The sun was relentless.

So were the dozens of faces stubbornly waiting to enter

the tiny thatched hut in Zimbabwe where Nhamburo Masango, a traditional healer,
sat among herbs, bones and other remedies. An old man in front of me had a skin
rash, another person a swollen leg, and somewhere a child complained of
stomachache. No one, it seemed, was discouraged by the long, winding queue.

For many poor Zimbabweans there is nowhere else to go. Traditional healers are
often the first and last line of defence against the most contagious and debilitating
diseases that plague their lives. Although Western medicine is generally accepted
throughout Africa, it has not replaced but rather augmented indigenous health
approaches. Practitioners such as Mr. Masango remain central to the lives of
many. The World Health Organization (WHO) estimates that 80 per cent of people
in Africa regularly seek their services.

Yet healers, for the most part, are not officially recognized by governments. They
operate outside formal health structures. But leaving traditional healers on the
sidelines can have serious consequences. Some patients, preferring the healers,
may disregard their doctor’s advice or take herbal medicines that could have
dangerous interactions with pharmaceuticals. By working with these healers,
doctors would be gaining allies who live in the patient’s own community.

“We have, for a long time, been telling the government that they cannot go it alone
in the delivery of health,” Gordon Chavhunduka, the director of the Zimbabwe
National Traditional Healers’ Association, told a reporter in August. “There has
been a lot of tension between the government and us over our usefulness.”
Prohibitive medical costs also make it impossible for the poor to get medical
attention, he added. People are opting for traditional healers, who do not always
demand cash up front and who far outnumber doctors.

But the issue goes beyond access. Traditional healing is linked to wider belief
systems and remains integral to the lives of most Africans. People consult
traditional healers whether or not they can afford medical services. In my own
case, I could afford the best health care Zimbabwe could provide. Two weeks
before coming home for a visit, I had undergone an exhaustive medical
examination at one of the better hospitals in the US city of Boston, where I lived at
the time. In Zimbabwe, although I was not in dire need of medical attention, my
mother insisted that I have another “check-up” before going back to the US. There
are some things Western medicine cannot fathom, she insisted.

Doctors trained in the Western sciences largely focus on the biomedical causes of
disease, while traditional beliefs take a more holistic approach. In Zimbabwe,
traditional healers are reputed to divine the cause of a person’s illness or social
problems by throwing bones to interpret the will of dead ancestors. Some healers
say they directly channel the ancestral spirit through their bodies. Many have in-
depth knowledge of plant materials and their various curative powers. They use
leaves, seeds, stems, bark or roots to treat symptoms. Animal parts and minerals
are also employed, but to a lesser extent. Most traditional healers are both
herbalists and diviners, but some specialize in one aspect. Many doctors believe
healers to be charlatans, preying on the superstitions of local families. This is true
in some — but not all — cases.

Traditions
Family is central to Shona culture. Traditional marriages were polygamous and
created large extended families. Typically, a few families lived together in a
kraal (also called musha) consisting of many small huts surrounding a central
area where livestock were kept. Separate huts housed a kitchen, sleeping
quarters for each wife, a granary, and storage. The huts were circular, with
wood-framed walls plastered with cow dung and mud, conical thatched roofs,
packed cow dung floors, and west-facing doorways.
At this time, a Shona marriage was considered a contract between two families
as well as two individuals. A prospective husband would pay a bride-price
(roora) to his fiancee’s family, as a gesture of gratitude for raising her and as
compensation for the loss of her labor (although in the play Chilford considers
it equivalent to selling the woman). In Zimbabwe, the “family” traditionally refers
to an expansive kinship network. Though these networks may not continue in their
traditional form, extended family relationships are still very close and important to
one’s life. As an example, there is no such thing as a “cousin” in Zimbabwean culture.
Cousins are referred to and understood as one’s brothers and sisters. Sometimes,
even friendships can be as strong as brotherhood or sisterhood. However, growing
urbanisation, Christianity and the effects of European colonialism have contributed to
a trend towards nuclear families, monogamous marriages and individualism in the
cities. 

Extended family units comprising multiple generations are still visible in rural areas,
meanwhile the immediate family usually lives alone in urban areas. However, even in
nuclear households, one still has deep connections and obligations to other relatives,
especially in times of need. For example, if elders get sick, they will move in so the
family can take care of them. Furthermore, if relatives have recently moved into town,
the family will allow them to live in their house until they find suitable arrangements. 

The extended family and community can also play a large role in raising and caring for
children, especially in rural areas. A Shona proverb says, “you do not educate your child
for yourself alone; education is for society, by society”. This emphasises
the collectivistic nature of the culture and the approach to parenting. A person’s
behaviour is seen as the community’s responsibility, as well as their responsibility to
the community.

There is strong disapproval of people who wish not to marry or bear children in
Zimbabwe. The choice not to have children is incomprehensible to many, whilst
people who cannot conceive are often considered worthless and inadequate. In rural
areas, a greater number of children is seen positively as they can provide more
assistance around the house as the parents age. 

Traditionally, the Shona, Ndebele, Shangani and Venda people have patrilineal groups
and families. Women move into their husband’s families’ houses at marriage; descent
and leadership are also passed down through the male side of the family. However,
there is an exception among the Shangani people. Some groups traditionally follow
a matrilocal social organisation (the husband moves into the wife’s home at marriage).