, and A. James Gregor. Political Populism in the Twenty-First Century : We the People, Cambridge
The Populism of Donald Trump 127
https://www.law.cornell.edu/constitution-conan/article-2/section-4/impeachment.
Retrieved February 23, 2021.
64 Dareh Gregorian, “Trump acquitted in impeachment trial; 7 GOP Senators vote
Senate Committee on Rules and Administration and the Senate Homeland Security
and Government Affairs Committee,” Senate.gov, February 23, 2021,
https://www.rules.senate.gov/imo/media/doc/Testimony_Sund.pdf. Retrieved
March 3, 2021.
66 In the same span of time, January 20 to February 4, Biden’s three predecessors—
Chang, Maria Hsia, and A. James Gregor. Political Populism in the Twenty-First Century : We the People, Cambridge
Copyright © 2021. Cambridge Scholars Publisher. All rights reserved.
Chang, Maria Hsia, and A. James Gregor. Political Populism in the Twenty-First Century : We the People, Cambridge
CHAPTER SEVEN
For as long as humans lived in groups with divisions of labor, there likely
have been elites. Certainly, elites and their “superior attitude” date back at
least to biblical times, exemplified in the parable of the Pharisee and the tax
collector in Luke 18, wherein with preening self-regard, the Pharisee
thanked God that he was “not like the rest of humanity—greedy, dishonest,
Copyright © 2021. Cambridge Scholars Publisher. All rights reserved.
adulterous.”
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130 Chapter Seven
In the past, knowing they lacked the required “special qualities,” the masses
had “recognised their place in a healthy dynamic social system” and
“asserted no right to intervene” in the operations of society and government.
But no more. According to Ortega, the “evil” “general feature of our time”
is that instead of knowing their proper place, the masses decided to “advance
to the foreground of social life” to “occupy the places” of the specially
qualified individuals, despite the fact that “the masses, by definition, neither
should nor can direct their own personal existence, and still less rule society
in general.” In so doing, the “inferior . . . man of the crowd” not only refused
to “pay tribute” to intelligence, but felt “himself exempt from all submission
to superiors.”5
Ortega noted that the result of this “rebellion of the masses” against the
proper social order was a “hyperdemocracy,” wherein “the commonplace
mind, knowing itself to be commonplace, has the assurance to proclaim the
rights of the commonplace and to impose them wherever it will.” In this
deformed democracy, the masses crushed “everything that is different,
everything that is excellent, individual, qualified and select. . . . Anybody
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who is not like everybody, who does not think like everybody, runs the risk
of being eliminated.”6
Then, as now, the elites view themselves as more intelligent and specially
qualified to rule. That attitude is exemplified by Gilles Le Gendre, a
former French National Assembly legislator (2018-2020) from President
Emmanuel Macron’s En Marche! party. When asked what the government
should have done differently about the populist Yellow Vests
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Revolt Against the Elites 131
Then, as now, the elites portray the masses as dimwitted simpletons. In the
United States, former Vice President Joe Biden called Trump supporters
“chumps”8—dolts or stupid people. Similarly, Politico reporter Marc
Caputo mocked the crowd at a Trump rally as toothless rednecks—“If you
put everyone’s mouths together in this video, you’d get a full set of teeth.”9
In our time, the elites especially pride themselves on being college educated,
and equate the masses’ alleged lack of one with stupidity. In the United
States, in a text to an FBI attorney, an unidentified FBI employee called all
Trump supporters “poor to middle class, uneducated, lazy POS [pieces of
shit].”11 In the UK, actor-producer Steve Coogan called Brexit supporters
“ill-informed, ignorant, and uneducated.”12 For his part, notwithstanding the
fact that pro-Brexit voters were as knowledgeable about the European
Union as those who were anti-Brexit, with one in four pro-Brexiteers having
a college degree,13 Lancaster University finance professor Vasso Ioannidou
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held that not being college educated had rendered Brexiteers weak-minded
and thus susceptible to anti-EU propaganda.14
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132 Chapter Seven
the union of the separate European peoples into a superstate “would give
new life to the pulses of Europe.” Calling nationalism—the love for one’s
country and people—“artificial” “blind alleys” and “nothing but a mania,”
Ortega maintained that “every” European intellectual felt limited and
“suffocated within the boundaries of his country.” Finding his nationality
“an absolute limitation,” the intellectual “discovered that to be English,
German, or French is to be provincial.”18 In our time, Bill Kristol, the
founder and editor-at-large of The Weekly Standard, similarly chafed at
nationalism and nationalist sentiments. On the day of Donald Trump’s
inauguration, Kristol tweeted that he found the new president’s “America
First” nationalism “profoundly depressing and vulgar.”19
Unlike the old aristocratic ruling class with their noblesse oblige, however,
today’s cosmopolitan elites lack that sense of moral obligation, priding
themselves on being a suis generis meritocracy of the intelligent. As Lasch
put it:21
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Revolt Against the Elites 133
In effect, globalization has turned the new class of elites into tourists in their
own countries. According to economist and former U.S. labor secretary
Robert Reich, the new elite see themselves as "world citizens, but without
accepting . . . any of the obligations that citizenship in a polity normally
implies" because without national attachments, people have little inclination
to make sacrifices or to accept responsibility for their actions. Their ties to
an international culture of work, information and leisure render the new
elites indifferent to the prospect of national decline. Instead of financing
public services and the public treasury, the new elite invest their money in
“self-enclosed enclaves” of private schools, private security guards, and
even private systems of garbage collection. Having removed themselves
from the common life, many of them have ceased thinking of themselves as
nationals—as Americans, British, French or Italian—altogether.22
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134 Chapter Seven
boiled in oil” 27 and wished that pro-Brexit PM Boris Johnson would die
from the COVID-19 virus.28
In the United States, too, when Donald Trump briefly was hospitalized with
COVID-19, Steve Cox, an Independent candidate running for Congress in
California’s 39th District, tweeted that he hoped the president would die
from the virus.29 So many people flooded social media wishing likewise that
Facebook, Twitter and TikTok announced that such posts would be
removed for violating their content policies.30
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Revolt Against the Elites 135
For his part, Victor Davis Hanson similarly contended that Trump populism
fundamentally was a reaction to the elites’ contempt for the white middle
class: 37
[S]corn for the white middle class . . . was widespread among many elites,
and it ignited a Trump backlash. . . . The anger that Trump tapped had been
a long time in coming. But few politicians knew it firsthand, much less saw
it as merited or even useful in the political sense. . . . [Trump] had seen a
critical preexisting and vast swath of potential voters in proverbial swing
states who were . . . resentful over the disdain shown them by elites,
especially the likes of Barack Obama and Hillary Clinton.
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136 Chapter Seven
On August 18, 2019, on the Ben Shapiro Show, British journalist Piers
Morgan was asked if Brexit and Donald Trump were part of a phenomenon
of populist resistance to a “generalized elite.” The video of the interview
evidently touched a nerve as it had gone viral, garnering more than 1.3
million views and over 7,000 comments on YouTube. Morgan replied:40
For his part, Paul Embery, a trade union activist and author of Despised:
Why the Modern Left Loathes the Working Class, called the elites’
intolerance a “creeping despotism” that shuts down legitimate debate by
dismissing opponents as “fascists,” “xenophobes” and “racists.” Embery
lamented that the elites are no longer interested in winning hearts and minds
with reasoned discussion. Instead, “every debate is viewed as a battle
between . . . enlightened progressives versus reactionary bigots,” wherein
the “enlightened” elites “feel a constant need to wield pitchforks and hurl
abuse at opponents.”41
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In the UK, those who had lost in the Brexit referendum agitated for another
referendum to reverse the majority’s decision. As Piers Morgan pointed out,
“they say . . . we have to do this all over again, we should ignore the result
of this election because I know more than you, I’m more intelligent than
you, you’re stupid people.’ That’s where we’ve got to, and if that is
accepted, where every result is simply declared null and void, . . . democracy
dies.”42
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Revolt Against the Elites 137
Yellow Vest protesters as stupid “is why we are losing faith in democracy.”
Like Morgan, Guilluy observed that whereas the Brexit referendum had
been undertaken in accordance with how things are done in a rule-governed
democracy, “it is those who seek to reverse the referendum who are anti-
democratic.”43
In the United States, Democrats refused to accept the results of the 2016
presidential election, insisting that Donald Trump fraudulently had won by
conspiring with Russians. But on March 22, 2019, after a two-year, $25
million investigation, the long-awaited report from Robert Mueller, Special
Counsel for the U.S. Department of Justice, concluded there was no
evidence of a Trump-Russian collusion, nor had Trump committed any
crime of obstruction of justice. In the words of U.S. Attorney General
William Barr in his March 24, 2019 letter to the Senate and House Judiciary
Committees:44
The [Mueller] report explains that the Special Counsel and his staff
thoroughly investigated allegations that members of the presidential
campaign of Donald J. Trump, and others associated with it, conspired with
the Russian government in its efforts to interfere in the 2016 US. presidential
election, or sought to obstruct the related federal investigations. . . . In the
report, the Special Counsel noted that, in completing his investigation, he
employed 19 lawyers who were assisted by a team of approximately 40 FBI
agents, intelligence forensic accountants, and other professional staff. The
Special Counsel issued more than 2,800 subpoenas, executed nearly 500
search warrants, obtained more than 230 orders for communication records,
issued almost 50 orders authorizing use of pen registers, made 13 requests
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Chang, Maria Hsia, and A. James Gregor. Political Populism in the Twenty-First Century : We the People, Cambridge
138 Chapter Seven
Once it was the “revolt of the masses” that was held to threaten social order
and the civilizing traditions of Western culture. . . . Today it is the elites,
however—those who control the international flow of money and
information, preside over philanthropic foundations and institutions of
higher learning, manage the instruments of cultural production and thus set
the terms of public debate—that have lost faith in the values, or what remains
of them, of the West. . . . “Diversity”—a slogan that looks attractive on the
face of it—has come to mean the opposite of what it appears to mean. In
practice, diversity turns out to legitimize a new dogmatism, in which rival
minorities take shelter behind a set of beliefs impervious to rational
discussion. . . . How much longer can the spirit of free inquiry and open
debate survive under these conditions?
thinking and the free expression and exchange of ideas are supposed to
reign.
In the UK, a 2020 YouGov poll of 820 current and former academics found
that more than one in seven said there was a hostile climate in their
department towards “people with their political beliefs.” The figure was
higher among those who identified as being right-leaning or who had voted
for Brexit. Those academics, according to a report from the Policy
Exchange think tank, were self-censoring because of a hostile work
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Revolt Against the Elites 139
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140 Chapter Seven
Trump’s coverage during his first 100 days was negative even by the
standards of today’s hyper-critical press. Studies of earlier presidents found
nothing comparable to the level of unfavorable coverage afforded
Trump. . . . [T]he sheer level of negative coverage gives weight to Trump’s
contention, one shared by his core constituency, that the media are hell bent
on destroying his presidency.
There is something even more troubling than the new elite’s intolerance of
dissent and lack of political diversity. It is their resort to some of the tactics
of totalitarian systems—those of threats, intimidation, thought reform,
informants, censorship, and political purges to exact revenge on and ensure
that their opponents become permanent outcasts.
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Revolt Against the Elites 141
retain their basic rights. Those rights afford protection against the abuse of
power by the majority—what John Stuart Mills called “the tyranny of the
majority”58—and enable the minority party to compete in future elections
to become the majority. In other words, minority rights ensure that the
minority today will not become a permanent minority at the mercy of a
permanent majority.
In the United States, not content with having won the presidency and a
majority in both houses of Congress in the 2020 election, elite Democrats
still saw fit to issue threats against their already defeated opponents.
On January 15, 2021, on HBO's “Real Time with Bill Maher,” former CBS
Evening News anchor Katie Couric—the same Couric who once dismissed
Middle America as “this great unwashed middle of the country”61—called
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for the thought reform of Republican members of Congress. She said, “the
question is how are we going to really almost deprogram these people who
have signed up for the cult of Trump.”62 On January 18, 2021, novelist-
screenwriter Don Winslow tweeted a video urging Democrats to become
informants (“citizen detectives”) by using their computers and cell phones
to monitor “extremists” on the internet and report their findings to
authorities.63
In addition to verbal threats and intimidation, the new elite also used
censorship to manipulate and constrict the free flow of information.
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142 Chapter Seven
After Democrats won the 2020 presidential election, the tech giants outright
banished Trump and thousands of his supporters from social media. Trump
was banned for life from Twitter “due to the risk of further incitement of
violence,” and barred indefinitely from Facebook and Instagram. When
Trump and his supporters retreated to Parler, a conservative alternative to
Twitter, in near-unison Google, Apple and Amazon removed Parler from
their platforms.
Victor Davis Hanson pointed out the hypocrisy of big tech’s censorship,
noting that some individuals who had made explicitly violent threats were
not banned from social media. Among them were pop singer Madonna who,
shortly after Trump’s 2017 inauguration, voiced a desire to blow up the
White House with the Trump family in it, and comedienne Kathy Griffin
who, two days after the 2020 election, retweeted the notorious picture of her
holding a prop that looked like the bloody head of a decapitated Donald
Trump. Twitter also refrained from banning Iran’s supreme leader,
Ayatollah Ali Khamenei, despite his 2019 tweet calling on his followers to
destroy Israel. Nor was Vicki Osterweil, author of In Defense of Looting—
a book that justifies theft and property destruction—banned from social
media. The taxpayer-subsidized National Public Radio even featured
Osterweil in a sympathetic interview.65
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To Hanson’s list can be added Vice President Kamala Harris. In April 2018
on the Ellen Show, then-Senator Harris (D-California) jokingly wished for
the deaths of President Trump, Vice President Mike Pence, and Attorney
General Jeff Sessions. Harris was asked: “If you had to be stuck in an
elevator with either President Trump, Mike Pence, or Jeff Sessions, who
would it be?” Harris replied, laughing, “Does one of us have to come out
alive?”66
[I]t should concern everyone when companies like Facebook and Twitter
wield the unchecked power to remove people from platforms that have
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Revolt Against the Elites 143
Elie Mystal, justice correspondent of The Nation, called for a “purge” of the
Republican Party, and for “these Trump people” to be investigated and “face
justice.”70 Kyle Herrig, president of the government watchdog
Accountable.US, said, “The officials immediately responsible for the
administration’s harm should not . . . be able to seek refuge in corporate
boardrooms and universities after Inauguration Day.”71 Former Democratic
National Committee spokesman Hari Sevugan tweeted that “Employers
considering them should know there are consequences for hiring anyone
who helped Trump attack American values.”72
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A purge requires the compilation of an enemies list. Three days after the
2020 election, Rep. Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez (D-NY), former Obama
administration staffer Michael Simon, MSNBC news anchor Chris Hayes,
and other prominent Democrats established the Trump Accountability
Project and a South Africa-style Truth and Reconciliation Commission to
compile just such a list. Those on the list would be barred from holding
public office, joining a corporate board, teaching at a university, or being
employed by other institutions and businesses. The list would include
federal judges who had been appointed by Trump, “every Administration
staffer, campaign staffer, bundler, lawyer who represented them,” “anyone
who took a paycheck to help Trump,” and anyone who challenged the 2020
election results.73
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144 Chapter Seven
Rep. Stefanik can thus be counted as among the “anyone who challenged
the 2020 election results”—the ranks of which could number in the millions.
According to a Rasmussen poll conducted on November 17-18, 2020,
nearly half (47%) of likely voters believed the 2020 election had been stolen
from Trump, including 75% of Republicans and nearly 3 of 10 (30%)
Democrats.75
Believing that the 2020 election was fraudulent has become the
contemporary equivalent of “shouting fire in a crowded theater”—a phrase
that is popularly but incorrectly used as exemplifying speech that is not
protected by the First Amendment of the U.S. Constitution.76 So terrified
are the elites of accusations of voter fraud that recourse was made to station
thousands of National Guard troops in the capital in a show of force to
intimidate and dissuade “anyone who challenged the 2020 election results.”
6,000 of the 26,000 National Guard troops sent to Washington, D.C., for the
inauguration of Joe Biden had remained in the capital, ostensibly to provide
“assistance such as security, communications, medical evacuation, logistics,
and safety support to state, district, and federal agencies,” according to a
National Guard spokesperson.77 In an internal Department of Homeland
Security memo, Robert Salesses, assistant secretary for homeland defense
and global security, said the troops could remain in D.C. until Fall of 2021,
and could be supplemented by reserve and even active military personnel.78
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Conclusion
The twenty-first century has experienced enough instances of populist
politics to allow analysts to be relatively confident of their identification.
What is yet unknown is what their development might be over time. It is not
at all clear that there is a pattern of development that they all exemplify.
Some populist leaders rose to govern nations, as in the cases of the
Chang, Maria Hsia, and A. James Gregor. Political Populism in the Twenty-First Century : We the People, Cambridge
Revolt Against the Elites 145
Some in the media proclaim populism to be on the decline, and that its best
Copyright © 2021. Cambridge Scholars Publisher. All rights reserved.
days are over. The COVID-19 pandemic seemed to have led to a decrease
in populism as many looked to government for succor and guidance in
uncertain times. A November 2020 YouGov-Cambridge Globalism survey
of some 26,000 people across 25 countries found that support for populist
beliefs had fallen “markedly” in the past year.80 By December 2020, nearly
a year after the pandemic first erupted, support for Matteo Salvini’s League
in Italy had spiraled from 30% to 25%. In the United Kingdom, pro-Brexit
PM Boris Johnson lost a 20-point lead in polls in less than a year. In France,
Marine Le Pen’s Front lost 40% of officials in local elections.81
But others argue populism is here to stay. As Roger Eatwell and Matthew
Goodwin, among others,82 pointed out in their book, National Populism,
populist movements have deep roots within societies and their reach is
potentially wider than is thought to be because significant numbers of ethnic
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146 Chapter Seven
In the United States, the words of Eatwell and Goodwin were borne out by
the thousands of people who attended a post-election rally on December 5,
2020, for the loser of the presidential election, Donald Trump. The huge
crowd had waited for more than 90 minutes at the Valdosta Regional Airport
in Georgia before Trump spoke to chants of “We love you!”84 On January
19, 2021, Trump’s last day as president, Rasmussen Reports’ daily
presidential tracking poll found his total approval to be 51%—only eight
percentage points lower than his highest approval rating of 59% on January
26, 2017.85 A CBS News poll in February 2021 found that as many as 70%
of rank-and-file Republicans would join or consider joining a new, Trump-
led political party.86
Those who contend populism is not going away also find support in a 2019
study by the Pew Research Center which found that a majority (51%) of
people in 27 countries across the world were dissatisfied with “the way
democracy is working in their country”; just 45% were satisfied. More
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Populist leaders may come and go, and populist reforms may be fleeting or
coopted by establishment parties as their own. What is certain, however, is
that given the underlying societal conditions that gave rise to populism—
those of unconstrained immigration, the outsourcing of jobs, and the
denigration of national interests, cultures, and traditions—unless the elites
listen to and find a way to address the legitimate concerns of the common
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Revolt Against the Elites 147
folk on whom they heap scorn and derision, populist movements will
continue to appear and be embraced by the disaffected.
Notes
1 “Philip Dormer Stanhope, 4th Earl Chesterfiedl,” Dedicatio.com,
https://www.dedicatio.com/author/Chesterfield-Earl-Philip-Dormer-Stanhope/.
Retrieved February 23, 2021.
2 “Elite” and “Elitism,” Lexico, https://www.lexico.com/definition/elite and
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148 Chapter Seven
& London: W. W. Norton & Company, Revised edition (January 17, 1996), pp. 34-
35.
21 Ibid., p. 39.
22 Ibid., pp. 47, 45.
23 “Nation Divided: The Full Debate,” Sky News, January 5, 2017,
https://www.spiked-online.com/2020/01/28/terry-christian-the-true-face-of-
remoaner-bigotry/. Retrieved June 23, 2020.
27 News Breakfast’s tweet of the video of Margoyles’ interview, January 27, 2019,
https://twitter.com/BreakfastNews/status/1089643666090602496?ref_src=twsrc%5
Etfw%7Ctwcamp%5Etweetembed&ref_url=https%3A%2F%2Fd-
19151877681050074308.ampproject.net%2F2004252135000%2Fframe.html.
Retrieved May 15, 2020.
28 Ellie Phillips, “’I wanted him to DIE!’: Outrage as Harry Potter star Miriam
Margolyes says she wishes coronavirus had killed Boris Johnson when Prime
Minister was struck by the bug,” Daily Mail, May 9, 2020,
https://www.dailymail.co.uk/tvshowbiz/article-8303091/Harry-Potter-star-Miriam-
Margolyes-admits-wanted-PM-Boris-Johnson-DIE-COVID-19.html. Retrieved May
15, 2020.
Chang, Maria Hsia, and A. James Gregor. Political Populism in the Twenty-First Century : We the People, Cambridge
Revolt Against the Elites 149
29 Ewan Palmer, “California Candidate For Congress Says He Hopes Trump and
Biden Both Die From Covid,” Newsweek, October 2, 2020,
https://www.newsweek.com/trump-biden-coronavirus-steve-cox-1535919.
Retrieved November 21, 2020.
30 Bobby Allyn, “Facebook, Twitter and Tiktok Say Wishing Trump’s Death From
‘intellectual humility,’ funded by large grant,” The College Fix, February 2, 2021,
https://www.thecollegefix.com/professor-wishes-for-death-of-trump-supporters-
while-studying-intellectual-humility-funded-by-large-grant/. Retrieved March 3,
2021.
32 “Maga chud,” Urban Dictionary,
https://www.urbandictionary.com/define.php?term=Maga%20chud.
Retrieved March 3, 2021.
33 Troy Sargent, “Professor wishes for death of Trump supporters,” The College Fix.
34 Michael Lind, “Britain’s new class war,” Unherd, February 5, 2020,
39 José Ortega y Gasset, The Revolt of the Masses, op. cit., p. 17.
40 “Piers Morgan | The Ben Shapiro Show Sunday Special Ep. 64,” YouTube,
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=HlDct_2wJXI&feature=emb_title. Retrieved
November 20, 2020.
41 Paul Embery, “Why is the Left calling me a fascist?,” Unherd, November 27,
2020, https://unherd.com/2020/11/why-is-the-left-calling-me-a-fascist/?tl_inbound
=1&tl_groups[0]=18743&tl_period_type=3. Retrieved November 28, 2020.
42 Ibid.
43 Andrew Hussey, “The French elites against the working class,”
DocumentCloud.org, https://www.documentcloud.org/documents/5779730-Attorney-
General-William-Barr-s-Summary-of-the.html?embed=true. Retrieved December 6,
2020.
Chang, Maria Hsia, and A. James Gregor. Political Populism in the Twenty-First Century : We the People, Cambridge
150 Chapter Seven
45 One Republican, Mitt Romney, voted to convict on the second count of obstruction
of Congress. Philip Ewing, “'Not Guilty': Trump Acquitted On 2 Articles Of
Impeachment As Historic Trial Closes,” NPR, February 5, 2020,
https://www.npr.org/2020/02/05/801429948/not-guilty-trump-acquitted-on-2-
articles-of-impeachment-as-historic-trial-closes. Retrieved February 8, 2021.
46 Christopher Lasch, Revolt of the Elites, op. cit., pp. 25, 26, 18.
47 Daniel Oberhaus, “Silicon Valley Opens Its Wallet for Joe Biden,” WIRED, June
https://www.politico.com/magazine/story/2016/04/2016-campaign-opinion-
journalists-press-corps-reporters-survey-213844. Retrieved November 30, 2020.
51 Michael Grunwald, “The Selling of Obama,” Politico Magazine, May/June 2016,
https://www.politico.com/magazine/story/2016/04/narrative-message-media-
president-barack-obama-administration-communications-213830?paginate=false.
Retrieved November 30, 2020.
52 Jeffrey M. Jones, “Obama Honeymoon Continues; 7 Months Is Recent Average,”
Harvard Kennedy School Shorenstein Center on Media, Politics and Public Policy,
May 18, 2017, https://shorensteincenter.org/news-coverage-donald-trumps-first-
100-days/. Retrieved December 1, 2020.
54 The Editorial Board, “Democrats: Do Not Surrender the Judiciary,” The New York
Globally Want Unbiased News Coverage, but Are Divided on Whether Their News
Media Deliver,” Pew Research Center, January 11, 2018,
https://www.pewresearch.org/global/2018/01/11/publics-globally-want-unbiased-
news-coverage-but-are-divided-on-whether-their-news-media-deliver/.
Retrieved December 1, 2020.
57 Thomas E. Patterson, “News Coverage of Donald Trump’s First 100 Days,” op.
cit.
58 “Tyranny of the Majority,” On Liberty by John Stuart Mills, LitCharts,
Chang, Maria Hsia, and A. James Gregor. Political Populism in the Twenty-First Century : We the People, Cambridge
Revolt Against the Elites 151
https://www.litcharts.com/lit/on-liberty/terms/tyranny-of-the-majority.
Retrieved February 26, 2021.
59 Bronson Stocking, “A Vengeful Jennifer Rubin Wants Republican Party to 'Burn
https://twitter.com/donwinslow/status/1351326993342627840?ref_src=twsrc%5Etf
w%7Ctwcamp%5Etweetembed%7Ctwterm%5E1351326993342627840%7Ctwgr
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conservative-news%2Fleftists-call-army-trump.htm. Retrieved February 27, 2021.
64 Allum Bokhari, #Deleted: Big Tech’s Battle to Erase the Trump Movement and
and cancels thousands of Americans,” The Washington Times, January 13, 2021,
Copyright © 2021. Cambridge Scholars Publisher. All rights reserved.
https://www.washingtontimes.com/news/2021/jan/13/democrats-applaud-social-
media-that-blacklists-cen/. Retrieved February 26, 2021.
66 Hannah Bleau, “Video: Kamala Harris once laughed hysterically after joking
Chang, Maria Hsia, and A. James Gregor. Political Populism in the Twenty-First Century : We the People, Cambridge
152 Chapter Seven
https://www.yahoo.com/huffpost/bill-pascrell-house-lawmaker-traitors-texas-
lawsuit-023004107.html. Retrieved February 27, 2021. State of Texas v.
Pennsylvania, et al., argued that officials in the four states conducted the 2020
general election in violation of the U.S. Constitution because they had illegally
altered election laws, causing a flood of mail-in votes without appropriate ballot
integrity measures in place. Texas maintained the resulting irregularities put the
ultimate outcome of the presidential election in doubt. On December 11, 2020, in a
7:2 decision, the Supreme Court dismissed the suit on the grounds that Texas lacked
legal standing because the state had not shown a valid interest to intervene in how
other states handled their elections.
70 Elie Mystal, “We’re Going to Need a Truth and Reconciliation Commission to
Recover From Trump,” The Nation, October 20, 2020. Retrieved February 27, 2021.
71 Paul Bedard, “ABC demands ‘cleansing’ Trump movement from America,”
Washington Examiner.
73 Joel B. Pollak, “Leftists, Never Trumpers Begin Compiling Lists of Trump
19, 2020,
Copyright © 2021. Cambridge Scholars Publisher. All rights reserved.
https://www.rasmussenreports.com/public_content/politics/elections/election_2020
/61_think_trump_should_concede_to_biden. Retrieved February 24, 2021.
76 In 1969 decision in Brandenburg v. Ohio, the U.S. Supreme Court held that
Chang, Maria Hsia, and A. James Gregor. Political Populism in the Twenty-First Century : We the People, Cambridge
Revolt Against the Elites 153
79 The video of Lieu’s speech was tweeted by PBS NewsHour. See @NewsHour,
Twitter, February 11, 2021,
https://twitter.com/NewsHour/status/1359929759770288134. Retrieved March 1,
2021.
80 Joel Rogers de Waal, “Globalism Project 2020: populist beliefs down but
https://www.rasmussenreports.com/public_content/politics/trump_administration/tr
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86 Anthony Salvanto, Jennifer De Pinto, Fred Backus and Kabir Khanna, “Majority
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Copyright © 2021. Cambridge Scholars Publisher. All rights reserved.
Dissatisfied With How Democracy Is Working,” Pew Research Center, April 29,
2019, https://www.pewresearch.org/global/2019/04/29/many-across-the-globe-are-
dissatisfied-with-how-democracy-is-working/.
Chang, Maria Hsia, and A. James Gregor. Political Populism in the Twenty-First Century : We the People, Cambridge
Copyright © 2021. Cambridge Scholars Publisher. All rights reserved.
Chang, Maria Hsia, and A. James Gregor. Political Populism in the Twenty-First Century : We the People, Cambridge
INDEX
Chang, Maria Hsia, and A. James Gregor. Political Populism in the Twenty-First Century : We the People, Cambridge
156 Index
Chang, Maria Hsia, and A. James Gregor. Political Populism in the Twenty-First Century : We the People, Cambridge
Political Populism in the Twenty-First Century: We the People 157
Chang, Maria Hsia, and A. James Gregor. Political Populism in the Twenty-First Century : We the People, Cambridge
158 Index
Chang, Maria Hsia, and A. James Gregor. Political Populism in the Twenty-First Century : We the People, Cambridge
Political Populism in the Twenty-First Century: We the People 159
Chang, Maria Hsia, and A. James Gregor. Political Populism in the Twenty-First Century : We the People, Cambridge
160 Index
Chang, Maria Hsia, and A. James Gregor. Political Populism in the Twenty-First Century : We the People, Cambridge
Political Populism in the Twenty-First Century: We the People 161
Chang, Maria Hsia, and A. James Gregor. Political Populism in the Twenty-First Century : We the People, Cambridge
162 Index
33, 36, 38, 55; Russian military, al., 131-132 (n. 69)
31-32, 34-35; Russian Orthodox Steel, Mark, 70
Church, 29; Russian Soviet Stefanik, Elise, 143-144
Federated Socialist Republic, Stoddart, David, 74-75
13; Tsarist Russia, 21 Stoltenberg, Jens 107
Stormzy, 70
Salesses, Robert, 144 Strasbourg, 92
Salvini, Matteo, 83-87,134, 145 Strzok, Peter, 111-112
San Francisco, 111 Sun, Yat-sen, 3
Sassoli, David, 69 Sund, Steven, 121
Save Our Seas Act, 116 Sweden, 82
Saxony, 52 Switzerland, 29
Scandinavian, 51 Symbolic analysts, 132
Scavino, Dan, 120
Schengen Area, 90, 92 Taiwan, 11
Scottish National Party, 62, 68 Tajikistan, 37
Secularism, 50 Taylor, Robert, 70-71
Chang, Maria Hsia, and A. James Gregor. Political Populism in the Twenty-First Century : We the People, Cambridge
Political Populism in the Twenty-First Century: We the People 163
Telegraph, The, 61, 64, 70, 146 117, 122, 131, 134, 137-138,
Texas, 143 145-146; Capitol, 119-121, 134,
Thatcher, Margaret, 69 146; Capitol Police, 121-122;
Thiessen, Marc A., 114 Census Bureau, 114; Congress,
Thomas, Aquinas, 46; Thomistic, 45 118-120, 134, 137, 139, 141;
TikTok, 134 Constitution 121, 144;
Tory, 69 Department of Homeland
Totalitarian(ism), 1, 92, 135, 143; Security, 144; Department of
Totalitarian Temptation, 135 Labor, 114; Department of
Transatlantic Trade and Investment Justice, 137; Electoral College,
Partnership, 89 119-120; Federal Elections
Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP), Commission (FEC), 138;
116 Federal Reserve, 115; First
Traub, James, 133 Amendment, 144; House of
Trentino, 87 Representatives, 118, 120-121,
Trump, Donald, 66, 98, 105-112, 137, 143; National Guard, 120,
114-122, 131-132, 134-146; 144; Senate, 118, 120-121, 137,
Impeachment, 121, 137, 144; 144; Social Security
Never Trumper(s), 113; Trump Administration, 114; Supreme
Accountability Project, 143 Court, 117-118; White House,
Truth and Reconciliation Center, 108-108, 114-116, 119-120,
143 139, 142
Tunisia, 86 United States of Europe, 61, 73, 75
Turin, 83 Umbria, 87
Tuscany, 87 Umunna, Chuka, 70
Twentieth century, 1-2, 4, 16-17, University of Bath, 72
28, 139 University of Kent, 72
Twenty-first century, 15, 17, 42, University of Milan-Bicocca, 87
144 University of Salford, 84
Copyright © 2021. Cambridge Scholars Publisher. All rights reserved.
Chang, Maria Hsia, and A. James Gregor. Political Populism in the Twenty-First Century : We the People, Cambridge
164 Index
Chang, Maria Hsia, and A. James Gregor. Political Populism in the Twenty-First Century : We the People, Cambridge