Group 6 Research Study Final Paper

FIGHT FOR SPOTLIGHT: A STUDY ON THE INFLUENCE OF POLITICAL
STRATEGIES TO VOTING PREFERENCES IN TWO RURAL BARANGAYS OF SANTA

MARIA, ISABELA
A Thesis
Presented to the Faculty
of School of Education, Arts, and Sciences
University of Saint Louis
Tuguegarao City
In Partial Fulfillment
for the Requirements
for the Course
Research 2
Aggarao, Rona Mae

Canceran, Paul Iris
Miguel, Argie Dale
Bachelor of Arts in
Political Science with Legal Studies
June 2021
Fight for Spotlight: A Study on the Influence of Political Strategies to Voting Preferences |1
INTRODUCTION
From factionalism, clientelism, caciquisim and bossism (Landé 1964; Scott 1972;
Anderson 1988; Sidel 1999) being the traditional descriptions of Philippine politics, there had
been a gradual change on the methods of mobilizing the voters that are way more than using
coercion and money-binding; and thus, creating a wider variety of strategical discourses
within the ambit of political science.
In the study of Hedman (2010), it has been observed that the growing role of general
public perceptions in the Philippines is being significantly interconnected with the changing
framework and patterns that operate the state as a machinery. Accordingly, the common
structures being usually studied in Philippine politics such as inter-state affairs, political
behaviors, and strategies become parts of such changes. The traditional framework which
was routinely used by scholars and observers that almost became the very definition of the
country‘s political context rather than being a useful perspective for interpretation (Kerkvliet,
1995), suddenly reached its passive era as the contemporary age laid down new approaches
to mobilize the voters that are more democratic and participative in favor of the general
public.
Public perception, as a democratic stance is very much taken into consideration in

today‘s modern age. Many senatorial candidates down to local aspirants especially in
National Capital Region (NCR) take election seasons with the gravity of seriousness to the
extent that they exert great effort to address daily important issues as it is a big frustration to
be irrelevant when opinion surveys and news come out during pre-election periods (David,
2013). However, although such political competitions are very evident in urban areas such as
the NCR and main jurisdictional territories of provinces, studies prove that there are even
more significant linkages between politicians and voters in rural areas (Fang, 2016).
On the other hand, behind the efforts of political aspirants to achieve political
popularity that therefore positively affecting the voting perception of voters, is the relevant
approach for the context called micropolitics. In the beginning of its emergence, micropolitical
approach was used in the fields of anthropology (Liebow, 1967) and sociology (Hirsch, 1998)
to study power structures. Accordingly, it was expounded to its implication in studying political
behaviors in which the efforts for political popularity categorically fall under.
Moreover, voter participation in the Philippines has averaged more than 70% in the
previous two midterm elections. In 2007, 73.10 percent of voters cast ballots (Pobre, 2019).
Turnout was somewhat higher in the 2013 midterm elections, at 77.31 percent. To define,
voter turnout is the proportion of persons who participate in the electoral process or the
proportion of eligible voters who actually "show out" on election day to cast their votes.
Meanwhile, low voter participation in Metro Manila may be ascribed to "demobilization." This
occurs when, despite efforts to criticize the government, public dissatisfaction is not reflected
in surveys.
A notable manifestation of this phenomena occurred under former President Gloria

Macapagal Arroyo's administration when voter participation for senators in the 2007 elections
hit a low of 65.51 percent (Pobre, 2019). It was forecasted two possibilities for the 2019
midterm elections based on these tendencies. There would either be no change in voter
participation, as occurs when a president's reputation seems untouchable, or, given the
present political atmosphere, a noticeable decline in participation owing to demobilization.
A long-established practice that is readily seen in the Philippines is the use of
monetary bribes to secure votes, sometimes referred as as vote-buying. Although this is an
activity that undermines the democratic spirit of elections, this political approach is considered
to have beneficial consequences on election outcomes and, more specifically, the country's
political structure (Abocejo, 2014). Recent research indicates that the underprivileged are
more likely to be the targets of vote buying and vote selling. Data research from the 2016
presidential election reveals that vote buying is quite widespread among the poor, although
the prevalence varies according to the manner of vote purchasing (Canare, Mendoza &
Lopez, 2018). Although the most popular type involves relatively innocuous things like as food
and clothes, more than a quarter of respondents reported receiving money offers.
Furthermore, the micropolitical approach to study the infra-politics of efforts for

popularity can also be related with the theory of games by John Neumann and Oskar
Morgenstern—a theoretical framework that covers the logic between conventionally existing
games and their implication to real life competing subjects. This highlights the research topic
on identification of strategies that political aspirants exploit to win the popularity game.
Research Objective and Questions

The qualitative study sought to assess the influence of political strategies to voting
preferences among the registered voters. Specific questions that the researchers answered
were as follows:
1. What are the political strategies used by the voters during election seasons?
2. What factors do voters consider when choosing their voting preferences?
3. What aspects of political strategies influence the voting decisions of voters?
Significance of the Study

The results of the study will essentially merit the electorate/ registered voters as this
study will be beneficial for them in order to establish fundamental principles among the
electorates as they utilize and maximize their right to vote. Furthermore, this can serve as an
effective and efficient tool to educate and guide them in understanding and exploring the
different political strategies affecting their perception and that mobilizes the society in a
micropolitical lens. Likewise, this may serve as their awareness parameter towards the
attainment of good, accountable, and efficient politics and governance. The study will also help
the future researchers as the findings and results of the study can serve as a reference
material for any other further studies that are relevant with the research topic. Moreover, this
can be a significant contribution on their understanding and knowledge about micropolitical
approach, governance, political strategies, and voter mobilization.
Literature Review
Theoretical Framework

The study is majorly grounded on the ―theory of games by John Neumann and Oskar
Morgenstern which is popularly known as the game theory or the science of strategy in the
field of political science (Princeton, 1947). The theory explicates an established approach to
conceptually study socio-political contexts that exist between competing players logically
compared as parts of a game. Empirically, the approach of the game theory is based on the
existence of far-reaching similarities between certain conventionally standardized games and
certain recurrent social situations (Deutcsch, 1954).
Micropolitics
Micropolitics is a terminology that is somewhat new in studying concepts of political

science. It was initially used in the fields of anthropology (Liebow, 1967) and sociology (Hirsch,
1998) in which findings from a limited number of field sites were used to reflect upon larger
structures of power and domination. The approach was then before left unutilized in political
science because the conventional research scopes and political discussions typically
emphasized high politics centering on formal institutions and macro-structures which basically
means that it usually uses a general approach; hence, this is limitedly implied only on studying
legislative and judicial politics, civil-military relations, or political parties at the national or
regional levels, and other routinized formal kinds of activities (Chakravarty, 2013). While
politics is a very broad concept and this conventional approach can just be qualified as
appropriate, a downside of this is that political researches fail to narrow down the concepts to
understand the deeply rooted factors such as the analytical framework of informal institutions,
infra-politics, and theories that linked local informal practices to local behaviors and ultimately,
to state-level outcomes.
This is where the role of Micropolitics comes to be applied in this study. It conceives
individual level informal behaviors as political acts with political consequences (Scott, 1985)
such as what happens when politicians build strategies to mobilize voters, thus making their
winning chances become more probable to be pursued.
Patterns of Political Strategies in the Philippines
In a traditional perspective, Philippine politics used to be described as a subject for

factionalism, clientelism, caciquisim and bossism as parts of the ever- continuing overall
pattern (Landé 1964; Scott 1972; Anderson 1988; Sidel 1999). In consequence, the prevailing
national issue on poverty that added up with the economic insecurity made a highly
decentralized political framework that established the vulnerability of the general public to
clientelists, monetary encouragement, and coercive pressures especially during election
seasons. A major part of this traditionally rooted political strategy is the prominent role of
money being used to bribe officials and buy votes from citizens.
In the history of the Philippine politics, political strategies are being used as an
advantageous tool to attain the sympathy and trust of the people especially in terms of
election, planning and decision-making in the political process. Schein (1977) explained that
political strategies including power tactics are indeed relevant and needed for the effective and
efficient execution of systematic change in the group or organization. These schemes under
political structures are viewed to be necessary in order to gain power in organizational change
interventions and the integration of knowledge of power and politics (Bateman, 1980).
Such strategies are evident during the conduct of electoral processes. The role of
election is an evident democratic manifestation of the utilization and maximization of the right
to suffrage. It is one of the scopes of suffrage which exemplifies the right of the people to
choose their officials for definite and fixed periods and to whom they entrust, for the time being
as their representatives, the exercise of powers of the government. On the other hand,
Election campaigns are considered as a significant factor for it is a persuasive movement to
convince the people to choose and vote wisely for the leader/public officials of a country
(Ramanathan, R., Paramasivam, S., & Hoon, T., 2020). In connection with this, campaigns are
being employed through the different strategies such as online platforms, social media,
traditional ways and the like.
A traditionally-established strategy that can clearly be observed in the Philippines is the

use of monetary blinding to gain votes popularly known as vote- buying. Although this is an
action undermining the democratic spirit of elections, this political strategy is said to have
significant effects to the results of elections and most especially the political system of the
country (Abocejo, 2014). Thus, as discussed in the said study, Abocejo further emphasized
that electorates/registered voters cooperate in the process of vote buying ―to patron-client
relations during elections where parity and justice are momentarily accomplished when
political candidates carry out their obligations and lend supports to their constituents with
vested interests. With this, it clearly stipulated the effects of vote buying as a political strategy.
It affects and influence the choices and perceptions of the electorate especially to rural places
where patron-client relationship is rampant and to areas where literacy rate is low. This
practice of vote buying in the country became a part of the political culture which is tied with
fraud, intimidation and violent means to win the electoral race.
However, since the formal democratic institutions and practices have been restored in
intra-state affairs starting around 1986, it has been observed that the Philippines had a gradual
step to transformation in terms of the mobilization of voters. Such change, as analyzed by
Hedman (2010) is inextricably linked with the evolving structures of Philippine politics. Her
analysis further explained that the anticipation of individually disaggregated perceptions leads
to the aggregation or segmentation of opinions for providing general public perception. Such
process greatly affects the dynamics of band wagoning, as well as the exerted efforts of
politicians to build their own political branding as described by scholars (Pasotti, 2009).
In a fast-paced modern society, election campaigns through social media like

Facebook, Twitter and others are most likely to gain high votes. Ramanathan, R.,
Paramasivam, S., & Hoon, T. (2020) explained that through the utilization of social media in
campaign seasons, it builds political and language awareness to citizens by denoting how
political figures establish power by mutual consent with the citizens. Thus, this political
strategy is indeed significant most especially it creates a wide scope for campaign to build a
good image for the politicians and likewise, to gain the trust of the citizens. This illustrates one-
way communication strategies wherein political candidates conduct and exemplify their
political plans and programs through the utilization of party rallies and other interrelated
aspects like the distribution of propaganda. However, as suggested by both theoretical and
empirical work, public deliberation or the so-called two-way communication that is being done
between the politicians/public officials and the citizens/voters, is that, it is said to be more
effective and efficient way to bring out and give information, foster unity and participation, and
nurture the growth and development of the political process (Wantchekon, Fujiwara,
Rubenson, Pe Lero, & Moctezuma; 2013). The public deliberation as explained in
Wantchekon, Fujiwara, Rubenson, Pe Lero, & Moctezuma (2013), is imperative and useful for
both politicians and citizens for it unites them for common interest and attain what is right and
due for both of them especially it is done through meetings and the like. Moreover, public
deliberation could be utilized to persuade the electorate to mobilize in favor of the stipulated
platforms and specially to increase the support for the candidate. According to the study of
Sinpeng, Gueorguiev, & Arugay (2020), there are three main social media campaigning
models which are the broadcast, grassroots, and self-actualizing. These campaigning models
are truly relevant in today‘s politics and governance. These were widely used by the current
President of the Philippines, Pres. Rodrigo Duterte to gain more political support. Hence,
social media and politics are factors that seek to explore and internalize the wider scope of
online political discourse, focus on the platforms, actions and other strategies used in electoral
campaigns.
Another major sector affecting voter mobilization is the media or the fourth estate that
created efficient platforms for the development and marketing of political branding by
candidates and aspirants, while facilitating a bandwagoning scheme among local officials who
target political affiliation with popular presidential and senatorial candidates who are most
likely to win in national elections (e.g., Tabunda, Fonbuena, and Rufo 2008; cf. Pasotti 2009).
Examples of this are strategies of politicians by mainstream promotion of advocacies such as
the Daang Matuwid (promotion of government transparency) political banner line of Benigno
Noynoy Aquino III who won the 2010 national presidential election in a landslide victory.
Another manifestation of the same strategy is the Barangay Empowerment and Synergy for
Poverty Reduction Network (BESPREN) Program by Joseph Salvador Tan of Santiago City,
Isabela.
These are just some of the vast structures of political strategies are under the umbrella
of Philippine political culture. Basing on the different political strategies mentioned above,
there are significant effects to voter‘s perception and mobilization brought by them.
Contrastingly, since political strategies are most likely to be heard in the national or general
scope, this study will illustrate and explore the different political strategies affecting their
perception and mobilization.
Rural Areas as Major Subjects for Voter Mobilization
A comparatively high degree of establishing political identity has been a part of the
development of Philippine politics, and the most important contributing factor in expanding
political branding are the influences in rural areas (Machado, 1971). Numerous senatorial
candidates, as well as local aspirants, particularly in the National Capital Region (NCR), treat
election seasons with grave seriousness to the point of exerting considerable effort to address
daily significant issues, as it is a source of frustration to be irrelevant when opinion polls and
news are released during pre-election periods (David, 2013). This has been attested as further
studies have shown that there are significant linkages between politicians and rural voters
(Fang, 2016).
In the study of Scott (1976), analysis shows that there is an aspect of informal rule of
reciprocity embedded in patronage relations in Southeast Asian societies in the pre-modern
period. This is observed to be a persisting context in the Philippines today wherein elites from
rural areas tend to offer exchange of services having the sense of social protection and
material welfare in return. Scott descriptively explained this through citing how rural clients
show their loyalty to landlords as well as local politicians through giving services and/or
political support in formal or informal means. Voter mobilization is therefore majorly handled in
these areas as elites have in their hands a network of micro-societies that comply with their
own socio-political principles (Migdal, 1988).
Comparing the context to urban areas, Machado (1971) wrote that there is a significant
relationship between the kinds of political systems and the places in the society where political
circumstances are being contextualized as a whole. His study presented a systematic
investigation in which it classified what areas are of highest potential for voters to be
mobilized. The research findings show that areas that are situated directly within the orbit of
National Capital Region, parts of the country which are considered as urban centers, large and
important towns of provinces and other immediately adjacent areas, are the less mobilized
arena. The underlying reasons for this are the landholding being less focused on and political
elitism being vast, thus not concentrated.
METHODS
Research Design
The study employs a descriptive-qualitative research design to explore, present, and
analyze the different political strategies affecting voting perception.
Locale of the Study
The research was conducted in the rural barangays of Mozzozzin Sur and Mozzozzin
Norte which are both situated in Sta. Maria, Isabela — a 4th class municipality in the province.
Participants of the Study
Purposive sampling was used to select the participants of the study. It is a sampling
strategy wherein the researchers assume that certain categories of individuals may have
significant and relevant perspectives worthy of noting when exploring a phenomenon and thus
their presence among the sample size should be ensured (Mason 2002; Trost 1986).
To establish a criteria in selecting the participants for the sample, statistical data on
demographics were utilized. Based on the 2015 census of Philippine Statistics Authority, the
majority of the population of Brgy. Mozzozzin Sur is in the age group of eighteen (18) up to
sixty-four (64) which constitute roughly 63.74% of the total population. The same age range
records the majority of the population of Brgy. Mozzozzin Norte which is comparably not far at
63.86% of the population. The 18-64 age group is also considered as the economically active
population and actual or potential members of the work force (Philippine Statistics Authority,
2015).
With the facts provided, the general criteria for selecting the research participants are
provided below:
A. Resident of Brgy. Mozzozzin Sur/ Brgy. Mozzozzin Norte
B. Registered voter
C. Aging from eighteen (18) up to sixty-four (64)
To ensure the quality of research outcomes, the researchers selected at least one
participant coming per zone of the two barangays.
I. Characteristics of the Participants
A. Barangay Mozzozzin Sur
Participants Age Zone Occupation Voting Frequency
V01 22 4 4th Year College Student 1
V02 20 2 3rd Year College Student 2
V03 37 3 Administrative Aide 2 8
V04 40 5 Self-Employed 14
V05 28 6 Teacher (Secondary) 6
V06 24 6 College Graduate 3
V07 64 1 Self-Employed >20
V10 45 4 Teacher (Kindergarten) <15
B. Barangay Mozzozzin Norte
V11 20 3 3rd Year College Student 2
V12 31 1 Office Staff 5
V14 53 2 Teacher (Elementary) >20
V15 36 7 Assistant Pharmacist 12
V17 24 6 College Graduate, (studying 3
Masteral)
V18 25 1 Self-Employed 4
V19 30 2 Church Officer 5
Research Instrument
The study utilized in-depth unstructured interviews in collecting the needed research
data. Unstructured interviews were used to personally ask the research participants with the
relevant data and information through probing questions about their perceived different
political strategies during election seasons and how they affect preferences. The in-depth
interview is a technique designed to explicate a vivid picture of the participant‘s perspective on
the research topic (Mack et. al., 2005). The interviews were done through a spontaneous and
conversational manner using the language, which the participants find comfortable to use
when conversing.
Data Gathering Procedure
Initial step involved the sending of an approval request addressed to the Office of the
Vice President for Academics for the conduct of the study. Before the interview proper
between the researchers and the participants, informed consent letters were signed to formally
acknowledge the consent of the interviewees. In line with the interview process is a quick
introduction covering the overview of the study, its purpose and objectives. The interviews,
which included open-ended questions and unstructured follow-up information gathering lasted
around 30 minutes in average per participant. The guide questions used in the interviews
covered the perceived political strategies of the voters, their preferences, and aspects that
influence their voting decisions. Researchers, then assured that the information provided by
the participants will be given utmost confidentiality in which their personal data and identity
were carefully protected. After the conduct of all of the interviews, the researchers transcribed
verbatim the research data from the consented recordings and translated them to English
language.
Data Analysis
This study employs a descriptive data analysis. The descriptive method was used to
describe the observed differences among sub-groups as examined by the researchers in line
with the political strategies perceived by the research participants.
Whereas frequency and percentage were used to determine what political strategies
positively affect the decision making of the voters which were accordingly ranked.
Moreover, the last step to treat the qualitative data is through conclusion drawing and
verification. This would involve a re-analysis process to dig deeper on the meanings of the
gathered data in order to evaluate the probable future challenges that they may present
regarding the research questions. Data shall be revisited as many times as necessary to verify
and cross check the validity of emerging conclusions. This is an important phase to avoid the
subjectivity of findings and to let the data speak for themselves categorically in accordance
with the established descriptive conclusions (Paul, 2006).
RESULTS
The study covered the perceived political strategies by the voters during election
seasons. The research data also revealed the preferences of voters in selecting political
leaders and what aspects within these political strategies affect their choice in voting. In
summary, there are three major general categories extracted from the research data which are
consistent with the research objectives: (A) Political Strategies during Election Seasons as
Perceived by Voters, (B) Preferences of Voters for a Public Official and (C) Aspects of Political
Strategies Influencing Voting Decisions.
Below are random responses of the participants per interview guide question during
the in-depth unstructured interview conducted by the researchers:
1) What do you think are the different political strategies of public officials to gain
positive voter perception in your community/barangay/town?
I01: “Based on my experience, the strategy of politicians for them to have a good image for
the people and to have a good and true/genuine service is that, they help the people or their
constituents despite their status in the society. They are not hesitant to help their people
because in the first place, that is their obligation as the leader of their community, that’s why it
is a must for them to extend help and render their service.”
I11: “First of all, in all honesty, if it is under the barangay level, the strategies of the politicians
is that, they get the support of their relatives or family connections, so that they will build a
strong support system if the support comes first with their relatives or family connections. Also,
they give something and it is natural because it is for their image, for example they give
“pansit” or chicken, or goods, not money but they are able to give something. I feel that here in
barangay, you have the edge if you have already been elected, it’s like you are already
assured if you will compare yourself to someone who is new in politics. In the municipal wide,
the style of politicians is that, they conduct socialization activities; they give something during
occasions, and the like. They present themselves and then interact with other people.
Sometimes, they bring their partners because it affects the politician in a good way if their
partners have good images. If the husband will run for the position, the wife will campaign her
husband to others and sometimes their children too. Also, they do giving of flyers, tarpaulins
and the like. Moreover, there do meeting de avance and they present themselves and their
platforms.”
I20: “Of course, they have to show off and catch people’s soft spot. For example, for people
who are not in previously involved in politics, or those who are trying their first luck, they have
to plan as early as now on how to make their names mark on people’s minds. If they plan to
run for office, they must invest on actions that will introduce them to people and impress them
– usually done by giving goods and cash. Another thing, when problems arise, they must do
their best to take part in solving them, even without the position yet. They are also people who
try to be friendly to build good relationships with other people.”
2) What is your perception on how politicians/public officials manage and maintain
their good image in your community/barangay/town?
I07: “For me, the way on how they talk to other people, on how they communicate with
others for them to build good image. It’s also a matter of their truthfulness to their
words.”
I10: “First thing is truly their attitudes. In today’s politics and governance, there should be
proper qualifications such as if they must be college graduate because educational
background is really important. They should be educated. Because for example, there
are meetings, how they will interact if in the place, they are not knowledgeable on their
duties and responsibilities.”
I18: “I guess they just have to be truthful to everything that comes off their mouth and not
just talk for the sake of winning votes for the election. They must also be responsible
to their actions. They must be active and preserve their integrity at all costs. They
must stand firm to their intentions and not be dictated by anyone with greater power
and authority. They must care for their people.”
3) What are your criteria when choosing whom to vote in public office?
I07: “For me, I am more on college graduate or they should be educated and effective through
their actions in politics and governance. A politician should be educated and have this good
leadership skill. Even though that politician is young enough to hold the position, it’s okay as
long as he/she is effective and active leader, having his/her good performance.”
I10: “For me, the first thing should be their education. Also, they should have leadership skills
and experiences. Even though a leader has no resources such as money for vote buying, as
long as he/she is effective and responsible, then that’s number one. Moreover, he/she should
have this good sense of communication.”
I12: “For me, politicians should be truthful to their promises. They should love their community
or their constituents like having that care to their people especially regarding their trust and
support. Also, they should have good relationship to their families because people will also
consider that characteristics. People will lose their trust and support if those politicians doesn’t
have good relationship with their families.”
4) What are the ways/strategies done by politicians in your
community/barangay/town during campaign periods?
I04: “Some politicians used vote buying as one of their strategies. They give goods, posters,
flyers, and as evident, vote buying is rampant through giving of cash and the like. This can’t be
avoided, even in Manila, it is done secretly. Others do house to house campaign and through
that, you will know their communication. Also, they used their family connections and relatives
to gain the votes of the people.”
I09: “They give flyers, posters, and they post campaign materials on streets/poles. Also, they
make jingles and they do miting de avance per barangay before election. Moreover, they do
vote buying because in the first place, based on my observation, people really need
cash/money/financial assistance.”
I11: “That vote buying, it is really rampant here. Based on my observation, you will not win if
you will not do vote buying. Here in Santa Maria, there so-called “market value”. Also, some do
giving of goods like coffee, soap; you must leave a brand or image so that people will
remember you. Moreover, they do giving of flyers with money while doing shaking of hands
every campaign. Furthermore, it’s cliché but they do giving of flyers and posters.”
5) Describe the type of politician you are most likely to vote in terms of his/her
political campaign strategies?
I04: “Those who are honest, responsible and that value and sense of integrity. Also, a
politician should be God-fearing so that there will be a balance of everything and from that,
they will be truthful to their words and promises.”
I16: “I don’t consider their strategies on the process of choosing who gets to lead our place
because I only look based on my criteria. I consider the extent of my knowledge towards them,
their qualities and not based on the strategies because, surely, they made it flowery.”
I19: “For me, when someone aims for a position, they must be certain that they can really
execute the duties and responsibilities that it requires. With that, they must have an
experience relevant to their roles. Regarding their platforms, it must not only stay on word of
mouth but must reflect the reality unlike others who have been taking powers for a long time
but failed to pull off changes in our community, in short, they should always be truthful.”
6) How do you describe the activeness of politicians in your
community/barangay/town when they campaign for their names?
I01: “Some are independent in doing election campaigns because they have their own
strategies. Some are doing election campaigns together with their families, doing house to
house campaigns so that they will truly gain the vote of their constituents. For me, during
meeting de avance, I always make sure to hear their platforms. Also, they need to become
transparent, they should be truthful regarding their promises and platforms so that if they will
run again for the next time, basically people will vote again for that politician without any
hesitation.”
I05: “They are very active because this is a campaign. During campaign, it is implied that they
will do ways or strategies everyday; hence, they are truly busy everyday. It is a must that they
will do campaign in every barangay or house to house campaign. Furthermore, they do last
hour campaign, and during that campaign, they also do vote buying.”
I09: “Sometimes, even in the first hour campaigns, there are already jingles and the like. Then,
they do campaigns whole day so that they will gain the trust and vote of the people. Moreover,
others do house to house campaign and give posters, jingles and the like.”
7) What type of politician do you usually vote after having seen all their
political strategies?
I08: “We should vote for who truly deserves the position, even though they will give
cash/financial assistance, just receive it but vote for who deserves the position. I will vote
based on my standards or criteria. Public service is not a joke, that’s why vote for who is
deserving.”
I16: “For me, I will surely vote for someone who is compassionate and has a vision for our
barangay so we can see that our place is progressing.”
I19: “I guess, what was said must be acted on. Candidates who have high chances are those
who have ran for office on previous elections and truthful to their promises when they
assumed office. When they run for another term, surely, they’ll get the people’s vote because
they have proven already that they can accomplish every word as promised. For me, such
people have left truly notable names. I’d consider them based on my criteria, too. If a certain
candidate has both satisfied my criteria and the virtue of being true to their promises, I’ll surely
vote for them.”
A. Political Strategies during Election Seasons as Perceived by Voters
Table 1 shows the perceived political strategies by the voters manifested by aspiring public
officials during election periods.
Political Strategies Frequency Percentage Rank

1. Jingles/Songs 12 23.53 5
2. Vote-Buying 25 49.02 1
3. House-to-House Campaign 18 35.29 3
4. Printed Materials (Posters, Flyers) 21 41.18 2
5. Family Connections 7 13.73 6
6. Outreach Programs 5 9.80 7
7. Miting-de Avance 14 27.46 4
Table 1. Political Strategies during Election Seasons as Perceived by Voters
As can be gleaned in Table 1, there are seven different political strategies perceived by
the research participants: (1)Jingles/Songs;(2) Vote-Buying;(3) House-to-house Campaign;(4)
Printed Materials;(5) Family Connections;(6) Outreach Programs and (7) Miting de Avance.
Among these seven political strategies, the most commonly perceived by the participants is
the Vote-Buying political strategy with a frequency of 25 among the multiple responses from
the gathered data. This is equivalent to 49.02% of the total responses on perceived political
strategies. On the other hand, the least frequent among the responses is the strategy
involving Outreach Programs which is 9.80% of the total responses.
The political strategies were accordingly ranked from the most perceived to the least—
Vote-Buying (49.02%); Printed Materials (41.18%); House-to-House Campaign (15.29%);
Miting-de Avance (27.46%)Jingles/Songs (23.53%);Family Connections (13.73%);Outreach
Programs (9.80%).
B. Preferences of Voters for a Public Official
Table 2 shows a list of factors that the voters consider as preference for a public official.
Preferences Frequency Percentage Rank

1. Educational Attainment 19 37.25 1
2. Political/Leadership Experience 11 21.57 2
3. Physical Presence during Public 1 1.96 7.5
Activities
4. Integrity and Honesty 8 15.69 5.5
5. Knowledge in Politics and 9 17.65 4
Governance
6. Good Socio-Political Reputation 8 15.69 5.5
(No history of corruption,
responsible citizen, approachable,
helpful)
7. Good Communication Skills 10 19.61 3
8. God-fearing Character 1 1.96 7.5
9. Consanguinity 2 3.92 6
Table 2. Preferences of Voters for a Public Official
As can be derived from Table 2, there are nine different preferences provided by the
research participants: (1) Educational Attainment; (2) Political/Leadership Experience; (3)
Physical Presence during Public Activities; (4) Integrity and Honesty; (5) Knowledge in Politics
and Governance; (6) Good Socio-Political Reputation;(7) Good Communication Skills; (8) God
Fearing Character and (9) Consanguinity. On top of these nine preferences, the most
preferred by the participants is the Educational Attainment factor with a frequency of 19 among
the multiple responses from the gathered data. This is equivalent to 37.25% of the total
responses on preferences of the voters. On the other hand, the least frequent among the
responses are the factors of Physical Presence during Public Activities and God-fearing
Character which both individually got1.96% of the total responses.
The preferences were accordingly ranked from the most commonly preferred to the
least—Educational Attainment (37.25%); Political/Leadership Experience (21.57%); Good
Communication Skills(19.61%); Knowledge in Politics and Governance(17.65%); Good Socio-
Political Reputation (15.69%); Integrity and Honesty (15.69%); Consanguinity (3.92%);
Physical Presence during Public Activities (1.96%); God-fearing Character(1.96%).
C. Aspects of Political Strategies Influencing Voting Decisions
Table 3 shows the key aspects of political strategies that positively affect the decision-
making of voters when choosing who to vote among the aspiring public officials.
Aspects Frequency Percentage Rank

1. Platforms 16 31.37 2
2. None (Still Based on Voter’s 27 52.94 1
Personal Standards)
3. Qualifications/Characteristics of the 14 27.45 3
Candidate
4. Past Contributions to the Society 8 15.69 5
5. Creativity of the Campaign 6 11.76 6
Materials (Jingles, Flyers, etc.)
6. Active Presence in the Community 10 19.61 4
during the Campaign Period
Table 3. Aspects of Political Strategies Influencing Voting Decisions
As can be derived from Table 3, there are six influential aspects of political strategies
extracted from the qualitative data: (1) Platforms; (2) None; (3) Qualifications/Characteristics of
the Candidate; (4) Past Contributions to the Society; (5) Creativity of the Campaign Materials
and (6) Active Presence in the Community during the Campaign Period. Among these six key
aspects of political strategies, majority of the participants are affected by none. 52.94% of the
total multiple responses revealed that it is still the personal standards of the voters that mostly
affect their decision on who to vote. On the other hand, the least frequent aspect from the
responses is the Creativity of the Campaign Materials which is 11.76% of the total responses.
The aspects of political strategies were accordingly ranked from the most influential to
the least one— None (52.94%); Platforms (31.37%); Qualifications/Characteristics of the
Candidate (27.45); Active Presence in the Community during the Campaign Period (19.61%);
Past Contributions to the Society (15.69%); Creativity of the Campaign Materials (11.76%).
DISCUSSION
Political Strategies during Election Seasons as Perceived by Voters
The result of the study provided an enumeration of the commonly perceived political
strategies of aspiring public officials. This revealed that the most frequently observed strategy
is the Vote-Buying scheme (49.02%). Consistent with the findings of Abocejo (2014), there is a
presence of monetary bribes in the Filipino political culture wherein a lot of politicians use the
power of money to gain political influence towards the general public. This, however is an
illegal action normalized by culture. Section 8 of the Republic Act No. 6646 or the Electoral
Reforms Law of 1987 provides an elaboration in prosecuting Vote-buying and Vote-selling in
which it further mentioned that the giver, offeror, and promisor as well as the solicitor,
acceptor, recipient and conspirator shall be liable as principals to the illegal act. The study
substantiated the conclusions of Abocejo and uncovered the still rampant vote-buying/selling
activities amidst the presence of a law.
On the other hand, the least frequently perceived political strategy is the use of
Outreach Programs (9.80%). This clearly proved that the most used political strategies are
greatly reliant to talking and political stunts rather than the utilization of sustainable action-
based approaches which benefits are centered to the betterment of the citizens and not to a
political profile of a candidate. This is consistently true considering that along with Vote-
Buying, Printed Materials (41.18%) and House-to-House Campaign (15.29%) strategies are
the top three most frequently perceived strategies by the voters, all leading to the
establishment of a shining political branding. This branding communicates who the candidate
is and how they want to be perceived, but not how they can contribute a better public
administration centered to actions (Rama, 2019).
The underlying reasons for this finding are interrelated with the voting behavior of
Filipinos in general. Institute for Political and Electoral Reform (1995) provided a
comprehensive study involving the determinants in voting choices of Filipinos. The primary
factor they found was based on the candidate’s popularity. Findings show that the voters tend
to easily identify with the candidate’s popularity and public image. The next factor is the
endorsement of traditional networks and organizations, which includes the family, church and
ward leaders. The third factor that the voters consider in choosing a candidate is the
characteristics that can be of benefit to the voter. The least consideration for the voters is the
party program. These findings support the result of this study in line with the perceived political
strategies by the voters.
Preferences of Voters for a Public Official
The co-existence of personal standards and political strategies provides a balancing
objective for this research.
To elaborate more on the preferences of the voters in choosing who to vote, this study
found out that among the multiple responses, the most frequent was putting Educational
Attainment (37.25%) in consideration. This puts irony to the status quo which does not require
a degree for any aspiring public official to run for elections. In a demographic scale, only 23%
of Filipinos have actually finished college as of April 2017 (Lalu, 2019). These contrasting
facts, however can be understood though a psychographics approach. It is the research that
attempts to place the electorate in psychological, rather than purely demographic dimensions.
One difference of the psychographics study with the ordinary survey is that it uses
demographics to study and measure attitudes, values, lifestyles and opinions of people (IPER,
2001). Describing elections demonstrates that voters are not simple captives of the ideology
patronage. Analysis for this should “unpack” the vote, wherein one would find not only
instrumental considerations but also normative and even critical considerations. This highlights
the psychographic analysis on voting behaviors wherein uneducated voters tend to vote the
educated ones as a form of signal for the need of education; and the educated voters, as the
better-informed individuals would see the same need for the society (Janetos, 2017).
Under the Educational Attainment preference, Political/Leadership Experience
(21.57%) and Good Communication Skills (19.61%) ranked first and second among the
preferences. These are still significant considerations that define the voting behavior of the
research participants. Institute for Political and Electoral Reform (1995) confirms this in its
study as these characteristics fall under the ambit of Popularity, a primary determinant
affecting voting preference.
Conversely, two preferences tied as the least frequent preference of voters for a public
official. These two are Physical Presence during Public Activities (1.96%) and God Fearing
Character (1.96). This explains that people do not find it very necessary for public officials to
be always present at all public events where they can take advantage to present themselves.
Another information that can be derived with this result explaining why God-Fearing Character
is a least priority in terms of preference is the evolving realization that politics and elections are
non-religious activities that barely affect the spiritual beliefs of the citizens. This has been
attested by the updated study of IPER wherein endorsement of traditional networks and
church leaders actually proved to be a secondary determinant in 1995 but the same factor
became the least influential determinant when studied in 2003. For as long as the principle of
the separation of church and state is being operationalized more evidently over time, the
religiously-related aspects within the political arena faces a fading relevance.
Aspects of Political Strategies Influencing Voting Decisions
Remarkably, the result of this study revealed that the 52.94 % majority of the multiple
responses explicates that no aspect of these political strategies goes beyond the influence of
the personal standards of the voters when it comes to their voting decisions. In addition, the
aspects involving Platforms (31.37%) and Qualifications/Characteristics of the Candidate
(27.45%) ranked 2nd and 3rd influential strategies which indicate a positive response from the
voters. This explains that political objectivity is a key character that voters have in the modern
times. With the emergence of campaigns promoting voter education and political awareness,
the citizenry is becoming more intelligent as voters. Substantiated by the updated study of
IPER (2003), the intelligent voters’ basis of selecting a candidate is their platform and program
of government. For the intelligent voter it is important because it is based on the consultations
and identification of the problems of the community that should be addressed (Institute for
Political and Electoral Reform, 2003).
CONCLUSION
This study concludes that political strategies play a huge part in influencing the
decision-making of voters during election seasons. However, the effect of such strategies
solely relies upon how the voters respond to them. This just shows that no political strategy
can have a direct control over a voter’s decision. As the results of this study presented, the
Vote-Buying scheme which was proved to be the most perceived political strategy by the
voters during election seasons does not make a significant contribution when it comes to
influencing voting decisions. This study showed that it is still the personal standards of voters
that sits as a primary basis for voting choices. Therefore, it is also analytical to conclude that
evil deeds emerging from elections such as fraud, bribery and other election-related crimes
are not rooted from the cultural tolerance of the voters who are inherently objective when
selecting their leaders. This inherent objectivity was proved by this study when it revealed that
platforms and competent qualifications of aspirants, aside from personal standards are key
aspects that influence their voting decisions. The least influential to them were the usage of
conventional campaign materials which most of the time would just establish a glittery political
branding and not a purpose-centered political character.
Evidently, there is a changing framework and patterns that operate the state as a
machinery. Culture evolves as generations pass, and so as the Filipino political culture. If the
political structure of the Philippines was traditionally defined through systems of factionalism,
clientelism, caciquisim and bossism, this study proves how these traditional political
descriptions become weakly relevant in the modern times as democracy protects individual
choices especially when election seasons come.
RECOMMENDATIONS
Firstly, the researchers recommend that there should be a strong implementation of the
Electoral Reforms Law as the culture of vote-buying especially in rural areas are still rampant
based on what have been perceived by the participants of this study. It shall be noted that to
have peaceful and orderly elections, policies like this should be strongly implemented. The
researchers suggest the creation of an Anti-Vote Buying Committee that shall work under the
Commission on Elections (COMELEC) to strictly observe the compliance of political aspirants
to election rules and policies.
Another mechanism that the researchers recommend is the expansion of Voter
Education programs. Since this study proves that individual personal standards of voters are a
prime factor that influences their voting decisions, these personally-established standards shall
be enriched with knowledge and information that shall discuss the right type of people that
should be voted and the right ways to do it. This would give them a strong political foundation
when selecting who they want to become their government leaders. To operationalize this, the
researchers specifically suggest having pre-registration counseling as a part of this voter
registration and voter education programs. This ensures that voters are well-educated with the
role and impact of their voting choices before actually exercising their political right to vote.
Individual political aspirants as well as political parties should re-evaluate their political
strategies during election seasons in order to be effective and efficient. One should not go
directly to campaigning without knowing the effectiveness of the methods used. Basing from
the findings of this study, the researchers recommend that political parties should focus more
on their goal for the bigger picture of the community they want to lead on. It is necessary to
reassess their strategic frameworks that should not be personality-centric but rather centered
towards benefit of the very people who will vote for them.
Future researchers are encouraged to think in terms of combining a variety of
techniques in single research, in order to increase the validity of the study, and enrich the
knowledge that this research may further generate. It is also suggested that the same
research topic used in this study should be tested in a different locale as this research delimits
the scope only to rural areas, specifically focused on Barangay Mozzozzin Sur and Mozzozzin
Norte only which are both located in Northern Luzon. Different results may be found in Visayas
or Mindanao areas where different political structures are exclusively present.
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Appendix A.
Literature Matrix
BIBLIOGRAPHY RESEARCH THEMES/ METHODS MAJOR FINDINGS
OBJECTIVE VARIABLES
Abocejo, F., T. The research Vote buying, Qualitativ This research
(2014). The established electoral e- analyzed the
Veracity of the system, Descriptiv Philippines' vote
Vote Buying: plausibility political e buying
of vote culture, voters’ phenomena
Perspective
buying by education, during recurrent
from the examining election national and
Philippine the election exercise, rural municipal
Electoral system in residents, elections. It
System. the Philippine analyzed
InternationalJ Philippines. Vote buying, secondary data
ournal on electoral from a variety of
Graft and system, sources and
Corruption political published
Research, 2 culture, voters’ refereed papers
(1), 36-45. education, on election fraud
election and vote buying
http://dx.doi.or
exercise, rural methods that
g/10.7719/ijgc. residents, have had a
v2i1.301. Philippine significant
Vote buying, impact on the
electoral country's
system, election
political outcomes and
culture, voters’ electoral system.
education, The findings
election imply that
exercise, rural traditional
residents, Filipino voters
Philippine attribute vote
Vote buying, purchasing to
electoral "patron-client
system, connections"
political during elections,
culture, when political
voters’ candidates fulfill
education, their
election commitments
exercise, and offer
rural assistance to
residents, their people with
Philippine vested interests.
Baterman, T. The purpose Politics Case This article
S. (1980). of this article Power in Study explores current
Organizational was to organization attempts to
Change and propose a describe
problem techniques for
the Politics of
solving obtaining power
Success.https: model as a in organizational
//doi.org/10.11
77%2F105960 supplement change
118000500208 to more interventions
broad and emphasizes
diagnostic the need of
models for incorporating
the knowledge about
development organizational
and power and
execution of politics into a
external model of change
change that is politically
agent- motivated. This
available approach is
power- provided via
enhancing considerations of
tactics. the formulation
of political
objectives, a
situational-power
audit, the
identification and
commitment of
political targets,
the change
agent's and
internal change
unit's
specialized
power tactics,
and change
process
monitoring. This
model is meant
to supplement
more
comprehensive
diagnostic
models by
assisting in
increasing the
chances of
effective
transformation.
Canare, T. A., This article Vote buying Survey According to
Mendoza, R. seeks to Elections data research,
U., & Lopez, address election vote buying is
M. A. (2018). the gap by fraud quite widespread
doing a Philippines among the poor,
An empirical
comprehensi although the
analysis of ve empirical prevalence
vote buying analysis of varies according
among the vote on the manner of
poor. South purchasing vote purchasing.
East Asia trends Although the
Research, among low- most popular
income type involves
26(1), 58–84.
voters. relatively
https://www.ta innocuous things
ndfonline.com/ like as food and
doi/abs/10.117 clothes, more
7/0967828X17 than a quarter of
753420? respondents
journalCode=r reported
sou20 receiving money
offers.
Additionally,
various sorts of
vote-buying have
distinct
associations,
including certain
socioeconomic
criteria,
indicating that it
is a highly
targeted
practice.
Additionally,
although money
vote buying is
more prevalent
in close
elections, non-
monetary vote
buying is more
prevalent when
there is a clear
victor even
before the
election.
Fang, A. H. The article food Case In the
(2016). Linkage examines security, Study Philippines,
between Rural how political political colonial history
Voters and connections institutions, consolidated an
between patronage, oligarchy of
Politicians:
politicians Thailand, landed elite
Effects on Rice and rural Philippines politicians,
Policies in the voters whose influence
Philippines and influenced was restored
Thailand. Asia & the after the end of
the Pacific formulation Marcos' tyranny
Policy Studies, of in 1986. Their
3(3), 505–517. agricultural patronage
https://doi.org/1 policy, using approach
0.1002/app5.15 rice as an fostered
0 example corruption,
from two resulting in
nations. decreased rice
yield and
increased import
reliance, all
while obviating
the political
need to provide
price assistance
to farmers.
Thailand's
sociopolitical
growth has been
increasingly
centralized, with
new voting laws
enacted in 1997
to erode
regionally limited
patronage
networks.
Although voter–
politician
connections led
in divergent rice
policies in the
two nations,
recent volatility
in the global rice
market
demonstrated
the necessity for
methods that
prioritize
sustainability in
tackling
domestic
economic
inequality and
global food
poverty.
Hedman, E. The paper Philippines, Case This article
(2010). The establishes public Study contends that
politics of the key opinion, Aquino's win,
‗public opinion‘ dimensions voter rather than
of the growth mobilization, signaling a sea
in the
in polls and elections, change in how
Philippines. surveys in electoral politics is
Journal of the campaigns, conducted or
current Philippines political just the
Southeast Asian and analyses party replication of
the nature system, existing patterns
affairs, 29(4),
and democratizat of oligarchical
97-118. relevance of ion politics, alludes
"public to a more
opinion" gradual and
itself, restricted shift in
building on voter
Pierre mobilization in
Bourdieu's the Philippines.
critical This shift, it is
observations said further,
. represents in
part the
emergence of
"public opinion"
as a social
reality in
Philippine
politics and
society in the
years after the
restoration of
formal
democratic
institutions and
regular
elections.Even
so, the systems
promote here is
a cautionary
one, indicating
which, while the
emergence of
public opinion as
a social fact
alters the
political calculus
and dynamics of
voter
mobilization, the
politics of public
opinion may
have limited
transformative
potential for
democracy in the
Philippines.
Landé, C. The research People Narrative When then-Vice
(2001). The focuses on Power, President
Return of an in-depth Joseph Joseph Ejercito
‗People Power‘ narrative on Estrada, Estrada
the President, launched his
in the
presidency politics, candidacy for
Philippines. of Joseph Philippines President in
Journal of Estrada and 1998,
Democracy, its knowledgeable
12(2), 88-102. implications. Filipinos were
certain he would
win. His
popularity
among the poor
majority, the
split opposition,
and the financial
and electoral
assistance he
received from
previous
President
Marcos'
supporters all
worked in his
favor. One can
only hope that
President
Estrada's ascent
and fall, as well
as the resulting
severe class
distinctions,
would
concentrate the
attention of the
Philippines'
affluent classes
not just on long-
standing
concerns, but
also on the
voting power, of
the poor who put
their hopes in
Estrada. A minor
but encouraging
indication was
that immediately
after Estrada's
demise, the
chairman of the
Companies'
Federation of the
Philippines
appeared on
national
television to
plead for the
poor's cause and
to encourage his
fellow employers
not to lay off
their workers
during these
difficult
economic times.
Liebow E. The African- Observati By arranging the
(1967). Tally‘s research American on materials around
Corner: A Study focuses on men, roles and
of Negro the Study streetcorner connections that
are widely
Streetcorner of Negro
recognized in
Men. Little Streetcorne American
Brown and r Men. culture, the
Company Inc. research output
should allow for
direct
comparison to
comparable
models taken
from middle-
class behavior or
other portions of
the lower class.
The author finds
that the
"streetcorner
guy" is neither a
reflection of nor
a barometer of
his value in an
autonomous
urban
subculture. His
behavior is not
so much a
means of
achieving the
distinctive goals
and values of his
own subculture
or conforming to
its models as it
is a means of
attempting to
achieve many of
the larger
society's goals
and values;
when he fails, he
conceals his
failure from
others and from
himself to the
best of his
ability.
Additionally, the
author finds that
the African-
American man's
incapacity to
make a
livelihood and
support his
family is a major
feature of lower
class African-
American life.
Montinola, G. The article Philippine Narrative Voting trends in
(1999). Parties explores and democracy, 1998 were
and expounds on voting, significantly (and
Accountability in the details Presidency, perhaps
on parties Erap consequential)
the Philippines.
and Estrada, different than in
Journal of accountabilit Imelda the past. The
Democracy, y in Marcos Philippines is
10(1), 126-140. Philippines home to nine
back in main
1998. ethnolinguistic
groups (along
with several
minor
subgroups), and
politicians have
historically
formed electoral
coalitions along
clearly
ethnolinguistic
lines. Despite its
low points, the
campaign
resulted in the
most free,
transparent, and
peaceful election
in Philippine
history,
confounding
popular
forecasts of
huge fraud and
bloodshed.
Given the vote-
counting
methodology,
which involves
manually
recording and
tallying ballots
from over
174,000
locations,
sufficient
opportunity for
fraud exists.
Ramanathan, The purpose Discursive Qualitativ Election
R., of this study strategies, e campaigns are
Paramasivam, is to Speech Observati always seen as
S., & Hoon, T. examine acts, Power, on a persuasive
Najib and Persuasion, effort designed
(2020).
Modi's Political to persuade the
Discursive political discourse, populace to vote
Strategies and tweets in Twitter. for the country's
Speech Acts in terms of leader. During
Political illocutionary the elections,
Discourse of speech acts the existence of
Najib and Modi. such as two significant
Shanlax directives speaking actions
International and was
Journal of commissives emphasized:
Education, , in commissions
conjunction and directives.
8(3), 34-
with Wodak's Najib and Modi's
44. discursive discourses were
https://eric.ed.go strategies, in chosen based on
v/? order to their active
q=themes+relat understand engagement on
ed+to+political+ how Twitter during
strategies&ft=on language is the election
&id=EJ1 25607 systematicall campaigns. This
y used to qualitative
demonstrate research
commitment analyzes the
and future lexical choices
directions. used in the
election tweets
using Wodak's
discursive
techniques and
the speech acts
employed using
Searle's
taxonomy of
speech actions.
These two acts
of oratory
worked in
tandem behind
the hood of
Najib's
discursive
predication and
perspectivation
methods and
Modi to create a
close bond with
residents while
fostering a
feeling of unity
and honesty.
Schein, V. The article Political Synthesis Political
(1977). Political explores the Strategies, strategies and
Strategies for possible Organization power tactics are
Implementing strategies for al change, required for the
organization power successful
Organizational
al change bases, execution of
Change.
while political organizational
https://doi.org/1 tackling environment systemic
0.1177%2F1059 about power s transformation
6011770020010 bases and projects. Due to
6 political the extremely
environment political nature
s. of the company,
the consultant
must create both
power bases and
power tactics in
order to work
successfully in
such an
environment.
The change
agent may use a
variety of these
methods,
including
aligning with a
strong person,
negotiating,
doing research,
employing a
neutral cover,
restricting
communication,
and retreating.
While such
methods may
provide a value
issue for the OD
consultant at the
moment, they
may prove to be
viable and
valuable
strategies in the
future.
Scott, J. C. The purpose Patron Case By examining
(1972). The of this article Client study the effects of
Erosion of is to explain bonds, social
Patron-Client why, in Social change differentiation,
Southeast commercializatio
Bonds and
Asia, the n of subsistence
Social Change strong agriculture, and
in Rural patron-client the expansion of
Southeast Asia, connections colonial
Journal of Asian that administration
Studies, 32(1), connected on day-to-day
5-37. peasants to class relations in
local elites the countryside,
tended to it is possible to
deteriorate demonstrate how
throughout a relationship
the colonial once viewed as
period— collaborative and
particularly legitimate by the
in directly peasant came to
governed be viewed
lowland increasingly as
regions. one of simple, if
unequal,
bargaining or
outright
exploitation.
Patron-client
relationships are
seen as a
pattern of goods
and services
exchanges in
which the
balance of
transaction is
tied to the
relationship's
validity. Physical
security and
subsistence
insurance, in
particular, are
basic amenities
that the peasant
expects in return
for his
reverence. In the
pre-colonial
period, the
greater
availability of
alternative
conceptual
frameworks such
as the kindred
and village, the
existence of
unclaimed land,
and the lack of
strong external
backing for local
powerholders
served to
provide minimal
guarantees for
clients, while
colonialism
strengthened
elite bargaining
power and
shifted
reciprocity
balances. As a
consequence,
rural elites lost
credibility.
Sinpeng, A., The paper Philippines, Observati The 2016
aims to election, on presidential
Gueorguiev, D., determine social analysis election is
& Arugay, A. and analyze media, largely regarded
(2020). Strong whether the campaign, as the country's
Fans, Weak social media Duterte, first "social
campaigning political media election."
Campaigns:
models participation At the same
Social Media support the , online time, it is
and Duterte in profile of engagement uncertain
the 2016 Duterte. whether or not
Philippine social media
Election. assisted Rodrigo
https://doi.org/1 Duterte in
0.1017/jea.2020 mobilizing votes
.11 to win. There are
three primary
strategies for
social media
campaigning:
broadcast,
grassroots, and
self-
actualization.
Twenty million
actions and
39,942 randomly
selected
comments
across the
official Facebook
accounts of
prominent
presidential
candidates
corroborate the
grassroots
approach, as
Duterte's profile
was the most
engaged, even
when Duterte
was not actively
participating.
These
contradictions
raise the
possibility that
Duterte's online
prominence was
generated via
the use of hired
trolls and
fictitious
identities.
According to
data, Duterte
fans were not
only more active
in their online
support for him,
but also more
loyal to him
offline.
Additionally,
they emphasize
the narrow
difference
between faked
political support
and real political
zeal.
Wantchekon, The Political Survey While
Fujiwara, researchers economy, Question deliberative town
Rubenson, Pe engaged governance, naire hall meetings did
Lero, & with two Philippines, not improve
Philippine Electoral voter
Moctezuma
political participation participation,
(2013). The parties to , Elected they were
Impact of assess the Official successful in
Deliberative influence of Performance improving vote
Political deliberative , Voter shares among
Campaigns on campaigns behavior the social groups
Voter Behavior on voter targeted by the
in the turnout and party programs.
Philippines. vote share. According to poll
https://www.pov data for both
ertyactionlab.org party lists, town
halls improved
/evaluation/impa
voter share
ct-deliberative- among the
political- disenfranchised
campaigns- groups targeted
voter-behavior- by each party.
philippines Umalab Ka town
hall meetings
raised the
party's voter
share among
poorer and less
educated
residents, while
Akbayan town
hall meetings
raised the
party's voting
share among
women. The
post-election
study
demonstrates
that gains in
vote share were
a result of
residents'
sentiments about
the hosting
party's program
being
strengthened as
a result of the
town hall talks.
Attendees of
meetings in
Umalab Ka town
halls were more
willing to align
on the
significance of
poverty-related
concerns than
those in
comparable
barangays, but
attendees of
meetings in
Akbayan
barangays were
more likely to
agree on gender
concerns.

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FIGHT FOR SPOTLIGHT: A STUDY ON THE INFLUENCE OF POLITICAL

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Baterman, T. S. (1980). Organizational Change and the Politics of Success.

Hicken, A. (2009). Building Party Systems in Developing Democracies. Cambridge University

Landé, C. (2001). The Return of ‗People Power‘ in the Philippines. Journal of

Machado, K. G. (1971). Changing Aspects of Factionalism in Philippine Local Politics.

Montinola, G. (1999). Parties and Accountability in the Philippines. Journal of Democracy,

Paul K. (2006). Analyzing qualitative data. Qualitative Analysis Handout, 4, 97-153.

Schein, V. (1977). Political Strategies for Implementing Organizational Change.

Trost, J. A. (1986). ‗Statistically nonrepresentative stratified sampling: a sampling

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