Towards 'cultural competence' from a Jewish perspective:

An Interpretative Phenomenological Analysis of the lived

experience of Jewish mothers living in North West London.

The UnNers~ 01 East Lon~on l.RC,

Lisa Law

A thesis submitted in partial fulfilment of the requirements of the University

of East London for the degree of Doctor of Clinical Psychology.

June 2003

Word count: 28,509

Acknowledgments

I would like to take this opportunity to express my deep appreciation to Martyn Baker
for his continual faith and kindness. Our conversations have always been thought-
provoking and I have enjoyed the challenge as a psychologist, a researcher and a
Jewish woman. His enthusiasm was inspiring and contagious.

My special thanks go to Doron. His solid, unwavering support, enduring patience,

understanding and dependable calm have been invaluable.

I would like to express my sincere thanks to all the women who took part in the
interviews; for their generous time and hospitality, for their eloquence, thoughtfulness
and motivation and for making the experience so enjoyable and interesting for me.

I would like to thank the following people and organisations for such helpful
information, ideas and encouragement: Adrienne Baker, John Boyd, Maureen Davey,
Nancy Boyd Franklin, Stephen Frosh, Rabbi Eliezer Gross, Jewish care, the Jewish
Policy Research Centre, John Launer, Kate Loewenthal, Marlena Schmool, Maureen
Semans and the United Jewish Israel Appeal.

I am grateful to Auntie Barbara, Katie, Nina, Jodie, Dani, Alex, Mark, Rosemary, Emma
and Russell who have patiently read through the research' and given such helpful
feedback.

My thanks also go to the University of East London Disability Service for their help with
the transcriptions.

2
Abstract

Much research recognises the clinical value of considering clients' cultural context.
'Cultural competence' may be considered the balance between sensitive practice and
an awareness about particular cultural groups. 'Jewishness' is a powerful influence on
the majority of Jewish people, regardless of religiosity. Jewishness incorporates more
than Judaism, for example, it includes Jewish history, ethnicity and culture. This
research aims to help therapists work with Jewish families by familiarising them with
aspects of Jewishness, in order to gain insight to the 'lived experience' of
contemporary, British, Jewish families, so as to consider the potential clinical
implications of Jewishness and develop cultural competence.

Semi-structured interviews were conducted with eight British-born, culturally, rather

than religiously, Jewish mothers aged between 30 and 39. The interview transcripts
were analysed using an Interpretative Phenomenological Analysis methodology. Ten
themes ('Identity', 'Tradition and Culture', 'Characteristics', 'Family', 'Community',
'Continuity', 'Difference and Similarity', 'Fear', 'Feelings' and 'Services') were derived
from the analysis and considered in terms of clinical implications. For example, the
women spoke about a (sometimes) inexplicable 'bicultural' identity and the significant
impact of Jewish history. These issues may inhibit Jewish clients from speaking about
the relevance of their Jewishness with non-Jewish therapists.

Suggestions were made for developing a Jewish cultural, historical and political
perspective, so that beliefs, behaviours and characteristics are not miSinterpreted and
'therapeutic safety' for Jewish clients is maximised. Other recommendations included
using cultural consultants and adopting a systemic framework. Issues that may be
particularly difficult for Jewish families were discussed and recommendations for future
research made.

3
Contents

1. Introduction 6
1.lConceptual Framework 7
1.2 Jewishness 13
1.2.1 Judaism 13
1.2.2 Jewish History 14
1.2.3 Jewish ethnicity 17
1.2.4 Culture 19
1.2.5 Demographics 22
1.3Mental health and the Jewish community 24
1.3.1 Common problems 24
1.3.2 Use of services 26
1.3.3 ~tigma 26
1.4 Cultural Competency with Jewish Clients 27
1.5 Rationale 30
1.5.1 Background 30
1.5.2 Justification for research 32
1.5.3 Aims 32

2. Methodology 33
2.1 Qualitative methodology 33
2.1.1 Interpretative Phenomenological Analysis 33
2.1.2 Quality and evaluation 35
2.1.3 Personal Reflections 35
2.2 Criteria for participation 36
2.2.1 Recruitment ofparticipants 36
2.2.2 Description ofparticipants 37
2.3 Procedure 39
2.3.1 Data Collection 39
2.3.2 Data Analysis 43

3. Analysis 46

4. Discussion 94
4.1 Overview of the main findings from the analysis 94
4.1.1 ~ummary 94
4.1.2 Discussion offindings in relation to the conceptual framework
and research questions 96
4.2 Recommendations/future research 106
4.2.1 Recommendations 106
4.2.2 Future Research 109

4
4.3 Limitations of the research 109
4.4 Evaluation 110
4.5 Reflections 112

References 113

Glossary 123

Appendices 126
Appendix one: Jewish history 126
Appendix two: British and world Jewry population estimates 137
Appendix three: Ethical approval 138
Appendix four: Advert 139
Appendix five: Demographic questionnaire 140
Appendix six: Comparison figures to Schmool and Miller's (1994) survey 141
Appendix seven: Participant information sheet 142
Appendix eight: Consent form 143
Appendix nine: Original interview schedule 143
Appendix ten: Contract of confidentiality for the transcriber 144
Appendix eleven: Evaluation 145
Appendix twelve: An indication of the richness of the data 147

List of tables and figures

Table one: Sense of ethnic identity 18

Table two: British, Jewish settlement 22
Table three: British, Jewish community distribution 23
Table four: British, Jewish Synagogue affiliation 23
Table five: Self-definition of Jewishness 24
Table six: Methods of Recruitment 37
Table seven: Descriptions of the participants 37
Table eight: Findings from the survey 38
Table nine: Interview schedule 41
Table ten: Example of a subordinate theme 44
Table eleven: example of super-ordinate theme 45
Table twelve: Summary of super-ordinate and subordinate themes 47
Table thirteen: Potential differences for Jewish women before & after marriage 98

Figure one: A three-fold framework 11

Figure two: A suggested model of Jewishness 95

5
 Introduction

1. Introduction

Clinical psychology research recognises the salience of considering cultural context

for more sensitive, effective practice 1 • As Minuchin2 wrote about the value of Boyd
Franklin's cultural research: "You have to know a family's reality before you can
intervene to help". One example of this may be seen in the American research
highlighting the powerful influence of 'Jewishness' on the majority of Jewish
families (e.g. Schlossberger and Hecker, 1998; McGoldrick et ai, 1996 and Semans
and Stone Fish, 2000).

People live in multiple cultural contexts (Falicov, 1995) and encompass multiple
cultural selves (McGoldrick, 1998). Experiences and identifications interact (such as
ethnicity and gender) and people are differently (for example) Jewish in different
contexts. Therefore, there are many influences on Jewish people, such as
attachment and personal characteristics, which comprise Jewishness (e.g. Scher
and Mayseless, 2000). There are also areas of similarity between cultures (Boyd
Franklin, 1986). However, whilst acknowledging the undeniable complexity, it is
impractical notto compartmentalise (Burman et ai, 1998).

This research will predominantly focus on common 'cultural borderlands' (Falicov,

1995), which are helpful to consider in order to appreciate difference and develop
cultural competence (McGoldrick, 1998). It is clinically relevant to gain insight to
the 'lived experience' of contemporary British, Jewish families, in order to consider
the potential service implications of Jewishness and aid the development of our
understanding of and competence in this aspect of cultural sensitivity.

It is important to acknowledge Jewish diversity. Jews may be secular and look no

different to those around them, or strictly orthodox and easily distinguishable by
their clothing. They may be Ashkenazi (of Eastern European descent) or Sephardi
(of Mediterranean, North African and Middle Eastern descent). Most of the research
is American (with a focus on Ashkenazi Jews) or Israeli 3 • The contemporary British

1 This is demonstrated, for example, by the emphasis of cultural sensitivity in particular frameworks, such as systemic family
therapy, (as shown in the family therapy journal 'Context' - particularly special issue 44, 1999).
2 In McGoldrick et ai, 1996, page 7.
] A literature search showed that between 2000 and 2003 American research numbered 90, Israeli 103 and British 4 (of which
all 4 were about the strictly orthodox British Jewish community). The lack of British research is identified by the United
Jewish Israel Appeal Research and Development Unit (2002) who have put forward a proposal for funding to research
'contemporary British Jewish identity' and want to find out "to what extent we can draw comparisons between British and
American Jewry" (page 2). Unless stated, the research used to inform the introduction is from American sources.

6
 Introduction

psychological research has tended to focus on the strictly orthodox. Many believe
that British Jewry follow similar trends to American Jewry4. This thesis will focus
predominantly on the Jewish culture of non-strictly orthodox, Ashkenazi Jewss and
utilise the American body of research in this area. As in Langman's paper (1997)
consideration will be given to the religious context of Ashkenazi culture and
Judaism, however, religion will be discussed separately.

The introduction aims to consider the concept of 'cultural competency' from within
a specific conceptual framework, before familiarising the reader with relevant
aspects of Jewishness, mental health in the Jewish community and research about
cultural competency with Jewish clients. The intention is to provide a conceptual
and informative backdrop to the rationale for the research, the analysis and the
conclusions drawn from it.

1.1 Conceptual framework

In order to understand Jewishness in a psychological sense it is useful to locate the

research within a framework of meaning. The conceptual framework was informed
by Systemic, Transgenerational and Bicultural theory. These theories shall be
considered in turn before establishing a tailored, three-fold framework from which
to understand Jewish families, (mothers in particular), develop specific research
aims/questions and discuss the findings of the research.

1.1.1 Systemic Theory

Systemic theory has evolved considerably over the last fifty years (see Dallos and
Draper, 2000 for further detail). Overall, the theory emphasises the importance of
considering the context of individuals, such as their relationships with other
members of the family or system, the influence of culture as a wider system and so
on. These systems interact so that no individual is seen as an independent entity
and no influence or situation is viewed as purely linear. Culture and family patterns
as a context are important to conSider, therefore, for all families, including Jewish
families. From this perspective issues may be viewed as an interactive process,
rather than located within an individual, as other models may suggest (such as,
medical and psychoanalytical models).

~ Confirmed by personal communication with Marlena Schmool (24.1.03).

5 As this group constitutes the mcUority of British Jews (see demographic section).

7
 Introduction

Systemic theory considers the way that an individual or system is influenced by

patterns, narratives and scripts (e.g. Dallos and Draper, 2000). Clinicians aim to
work with these in order to develop more constructive patterns and relationships.
They may use techniques, such as circular questioning and curiosity (e.g. see
Cecchin, 1987). Systemic therapy often involves a family, but systemic principals,
that is considering the systemic context, may be utilised with individuals.

1.1.2 Transgenerationa/ Theory

Lieberman (1998) described Transgenerational theory as 'Systemic theory with
memory'. He asserts the importance of the historical context of the individual and
family. Hines et al (1992) emphasise the importance of considering the Jewish (as
well as other cultures') system across more than one generation. Transgenerational
theory considers the acquisition of family culture in the broadest sense, such as
religiously, ethnically or politically over a much longer period of time. Lieberman
writes that all systems contain histories, stories, myths and'scripts through shared
heritage. Transgenerational theory attempts to highlight the areas involved in
communicating and acquiring these beliefs and behaviours.

As a Jew himself Lieberman noticed the emphasis on history in Jewish culture. In

his model he expands his observations to other cultures to develop a way of
understanding individuals and systems that takes into account that people are
influenced horizontally across systems, but also vertically down through
generations. People are moulded transgenerationally through the patterns,
narratives and scripts that Systemic theory emphasises. This in turn influences
family tradition, customs and beliefs. For example, Lieberman writes that survivor
guilt persisting into a third generation of Holocaust survivors (e.g. Phillips, 1978) is
an example of a long-term pattern moving transgenerationally through systems.

Owing to the relevance in Jewish culture of historical issues, as narrated within

many Jewish families and communities, it is helpful to think about Jewish families
from a transgenerational perspective (e.g. Schlossberger and Hecker, 1998). From
this perspective the psychological impact of historical and cultural issues can be
considered, as well as the clinical implications of these. Ideas may then be
developed about working with Jewish families. For example, Lieberman (1998)
suggests using transgenerational conversations and genograms as a way of

8
 Introduction

'unravelling' and gaining understanding about current and transgenerational

patterns and issues. The therapist and clients become part of a new history, which
can develop new family cultures. These may develop alternative perceptions of
family histories, patterns and narratives and evolve as part of the families'
developing histories. Current issues are then understood iii the broad context of
family history.

1.1.3 Bicultural TheorY

People living in more than one culture exist within and between them. For example,
Boyd Franklin (1986) wrote about the 'dual identities' of black clients living in
America. There is a need to consider the psychological effects of 'dual-identity' for
Jewish people; that is, an awareness of their 'bicultural existence' (e.g.
LaFromboise et ai, 1993). As Seward's (1956) chapter title describes it, 'Jews [are]
between two worlds' - that from which they have come and that in which they
reside. There is the stress of assimilation and the loss of lifestyle to be conSidered,
as well as the reactions of the host culture to mass immigration, even several
generations later (McGoldrick et ai, 1996).

It is, therefore, helpful to consider different perspectives about the psychological

impact of living at the juncture of two or more cultures. The literature often
assumed that living biculturally necessitates psychological distress. For example,
Park (1928) argued that bicultural existence marginalises the individual and causes
psychological conflict as a consequence of a divided self. LaFromboise et al (1993)
argue that more understanding and skilfulness by minority and majority groups in
one another's cultures may in fact enrich a lifestyle and society. Three of the
models LaFromboise et al use to understand biculturalism are presented:

• Assimilation (e.g. Gordon, 1978) and Acculturation (e.g. Smither, 1982)

Assimilation assumes the individual is in an ongoing process of attempting

to absorb into the new majority, more desirable culture, so as to become
more socially accepted. Through this process the individual loses the beliefs,
customs and behaviours of their original culture as. they acquire the new
one. This leads to the hypothesis that the individual may experience

(, 'Biculturalism' will refer to the individual living in more than one culture; for some this may be two or three. If considered at
a broader level some may argue that 'culture' can include factors of age, gender, class and so on.

9
 Introduction

isolation and stress until they perceive acceptance in the new culture. Those
from the original culture may reject the individual for lack of loyalty and
those from the new culture may not be receptive of new and different
members. Acculturation assumes that individuals go through the same
process but will eventually become full members of the new cultural group.
Both models may be difficult psychologically, as they reinforce a hierarchical
relationship between cultures.

• Alternation (e.g. Ogbu and Matute-Bianchi, 1986)

Alternation suggests that it is possible to live in and understand more than one
culture by alternating between, for example, languages, practices and behaviours.
This may give a sense of belonging in two cultures without compromising an
individual's own cultural identity, so that, for example, a Jew would be able to
function within the context of British society, whilst maintaining Jewish cultural
identity. This could be a less stressful position to be in than the previous models
suggest, as there is no hierarchical relationship between cultures and the individual
does not need to choose.

LaFromboise et al argue that the Alternation model suggests a helpful way for
individuals to manage biculturalism; that the more the individual is able to maintain
their relationships through alternation, the less difficulty there will be in acquiring
competency in both cultures. They put forward a number of components of
bicultural competency:
• Knowledge of and positive attitudes towards both groups
• Belief that they can live effectively and satisfyingly within two groups
without compromising cultural identity
• Communication ability
• Repertoire of situation appropriate roles and behaviours
• 'Groundedness' (i.e. a sense of belonging)

1.1.4 A Three-fold Framework

Figure one illustrates the framework, which will be used to understand Jewishness.
It combines aspects of Systemic, Transgenerational and Bicultural theory to
establish a conceptual framework that locates the individual at the juncture of a

10
 Introduction

number of factors. It assumes that the individual will be influenced by their context
and interactions of their current systems, for example, the patterns and narratives
of their families. Furthermore, it assumes that the individual will be influenced by
transgenerational systemic contexts and interactions, for example, cultural history.
In addition, individuals are the product of many contexts. This thesis shall focus on
two predominant contexts: Jewishness and Britishness.

Figure one: A three-fold framework

. Transge..~r~tioQ~1 Jiic;ultq.l 'al the9ry

.•·Infi!lence of system!contej{
op. 'indiyi'dl!a,l~/relationship
..' ·l,mP9rtilrrc~ ot!l!l$tiy~, '.
ipatt¢~s ¢tc,
. . J.tbeQ;t;Y;
. • People live .within and
" 'SyS~ems withrm~mory'
between .cultures
~i Irttl1;lepce o~paSt'on jlrr:s,e.Qt
• Biculturalcompeten<?e is
. ·(.P;iSsipg~oWn of culnp-e "i~lated-top$Y,9hological
. weLi~being

.11: 'D '·'

'a 'ig
I

The framework in relation to Jewish mothers

The research focuses on working towards cultural competence from a Jewish
perspective, due to the lack of research and density of Jewish communities in some
areas. The justification for this shall be further discussed. When thinking about and
working with Jewish families systemically, transgenerationally and/or biculturally
there are certain aspects which are particularly relevant to consider. For example,
the psychological impact of a turbulent history or the impact of living within and

11
 Introduction

between two cultures. One way to gain knowledge about these aspects is to speak
directly to the people they concern. Due to the scale of research it was decided that
similar individuals would be interviewed. Considering the central role of the mother
in the Jewish system (this shall be further elaborated upon) it made sense to
access them as a data source. Bearing in mind Transgenerational theory young
mothers give the opportunity to consider influences from older generations, as well
as their impact on younger ones. As they were all British Jews this gives insight to
bicultural aspects.

The framework in relation to cultural competence

Cultural competence may be considered the balance between cultural awareness
and sensitivity (Barratt et ai, 1999). 'Cultural literacy' should be balanced with a
'respectful curiosity', so as not to be too rigid or to privilege particular viewpoints
(Dyche and Zayas, 1995). It is important to explore complexity without
unquestioningly accepting social or clients' constructions of normality, whilst
bearing in mind one's own assumptions (McGoldrick, 1998).

It is not possible to know about every group, but it is important to know about
those common in our working area and gain an awareness of the cultural relativity
of values (e.g. Hines et al 1992). Of course, it is important in attempting to
understand ethnicity not to reinforce stereotypes or make generalisations. Instead,
McGoldrick suggests, holding ideas tentatively and acknowledging, for example,
that while not all Jews are alike, they are probably more alike to each other than to
other ethnic groups.

Contexts position every person and therapists need to consider their own ethnicity
and culture. Perelberg (1992) notes a tendency to consider the 'exotic'. Therapists
may be most likely to become aware of clients that markedly differ from them, over
those who appear more familiar. Culture is often considered in terms of
international cross-cultural comparisons, new immigrants, (for example, the
growing literature about refugees and asylum seekers, e.g. Aldous et ai, 1999) or
those who are more visibly different (for example, Boyd Franklin's work with black
families, e.g. 1986). McGoldrick (1998) writes that black-white issues can
overshadow anti-Semitism, classism, sexism, ageism, homophobia and so on.
Toledano, (1996) draws attention to conscious and unconscious identification with
clients of the same culture. He suggests a 'not-knowing' without disassociating

12
 Introduction

approach, which looks for unique meanings. Burman et al (1998) emphasise the
importance of viewing all therapy as intercultural.

To be culturally competent when working with Jewish clients it would be helpful to

have an awareness about information the three theories discussed above
emphasise as important; that is, knowledge about the culture and system currently,
across time and in relation to bicultural aspects of living in Britain.

1.2 lewishness

Schlossberger and Hecker (1998) draw attention to the significant impact of

Jewishness on most Jews; even those who are not observane. Jewishness
incorporates more than religion. The literature recognises the importance of
tradition, history, ethnicity, identity and culture (e.g. Herz and Rosen, 1996). Kaye
(1990) emphasises this and, moreover, suggests that the desire to identify with
Jewishness is a statement of survival:

"Don't assume that Jewishness equals Judaism. Religion is only part of Jewishness.
Jewishness is a peoplehood, a culture, a shared history, an ethnic identity ...That
millions died within familial memory for being Jews means that when we go to
Shu', or attend a Jewish event, or wear a star, or long for the sound of Yiddish,
Ladino or Hebrew9 , or the smell of tzimes or kneidlaclfo, we are also asserting, I
am a Jew and I am alive." (page 10).

Jewish social surveys, such as that of 1125 women across the British Jewish
community by Schmool and Miller (1994) distinguish ethnic attachment from
ll
practice and belief; 63 % of Jews in the survey did not consider belief in G-d as
central to being a good Jew; the desire to belong and identify was more powerful.

1.2.1 Judaism
Judaism was the first monotheist religion. It began in the Bronze Age in the Middle
East. The Jewish calendar dates back to the Exodus from Egypt 5763 years ago.
The focus in Judaism is on ethics and morality, rather than faith. As Rabbi Glasner

7 'Religious' is often used by Jewish people to mean observant. . . .

K Yiddish word commonly used for 'Synagogue'. NB Non-English words will be written in italics and translatIOns will be In
footnotes and also in the more detailed glossary.
~ Languages of the Jewish people (see glossary for detail). . .
III Ashkenazi traditional foods (see glossary for detail). NB the letters 'ch' throughout will represent the Hebrew sound smular

to the Scottish 'loch'.

13
 Introduction

wrote in 1959 "Judaism is not primarily a faith, but rather a way of life. And
furthermore, it is not primarily an individual way of life, but the way of life of the
Jewish people." (page 40). This does not deny the importance of the individual, as,
in order to love thy neighbour as thyself, one must be able to love oneself and
there is an emphasis on the value of individual life.

The strictly-orthodox observe many religious laws (' Halachot, and traditions. In
particular, there are the dietary laws of Kashrue 2, observance of the Sabbath and
religious holid ays 13, marriage laws 14, education 15 and guidelines governing
16
behaviour from birth to death • In fact, there are 613 commandments (mitzvof 7 ).
Religious Jews, particularly men, will attend the Synagogue often, even daily and
especially on the Sabbath and festivals. There are a number of types of
Synagogues - Mainstream Orthodox, Reform Masorti, Liberal, Sephardi and Union
of Orthodox18 • Synagogue affiliation may reflect family history, habit and
availability, as well as piety (Schmool and Cohen, 1998). All Jews are more inclined
to retain the publicly observable annual rituals, such as a Seder at Pesach and
going to the Synagogue on Yom Kippur- 9 • This has been interpreted as a shift from
religiously inspired Jewish identity requiring individual acts of commitment, to one
based on ethnicity and social affiliation, maintained by group ceremonies (e.g.
Liebman and Cohen, 1990).

Judaism is not only experienced in the Synagogue; as with other religions, many of
the rituals focus on the home; it is a family-based religion. There is a tendency for
increased religiosity later in life, connected to the wish to educate children
(Schmool and Cohen, 1998). Approximately two-thirds of Jewish children receive
formal Jewish education. Jewish education is an important influence on Jewish
identity (Hartman and Hartman, 2003). Schmool and Cohen, (1998) suggest it is

II It is customary to omit the letter '0'.

12 Such as, not eating milk and meat together and not eating pork or shellfish.
13 Such as, not working or not using electricity.
I~ Such as, not having intercourse during and after the woman's menstrual period.
15 The study of religious texts is highly valued. This has culturally extended to include the value of studying more generally.

16 For example, blessings about food and which clothes are suitable for modesty.
17 Literally 'commandments', such as 'keeping' the Sabbath, but it has also become colloquially known as a 'good deed', for
example, one could hear someone say 'I'm glad I helped her, it's a mitzvah'.
IX The Reform movement wished to adapt the religion for modern living, for example men and women sit together during
services. The Masorti theological position is between Orthodox and Reform. The focus in Liberal Judaism is on Jewish ethics,
without the ritual, therefore, for example, services are often in English. British Sephardi Synagogues are of Spanish and
Portuguese origin; the longest settled section of British Jewry. Services differ in tradition from Ashkenazi Synagogues. Union
of Orthodox are Haredi (i.e.' strictly-orthodox e.g. Lubavitch/Chasidic) Synagogues.
19 Seder is the religious meal eaten on Passover (Pesach). Yom Kippur is the Day of Atonement.

14
 Introduction

more helpful for Jews to self-define as non-practicing! non-orthodox! traditional or

strictly orthodox20 .

1.2.2 Jewish History

In her book about Black families in therapy! (1986) Boyd Franklin emphasises the
value in connecting cultural history with clinical experience and research. Jewish
history is relevant to be aware of as much research suggests that! in addition to
religion! it is the turbulent history that has constructed the Jewish community and
individual 'psyche'. As Kaye (1990! page 12) writes: "To be a Jew is to tangle with
history". Jewishness may not be visible! but many Jews are sensitive to anti-
Semitism and may adopt a defensive stance! which may seem inexplicable to non-
Jews (Hines et al 1992). Therefore! in order to familiarise the reader with influences
on Jewishness! detail will be given about history! particularly in terms of migration
and anti-Semitism. Due to the confines of space a more comprehensive insight into
Jewish history is given in appendix one. I would strongly urge the reader to read
this section for greater understanding and as a background to the analysis.

Early History
Early Jewish history is described in the Torah. It details many attempts to eliminate
the Jewish people! for example! by the Pharaoh of Egypt and Haman 21 . Jews were
persecuted by the Greeks and Romans. During early Christianity! Jews were
22
perceived to prevent the spread of Christianity and have killed Jesus . Through
many centuries! Jews were forced to convert! exiled or executed. As in the whole of
Jewish history! when prohibited from practice! Jews continued to do so in hiding.
During the Middle Ages! anti-Semitism intensified and there were massacres in
23
many British and European cities. Myths about Jewish rituals emerged and Jews
were blamed for social problems 24 . Inciting Anti-Semitic images were thrust into the
popular culture. The 'Jew' became equated with "exploiter ... untrustworthy... liar,,25.
In consequence! Jews were forced to live in ghettos! wear distinctive clothes and
forbidden from trading and owning or working on land. As a result they worked in

21)It is important to note that non-orthodox may indicate a difference in practice, rather than non-practice.
21 These incidents are commemorated in the Jewish festivals of Pesach and Purim.
22 Jesus was crucified by the Romans.
2J Such as using Christian babies' blood for matzot (unleavened bread eaten during Passover to symbolise the bre~d ~aten by
the Israelites, who did not have time to let it rise when escaping from Egypt) and Jews being children of the deVil, linked to
ideas about killing Jeslis.
2~ Such as the Bubonic Plague, when they did not contract it (due to strict hygiene laws).
25 Of note, such definitions appeared in the Oxford Dictionary until the middle of the twentieth century.

15
 Introduction

business and their reputation as thieves and misers trying to control the world
financially grew. The Inquisitions began in Britain in the 14th century and spread to
nearly all European countries. Those who were able to escape fled to Holland,
North Africa, the Americas, the Middle East and Russia and eventually the rest of
Eastern Europe during the 15th to 17th centuries.

Modern History

Influenced by 'Darwinism', many developed ideas about Jews being racially inferior.
Voltaire wrote "you have outdone all the nations in your impertinent fabrications,
your bad behaviour and your hooliganism .. .! would not be surprised .. .if one day
these people will cause the human race to be wiped out." In addition, the Russian
publication of 'Protocols of the Elders of Zion,26 c1aimed to demonstrate the danger
of the Jews and Jewish 'conspiracy theory' was born. Anti~Semitism moved from
myths of drinking babies' blood and accusations of killing Jesus, to modern
stereotypes incorporating the powerful, greedy Jew who was a danger to the
wholeness, beliefs and values of society27. It was proposed that because Jews may
not externally differ, they were more dangerous. In Eastern Europe anti-Semitism
became official policy with the murderous Pogroms28 during the 18th and 19th
centuries. This led to mass immigration of Jewish refugees to the USA, Israel,
Britain and the rest of Western Europe. During the Holocaust between 1933 and
1945, there were anti-Semitic laws, ghettoising, violence and 6 million Jewish
people were killed - about two-thirds of European Jewry. Poland, France, Holland,
Italy, Ukraine, Lithuania and Latvia also passed anti-Semitic laws. Jewish survivors
of the Holocaust again encountered anti-Semitism on their return home29 .

Contemporary History
In 1948 the Jewish State of Israel was established 30 • Many Diaspora Jews (81 0/0,
Schmool and Cohen, 1998) feel a deep historical, emotional and personal

26 The book describes a conference of Jews in a cemetery in Prague, who plan to conquer the world.
27 This stereotype was aided by hatred towards Jews for their financial gain in the Industrial Revolution, as they were not
permitted to work in agriculture.
28 Organised attacks by Cossacks, incited by government officials, on the Jewish villages. Jews were robbed, beaten, raped and

killed.
29 For example, 350 Jews were killed in a series of anti-Semitic riots in Poland and Stalin planned to deport all Jews to Siberia

(Schlossberger and Hecker, 1998).

JO The Zionist movement aimed to create a Jewish state in Israel; it began at the end ofthe 19th century. Zionists are those who
believe in the importance and legitimacy of a Jewish homeland. Many believe it is the only way to live safely as a Jew, with
respect to the history of persecution. The British Government offered the Jews a 6000 square mile piece ofland in Uganda, but
the main Zionist movement insisted that the Jewish homeland had to be Israel because of the historical connection and the
substantial number of Jews already living in the area. The State was created in 1948 after the end of the British mandate.

16
 Introduction

31
attachment to the state of Israel • The creation of the state of Israel resulted in an
intensification of hatred towards Jews. In the Middle East old myths re-emerged,
for example, many Palestinian Authority schools use anti-Semitic textbooks, 'Mein
Kampf' and 'Protocols of the Elders of Zion' have been translated into Arabic and
conspiracy theories have been modified32 • Organised anti-Semitism continues in
Europe, North and South America and the Muslim states. Revisionist historians deny
the Holocaust and the Extreme Right are prevalent across Europe. In Britain there
continues to be anti-Semitic attacks and literature, desecration of Jewish
cemeteries and Synagogues and threats of terror. The Jewish community and the
Government share the concern that anti-Semitic incidents have risen significantly
since September 11th 2001. British organisations, which advocate anti-Semitic
policies or violence, continue. 33 This has been accompanied by, what has been
described as, an 'elite' anti-Semitism, veiled by academic discussions in the media
and universities (Anti-Semitism and Xenophobia Today, 2003). Jews in Britain are
aware of this worldwide anti-Semitism through the Jewish newspapers,
organisations and the Internet34 • It has become a comrnon topic of concern
amongst them.

1.2.3 Jewish ethnicity

An ethnic group has been described as "those who conceive themselves as alike by
virtue of their common ancestry ... and who are so regarded by others". (Shibutani
and Kwan, 1965, in McGoldrick et ai, 1996, page 23). Ethnicity is more than race,
religion or geography. It fulfils the deep psychological need for identity and
historical continuity. As discussed, it should be kept in mind that ethnicity is
subjective, imprecise and fluid (e.g. Patel, 1999) and to, thus, consider the
following as starting pOints to cultural awareness.

There is much diversity amongst Jews35 • This makes it difficult to accept the notion
of a Jewish 'race' and makes sense of the argument that it is the anti-Semite who

31 Between 1979 and 1993 over 13,000 British Jews 'made Aliyah' (emigrated to Israel); 69 % of British Jews have relatives or
close friends living in Israel; 78 % have visited. .
32 For example, it is alleged that Israel helped to coordinate the attacks on September 11 d. 2001 to create a backlash agamst
Arabs and Islam (The Anti-Defamation League, 2003).
JJ Such as, Combat 18, the British National Party, the National Front, Hizb ut-Tahrir (Islamic Liberation Party) and a.l-
Muhajiroun (The Emigrants) Britain has been criticized by several Arab and Muslim countries for giving asylum to IslamiC
militants whose countries of origin seek their extradition.
H For example, a front page headline of the 'London Jewish News' was 'UK Jews on new terror alert: Will we be next target?

03.S.m) .
35 For example, White (Western and Eastern European, Russian, Scandinavian, North and South Amencan), Black (North
African Jews, such as Ethiopian Jews), Indian, Chinese (prior to the Cultural Revolution) and Middle Eastern.

17
 Introduction

defines the Jew (Sartre, 1946). It is perhaps this external, as well as internal,
definition of difference, which promotes the connection between Jews. Seward
(1956) suggests that this strong in-group identification is to· protect from prejudice
and prevent internalisation. Despite the diversity, British Jews are usually white 36,
however, Jewishness is deeper than racial similarities and broader than religious
practices. Freud (1926) described the security he felt with other Jewish people as
"the clear awareness of an inner identity, the secret of the same inner
construction,,37 (page 274).

Schmool and Miller (1994) in their survey used the definition of Jewish ethnic
identity as "a sense of belonging to the Jewish people, incorporating feelings of
closeness to other Jews, a consciousness of one's own Jewishness and a desire for
group continuity./I (page 21). Respondents had a strong sense of ethnic identity
according to this definition (see table one). Schmool 38 spoke of the many people
who asked the Board of Jewish Deputies whether they should write 'Jewish' as their
ethnicity in the National Census, due to dilemmas about pride and recognition
versus a historical fear that "they' will know where I live'.

Table one: Sense of ethnic identity

% of Jews felt that it was important that the Jews survive as a people.

81 % thought there was an unbreakable bond uniting Jews all over the world.

89% felt quite strongly or extremely conscious of being Jewish.

No respondents said that they did not think of themselves as Jewish at all.
95 % rated loyalty to Jewish heritage as important.
~_#"4 * w_y,:;;;;"';7---'~~';;;;;;;;;-'~-~7t*--~~---~-----;;':::;:;;;'-~;W";;,.s«."wr-

90% perceived closeness to other Jews as important.

81 % perceived involvement in a Jewish home life as important.

---" ~ ~--'~

I 61 % perceived reli~gi:;;~;rti~iPa'tio~wa~i;;port;nt fo~ a~nse of Jewishness.

~:;,m'_"""""""""'''h''''''''':''''''''''_''''h''_'''''''''''''' "':'~~~;:;:;';';'~;;':;';;""":""":"""'h':';;X«:;;;;;';"""""''''';O;;;;;;;~''''''' ...-m·-·;.;.;;AA:;; .. ·· ..m ..
.......(:;,;;,;.;;.;,•.•• m ..., .•.••••~~;;.;;;;;;;w;,;.;.~;;;; m .............;w..m.......m_m ... ·w:.;;u.uo ....: -...

33- %-sawthem;elves as more Jewish than British (20% as more British).

(Schmool and Miller, 1994).

)(, Due to mainly coming fonn Ashkenazi Origin.

)7 Of le onl said this to a Jewish group.
JK I:l personal commUnICatIOn,
 Introduction

1.2.4 ~u/tur~9

Culture may be experienced in many ways, for example, through art, literature,
music, food, a way of speaking, language, jokes40 and gestures. Seward (1956)
describes the 'cardiac Jew' who experiences Jewishness in the heart and the
'gastronomic Jew' who feels Jewish after a traditional meal. Semans and Stone Fish
(2000) found that their American participants "dissect the world with a 'Jewish
scalpel' [which] informs their daily interactions, parenting styles, and their children's
self-perceptions." (page 121). Transmission of tradition, values and ethnic identity
are culturally and religiously embedded in the obligation to teach children about
'Jewishness' (e.g. Semans et al 2001). When discussing culture and its transmission
it is most helpful to think in terms of family; as this is the core of Jewishness.

The Jewish family

Traditional western ideas about the nuclear family are becoming decreasingly
relevant (McGoldrick et ai, 1996). Jewish families tend to be tri-generational and
include the extended family. They are usually geographically and emotionally close.
Historically there has been a higher incidence of marriage and lower level of divorce
than the British population (Schmool and Miller, 1994). Western sex roles and age
hierarchies may be de-emphasised. For example, children are often involved in
decision-making.

There is much religious and cultural value (and often pressure) on intra-marriage
and, moreover, having children. "The complete Jew is an adult with a mate and an
offspring ... From birth on, every step is directed with an eye to the chupah41 and if
that goal is missed, life itself seems to be lost. Once attained, however, marriage is
merely the background for the great goal, the greatest achievement, the greatest
gratification: children". (Zborowski and Herzog, 1952, p124). Parents gain pleasure
( 'naches42 ) from their children and children learn early they are expected to provide
it. The children may take their parents' obligations toward them for granted.

1~ As Schlossberger and Hecker (1998) wrote: the following is intended as possibility rather than prescription.
~IIOf note, Schloss berger and Hecker, (1998) wrote that the Jewish sense of humour is ess~ntial to process so much suffering.
It is a celebration of life, as well as an ability to laugh at oneself.
41 Marriage canopy.
~2 'Pleasure, joy - particularly from achievements of a child ... the glow of pleasure-plus-pride that only a child can give to its
parents'. Rosten, 1968.

19
 Introduction

Traditionally, the woman is the centre of the Jewish home and family. Due to
cultural and religious ideals, which highly value child-rearing, Jewish women may
perceive themselves as mothers more than wives (Herz and Rosen, 1996).
Moreover, a single woman may not perceive herself as 'complete' until she is
married with children. A 'good' Jewish woman is a mother who nurtures, protects
and worries about her family throughout the lifespan. For example, the Book of
Proverbs ('mishleh') describes the ideal woman, as highly valued for her wisdom,
strength, kindness and ongoing, hard-working dedication to her family and
community43. Schmool and Miller (1994) reported that 23% of 1125 British, Jewish
women aged 30-44, did not work and 50% worked only part-time, in order to look
after children and the home.

When positive, the Jewish mother image is of a strong, self-sacrificing source of

comfort who endured the oppression of her people with dignity. She is the means
to the biological and cultural survival of her continually endangered people (Siegel,
1986). According to Rothbell (1989) the popular Jewish mother stereotype in
American media moved through discourse from "an object of reverence to a target
of ridicule", She attributes this in part to the demographic increase in (culturally
encouraged) caring for ageing mothers, the over-representation of Jewish
psychotherapists and clients and the abundance of Jewish (male) comics,
filmmakers and novelists in the 1960's, which propelled this Jewish mother
character into the popular media in America. She writes that the stereotype is a
camouflage for internal and external anti-Semitism and conceals sexism, classism
and ageism. Siegel adds that the Jewish mother was an easy target for ridicule and
rejection, as the immigrants' Americanised children yearned to assimilate into the
majority culture.

Pelleg-Sani's research (1984) did not uphold the traditional stereotype of the Jewish
mother as manipulative, domineering, meddling and controlling throughout guilt.
Such stereotypes hook into historical religious and ethnic prejudices, which, Siegel
(1983) argues, are absorbed like woman-devaluing messages into cultures. As a
Jew she is felt to have disproportionate power and as a woman, so little that any

~J For example, "Her worth is far above jewels ... AII the days of her life ... she gives food to her household ... stretches ou~ her
hands to the needy ... Strength and dignity are her c1othing ... She opens her mouth in wisdom and the teaching of kindness IS on
her tongue ... She does not eat the bread of idleness ... Her children rise up and bless her; her husband ... praises her". King
Solomon, Book of Proverbs, chapter 31.

20
 Introduction

she assumes must be excessive. If Western values, for example, assume women to
be quiet and refined; they do not sit with Eastern European admiration for strong,
practical women. There is a conflict between the Eastern European concept of the
child (at any age) as vulnerable and incapable of caring for itself and the American
perception of independent children needing to be encouraged to progress (Sauna
1992). Siegel notes that American culture devalues nurturing and regards self-
assertion as pushiness. She argues that more covert anti-Semitism can easily be
denied and the strengths and coping patterns of Jewish women interpreted as
aggressive, paranoid and comical; leaving Jewish mothers as the scapegoat for
ambivalent feelings towards mothers and the Jewish people. Siegel encourages
Jewish women not to conform to the dominant culture by rejecting those parts
from the minority i.e. 'Jewishness' and over-valuing those of the majority i.e.
'femininity'. Instead to identify those parts which are valuable (but simply different
to the dominant culture) and reclaim them; whilst rejecting those that are
uncomfortable.

Jewish Values
As described, Jewish values primarily focus on passing on the tradition and caring
for and loyalty towards the family and community. Jewish people describe a special
ethical responsibility towards others, as the chosen people. Perhaps due to Jewish
history, Jews may have a long-term perspective and place importance on
continuity, as part of a cultural discourse of 'living for those that have died M •

Verbal and emotional expression is highly valued in Jewish culture. A questioning

and challenging style of communication is religiously and culturally encouraged 45 •
Everything, including emotions, can be discussed and the ability to articulate
thoughts and express oneself is respected. There may be sarcasm or noisy
arguments, but it may be seen as affection and taking interest (Schlossberger and
Hecker, 1998). A child may challenge a parent and it be experienced as a healthy,
comfortable, connecting rather than disconnecting process. ,

44 For example, at Holocaust memorial services one prayer translat~s: "in their death, they ordered us to live,"
45 For example, the Talmud (religious text) reports the debates, not Just the laws.

21
 Introduction

There is a cultural emphasis on intellectualism 46 and achievement47 • As Jews often

migrated or were restricted to certain professions, portable intellectual, verbal and
professional skills and financial success were valued over land 48 • Zuk, (1978)
described an adaptive group who, perhaps due to an unpredictable history, are
pragmatic and willing to accept new ideas that promise benefit. He found Jews to
be interested in how society functions and proactive in problem-solving.

1.2.5 Demographics
Today, there are approximately 13 million Jewish people; mostly in Israel and
America. Table two illustrates Jewish settlement in Britain:

Table two: British, Jewish settlement

an times ecord of Jews living in Britain.

ganised settlement began.

ost Jews exiled by Edward 1.

Present Jewish community settled in Britain from Holland.

II' 1881-1914
~ ..........................__ ............. _ _.__ ..
....

1945 Population peaked with immigration after the Second World

War at 430 000.
1996 'sh Jewry estimated at 283,000 50 decrease of a third,

It is expected that the British, Jewish community will decrease by approximately

170/0 (48,000) over the next 20 years, due to a fall in births51 and an increase of
marriage and cohabitation outside the Jewish community52. 40 0/0 of Jewish men
have non-Jewish partners and 30% of Jewish women.

~6 For example, the scholar was more respected than the wealthy person in Jewish folklore and the majority of contemporary,
Jewish 18-21 year olds are in university education (Schmool and Cohen, 1998). Earlier sections discuss the religious and
cultural value placed on learning.
~7 For example, there is an over-representation of Jewish Nobel Prize winners. Between 1901 and 1995, of 663 Nobel Prizes,
140 were Jewish, (Jewish Virtual Library, 2003)
~8 Approximately 50 % of working British Jews are in professional occupations (compareq to 9 % in the general population)
and Jews are almost absent from agriculture. 16 % are employed in education and 10% in medicine (Schmool and Cohen,
1998).
49 As the UK census (except in Northern Ireland) has never included religion, or ethnicity in its widest sense, there are no
current official population figures for the British, Jewish community (Schmool and Cohen, 1998). The most likely statistics are
based on death records under the assumption that most Jewish people, irrespective of religiosity and Synagogue affiliation,
would wish their death to be recognised by a Jewish ritual. This of course does not include all Jews who would self-identity.
For more detail about British and world Jewry population see appendix two.
50 Ethnic minority groups are estimated at 3,663,000 (not including Jewish ethnicity) in an overall British population of

56,756,000 (Office for National Statistics, 1998).

51 This does to some extend represent a national trend
52 There has been a 25% decrease in Synagogue marriages since the 1970's.

22
 Introduction

In modern times, Jewish immigrants tended to congregate in Leeds, Manchester

and the East End of London. There has been a more recent trend to move to
London from outside and towards the suburbs inside of London. Jewish people tend
to live in communities; there are 84 Jewish communities53 outside Greater London.
Table three shows the current distribution of British, Jewish communities, from the
smallest to the largest:

Table three: British, Jewish community distribution

- ,700 (72 % of Jewish community)
~~~-=~=--=~~=-==============-~~l
'~
II

00 (one in six sa rnetresi dents ) 11

,000 (~g;~-j~;i~~~~~m~~itY~u~i~L~~d~~)i

(one of the smallest Jewish communities)

l~======~=========_==.
...... "" __.==~~====.~.~=-======-=_~~
----;;;-~ ~-- -~-

(Board of Deputies, 2003)

About 75% of Jews are formally linked to a Synagogue. Table four shows the
distribution of affiliation:

Table four: British, Jewish Synagogue affiliation

I Mainstream Orthodox 57%

i Reform 20%

ihoral
i I.... ..., ..... YUlo

I Union of Orthodox g%,

•••• _ •••••••• u.w ......... u •• _ u •••••••••••• _··········· ........•.

Sephardi 3%

.y.o;:,urti .2%

(Board of Deputies, 2003)

Table five shows how British, Jewish community is divided according to self-

definition of Jewishness:

53Communities are geographical areas with an estimated Jewish population of more than 900. Estimates are derived from local
studies, Synagogue membership statistics and survey data.

23
 Introduction

Table five: Self-definition of Jewishness

rm ....m......mm ....... -.. ... m. .i.......- .. m..m··1
Non-orthodox
J~
i 43% I
1
?:,,;;;-"-•..-.-...._ ••_ •••..._ _ _ _ _ _

l!raditional 40% !
-"'''''7;;w.~ __
H ' _ _-

Secular 9%

ictly-orthodox %

(Schmool and Miller, 1994)

1.3Mental health and the Jewish community

1.3.1 Common problems

It should be kept in mind that different cultures perceive different issues as
problematic. For example, Jewish families were more tolerant of lazy behaviour and
Irish of odd behaviour in Wylan and Mintz's 1976 study. Diagnosis may even create
a problem, for example, there is an absence of stuttering amongst some groups of
American Indians who have no word for stuttering and are less demanding of fluent
speech; (Eisenberg, 1977, in McGoldrick et ai, 1996). During the overt anti-
Semitism of the 19th and 20th centuries, Jewish stereotypes were often associated
with mental illness (Gilman, 1984). Contemporary research about the mental health
of the Jewish community is limited.

Sauna (1992) notes that Kraeplin's early assertion that European Jews displayed
different patterns of mental health problems to other Europeans has been
empirically demonstrated by others, such as Levi (1999). An American survey (Srole
et ai, 1962) found that Jewish participants were more likely to have 'symptoms' of
mental health problems than Christians 54 (15% compared to 22%). However, the
Jewish participants had lower rates of severe difficulties (17% compared to 22%).
Figures suggest that there tends to be an over-representation of 'depressive',
'bipolar' and 'neurotic' diagnoses55 (perhaps due to a greater tolerance toward
emotional behaviour) and lower rates of psychotic diagnoses, alcohol misuse
(perhaps due to its association to religious rituals or a cultural value of articulation)
and suicide (perhaps due to family loyalty and a cultural value on life related to
historical issues). There is a belief that issues such as domestic violence, child

54 It should be acknowledged that Jewish and Christian populations may not be comparable, as Jewish participants may
identify religiously or culturally and it is assumed that the Christian participants have identified religiously.

24
 Introduction

abuse, divorce and substance misuse are not Jewish problems (Schmool and Miller,
1994). Studies do suggest that these issues present less often (e.g. Sauna). This
may make it harder for Jewish families to admit to and cope with them, for fear of
shame and misunderstanding from the community.

Due to Jewish values the following may be particularly difficult for Jewish people.
'Marrying out' has been historically perceived as rejecting Judaism; threatening
continuity. Many Jewish organisations aim to promote intra-marriage. 56 Parents
may seek help for their children around academic performance and leaving home.
Sauna (1992) noted a correlation between Jewish women's loss of the maternal
role and depression. The potential difficulties for working mothers, infertility and
post-natal depression in a context of cultural endorsement of childbearing are
noted by Goodkin and Citron, 1994. Many studies found emotional distress from
experiences of the Holocaust can be transmitted down through generations (e.g.
Kogan, 1993).

Fernando (1975) suggested that mental stress arose from the marginal position of
British Jews, (rather than particular traits or customs), and· that the weakening of
ethnic links relates to depression. The phenomenon of self-hatred is discussed by
Weinstein Klein (1976). She asserts that underlying this is guilt or anxiety about
lack of group identity or internalised negative stereotypes. Zuk (1978) drew
attention to the conflict between Jewish values of remaining loyal and close to the
family and western values of independence, as a possible foundation for a neurotic
disposition. Wechsler (1929) highlighted the paradox of the Jewish people's strong
super-ego developed from spiritual and cultural ideals and the firm ego developed
from the sense of reality by the need to survive within the context of centuries of
hostility, as a foundation for neurotic characteristics. Some have described 'exile
neurosis', such as compensatory hypersensitivity, over-assertiveness and clannish
familism. It should be noted that these traits feature in the anti-Semitic stereotype
(from Sauna, 1992).

55 For example, Miller (1986) found that Jews in her study were more prone to guilt and obsessive-compulsive behaviours than
Irish participants. . .' . 0 • .
56 Fears are particularly high in Britain due to the high incidence of mter-marnage m AmerIca - 52 Yo of AmerIcan Jews marned

outside the religion in the 1990's, Semans and Stone Fish, 2000.

25
 Introduction

1.3.2 Use of services

Use of services by British Jews is not reliably documented. Sauna (1992) notes the
well-documented tendency for American Jews to seek and do well in
psychotherapy. Jews were much more likely to have undergone, recommended or
be in therapy than other ethnic groups. American Jews (49 % ) are more likely to
hypothetically believe psychotherapy to be the most appropriate source of help
0
than Christians (28 /0) and they are over-represented in psychoanalysis. Perhaps
this willingness to accept psychotherapeutic help and the many Jewish therapists57
(Zuk, 1978), as well as fear of misunderstanding from the non-Jewish community
(Kaye, 1990), explains why American Jews often turn to private practice. Ongoing
anxiety about discrimination may affect decisions to reveal identity or, as described
in social identity theory, 'pass' as members of the dominant culture (e.g. Tajfel,
1982) by capitalising on potential invisibility. This may create a difficult dilemma for
Jewish clients, particularly if the therapist does not explicitly address issues of
difference, as recommended, for example, by Ekdawi et al (2000). Semans et al
(2001) found a desire to set a positive example to combat and not 'justify' anti-
Semitism. Participants believed that the shortcomings of one reflect on the
community. Due to lack of research, it is unclear whether there is a similar trend in
Britain.

1.3.3 Stigma
Contemporary stigma about therapy could perhaps be explained by English values
that endorse self-reliance and control, which are less culturally compatible with
emotional expression and tolerating the dependency of a therapeutic relationship
(McGill and Pearce, 1996). Zborowski (1952) found American Jews to be highly
emotionally communicative in their pain; which was suffered within the family. In
accordance with the research on values, they spoke freely about personal issues as
a release and for social connectedness. He described a highly verbalised people
who wanted to express themselves in words and also to explore. They were less
suspicious about taking problems to professionals and seemed suited to
psychotherapy. This may be unsurprising considering its ancestry, for example,
Freud, Adler, Erikson, Fromm, Klein and many others were Jewish. Psychoanalysis
in Britain was largely created by Jewish refugees from Europe in the first half of the

26
 Introduction

twentieth century58 (Littlewood, 1992). Of note, when Freud was dismissed by the
non-Jewish majority, the Jewish S'nai S'rith organisation enthusiastically welcomed
his lectures (Langman 1997).

Cultural myths about 'Jewish problems' may make it hard for some individuals to
utilise Jewish services through fear of stigma and public knowledge. A therapist
who does not fully comprehend may be a fair price for anonymity (Loewenthal and
Cinnirella, 1999). However, there is also the feeling in the Jewish community that
revealing problems outside the community will validate or exacerbate anti-
Semitism. (Kaye 1990).

1.4 Cultural Competency with Jewish Clients

In her chapter on 'culturally and religiously sensitive psychological help - from a

Jewish perspective' Loewenthal (2001) highlighted the concern that Jewish people
may be misunderstood. If thoughts or behaviours appear 'dysfunctional', a
knowledgeable person should be consulted. For example, it would be unhelpful to
point out the danger of mothers believing that 'everyone is more important than I
am' without positively connoting the culturally-sanctioned benefits. 'Jewish guilt'
may also be useful, as it can promote growth, is a reminder of responsibility and
keeps families together (Herz and Rosen, 1996). When many Jews are taught the
world is dangerous, it would be unsuitable to consider this pathological paranoia
(Kaye 1990). A higher level of worry may be culturally appropriate - it may be
uncomfortable to think otherwise and 'tempt the evil eye'. Schlossberger and
Hecker, (1998) and Lieberman (1998) recommend thinking transgenerationally with
genograms, to look at, for example, worry or persecution, as families may have a
longer-term perspective. In the Jewish family there may be an issue of indistinct
boundaries - between the self, family and community, between generations,
between history and present and between national identity and identification across
national lines with the Jewish people (Kaye 1990). Not all difficulties can be
attributed to culture. TherapiSts need to reflect on how clients' beliefs and
behaviours would differ if they were not from this culture (Seward, 1956).

57 For example, in New York, Chicago and Los Angeles in 1971 36 % of therapists were Christian and 52% were Jewish
(Henry et ai, 1971). . ... " . . ' • 1 d' h'
58Littlewood writes that British society was "rabidly anti-Semitic at thiS time and Jewish psychoanalysts down-p aye t elr
lewishness.

27
 Introduction

It is important to consider the potential clinical implications of Jewishness, such as,

how entrenched psychological theories apply to Jewish clients. Brown and Harris'
(1978) well-known research shows that number of children correlates with
depression. Loewenthal and Goldblatt (1993) argue, however, that where having
children is religiously and culturally endorsed, there may be positive effects on
mental health. The concept of enmeshment may also be less readily applicable
within a family where involvement and proximity are valued.

Zborowski (1952) found Jewish medical patients to be more interested in cure than
symptom relief, which they believed would not deal with the source of the problem.
They sought a full explanation of the meaning of their pain; they were also more
emotionally expressive about it. Furthermore, Jews enquired about professional
credentials (for reassurance rather than challenge) and sought help earlier, (so
problems appeared less severe). This is likely to have implications for therapy.
What appears to be emotionality, confrontation or arrogance, could potentially be
perceived as hysterical (Langman, 1997) but may be a way of assimilating
information. Herz and Rosen (1996) noticed a number of trends related to this,
such as moving therapists and remaining in therapy for long periods.

Jewish clients may be more comfortable with complex models, which incorporate
feelings and consider complex under-lying mechanisms (e.g. psychodynamic or
systemic models59 ). They may not value present-centred or solution-focused
models (e.g. CBT). As discussed, it may be no accident that Freud introduced a
model that depends on the culturally-sanctioned values of articulateness and
emotional sensitivity60 (Seward, 1956). Several authors have noted a similarity
between Judaism and psychoanalysis61 . Jewish culture emphasises introspection,
analysis, interpretation, emotional expression and values the use of experts; all
compatible with psychotherapy.

Tamura and Lau (1992) describe the differences in value systems between
Japanese and British families and therapists. Whereas the Japanese participants
favoured connectedness, British participants prioritised separateness. Therefore,

5~ For example, MiIler (1987) found that Jews were more satisfied than other groups in family therapy. The compatibility,
incidence and satisfaction of Jewish people in psychoanalysis have been discussed. . .. .
(,HOf note, Klein (1981) believed that Freud under-emphasised the lewishness of psychoanalysis due the antI-SemItIsm an
Europe at that time.

28
 Introduction

therapists were encouraged to direct therapy from individualisation with Japanese

families. This is important when thinking about Jews engaging in therapy with a
British therapist who may assume British features. Although there would be a need
to emphasise confidentiality to avoid a fear that what is said may reflect on other
Jews, cross-cultural therapy may be particularly beneficial. ~cGoldrick et al (1996)
give the example of the American, White, Anglo-Saxon Protestant (WASP) whose
perhaps less unfortunate history potentially results in greater optimism and
confidence, but greater vulnerability in situations of tragedy or dependence. An
American WASP therapist may be able to help a Jewish family, stuck in analysing
their problem, to move on and resolve and a Jewish therapist may be able to help a
WASP family to deal with the pain of emotional distress.

Acrish (1995) suggests a Judaic psychotherapeutic model, which combines Freudian

theories, Jewish principles and the spiritual training of Rabbis as potential
psychotherapists. Herz and Rosen, (1996) suggest using culturally-congruent
metaphors, (such as, in order to love thy neighbour as thyself, one must be able to
love oneself) and humour as a resource. Featherman (1995) suggested rituals such
as using the mikveh (ritual bath) or sitting Shiva (mourning/2 when working with
survivors of sexual abuse. Appropriateness needs to be asse?sed, as clients may be
dissatisfied at a suggestion to pray, for example, rather than receive
psychotherapeutic help.

Strong family attachment and ethnic identity have a positive effect on the mental
health of Jews (e.g. Semans and Stone Fish, 2000). Holocaust survivors who were
more conscious of their ethnic identity and cultural heritage were less vulnerable to
severe trauma (Kanter, 1976). Semans et al (2001) routinely ask families how their
ethnic identities inform their parenting and could enhance family life. Weinstein
Klein (1976) introduced 'Ethnotherapy' groups to consider Jewish identity. She
noticed that the group members felt uncomfortable drawing attention to their
minority status. She linked this to the history of persecution, which led to an
ambivalence in receiving attention. Group members voiced their fears about being
chosen and doomed and acknowledged that ideals are often defined by the

61 Bakan (1958) notes that the basic principals of Freud's dream interpretation may be found in the Talmud. The traditional
role of the Rabbi can be compared with the therapist .
62 The seven days of mourning, when the community looks after the bereaved and prays for them and the deceased.

29
 Introduction

majority. Of note, the members felt that they had covered topics they would not
have done with non-Jewish people.

It may be more appropriate for some clients to seek Jewish therapists (Sue, 1998).
According to Schmool and Miller's (1994) research, many traditional Jews (55 0/0)
are more comfortable mixing with other Jewish people and of those who sought
personal or family counselling 25% used Jewish organisations and 20% both
Jewish and non-Jewish organisations.

1.5 Rationale

1.5.1 Background
As emphasised in intercultural research, (e.g. Patel, 1999) it is essential to consider
the ethnicity of the researcher and I must disclose my own Jewishness, as well as
the background to the rationale of this study63. My interest in the area originated
from a teaching session on 'Structural Family Therapy'. During discussion, after
watching a recorded family therapy session, it became evident that some cultural
aspects were not considered. Firstly, it was not obvious to non-Jewish people that
the family were Jewish and secondly, the hypothesis that the family was 'over-
enmeshed' was ethnocentric. Communication with those relevant in the field 64
confirmed that the area was clinically-relevant, but under-researched. The majority
of researchers in the area are Jewish and I aim to reflect on the impact of this and
my own Jewishness throughout the research process.

1.5.2 Justification for research

Cross-cultural therapy presents a challenge to therapists whose skills may be based

on incompatible assumptions and concepts; potentially resulting in insensitive
practice. Contemporary research is primarily based in America and Israel and the
few British studies focus on strictly orthodox families; a minority Jewish sub-
group65. The lack of research could perhaps be attributed to two factors. Firstly, the
size of this minority group here and the financially privileged position of some may

63 This is further considered in the Discussion.

M Adrienne Baker, John Boyd, Maureen Davey, Nancy Boyd Franklin, Stephen Frosh, Rabbi Eliezer Gross, Jewi~h care, ~e
Jewish Policy Research Centre, John Launer, Kate Loewenthal, Marlena Schmool, Maureen Semans and the Ul1Ited JeWish
Israel Appeal.

30
 Introduction

discourage research in favour of other larger, less privileged groups, who may
suffer greater social inequalities in their access to services. Secondly, due to
cultural transmission of fear, less 'visible' Jewish people may be reluctant to
highlight their Jewish origin and/or their difficulties. This and other communities'
more recent immigration may mean that, perhaps, Jewish people are more able
and prefer to hide their difference and the relevance of their culture.

The clinical relevance is articulated by Schlossberger and Hecker (1998): "Jewish

history, tradition and religion constitute a powerful, cultural inheritance that
influences most Jews to some extent. Although Jewish families are highly diverse,
therapy with Jewish clients is more likely to be effective if the therapist understands
Jewish culture". In addition, American research suggests that Jews make good use
of 'talking therapies'. Therefore, as Hines et al (1992) suggest, due to the high
density of British Jewry in certain areas, psychological provision needs to be
informed about the Jewish community in these areas, just as it does about, for
example, the Bangladeshi community in Tower Hamlets.

Due to cultural emphases on family, child-rearing and passing down Jewish values
which may conflict with the emphases of the majority culture, it is be important for
services to consider the psychological impact of systemic, transgenerational and
bicultural issues upon Jewish clients. This research aims to investigate the
experience of Jewishness in Jewish mothers, as Jewish culture stresses the
importance of the maternal role within the system, particularly in relation to child-
rearing. The focus on mothers, between 30 and 39, means the participants are
likely to be situated in a dual position transgenerationally; as receiver of
parental/family influence (such as maternal input in child-rearing) and provider of
maternal influence on her own child/ren (such as imparting Jewish values). The
sample will not be sought from services, as the research aims to gain insight into
common and typical experiences of Jewish families, so as to develop an
understanding of cultural relevance and sensitivity.

65Confirmed by an extensive literature search and personal communication with researchers in the area, for example Stephen
Frosh (16.6.02) and Kate Loewenthal (10.2.03).

31
 Introduction

1.5.3 Aims
The intention of this investigation is to gain insight to the 'lived experience' of
contemporary British, Jewish families, to aid the development of our understanding
and competence in cultural sensitivity. Through interviewing Jewish mothers, for
the reasons described above, about specific aspects of their Jewishness it is aimed
to gather some systemic, transgenerational and bicultural understanding of their
experience. From these perspectives it is intended that the information collected
will provide insight to the psychological impact of systemic, transgenerational and
bicultural issues on the women's constructions of their identity and roles, so as to
gain some sense of the influence of a Jewish context on Jewish individuals and
families.

Research questions:

1) What are the participants' constructions of their roles and identities within a
Jewish system?

2) What is the psychological impact of transgenerational issues on the participants?

3) What is the psychological impact of a bicultural identity of Jewishness and

Britishness on the partiCipants?

4) How do these systemic, transgenerational and bicultural issues potentially relate

to seeking and receiving Clinical Psychology services?

32
 Methodology

2. Methodology

2.1 Qualitative methodology

A qualitative method of analysis was chosen to allow the richness of individual

meaning to emerge from individual stories of Jewish experience. Qualitative
research focuses on meanings within contexts and involves the researcher actively
engaging with the data (e.g. Willig, 2001). The focus on participants' descriptions
and understandings of their own experience suggests a method of data collection,
which allows individual articulation, rather than, for example, a questionnaire
devised by the researcher. The participants were, therefore, interviewed using a
semi-structured interview schedule. Interpretative Phenomenological Analysis (IPA;
Smith 1996) will be drawn upon to understand the data. Some analysis of
discursive resources surrounding some of the IPA themes will be considered in the
discussion.

2.1.1 Interpretative Phenomenological Analysis

This method aims to look at the ways in which people gain knowledge about the
world; specifically their experience of situations at particular times in particular
contexts. It aims to explore the participants' perception of their experience; to get
into and describe the "life world" of the participant using non-directive techniques
(Willig, 2001). IPA offers a methodology, which can interpret, analyse and explore
the phenomenon of these women's 'lived experience', which in turn may reveal
potential implications for service provision.

IPA is phenomenological through its intention to access individual meanings within

their specific time and context. It concurrently acknowledges that direct access into
the participants' lived experience is not possible and meaning is co-constructed
through the interaction within the interview. IPA is interpretive through its
awareness that in the researcher's understanding of the material, there will be
interpretation. Such interpretations will be affected by subjectivities, such as
assumptions, beliefs and interests. It is essential that this accepted subjectivity is
reflected upon and made explicit. It is particularly important to remain transparent
about this, due to the potential similarities in experience between the researcher
and participants. IPA offers a structured framework to apply phenomenological
methods, in order to make large amounts of data meaningful.

33
 Methodology

As Willig (2001) notes, IPA does have limitations that need to be considered. In
particular, is the significance of the data being conveyed through language. There
are a number of issues:

• Access to participants' lived experiences is dependent on the individuals'

capacity to articulate their thoughts, feelings and behaviours.
• Language is the tool to represent experience and IPA relies on its
representational validity. It is argued, however, (e.g. Willig, 2001) that
language constructs and may constrain experience, rather than describe it.
An individual who has no word for a phenomenon may experience it
differently.
• Participants (and of course the researcher) draw on discursive resources. In
this research participants' experience and language may be shaped, for
example, by the Torah or the political situation represented in the media or
the community. The descriptive nature of IPA makes it difficult to
incorporate this into the analysis.
• In addition, the act of explaining the experience may alter it. Verbalising
phenomena may create new perceptions and understandings. Thus, the
explanations are rooted in the context of the moment.

Given these limitations, I will use IPA in the Analysis section and comment on
language and discursive resources in the Discussion. I will assume that the
partiCipants are attempting to express their lived experience. However, for a more
comprehensive understanding, it is not sufficient to consider the transcripts as
either statements of internal experience or constructions of language - they are
both.

It should also be acknowledged that, although IPA considers the way individuals
experience and perceive events, it does not explain why, or why individuals differ in
their phenomenological representations. Of course, some understanding can be
gained by looking for individual meanings and relating them to the literature and
consideration of differences and similarities in the accounts. A final possible
limitation is the small sample size of eight women. It will not be appropriate to
extrapolate findings onto large groups. Large groups, however, may not apply to
individuals and therefore, should not always be favoured over small samples.

34
 Methodology

Findings will be considered in terms of potential transferability rather than

generalisability, as suggested by Henwood and Pidgeon (199'2).

2.1.2 Quality and Evaluation

Elliot et al (1999), being from a phenomenological background, suggest some

helpful research evaluation criteria, which are compatible with the epistemology of
this qualitative research method. These criteria will be referred to in the evaluation
of the research. They are summarised below:
• Owning one's perspective - disclosure of values and assumptions so that
the reader may interpret the analysis.

• Situating the sample - detailed description and contextualisation of the

participants to allow the reader to assess relevance and transferability.

• Grounding in examples - use of data to allow the reader to assess

correspondence with the researcher's interpretation.

• Coherence - balance between integration and distinction between accounts.

• Providing credibility checks - verification with others and the literature to

assess the integrity of the interpretations.

2.1.3 Personal Reflections

In order to 'own my perspective', as described, I feel it is important to reiterate my
position and its relation to the data collection, analysis and write-up. I am a young,
Jewish, unmarried, childless woman interviewing young, Jewish mothers. I am a
product of many parts of the phenomenon I am researching. I am affected by the
values and assumptions of the culture. I am also a Trainee Clinical Psychologist.
These are two Significantly influential cultures, which impact upon my identity,
ways of thinking and behaving. Stone Fish (in Semans et al 2001) notes the
influence of being a Jew, as well as a Family Therapist, on her research and
practice. The majority of researchers in the area are Jewish ~nd I aim to continually
reflect on the impact of this and my own Jewishness throughout the research
process. In order to aid this reflexivity I have kept an ongoing journal. I intend to
remain transparent and reflective and give further consideration to these issues in

the Discussion (page 111).

35
 Methodology

2.2 Criteria for participation

The inclusion criteria were:

British-born, culturally, rather than religiously, Jewish mothers aged 30-39

with one or more child/ren of junior school age, from, a current, Jewish, first
marriage.

As with some other qualitative methods, IPA often uses purposive sampling (e.g.
Willig, 2001), that is, criteria for participation are relevant to the research aims. The
participants are somewhat homogenous, in that they share an experience of the
phenomenon under investigation.

As described in the introduction, due to the Jewish cultural emphasis on family and
child-rearing, the psychological speciality to which this may be of greatest utility
may be child and family services. Participants were British-born, Jewish mothers, as
Judaism stresses the importance of the maternal role in child rearing. Participants
were aged between 30 and 39, so that they were likely to be influenced by their
family as well as influencing their own child/ren. Women who were in their first
marriage to a Jewish partner were chosen, as this is more representative of the
Jewish community and is suggestive that the women adhere' to cultural values. The
participants sought were members of the majority, culturally-dominant section of
the Jewish community; rather than the primarily religious and observant sub-
groups. Synagogue lists of members were, therefore, not used. The sample was
not sought from psychological services, in order to gain insight into common and
typical experiences of Jewish families, but participants were not excluded, however,
if they had had previous contact.

2.2.1 Recruitment ofparticipants

Once ethical approval had been obtained (see appendix three), participants were
recruited using my links with the Jewish community (see table six). An advert was
written (see appendix four) and sent via e-mail to Jewish personal contacts. These
were then forwarded to further contacts. Through this method I was able to obtain
most of my participants. I also sought interviewees from a Hebrew class, a Jewish
youth organisation and a non-Jewish amateur dramatics society located in a Jewish

36
 Methodology

area. I was careful to find participants who I had not met before and would be less
likely to interact with socially in the future.

2.2.2 Description ofparticipants

In order to 'situate the sample', as recommended by Elliot et al (1999) and gain an
understanding of the participants' 'Jewishness', questions from the Schmool and
Miller's (1994) survey were administered along with demographic questions (see
appendix five). The findings are shown in tables seven and eight: 66

Table six: Methods of Recruitment

Participant
Method of recruitment
~,- ... " ..- l
1 Contact of participant 8 I
!
2 i' Step-sister of an e-mail contact
3 'ro;:Ughter-in-law of a Hebrew class student
i
4 Sister of a friend of an e-mail contact i!
5 i r()nt~ct of participant 1
6 i ! Friend of an amateur dramatic society member

7 !I Friend of a cousin of an e-mail contact

!l.
i 8 ilEll1ployee of a Jewish youth organisation :t
i: . '-":_~ ,,';;' ,..;;;;;;;;;;;;dl

Table seven: Description of the participants

f. -ll. -Age--'Ir.-s-po-us;;;-s-·r il Ethnicity

Ch... i.l.d'S Job Spouse's ~hiid'S--
I I . age ~.gelsex .Ii
I
Job school
33 [--F (5), M ,I,...-----
Jewish
~
Fundraiser Director
lJ~:~:~
..:P2 . . . l L. ..........

34 35 ~·IM·(9)~-F---· r-- White Pharmacist . Surveyor ! Jewish--

I I (6), M I
!

...."i I. II
(1/12) -
I Jewish--
rT ! Housewife IJeweller
39 46 I F, M (8),
I M (10/12) I
...... 1
I _
.......... _.•......... ...............
I I

,,I
i ....
4 37 37 F (9), 7) ,
...... ~. . i i
.[- Jewish PR ···---soiicftor·-·--····I-·jeWish,
1 state
38 F (5), M Jewish
.....................................................................................................................................................................................................................................'.:.-· ·F· · ·-u··-n··d-·-ra--i·s· ·e-·· ·-r·--·- r . f'1~~~~~~_~:L_~~~~~_~~m _ _ J

66It may appear to the reader from these tables that the participants were religious. It is important to note that all the
participants self-defined as 'cultural' rather than 'religious' Jews. The survey questions predominantly highlight common
behaviours amongst Jews. On speaking with the participants I was satisfied that tlley considered themselves not to be religious
and tllat the religious behaviours described were more likely to be a product of culture, tradition, habit, community and
familism, than faith and religiosity. In addition, it may be that due to the many rituals and commandments (e.g. the 613
'mitzvot') following only a small proportion of these may not be considered particularly religious.

37
 Methodology

state
Jewish,
state
Jewish,
state
Jewish,
state

Table eight: Findings from the survey*

Identity:

Although I was born Jewish, I do not think of I iOOOiI

i. . . . f. i. .
myself now as being Jewish -.J J _J

io. ;.~~. .~. . .~. .~:. . . . .~-~ift. . -{: ; ; i~ ;. ....,~e ~:h;. . .i.:.~s. ....~,i i i_....:i i i~_.....~...._.~.....~.....~....~.o._;. .:. . .;~. .~. .i i i;-l.I.~_=:. .__.=.~F:.-X~~::r:J~x~-.;-~r:J
i;........ . i__i i._; ;.;. :'-Oii i ._;;;;;;!_jYITl
-I_.

I feel extremely conscious of being Jewish and it is Iv XI X XI

. y.!:'.Y.. .!~.P?~~. ~.! . ~?. .~!: . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . ._..... _. . ._. _. . ._. . . . . . . . _. . . . _. . . . . ._. . . _. . ...J .... ................ . . . _.__..... . _. J . __. . _.. . . __ . . . . . . _. . _...J
Religious practice:

on-practicing (i.e. secular)

Non-orthodox, e.g. 'just Jewish', Liberal, !

Pro ressive Reform
onal (but not strictly orthodox)

Strictly orthodox (e.g. would not turn on light on i

Sa ~.~~~b.l . . _. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . -.. . . . . . . . . . . . . . ._. _. . . . _. . . . _
. . . . . . . . . . . . . . ._. __. . . . . . . . . . . . . L .J . . . . _. ._. . J

Synagogue attendance per year:

twice (e.g. Yom Kippur)

.~l l

On a few occasions (e.g. festivals) IL J

About once a month !Ix'--j

hs or more often =..-_
4. F_.
_: _~..JL._._ . . __. . _j
__... . _...

Observance:

r to stay home on Friday night

II o ..,f"ain from work on the Jewish New Year

38
 Methodology

in from driving on Sabbath

Iways light candles on Friday night
w
metimes light candi;s'~n Friday nig'ht = -
-----...,..,.....-----
II 1\J~~ver light candles on Friday night

n front door

Attend a Seder meal every year

Attend a Seder meal most years
a Seder meal some years
II 1\lIPVpr attend a Seder meal

not take part in Christmas activities

* See appendix six for survey comparison figures.

2.3 Procedure

2.3.1 Data Collection

Prospective interviewees gave their consent to be initially contacted by telephone.
Each participant was given an explanation of the research project and the
opportunity to ask questions. All were willing to take part and arrangements were
made to meet each participant for their convenience in their own homes. On
meeting with the participants, they were given an information sheet detailing the
aims of the research, what they were to expect during the interview and that their
interviews would be confidential (see appendix seven). That is:

1) All names would be changed in the transcripts.

2) Any potentially identifying information would be removed from the

transcripts.
3) The audiotapes would be erased.
4) Computerised records of data would be password-protected.
5) The transcripts would be destroyed after five years.
6) All data would be kept in a locked filing cabinet.

39
 Methodology

7) The list of codes and names would be kept separately and securely from the
data.
8) Permission would be sought to include anonymised extracts in the report.
9) Participants were aware that the research may be published.

Participants were told that in specific circumstances confidentiality could be broken,

i.e. if the interview revealed information about potential harm to the participant or
to others. Participants were made aware that their participation was voluntary and
that they were free to withdraw at any point. They were given the opportunity to
ask any questions before signing the consent form (see appendix eight)

Data were collected via semi-structured interview (see table nine). The interview
schedule was developed through consideration of the literature and the research
aims. The structure and content of the schedule were modified according to
feedback from the research panel, research supervisor and pilot interview. The pilot
interview was carried out with a 25-year-old Jewish mother. The experience was
particularly useful, as it helped me to further consider my impact on the interview
process, as well as the structure of the interview schedule. (See appendix nine for
the original interview schedule).

It was suggested that I add a question about being a Jewish wife to the two
questions about being a Jewish woman and a Jewish mother. I was told, however,
that socially-defined roles of 'woman', 'wife' and 'mother', may not be culturally
perceived as separate. In particular, the pilot interview made me further aware of
the benefit of explicitly including a question about anti-Semitism, in order to give
direct permission for it to be talked about (as recommended, for example, by
Ekdawi et ai, 2000.) I, therefore, added a question about experiences of anti-
Semitism. I also became further aware about the need to consider the historical
and current political situation, particularly in light of the context of the interview
period 67 • I therefore asked a question about being Jewish in 2003. It was suggested
to me that such potentially difficult questions should be asked later in the interview,
when there may be greater rapport. Therefore, questions about family were asked
first, followed by questions about identity and anti-Semitism.

('7Data was collected during January and February 2003. At this time the future was uncertain, due to a potential war with Ir~q,
threats of terrorism in Britain and the ongoing 'Jihad' against Israel since September 2000 where there had been many terronst
attacks and suicide bombings (see appendix one).

40
 Methodology

Table nine: Interview schedule

Tell me about your family.

o Who is in your family?
o What makes it a Jewish family?

How would you define your own Jewishness?

o Tell me about being:
• A Jewish woman.
• A Jewish wife.
• A Jewish mother.
• Does your Jewishness affect the way you bring up your
children?
o What would you like to pass on?
o What would you like to be different?
• Mothered by a Jewish mother.
• Jewish in 2003.
• Jewish and British.
o Do you talk to non-Jewish people about your Jewishness?
o Generally speaking, have you had any experiences of anti-Semitism?

Who would you go to for help if there were emotional problems in your
family?
o If you decided to seek professional help, would you use Jewish,
private or NHS services?
o Would you prefer to speak to someone who is also Jewish? (Why?)
o If you spoke to a non-Jewish therapist, would you talk about your
Jewishness?
o What would services need to be like to be helpful, relevant and

sensitive?

41
 Methodology

The interview also helped me to consider the responsibility placed on the

interviewees (and myself) as a Jew speaking about other Jews in relation to being a
minority and the current and historical contexts. Concerns about who would read
the thesis and how the Jewish people would be portraye9 were highlighted. In
discussion after the interview ended, I was made aware that some detail was left
unsaid, due to discomfort about potential implications, such as anti-Semitism. In
addition, whilst reflecting on the interview, I became more aware of my
assumptions about Jewishness, which may influence the research process and risk
experiences not being made explicit, due to presumed understanding on both sides.

Good phenomenological practice suggests minimal interviewer involvement through

open-ended and non-directive questions, which allow the interviewee to share their
personal experience (e.g. Smith, 1996). Participants were free to talk without
interruption and questions and prompts were used to clarify or to cover
undiscussed areas. The questions guided rather than dictated the interview, in
order to maximise rapport and allow the freedom to follow interesting tangents and
the participants' particular interests. I emphasised that although I had some
questions I was particularly interested in, the interview was flexible and I would
prefer to listen to them.

Participants completed the short questionnaire after the interview was finished, so
as not to influence the content of the interviews. They were then debriefed and
offered the opportunity to contact me in the future if they wished to read a copy of
the research. It was ensured that each participant was aware of the access route to
local psychological services and Jewish Mental Health organisations in the voluntary
sector.

After each interview I noted any personal reflections from the process and content
for use in the analysis. Interviews lasted between 40 and 90 minutes. The
interviews were tape-recorded and then transcribed within a few days. Due to
hearing loss I was unable to transcribe the interviews myself and they were
transcribed through the University Disability Service. Issues· of confidentiality were
discussed with the transcriber. No paper copies were made and all files were
deleted once transcription was completed. The transcriber also signed a contract of

42
 Methodology

confidentiality (see appendix ten.) Implications and reflections of not transcribing

the interview myself are considered in the Discussion.

2.3.2 Data Analysis

Analysis followed the procedural steps recommended by Smith (1996) and Willig
(2001). Transcripts were systematically analysed individually and then integrated
during later stages. During analysis it was essential to consider the relationship
between my interpretation and the participants' words. My irlterpretation was based
on word meaning, but also on the context of the words. I was shaped by my
understanding of each participant from within the interviews, in relation to other
transcripts, the literature, my knowledge about the Jewish community and as
another Jew. Furthermore, throughout the analysis I continually took into
consideration language use and socio-cultural discourse, which are reflected on in
the Discussion. The process was divided into four stages:

Stage one
Firstly, on receiving the transcripts, I listened to the tapes whilst reading each
transcript through several times in order to familiarise myself with them. Although I
was not able to hear each word clearly, reading the transcript whilst listening to the
tape proved to be a useful way to engage with the interviews. As I had not
transcribed them myself, I wanted to get a sense of how the participants had
spoken during their interviews; to give each transcript a 'voice'. I wanted to be able
to listen and reflect on the participants' words from a distance, without the need to
consider my response or the interview process. From this initial stage, I recorded
any thoughts and feelings, which, added to my earlier reflections, formed the first
step towards analysis.

Stage two
I went on to read each transcript through several times without the tape to further
familiarise myself with them, before analysing each individually. Subsequently,
during each systematic reading, I noted in the right margin potential thematic
labels, to represent my understanding of what each participant was communicating.
Labels were keywords or phrases from the text, or summaries in my own words. All
codes were based on the language of the women. These themes were rooted in the
participants' words, but were of course also a product of the interview questions. In

43
 Methodology

the left margin I recorded 'memos' to myself, such as cross-references to other

interviews or the literature.

Stage three

These initial themes (with examples and line references) were recorded separately
on a 'thematic summary', so that they could be organised into related clusters. This
process was repeated with each transcript, where I looked for repeated examples
of earlier themes in addition to new ones. New themes were checked against
earlier transcripts to see if they also contained examples. Th~mes and clusters were
continually re-assessed to consider whether reorganisation was appropriate, for
example, if themes could be merged (e.g. 'expectations' and 'achievement,) or
deleted (e.g. 'choices'). Each cluster became a 'subordinate theme', see table ten:

Table ten: Example of a subordinate theme

rr=s:''''u~'''''b':''o:;;';;;;;r;':;;;d"::i''''n'''=a=te"''=if-;':;»=;;;~=========:''''''''7''''»;;;;;;-;"";;;;;;;;:t;C=""'""'~=':;::":';;;"''''':':;;;;'11''';'''d'''':C'''~='''='"'~;C",:;; .
Extract 'I Reference ii
Theme
I~~======~~====================~~=·==.~======,~~====~~I
l Ii

68
Achievement There is an importance placed on education, I 5:5:335
I

knowledge, learning and improving ourselves. !

............................... _..•.......... _. __..... _.........,- .•.................•....: ..-

It's a Jewish thing to worry M~re they getting the'] 4:5:279

best education and are they doing well. I
!r===========~~=Fr=ie=n=d=s='..=.p=a=re=n=~==a=l=w=a=ys==w=a=n=te=d==t=h=em===to==b=e~a~=n~~2=:2=:=1=8=o=-==11
accountant. II
. ,. ".... . . _. . "'= . -',i.....J)

Stage four
From the thematic summary of subordinate themes, I allowed my research aims to
shape the analysis. I grouped related subordinate themes into 'super-ordinate
themes', for example see table eleven 69 • Inevitably, this process increasingly
distances the researcher from the original data. It was useful to frequently return

6K Transcript extracts are described by a 3-figure number (e.g. 5:5:335). The digits refer to the interview number, page of
transcript and line number respectively. '[ ]' will indicate additional information and ' .. .' edited words. When there are two
speakers the participants' speech will be indicated by 'P' and the interviewer's speech by '1'. Any potentially identifying
information has been removed. The extracts have been edited for word count and readability. For example, pre-edited text:
"You know, its like everything, you take, you should take from a friendship a relationship a religion whatever it is the things
that are good for you and leave the rest. You know, and that's basically what we have done, taken the things that suit us in
terms of, urn, what's comfortable for us, what's easy for us, you know and we've left the rest, because for one reason or
another either we can't do it or we don't want to do it or it doesn't make us feel comfortable or whatever it may be, we choose
not to do those other things." Post-edited text: "You should take ... the things that are good for you". what's
comfortable ... easy ... we've left the rest, because ... we can't do it, or we don't want to do it" 3:14:521.
69 See Analysis for a detailed summary, page 47.

44
 Methodology

to the transcripts to ensure that grouped subordinate themes reflected my

understanding of the data. Analysis was complete when all subordinate themes
were integrated into super-ordinate themes or removed from the analysis.

Table eleven: example of super-ordinate theme

j
i
1~:=~::==""'=9~~=.;;;w;;;':;;;"'7.'=4~===;;;;===",,=====~~====
Identity Explicable It's very hard to put int~;ords what i 4: 12:531
i
i! I'

I, and it is and what it means ... because it's I

i~

r inexplicable
r

/! just so integra_I .... _ iL_,,~

Jewish It's who we are and whe7eWe come 1/5:1:15 !
identification ~m. ,! I,
1:
i ,_;;::t,,""v;dl
L National I Being Jewish is a stronger feeling for 1:9:334 ii
!ii ~ i,
I identification I me then being British ... Being Jewish Ii
I is at the forefront really. i:
Ii

After the analysis was complete credibility checks were undertaken. A random
selection of transcript extracts were given to three colleagues for them to assign to
themes (see appendix eleven and Discussion (page 110) to give an indication of
inter-rater reliability. To enhance validity, throughout the process I aimed to remain
open to whether a theme was internally coherent within the data, by recording
whether themes represented all or some of the women's description of their
experience. The findings from the analysis were also shown to the research
supervisor and colleagues with a knowledge of Jewishness to gain some
assessment of face validity. As IPA aims to gain an understanding of the
participants' perspectives, all of the research participants were given the
opportunity to comment on the interpretation of the data. It was possible to
feedback the findings to one of the participants and give her an opportunity to
validate the account of her experience.

45
 Analysis

3. Analysis

A considerable amount of data was available for analysis. The findings are
expressed in ten super-ordinate themes, each with various subordinate themes
(see table twelve).70 These themes will be illustrated by extracts' from the
transcripts, which were considered to be representative of what was articulated by
the participants and relevant to the research questions. As discussed, the nature of
IPA produces subjective constructions of categories. The extracts provide an
opportunity for the reader to gain some insight into the interpretation. Many of the
themes inevitably inter-relate or overlap; although they will be presented
separately. This compartmentalisation will structure the Analysis section; where the
ten themes will be discussed in turn. In the Discussion, the themes will be
considered in more general and related terms. The theme of 'identity' forms an
'umbrella' over the subsequent themes and will, therefore, be presented first.

7U For an indication of therichnes~ ofth~ d~ta and the~lI11~~ertl°:~~~~~~~~;~~b~~~ ~~:~~~h:d~~ ;:::~~~~~ ~:~c~~~~
important to keep in mind that t1~JS .theSlS ~s con~ernde t ~.1 1 ecific group In fact participant two said iliat if a Jew did not
were often explicit in their de~crtptJOns bemg rehate 00 1l~ sp It al lInd~rstandi~g of 'typical' Jewishness than a non-Jew
live within a Jewish commu11lty, they may not ave a orea er Cll ur
who had considerable contact.

46
 Analysis

Table twelve: Summary of super-ordinate and subordinate themes

•••• _ •• , . . . . _ . . . . . . . . _ - _ . . . . . . . . . . . . . _ •• _ . _ . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . - - - •••••• , . •• _ - _ . . . . .. . . . _ . _ _ • _ _ . . . . _ - ... . -•• _ ••• _ . _ - _ •••• _ ••••• ", . . . . . .- . . . . . . . . • •• _ •• w • ........ _.. • _ _ _ _ ._ ._ . . . _ __

II Super-ordinate themes Subordinate themes

~· __!9~~!.~~._._..........-.-.. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .J ~plica~le ~.~d inexplicable. ..
Jewish identification
I National identification

I The Jewish home

i Values ... .... .................. f

![ Involvement . . ...... _i

Proactivity
Neurosis ----_......__._.......;
l~amilY
...._._......

! Roles
......... _... ..._..........._.. .._ ............. ..11 Children
l~~~r~n,m~m~u~n~ity~-==========j~ort
.... ................................__ ..............._... __ ...........-..............
,. ,. _......_.- .._...
i
.l
Integration and
• ____ _, __ ._ ._ ___
segregati~n...

h rontinuity I Knowledge
arrying in'........._..
- .._ .._........ .--1
..__................--.............__..............-...,...... ....---- .... '

I. uillerence and Similarity ifference and similarity to non-Jews

j Invisib~iIi~ty===========iI
!!=S;;;;.=Fe=a=r:::=====.=
. . . =......=.....=. . =. . =
......==......=.... ;Jr~~i~iS'!l. _.... .. . ........._. ........_.............
l World state
1~===========4~~~==========~1
i

........-...... .V'!!n.~i~b!lit'( . _... - . .....1

....................................... . . . . . . . . . . . . . i~1U~n~/~~o~un~d~e~d~fe~a~r ========41
..........................................._............................................... ..............~~ to ~.~.r.!!.~!................. .. . . . . . . . . ........................_.. .~
f Showing the good side . !

i
i Embarrassment
__ ••••• _ ••••• __ ••• _. _ _ J

............................-........... . i

....... ". . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . ... .................... .. . . . ..J L~.ui!!. . . . . . . . _. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . ....... ..

I Stress
IL.!g. . Services ...............................: . .§~.~i..~.~.b..~.~P ..... .

][ Cultural sensitivity

47
 Analysis

1. Identi~

National identification

1.1 Explicable and Inexplicable

In many ways Jewishness and Jewish identity can be described in words, as a

compilation of characteristics, behaviours and so on. This will be further illustrated
in the subsequent themes. When the women attempted to explain certain aspects
of their Jewishness, however, they found it particularly difficult to compartmentalise
and articulate it as:

[It's] about a lot of things/ the majority of which you don't really go into on a daily
basis... Fve never really tried to define it to compartmentalise i~ because for me it
just /~ I'm Jewish. 3:4:150

These women were born Jewish and felt their Jewishness strongly, but they were
aware that it may not be visible to others or possible to define sufficiently in words :

I remember an argument I had with a [non-Jewish} boyfriend [he

wasj ..annoyed .. my Jewishness was becoming a problem and he was saying you
know Fd do anything and Fd learn anything ~ .. what I sa/~ which I hadn't thought
about in advance but came from my heart was... you can't learn whats in my blood/
and I think that is the kind of essence of i~ its just so there/ its very hard to put
into words what it is and what it means...because its just so integral. 4:12:531

Once you start explaining Jewish religion in great detail it does become very odd.
6:10:338

Thus, in order to remain responsible to the data, I concl uded that participants were
indicating that Jewishness in its essence may be best left unexplained - the

48
 Analysis

'inexplicable'. The analysis primarily focuses, therefore, upon what participants did
manage to put into words - the 'explicable'.

1.2 lewish identification

It became increasingly evident through the analysis that Jewish identification was
about feelings that were powerfully felt, but difficult to express through language.
When the participants were asked to define their own Jewishness it was common
for them to relate it to identification with a role, which is discussed in the 'family'
theme. Generally, the women described a complex, conscious and unconscious
identity, associated with culture, family and community, rather than religion:

It~ the sort of way you are about yourself. 6,'6:219

Even when you don't realise i~ it comes to the fore in the way you think and the
way you act ..It drives me.. .it~ who we are and where we come from ... Human
beings are complex and we/ve got a completely other dimension... conscious and
subconscious.. .It~ a total how you live your life.. .it~ intrin.sic...Judaism is part of
who I am and how I live and it~ not just my religion",that~ the least part of i~ but
that doesn't mean that I don't have a vety strong Jewish identity. 5,'1.'15

I feel my Judaism strongly. ..in a community and social and family way. ..I have a
strong identity, but not a religious identity, 4,'5.'235

These extracts show that Jewishness is just one part of these women's identities;
but that it is a relevant and influential part:

In almost any given situation at some point my Jewishness comes up in some way,
4,'12,'580

It is important to keep in mind the concepts are primarily discussed in relation to

Jewishness, but, of course, relate to the many other identities of these women,
such as woman, mother, wife, Briton, white, Londoner and so on. These will, at
times, be explicitly considered. The women described Jewishness as a key part of
their identity integrating with and influencing their other identities to construct their

'whole' self:

49
 Analysis

It's made me ve~ I can't think of the wont vel}' sort of whole.. .it all sort of fits
together nicely. 6:2:71.

1.3 National identification

It was interesting to consider the women's national identification, as this was a

complex issue. The extracts selected primarily came from responses to the question
'tell me about being Jewish and British'. It seemed as if the participants felt that
there was a choice to be made between Jewish and British identity, rather than
dual identification:

I believe that I'm British, as it's my nationality and then I'm Jewish, my
religion .. .[but my husband's} Jewish first and then British 6:5:178

Most of the women did not strongly identify with Britain and felt more connected to
their Jewish identity and, in some cases, to the State of Israel:

Being Jewish is a stronger feeling for me then being British. .. Being Jewish is at the
forefront really. 1:9:334

I don't feel particularly British, I actually feel more Israeli than British. ..1 feel I'm a
long term visitor here. 3:19:672

Perhaps this lack of identification with Britain and strong identification with being
Jewish or the Jewish state is related to a historical external reinforcement of
difference and not entirely feeling to belong to the country one resides in, for
example, during the Holocaust. This relates to Sartre's comment that it is the anti-
Semite who defines the Jew (1946)71.

71 As described in the introduction, there have been many periods in history when Jewish people have been considered
principally Jews, rather than nationals, by others in their countries, for example, in Germany. before the Second World War.

50
 Analysis

2. Tradition and Culture

-=::::J I

Home

In their attempt to explain 'Jewishness' all of the women spoke about the
significance of cultural traditions, such as eating with the family on a Friday night.
According to these women : the following of the traditions 1:2:41 is what made the
families Jewish.

Each of the participants were explicit that traditional Jewishness was different to
religious Jewishness:

P: I wouldn't call it religiousness/ Fd call it tradition .. .I call the culture our

tradition ...I just do the trimmings...I don't see them as religious/ I just see them as
symbols or rituals.
I' What would you call religious?
P: Like the praying or the reading Hebrew. .. which we don't really do. 5:5:321

Religion was perceived as separate to tradition and culture . The women all
considered themselves to be non-religious Jews, despite following a number of
religious customs, such as having a Seder meal at Passover. This was perceived as
non-religious because it was perceived to have more connection to commun ity,
family, and cultural experience than a belief in G-d, the Jewish fa ith and its
observances:

I think the things that you do as a Jewish family are more .about coming together
as a (ami/y. .. and doing stuff like that rather than the belief in G-d. 1:5:160

Many of the cultural aspects of Jewishness practised by t he women and their

families were associated with religion. For example, Jewishness was talked about in

51
 AnalYSis

terms of a non-religious experience of culture through celebrating festivals, learning

Hebrew and, in this case, traditional foods 72 :

[Jewishness is} about chicken soupf... as I opened the front door [my son} went
H

[sniff} ''Shabbat and that to me says it all. What it meant was that the house stank
of chicken soup [laughter} but basically for him it meant Shabbat that means
chicken soup; it means kneide/~ lockshen, chollah, the whole business. 3:11:405

Participant three relayed the explanation she gave to her 8-year-old daughter who
asked about the difference between religious and non-religious Jews:

Some people follow all of the rules and some people follow some of the rules. They
follow all the rules; we follow some of the rules. 3:6:195

Practising Judaism was seen to be a choice. All the women talked about 'picking
and choosing' aspects or practices from the religion, according to what they
enjoyed, what they felt were relevant and what they felt comfortable with:

You should take. .. the things that are good for you... what's
comfortable... easy. .. We've left the rest because... we can't do it or we don't want
to do it ...[my son} understands that Jewish people don't eat pork but he does eat
pepperon~ that's his choice. 3:14:521

2.1 Doing

It seemed that an important part of tradition was 'doing'; to be active 73 :

Werejust Jewish, it's what we do. 3:18:652

We do do the traditional kind of things if you like... when I was at University I didn't
really 'do~ 1:3:102.

'Doing' appeared to refer to the cultural practices related to religion described

above. Participant three speculated as to why 'doing' should be so important for
those who would not consider themselves to be religious. S.he questioned whether

72 The importance of food as an expression of culture was spoken about a number of times and is further discussed in relation

to concern about eating enough in the 'involvement' theme. . .

73 See page 60 for further discussion of 'doing' or 'proactivity' as a characteristic.

52
 Analysis

it was about being in a cultural minority and 'doing' in order to prove, or perhaps
affirm, one's Jewishness to oneself and others:

I never felt the need to light candles in Israel on a Friday night. I never felt the
need to go to Synagogue, I never felt the need to do anything to, um, err. .. prove?
I don't know if that's the right word, that I'm Jewish. But here I do all those things.
3:14:493

2.2 Structure

Such 'doing' provides a valued structure and rhythm for life. Participants talked
about cultural marking of the life cycle (for example, through circumcision, Bar
Mitzvah and marriage) and the rhythm given to the week by Shabbat and to the
year by all the festivals. This rhythm was viewed as particularly important to
maintain family relationships and values:

You might not realise that youre enforCing family values, by doing these rituals and
customs, but you are. 5:26:1

In particular, partiCipants valued Shabbat. Many of the women did not adhere to
the strict Sabbath rules, but enjoyed other parts of the day of rest, such as the
opportunity to spend time together as a family:

[Shabbat is} the one chance to sit down and have a proper meal and talk about
how the week has been and what we have been up td4 • 5:5:301

2.3 The Jewish Home

The women described tradition and culture influencing and differentiating a Jewish
home. Jewish practices often occur in the home, where the family, the focal point
of the religion, spend most of their time together. It is in the home that most rituals
and traditions take place. Some of the women kept kosher homes, which they felt
added to their personal experience of culture. They spoke about being able to
recognise a traditional Jewish home by what was often described as warmth 75 :

7~ See page 55 for further discussion of the cultural values place on talking.
75 Warmth as a theme arose a number of times in relation to family, community and character.

53
 Analysis

I think that when you walk into my home you know it's a Jewish home. 3:15:568

When you walk into a Jewish home and I pride myself on this...people feel welcome
and they feel at home as soon as they come in, it's not a cold home, our home is
warm with. .. the atmosphere that we provide. 8:1:36

2.4 Values

Values were spoken about as a product of tradition and culture. The women
acknowledged that values were generally developed through society and that they
were influenced by various aspects of their upbringing. They did feel, however, that
being culturally Jewish influenced their values specifically. Participant seven
believed that:

You're Jewish so you have high values. 7:5:175

Values referred to in the transcripts included:

Giving back to the society. 7:5:181 and

Values about holding your family tight, keeping them close, keeping them safe,
teaching your children morals, values, respect. 3:7:238

There was particular reference made to respecting parents and having obligations
to the family. This would correspond to the historical and religious values described
(for example, by Schlossberger and Hecker, 1998) in the introduction. In fact,
much of the tradition and culture spoken about could be related to Jewish history
and religion. When participant three talked about her wish to pass on certain
values, she acknowledged that her keenness to keep her family 'tight' may be
related to historical persecution:

Subconsciously there's a throw back to what happened to the Jews. 3:7:245

54
 Analysis

3. Characteristics

. Neurosis

Throughout the interviews the women talked about 'typical' Jewishness. They
highlighted what they perceived to be common practices and characteristics of the
Jewish people they came into contact with. All of the women felt that some of
these characteristics could be recognised in themselves, their families and their
friends:

I've got .. the typical characteristics of 'a Jewish mother/ that my friends and my
contemporaries seem to have as well, 1.'3:96

Being able to perceive these similarities in mannerism and personality in others

convinced the women that there were typical Jewish characteristics associated with
Jews themselves, rather than Judaism. It will be further discussed how religion and
other mediating factors, such as history, relate to these characteristics described.

3.1 Expression

The women said that they were able to recognise other Jewish people from
characteristics that were visible and audible. They described (and sometimes
demonstrated) typical linguistic and postural styles of expression:

p,. Its the way you speak/ its the way you carry yourselt [participant gesticulated}
that to me is what Jewishness means,
/.' Is that what the arms were?
P.' Yeah the arms and the sort ot you know [further gesticulation}. 6:6.'221

55
 Analysis

Jews were seen to be highly expressive and communicative about their thoughts,
opinions and emotions. Participant 6 called it 'emotional and schmaltzy,76. This fits
well with American research about pain, which found Jewish people to be highly
emotionally communicative (e.g. Zborowski, 1952). Participant 5 described verbal
expressiveness in detail:

We scream and shout at each othe~ 'are you upset with me because of this, that
and the other?' and then we have a good cry or whatever. We deal with it in that
sort of way ..[in} Jewish nurseries the volume is phenomenal.. .Jewish kids are
confident and noisy and loud and vocal...we talk a lot ..[in] a restaurant where
there are loads ofJews.. .it's so loud. .. We have a need to communicate and express
ourselves.. .[It's} very important to be able to tell someone how you feel. 5:6:402

The women saw beneficial consequences of this expression and emotionality, such
as being aware of how others feel, so that they can help each other and remain
close:

We talk more as a familyj so they know that we are always there for them. 8:2:72

3.2 Involvement

In terms of typical ways of behaving, the women described a number of common

characteristics, including 'involvement'. They described complicated relationships,
where family members were highly involved with the intricacies of each other's
lives, such as eating and education. Knowing about and expressing opinions about
each other's lives was perceived as demonstrating closeness, interest and concern:

Parents and children tend to have a closer. .. complex relationship.. .Jewish families
seem to be more interwoven with what they're doing on a daily basis... They are
more involved, more opinionated, more interested in what's going on in each
other's lives... how they're doing with their education health. .. the food that you eat.
5:4:275

76 'The Joys of Yiddish' describes 'schmaltz' as "excessive sentimentality; overly emotional mush".

56
 Analysis

Involvement was seen to have the effect of ensuring obligations were fulfilled. The
women felt that they had an important responsibility to take care of others and
make sure that those cared for were happy:

You have to make sure that everyone's happy. ..! think that's... being Jewish. .. taking
care of everybody and making sure everyone's ok. 3:3:96

Taking care of others was talked about in a number of ways and often related to
the duties and characteristics of being a Jewish mother. PartiCipants described a
strong urge to keep the children safe, which seemed to them to be to a greater
extent than non-Jewish friends. Some women mocked their own behaviours;
feeling them to be unnecessarily precautious:

I could probably save a life just when I go to the park. .. My friends laugh at me
because I don't go anywhere without plasters and arnica and savlon and tissues.
3:16:577

As a result of this involvement, some partiCipants described feeling stifled by their

families. Such involvement may be considered to be restrictive and infantilising
during adolescence and adulthood:

They treat you almost as if you can't make a decision. 2:4:212

However, involvement may also be experienced as reassuring:

I remember at school being rather horrified to find that girls would walk on their
own to the pub at night .. not only would I not be aI/owed to/ I wouldn't want
to... their parents don't seem to care... we want to know where our children are all
the time. Although you can say you feel stiflect there's a very positive side to
it ..people do know your whereabouts. 2:5:443

It may be suggested that this concern and desire for security and happiness could
77
be related to historical insecurity and despair.

77 For n.lfther discussion of the roots of this characteristic in terms of Jewish history and culture and how it relates to Jewish
stereotypes see Discussion.

57
 Analysis

3.3 Excessiveness

Participant three's description of her medical kit highlights a further theme _

'excessiveness'. The women described a way of acting that went beyond the
necessary, so to speak, for example, by cooking too much food. Participant three's
extract demonstrates an excessiveness in her explanation of it:

Everything with me is like in excess in that way and I think that is a very Jewish
thing you know. .. and you kno~ it's just, I think that's very Jewish and I think that's
very Jewish in me, you kno~ everything is kind of excessive in that way. I think
that's a very Jewish thing the excessiveness. 3:16:580

3.4 Achievement

An ambition for high achievement for oneself and especially for one's children was
perceived as a particularly Jewish characteristic:

There's an importance placed on education, knowledge, learning and improving

ourselves. 5:5:335

This drive to achieve has been discussed in the introduction (page 22). Many of the
women spoke about their desire to ensure that their children were receiving a good
education:

It's a Jewish thing to worry about are they getting the best education and are they
doing wel/. .. and if not why not and what can I do about it? ..! wish I could just send
my kids to school...but I don't and I think it's my Jewishness. 4:5:279

The women described a high cultural expectation of achievement and the

consequential pressure that followed. Participant five described her hopes for her
children and the pleasure from their achievements (and presumably displeasure
through perceived failures):

We have lots of hopes and aspirations for our children, a lot of pride in what they
do, but a lot of it's like, 'so what are you going to be then?' - To a four year old!
!4re you going to be a Doctor, a Lawyer? You can choose's9 that's fine [laughter}?
I think it's a vested interest in our offspring, which I think is a good thing. 5:6:428

58
 Analysis

This pleasure derived from children's achievements has been described as 'naches'
in the literature (see introduction page 19).

Participant two suggested that cultural desires to materially improve oneself may
be connected to an impoverished and insecure history78:

Friends~ ..parents always wanted them to be an accountant .. they were more

materialistic; maybe when they were young they didn't have those things. 2:2:180

Achievement was not only seen to be academic and material. All of the women
spoke about the importance placed on 'achieving' cultural life stages for the benefit
of themselves, their parents and the community. These included: going to
university, getting a 'good' job and, in particular, marriage and parenthood. These
cultural expectations were also often perceived as pressurising:

Competition amongst, you see me getting stressed here? [/aughterJ .. my mum's

friends' kids; what they're doing, what they're not doing, why am I doing it, not
doing it, am Ion a par with them? .. my brother, poor guy, is 3~ not married - bad,
he's velJl nice [laughter} if your not taken. Mum's got a terrible issue with
that .. because I'm married with children, that's an achievement for her. .. So to sum
up: pressure, high expectations and competition -just so you get that! [Laughter).
1:8: 281

Most of the women spoke about their dislike of the pressure from the Jewish
community. They felt the expectations placed on their children, their husbands and
themselves were too great. However, they also had expectations of themselves and
others and described difficulty avoiding the peer pressure:

I expect my husband to be a provider, a supporter, a father. .. a husband .. I'm not

sure that non-Jewish women expect so much. ..it's totally unfair to expect it of the
children.. '! tlJl velJl hard not to get drawn into it, but ..! see it all around me.
3:12:427

7K This has been discussed in the introduction, page 22.

59
 Analysis

3.5 Proactivity

A further characteristic that was often spoken about and has been discussed in
relation to tradition is 'doing', The women talked about taking on the responsibility
to be proactive in terms of the family, socially and politically:

I have to do for people.. .if anyone is going to do something for somebody, then it's
going to be me. I always put myself out. 3:3:96

Participant seven described social and political proactivity as:

You want to do your bit 7:5:175

'Doing' was perceived as commendable, whereas:

Just sort of standing back and not doing anything is pathetic really. 4:6:187

Proactivity was valued in themselves and in other people, but it was also said that it
was difficult to 'do it all', especially in relation to the high cultural and social
expectation of women (for example, to have a career and family):

Its hard; you have to be able to do everything at once. 7:2:69

3.6 Neurosis

The final characteristic to be highlighted is 'neurosis', The women described a

disposition which was often labelled 'neurotic' and sometimes 'madness', From
analysing the accounts this disposition seemed linked to a number of characteristics
previously discussed, such as an excessiveness and a concern for others, The
participants highlighted its frequency amongst Jewish women, but were also clear
that such madness was part of being Jewish in general:

The neuroses that Jewish women have, the madness that goes with being
Jewish. .. AII Jewish women are neurotic, the way we drive, the way we cook, what
we expect of our husbands. 3:12:424

Despite being a target for ridicule or frustration, such 'madness' was also perceived
as a natural and valued part of being Jewish, as shown earlier, for example, in the
involvement theme:

60
 Analysis

I think it's probably a genetic thing to have a certain amount of neurosis and to
worty about things like your children's health and their well-being and I think that's
kind of alright 4:5:245

From the transcripts it becomes evident that the women themselves are
comfortable with what they describe as 'madness', but there is a concern that non-
Jewish people, who are not as familiar with the concept, may misinterpret and
pathologise it. PartiCipant one illustrates this when she is thinking about how her
Jewish mother may appear to a non-Jewish therapist:

They might be thinking this woman's a 'nutter; when she's not a 'nutter' she's just
a Jewish mother. 1:14:509

Of note, such 'neurotic' characteristics fit with media stereotypes of the Jewish
woman and mother highlighted in the introduction (see page 19).

61
 Analysis

4. Family

Mother

Family is central to following the religion and traditions of Judaism and there is
much value placed on getting married and having children in Jewish culture. This is
illustrated in the theme 'continuity'. Family was an integral theme to the analysis
and, therefore, links to all the other themes. In fact, as participant 6 and 7
articulated:

Its all to do with family really being Jewish. 6:12:41

Our culture is the family unit, 8:1:16.

When discussing the Jewish family it is important to explicitly define what is meant
by 'family'. The family unit evokes different representations for different cultural
groups (e.g. McGoldrick et ai, 1996). When asked to speak about her family,
participant three responded:

Its a question in itself. 3,'1:2

Participants spoke about their immediate family, i.e. their husbands and their
children, but they also included within this their own and their husbands' parents,
grandparents, siblings, nieces and nephews and, at times, aunts, uncles and
cousins. The concept of family was often further extended to incorporate the

significance of their ancestors:

I often think about the great grandparents and great great grandparents and the
great great great grandparents and so on.. .its because of them that Fm here

today. 3:16.'599

62
 Analysis

In addition, the women viewed other Jews in the community as part of their family
in a wider sense:
We all feel part of one family. 8:1.'15

This reflects American literature that suggests that Jewish familial identification
often extends far back through history and outside of the home to more distant
relatives, the local and international community (e.g. Kaye, 1990). This familial
connection was often described as a feeling of closeness between family and
community members, which may be felt and expressed in terms of involvement (as
discussed) or proximity. Most of the women spoke about spending considerable
time with their families and living in close proximity:

We are vety, vety, very close. [My mum} lives really near: to me [we} see each
other probably every day. .. and speak at least four times a day. 8.'2.'75

Participant eight went on to give an example of the value placed on, and closeness
between, extended family members:

I had a vety, very close relationship with my grandma, she was very much the
strength of the whole family. .. when she was in a home we were there three times a
week with my kids and there were all these generations of the family who would be
there. 8.'4:178

Such closeness appeared to give a reassurance and security:

If we need each other we are always there. 8.'4.'184

This will be discussed further in relation to the themes of 'fear' and 'community'.

4.1 Roles

The roles of Jewish woman, wife and mother are artifiCially segregated and this
was acknowledged by the participants:

There's a strong emphasis on being a mother in the Jewish religion .. .I think being a
Jewish woman is very strongly linked to being a Jewish mother. 1.'4.'138

63
 Analysis

The women had difficulty perceiving themselves as just a wife or a woman without
the identity of mother, and some felt that these roles were not as important as the
mother role. All the women asserted that the role of mother is highly regarded in
Jewish culture. Perhaps, this is why the women were keen to adhere to this
identity. Participant four was able to disentangle some idea~ about being a Jewish
woman:

Within the family context Jewish women are often quite powerful characters and I
think you can take that out into your secular life. I like being a Jewish woman.. .it
allows you to be a bit feisty and to stand up for yourself. 5:5:248

It is interesting to consider the idea of being 'feisty' in relation to anti-Semitic

discourse about 'pushy' Jewish women (e.g. Siegel, 1983). This discourse devalues
a way of being that this woman and her culture endorse.

Typical Jewish motherly characteristics included: high concern about food and
safety, considerable involvement in the children's lives and a primary role in
organising the home and family. These characteristics were sometimes expressed
as 'neurotic'. The examples participant four gave were common to all the women's
explanations and relate to the more general Jewish characteristics previously
described:

It's when I'm with non-Jewish friends that I realise that I'm a Jewish mother. ..1
would never dream of letting the fridge be more than half empty and I do worry
about the whole eating thing and are they dressed warmly enough and are they
getting a good enough education.. .Is that being a Jewish mother? It feels like it to
me. It might just be being a neurotic mother but I think [laughter} that's being a
Jewish mother as well. 4:5:277

When asked about their own experience of mothering, responses were mixed.
Whereas all the women felt that they were in some way typical Jewish mothers
themselves, not all felt that they had experienced typical Jewish mothering. Of
those who had experienced what they described as typical Jewish mothering, some
perceived this as positive and continued to have a highly involved relationship. On
the other hand, whilst acknowledging the beneficial characteristics to their mothers,
others spoke of the disadvantages of high maternal involvement:

64
 Analysis

I did feel very smothered by my Jewish mother - Jewish (s)mother [laughter] .. not
in a good way. ..in more of a suffocating way [laughter). 1:9:308

This humour resembles caricatures described by Rothbell (1989) highlighted in the

introduction, which encouraged the development of the American stereotype of the
Jewish mother.

The women described traditional Jewish role divisions within their families
continuing as they had done for centuries. For all of these women a conscious
choice was made to take on the role as primary caregiver for the children with
overall responsibility for the upkeep of the household, while their husbands took on
a complementary role as 'breadwinner'. In this way a traditional Jewish household,
with culturally sufficient provision for the family, could be ensured:

It's about keeping on top of everything. [My husband] .. will provide for the family
financially, but in terms of the Jewish home it's my job to provide for my
family. ..Some people think that you kind of do too much for your husband, but
being a Jewish wife is about that, even if I was out at work I'd st/'ll come home and
make sure that there was dinner for my husband. 8:1:31

The women were aware, however, that traditional role divisions did not comfortably
fit with contemporary feminist and western discourses. Some spoke of their
embarrassment for wanting to undertake a traditional role:

Looking after the house, sorting out meals... which I never thought I would want to
do, but I actually do want to do, sadly[said with light-hearted sarcasm}. 1:4:124.

Others used religious discourse to counter current societal discourse about 'having
it all' (for example, a career and family), which was perceived to devalue
motherhood. Participant two relayed a conversation at Synagogue to illustrate her
belief that traditional role divisions benefit all of the family and that neither role is
less valued in Jewish culture. She, along with other women, felt that traditional role
divisions became problematic when discourses which depreciated 'home-making' as
old-fashioned and patriarchal were privileged by society:

[It was said that} both [traditional male and female roles} are equally important. II
think} it's only when people belittle 'women's work' the problems start. 2:2:94

65
 Analysis

4.2 Children

Children were described as the centre of the family, as suggested by the American
literature (e.g. Schlossberger and Hecker, 1998). Bearing and raising children is
highly culturally-valued and the women spoke considerably about wanting to
provide and care for their children in a Jewish way:

[Jewishness} has got a big place in bringing up my children. 6:3:81

In addition to providing for and encouraging their children, many of the women
spoke about the importance of 'doing' things to ensure their happiness:

A lot of things we do are for the children. 2:1:45.

We wouldjust like them to be happy 3:15.'542.

This relates to the 'naches' described in the introduction (page 19), in that there is
a cultural emphasis on gaining satisfaction from children's pleasure and
achievements.

Much of the tradition focuses around children, due to the· religious obligation to
pass on the culture. Many of the festivals incorporate activities for children to
encourage this. In effect, some described having children making being Jewish
more fulfilling, not only because of its cultural value, but also because of the
subsequent social and cultural enjoyment:

It's actually easier to celebrate festivals when you have children because it's more
enjoyable. When you're on your own as an adult it's a harder situation. It's harder
to make friends as an adult than it is when you've got children to talk about.
8:1:20.

66
 Ana lysis

5. Community

When the participants talked about Jewish people, they spoke about more than a
group of people who follow a religious faith; they spoke about the 'Jewish
community'. They perceived this community in local, but also in international terms,
as suggested by Kaye (1990). The women described themselves as part of an
ethnic group, a race, a nation and a people. Participant five demonstrated her
certainty of an existence of Jewish ethnicity when she described her difficulty in
completing demographic information on official forms:

We end up putting white... which isn't: really an effective description 5:7:503. 79

The women explained that as part of a minority, being linked as a group united
them together and gave strength in identity and security in number. Participant five
described the desire to discover these links between Jewish people and the
satisfaction and safety of familiarity:

You meet somebody new and you want to know who they know or who theyre
related to and someway you'll find that there's a link back to you. .. we like it that
you can go/ / youre so and so's mother's best friend's neighbour who lives next to/
oh you know the Bloom's from so and so~ ..it binds u~ it makes us strong... we
aren't: complete strangers on the stree0 were Jewish people. 5:7:444

Being part of a group also ensured responsibility for each other. It was common to
describe a sense of community encouraging a duty towards other members:

7~ Of note, participant five wrote 'Jewish ' when completing the demographic questionn aire for this research. Including
participant tive, seven of the eight women asked what they should write for ethnicily. (They were told to write what they
wanted). Participant seven did not ask what to write and wrote ' Jewish '. Six out of eight women wrote ' Jewi sh', one woman
wrote ' white' and one 'Caucasian '.

67
 Analysis

It gives you... a wider sense of purpose, rather than being completely insular about
me, me, me. I can think about other people, my community, people who are less
fortunate within my community and I think it gives you a responsibility for each
other. 5:7:461

It is perhaps so important for this community to stand together, particularly in

difficult times, so as to give a sense of safety and support in the context of a
history of insecurity. As the next two subordinate themes illustrate, it, therefore,
makes sense to wish to 'stick together', in order to achieve a sense of comfort.

5.1 Comfort

'Comfort' was described as a feeling of warmth and belonging. This was thought to
be due to the similarity with other members of the community and the subsequent
greater understanding:

[There's a} comfort in similarity and in social background and understanding.

3:3:82

This sense of comfort with other Jews was also described in terms of being able to
rely on them:

I can rely on [Jewish friends} for anything and they can rely on me and I'm not
really sure you can get that anywhere else. 8:4:172

This relates to the valued characteristic of 'doing'; that it is important to be

proactive in friendship. It could be argued that this value may be a consequence of
unsafe times, where the only people Jews may have believe:d they could genuinely
rely upon and trust were other Jews, for example, during the Holocaust.

5.2 Integration and Segregation

The women all described a life that was immersed in the North West London Jewish
community; some more or less so than others. This seemed to be a consequence of
getting married and having children:

68
 Analysis

I live quite an insular life now. .. once you become the Jewish mother living in [a
Jewish area] .. You live in your own little circles of Jewish mothers and children.. '!
don't really mix with so many non-Jewish people.. .! live very much within the
community now as opposed to when you're a single person. 5:3:189

There's a North West London bubble and I know people who have lived in that
bubble their whole lives, born here, raised here, maybe gone away to university,
but gone to somewhere there is a large Jewish student body so essentially staying
in the bubble and coming back. 4:9:430

There were mixed thoughts about keeping within the community or integrating
outside. All the women valued mixing with other Jews for the reasons discussed
above. However, a number of the women spoke about their dislike of segregation
and the value of mixing with different cultures. Participant one described her wish
for her children to be able to mix with non-Jewish people without feeling that it was
wrong, as she had felt. In this extract she demonstrates the complexity of the
theme. There is a wish for her children to be able to mix, without the pressure she
had from her parents, yet she acknowledges her desire to seek closeness with
other Jews:

I was made to fee/. .. you were only allowed to have Jewish friends, I don1:
agree... that you stick with. .. your own kind. .. even though [the children are} at a
Jewish school.. II want them to} have the opportunity to mix with non-Jewish
people.. IAlthough} I went to a non-Jewish school [and} I did have non-Jewish
friends [but] I wasn1: as close to them as my Jewish [schoo/} friends. 1:6:221

69
 Analysis

6. Continuity

All the women spoke about a desire to 'pass on' aspects of their Jewishness to
future generations. They described a clear wish and, moreover, a moral obligation
to continue their similarity with other Jews, as described in other themes (for
example, traditions, identity and characteristics). Jewishness was heavily involved
in these women's own upbringing and the upbringing they anticipated for their
children:

My mum brought me up in a certain way and 1m following that pattern and

bringing my kids up in the same way. 1:3:99

Participants spoke about passing on and 'instilling' Jewishness, in order to ensure

that their children can remember it, so that they can pass it on to their
grandchildren. Passing down Jewishness was thought to be conscious and
unconscious. Participant one demonstrates that not all parts of Jewishness are
desirable to pass on when she described the fear that has been unconsciously
passed on to her and she believes will be passed onto her children:

I feel it~ been passed on to me, definitely, yes, it's a gift [laughter} take that. And]
think I wI'll subconsciously pass that on to my children, 1m sure I wt'll because it's
inherent; it~ part of me. 1:11:396

Achieving Jewish continuity was seen to be possible through two methods:

knowledge and choosing a Jewish marriage partner to have children with.BO

XII Of note, there are many Jewish charities and organi sations whi ch aim to promote Jewish continuity th ro ugh knowledge
and/or intra-marriage, for example, the B 'nai B'rith Youth Organisation and ' Jewish Continuity'.

70
 Analysis

6.1 Knowledge

The importance of education and knowledge arose frequently in the analysis. This
would be expected according to the American literature, as discussed in the
introduction (page 22), which asserts that Jewish people are especially concerned
about education. In particular, the women talked about wanting to continue their
tradition, history and religion through knowledge.

6.1.1 Tradition

The women spoke about wanting to ensure that Jewish tradition and culture was
passed down through knowing about traditional customs and foods. They wanted
their Jewish heritage to continue living through their children and onwards into
future generations:

Knowing how to make chicken soup and eating kneidlach. .. For me that's more what
my Judaism is about knowing... knowing my grandma's history. .. having your own
cultural history to pass on to your children. 4:3:160

6.1.2 History

In addition to their own personal histories, the women were keen for their children
to know about their wider cultural history:

I want them to... know about the Holocaust ..! don't want it to depress them.. .!
want them to be able to learn from that, about racism and try not to be that way
about life. 3:14:516

As participant three's quote illustrates, passing on knowledge about Jewish history

means that it will not be forgotten and, perhaps, may protect from future
persecution. This relates to cultural discourses about 'never forgetting' and 'it
[specifically the Holocaust] could happen again', which will be further discussed.

6.1.3 Religion

In terms of passing on religion, most of the women spoke about wanting to

educate their children, in order to give them an opportunity to observe Judaism in

71
 Analysis

the future. However, whilst wanting to be accepting of future choices, the women
also wanted their children to continue the family's level of religiousness:

I just want my to children to believe what they want to believe.. .1 hope that 111 be
accepting.. .1 kind of want to give them choice~ but having said that I do want to
bring up [laughter} in a Jewish way. 1:7:262

6.2 'Marrying in'

According to Jewish law, a child is born a Jew through the maternal line. It is
common for Jews to marry other Jews, in order to continue Jewish descent and
pass down the heritage, tradition and religion through a Jewish family life:

[It} becomes attractive to you... you actually do want a Jewish wedding and you
want to bring up your children Jewish. .. you realise [after} five or six
years... everyone has followed a very similar path. 1:1:51.

The women spoke about the current cultural concern about inter-marriage being a
potential threat to continuity and the decline in size of the Jewish community:

It's important for. ..Jewish children. ..[toJ marry into the religion and have Jewish
chI7dren... the more that people marry out of the religion the religion will get smaller
and smaller and smaller and smaller and it will diminish completely. 6:1:33

All the women wanted their children to marry other Jews in order to continue their
Jewishness. This concern may be connected to a cultural discourse of 'don't finish
off what Hitler started'. Six million Jews were killed in the Holocaust and many in
the community feel that it would be a victory for the Nazis if the Jewish people
eradicate themselves through inter-marriage. Participant eight describes how
difficult it would be for her if her sons decided they would prefer to look for non-
Jewish partners. For a Jewish mother the distress may be taken very personally:

If it happens it happens, but it wl71 be problematic for me if they. ..[specificallyJ want

to meet someone non-Jewish. That will be total failure on my part. 8:4:201

72
 Ana lysis

7. Difference and Similarity

7.1 Difference and similarity to non-Jews

The difference and similarities within and between Jews and non-Jews was a major
theme. The interviewees had complex ideas about difference. At times, participants
highlighted the significant differences between Jews and non-Jews:

1m just so totally different to them... We all love our children we all cook for our
families we all run our households but theres a [pause} 1 think theres a different
kind of warmth. 3:2:69

Participants often spoke about feeling 'totally different' to non-Jews, due to their
ways of thinking and acting. However, at other times, the same women spoke
about these characteristics, behaviours and so on being similar to other ethnic
groups (often Italians), or people, (particularly mothers). The women were
uncertain of the extent to which their ways of being were related to their
Jewishness or were connected to other inter-related factors, such as family values:

1 don't know how much of that is about being Jewish. ..it all crosses over doesn't it
because on the one hand 1m saying 1m not sure if its about being Jewish or if its
about family and values in general or whether that is what being Jewish is about.

3:7:247

The women said that their difference was often difficult to put into words, because,
like Jewish identity, it was about feelings that could not always be seen and were

not always conscious:

73
 Analysis

It's emotional differences.. .it's non-tactile... you can't put your finger on it, that's the
problem. 1:17:599

When difference was possible to describe, it was spoken about in terms of

characteristics, as discussed, and cultural activities, which structured their lives:

It's the festivals and the traditions and the food. .. that makes it different, culturally
we have our own calendar. .. that dictates how our week revolves... Every week we
do something different on a Friday. .. even if we don't follow it religiously it still feels
different. 5:4:292

As Social Psychology suggests, the women were pleased to be part of an 'in-group'

and took pride in their difference. However, they also described difficult
consequences of being different, such as anti-Semitism (to be discussed),
misunderstandings and cultural clashes of opinion:

They don't always understand why you can't go out on a Friday night or why your
views are of [pause} culture clashes... how my views [about Israel} are quite
different .. when the Twin Towers came down a lot of Arabs were saying it's
because of the Jews... whereas it's not, people's views are very different and it can
become very heated. 7:6:188

7.2 Similarity with other lews

Participants noted many similarities in characteristics and behaviours within the

Jewish community. In general, it was thought that Jews form a group of people:

Who feel the same way about certain things, who have the same traditions. 1:3:79

Many of the women described an instinct or understanding between Jews through

this similarity:

You instinctively feel like you've got something in common... there's this immediate
sort of bond or understanding. 1:7:233

Participant five described this understanding in terms Of "the unsaid" - an

unspoken knowledge that other Jews share commonalities that promote an

74
 Analysis

instinctive understanding. Participant four gave an illustration of this 'unsaid'

understanding and described it as 'cultural recognition':

[You've} had similar communal experience.. .[words} just instantly conjure up

[images} without having to explain. If a friend says 'it was my second cousin s Bat
Mitzvah at the weekend' and rolls her eyes... I know there was poached salmon and
the mother-in-law was wearing sequins... From the minute you're born... you have
this larger frame of reference that you can take experience out of. Thats what the
recognition is and its not something that you can put your finger on or that you
can learn, it's just what you pick up from living your life. 4:12:543

Despite such similarities between Jews it was reiterated that Jews are different.
Participant six spoke about the difference between Jews· of greater and lesser
religiosity and emphaSised the specificity of this research focus:

Theres me and then theres vel}' orthodoxy. .. Haredf1 Jews... A very, very, vel}'
orthodox Jew wouldn't even consider me as Jewish. .. there are so many different
types of Jewish people and I'm sure you're not going to go and interview all of
them! 6:7:236

Participant two spoke about the differences in culture within the British Jewish
community. She described the great diversity within Jewish culture she had noticed
at her children's Jewish school. She particularly highlighted the differences between
Sephardi and Ashkenazi Jews. She proposed that these differences were a product
of assuming previous host cultures and integrating them with Jewish culture:

There's a whole spectrum of different types of Jewish people.. .[one ladyj .. wears a
head scarf and she doesn't look any different from an Arab or Muslim lady. ..[At an
Iraql Sephardi] wedding the girls were having henna put on their arms.. .1 thought
it was something that Asian people did ..{There's}, a couple who come from Yemeni
background ..[Another} her father is from Holland, mother's American. .. there's also
a Russian famI7y. ..[Another} girls mother [was Indian. She} wore a Sari and on
Friday night they had chicken curl}'!... Some Sephardi weddings [the brides} wear
bright colours like they do in all the Asian weddings... these are differences they've
adopted from the cultures where they were living. 2:4:373

75
 Analysis

Participant two also highlighted the diversity of class in the British Jewish
community, which she thought others may not expect:

There are plenty of Jewish children at school on free school meals, you can't say
affluent North West London Jew then... that's maybe what people perceive, but
you've got different financial brackets. 2:5:502

The women were keen to convey that there were individual differences between
Jews and it was unhelpful to stereotype. They spoke about their own dissimilarity
to what they described as 'typical' Jewishness and they were careful to state that
their descriptions were from their own experience and could not reliably inform
about all Jews:

Somebody else would give you a different opinion, obviously, but that's how I feel
about it 1:5:162

I'm talking about my household, I can't comment on other Jewish households.

3:2:72

However, despite such variance within culture, the women. felt, as highlighted in
other groups (e.g. Boyd Franklin, 1986), that due to cultural bonds and recognition
there was more Similarity within the Jewish community than between the Jewish
and non-Jewish community:

You could be like me in terms of not being religious but I think I would still have a
greater chance of understanding somebody who's orthodox than somebody who's

not Jewish. 3:22:787

7.3 Invisibility

The participants spoke about being able to recognise others, due to their similarity

in characteristics, behaviour and so on:

As a Jew I can always recognise another Jew, I can see them at 100 paces. 3:1:23

81 Strictly orthodox Jews, for example, Chasidic.

76
 Analysis

However, in terms of recognition by other Jews, the women acknowledged that

although some non-Jews were able to recognise them, there was frequent
opportunity for invisibility:

People who aren't Jewish often don't recognise me as Jewish and often ask me if
I'm Italian or Spanish. ..I don't think the outside world .. would initially recognise me
as a Jew or us Jew~ unlike the frummerSJ2, you can see by the way they
dress.. .I'm just the same as everybody else. 3:1:26

Participant four described her wish for her children to be able to allow their
Jewishness to be visible, but highlighted times in her own life where she had
chosen not to do so due to concern about anti-Semitism:

I would like them to be happy to say that they were Jewish and not to feel that
they had to hide it ..[but} there are times when I haven't wanted to say [my
surname} because I felt that I'm not going to get a good response. 4:4:205

It is interesting to think about this preference for invisibility in conjunction with the
theme fear to be discussed.

Due to the potential invisibility of Jewishness there was doubt about whether there
would be a recognition of difference by others. Participant five who lived in a
densely populated Jewish area illustrated with an anecdote her surprise at a lack of
recognition:

I said to one of my husband's colleagues at work 'Mazel Tov' and he had never
heard it before and I was flabbergasted, I was perhaps naive, I thought everybody
knew the word Mazel Tov. 5:6:426.

H2 Strictly orthodox.

77
 Analysis

8. Fear

~~arl
,i,£";",il
I

Showing the
'good side
I
Fear was a highly significant category that arose as a theme throughout the
interviews and particularly when the women spoke about being Jewish in 2003.
When asked about what her Jewishness was about participant three believed that
as well as being about tradition, family and so on it was also "about fear". This
'Jewish fear' was often illustrated by commonly used Jewish phrases, such as
'please G-d', 'G-d forbid' and 'all being well':

lin expecting my third in the beginning of Augus~ all being well, which is bit of a
Jewish thing to say [laughter}. 1:1:5

There was variability in the extent of fear experienced, but most of the women said
that their fear about the future and their children's futures had been increasing :

1: Tell me about being Jewish in 2003?

P: Oh [pause} scal}j 1 thin~ more frightening than 1 felt previously. 1:9:320

The women described an ongoing level of fear in their lives, that although was
related to being a mother and a natural inclination to protect, was exacerbated by
their Jewishness, in terms of character, upbringing and most importantly a
historical and current context of anti-Semitism :

P: There's all that under/ying worry the whole time.

1: Worry?
P: Worry about terrorism [towards Jews}. 7:4:149

The women spoke about the complexity of fea r, in that in some ways they felt safer
as a Jew in 2003, but in others they were more fearfu l. Participant eight describes

78
 Analysis

how in certain areas she felt more comfortable to display her Jewishness but when
thinking about Israel, she holds more fear than previously:

Being a Jew today is sometimes much easier than it used to be I will go out
wearing my Magen Davicf3 quite happily in certain area~ but also very scary, the
country that we have all worked and fought for is in big trouble. 8:2:95

8.1 Anti-Semitism

When speaking about their fear of anti-Semitism, most of the women said that they
were grateful that they had not had direct experience of what they would describe
as 'proper' anti-Semitism. The women tended to have experienced name-calling, a
lack of understanding, or feelings of discomfort, rather than threats or violence:

It's that kind of thing, which I wouldn't describe as anti-Semitism, really, but it's a
feeling of putting you down because you're different .. Luckily I haven't really
experienced it very much at all to be honest, thank goodness. 1:12:414

The women perceived others to hold negative stereotypes that have been common
throughout history and have been discussed in the introduction:

The Jew has got a hooked nose.. .lots of money. ..! think some people who have
never seen a Jew before think that's what you're like... my old headmistress.. .{wasJ
a bit like that .. they have preconceived ideas. 5:7:479

Participant two gave an example of her daughter's experience of anti-Semitism at

school and how seriously she considered it, due to her uncertainty about the level
of threat:

A resident came out of the house and he said, swearing at the children, got a
camera, taking the picture and said I'm going to send it to the Arabs and they're
going to come and kill you al/...! phoned the police.. .! took it seriously because you
just don't know. .. the police the next day escorted the children. 2:4:309.

83 Hebrew words for 'Star of David' , often wom as a necklace.

79
 Analysis

In consequence of such events participants described the precautions they and the
community are now taking, due to the fear of anti-Semitism. Many of the women
perceived a rise in anti-Semitism and a desire to protect themselves:

[The boys] have to wear baseball cap~4 on outings because the school are nervous
for anti-Semitic attacks.. .!n our community three boys were attacked a couple of
weeks ago on a Friday night coming out of Shu/. .. theres this rise of anti-Semitism.
2:3:232

Participant three, who said that she had not had any direct experience of anti-
Semitism, described a wish to maximise her invisibility by considering removing her
mezuzah from her front door and, as the following example shows, not 'displaying'
her Jewishness:

Because of anti-Semitism.. .! wouldn't dream of wearing a Magen David or a

chats.. .! don't want to be singled out as being um. I think its very easy in this
country to walk around wearing a cross its... a normal thing.. .[my friends] got like
five Magen David's around her neck. .. on one of her earrings, a chai here and a chai
there and when I see her I just want to say to her take them off! 3:2:46

Methods of protection on a personal and community level, such as maximising

invisibility and employing security, were described. Participant two described her
concern that she did not feel protected from anti-Semitism at a political level. She
felt that 'political correctness' restricted the Government's ability to stop racism
from other ethnic minorities, which resulted in further racial intolerance between
groups:

People are allowed to spout anti-Semitic racial abuse and it's only recently there
has been a law against [itj .. when I was at university you'd see it allover the
place... they'd say it was anti-Zionist well we all know it wasn't really. ..it annoys me
that that fello~6 is still there.. .! find it a bit insulting actually. .. The Government is
so weak on this racial business, they're so busy trying to be politically correct they

8~ To cover their skull caps. .

85 Hebrew words for 'Star of David' and 'life', often worn as a necklace. Of note, the Star of DaVid was used to ensure
visibility of the Jews during and in the lead up to the Holocaust.
86 A Muslim Cleric with connection to terrorist groups.

80
 Analysis

can actually make people racists; cause all these things because they're not dealt
with. 2:3:274

8.2 World state

The women spoke considerably about the: state the world is in it at the moment
3:2:55 in terms of: terrorism and AI-Qaeda and Jews and Israel and Palestine
3:5:184 and the belief that: war is loomin!l73:18:667.

The women were extremely conscious of current world politics. When asked the
question 'tell me about being Jewish in 2003' it was common to receive a response
about the world situation:

I believe you're trying to get at the current situation in Israel. 6:5:166

The women spoke about their own and also their children's awareness of world
problems, particularly those related to the Jewish community:

The chl'ldren know. .. why they have to wear baseball caps. They know when the
television is switched on they know that there's fighting going on in Israel. 2:3:242

8.3 Vulnerability

The participants described a sense of vulnerability being Jewish. This was, for
example, spoken about in terms of discomfort or fear of bein.g uprooted:

I'm sort of more comfortable with being in Israel and thinking.. .! may get bombed
and I may die, G-d forbid, but .. that's alright kind of thing... .I'm sort of feeling
uncomfortable and sort of vulnerable... as a Jewish person living in England with my
family. ..! feel that there's always a danger that we could be turfed out. 1:10:344

This comfort in Israel may be linked to historical concern about being uprooted, as
described in the introduction. A faith in Israel may give psychological security
through knowledge of the Jewish 'right to return t88 • Many of the women spoke

K7 It is important to note that at this point the war in Iraq during 2003 had not yet begun, but the participants were acutely aware

of its likelihood.
88 Jews are given automatic immigration rights and are encouraged to 'make Aliyah' (emigrate; literally 'ascent') in times of
peace or insecurity through the cultural value placed on it and the economic assistance given on arrival.

81
 Analysis

about Israel being a place they felt at home and could potentially find refuge in
times of vulnerability.

The women perceived the Jewish people to be highly involved in the world's
problems. They perceived themselves to be a target for potential persecution due
to past and current anti-Semitism:

I think as a nation we are hated by so many ..it~ so very frightening... to be part of

the religion that is part of the problem... You're kind of a marked person marked
people. 3:18:66

You live in 'Jewsville~ .. you take it for granted that you can walk around quite safely
but that~ not the reality. .. there s a lot of animosity now towards the Jews... We get
blamed. 5:3:158

Many of the women talked about their feelings of vulnerability being heightened by
media reports of terrorism against the Jewish community:

They are expecting there to be an attack on a Jewish establishment .. They are

saying in the papers or on the news that .. terrorism going on in Israel could
reach. .. England. 7:5:151

Participant two gave an example of non-Jewish people also becoming increasingly

aware of Jewish vulnerability, when she described her husband's CP,) non-Jewish
business partner CO') feeing concerned about his safety in a Jewish restaurant:

o was.. .really quite jittery [so} P sai~ 'What~ wrong?' 0 said 'Don't you think there
should be some security here?' 'Security? It~ a salt beef place!' 'But look theres
Jews evetyWhere and I'm a bit nervous' and the poor fellow hadn't really thought
about it He said he was actually very conscious of terrorism and all these things
there. 2:4:343.

8.4 Un/founded fear

The women explained their sense of fear in terms of the reality of past and present
threat in relation to a cultural discourse that: it could easily happen again.
1:10:267. This is a common cultural phrase in the Jewish community, perhaps used

82
 Analysis

to protect itself from persecution. However, there was some uncertainty about the
intensity of fear in relation to the likelihood of danger. Many of the women spoke
about feeling safe but unsafe; unsure whether their fear was founded or
unfounded:

I experienced a lot of fear of what could happen... I didn't actually experience

fear. ..just the feeling... There was always this sort of unspoken fear that were all
going to be uprooted ..!'ve been aware that there was this property in Israel
awaiting us... when it happens we've got a place to go.. .!f I think logically without
that feeling of fear. .. we aren't at .. huge risk ..in the same way. .. the Jews were
before the Holocaust, but the feeling I have is that we are. 1:11:375

8.S Wary to admit

Many of the women described a wariness about revealing their Jewish identity,
which encouraged them to capitalise on their invisibility. This was due to fear of
anti-Semitic response, as participant four described on page 77. Participant six gave
an illustrative anecdote of this fear to admit she was Jewish. She described a
feeling of uncertainty, which led her to hide her Jewishness through fear of anti-
Semitism:

[He} starts talking about ..!srae/...and I shut my mouth because I thought I wonder
how he'd feel if he knew I was Jewish. ..! decided to try and make myself be and
look and sound less Jewish. ..! wondered if he noticed that I had a mezuzah..'! was
worried in case that he found out I was Jewish. ..! don't know if he's anti-
Semitic. .. he made me feel very umm, not worried and not scared but almost
frightened to say oh actually I'm Jewish and actually my sister-in-law lives in Israel.
6:7:248.

8.6 Showing the good side

Some of the women spoke about a social desirability effect; a desire to put forward
the positive aspects of Jewishness, perhaps to contrast stereotypes and to protect
from anti-Semitism, as described by Kaye (1990). It was felt important that an
accurate perspective was put across to non-Jewish people, in order not to
exacerbate myths or confusion:

83
 Analysis

P: I tend not talk to [non-Jewish people} people these days [about Jewish issues}
because I'm not as adept as other people as to putting the pOint of the Jewish
people over. If you can't put it exactly right .. then you can only confuse matters
more.

84
 Analysis

9. Feelings

%' "Y"" ''''''''''''0

" ' F ,el:?lings : .. ;
,""'V""F",\V'"

>§-;.. ,--,
,'.
I
:;

~
I

~~
....
~
Stress I
When the women described their Jewishness explanations were often given in
terms of feelings:

[We're} part of a group of people who all feel the same way ..[I had} instilled in me
a feeling ofJewishness. 1:3:78

The first year. .. we had a Christmas tree.. .it just dtdn t feel right and we /ve never
had one since. 3:17:616.

As discussed in other themes Jewishness was difficult to articulate. Perhaps this

was because some of what the women were attempting to describe was more felt
than understood:

Theres just not that same feeling [with a non-Jewish person}I know I keep saying
that its not very helpful but theresjust not that same feeling. 1:16:581

More specifically, the women spoke about different emotions evoked in them by
their Jewishness; some pleasurable and some distressing. At times feelings were
mixed. For example, despite participant four's pride in her Jewishness, she
described concealing it through fear (see page 77). Feelings of fear from an
emotional source, rather than direct experience have been described in detail and
will not be discussed further.

9.1 Pleasure and Pride

In terms of pleasurable feelings, the women spoke about enjoying their Jewishness
and being pleased that they were born Jewish. They associated it with warmth,
happiness and pride:

85
 Analysis

I have a great love for my religion, not in a religious sense. I like being Jewish and
I'm vel}' proud of being Jewish. 6:1:27.

I'd just like to pass on that being Jewish is something to be proud of its something
to feel vel}' good about Its a warm feeling, its a happy feeling. 8:2:58.

9.2 Embarrassment

The women also talked about a sense of embarrassment that they felt corresponds
with being Jewish. Participant three was embarrassed to be seen driving on the
89
Sabbath by religious Jews • PartiCipant six was embarrassed when her mobile
phone, which played the popular Hebrew song 'Hava Nagila' rang during the
interview, and said:

Thats a bit ofJewishness from the phone. I'm so embarrassed! 6:8:275.

Participant one spoke considerably about being embarrassed about her

'comfortable' upbringing and considered the service implications of this:

I wouldn 1: be as honest with a non-Jewish therapist ..!'d feel a little

embarrassed .. about my upbringing, about [pause] money [quietly said].,! certainly
wouldn1: talk to a non-Jewish therapist the way that I've spoken to you, being
aware that you're Jewish. ..it just fills me with sort of a sense of embarrassment
1:14:516.

This may, perhaps, relate to the previous and following themes of 'fear' and 'guilt',

9.3 Guilt

Some women thought guilt was an inherent Jewish characteristic. However, it was
also alluded to that perhaps, less consciously, guilty feelings were related to
surviving the Holocaust or an internalised blame as a result of being the scapegoat
of others. Guilt related to a number of situations, for example, having obligations to
other family members out of gUilt, as well as loyalty. The women described

89 This is an activity prohibited by religious law.

86
 Analysis

experiencing guilt from internal and external sources. This extract relates guilt
about feeling lucky and having more than others to need and service use:

Guilt guilt guilt ..l just feel guilty that .. Fve been velY IUcky. .. oh I'm going to CIY
again. .. there's a million people out there who need more help then I do... we could
possibly afford to see somebody privately and I would feel guilty about that ..l feel
that to ask for help when I have so much it makes me feel guilty and that's possibly
a Jewish thing. You know 'Jewish guilt~ ..l don't know whether it stems from the
Holocaust .. I haven't got any survivors in well I'm sure I have/ but that I've been
aware of .. we weren't touched by the 'Holocaust survivor guilt complex~ 1:14:532

9.4 Stress

Some women spoke about the stress related to Jewishness, for example, pressure
to be able to look after the home and the family, as well as manage a career and
incorporate tradition, pressure to achieve and being compared to others, as
illustrated earlier (see page 59).

87
 Ana lysis

10. Services

, ~Mitura[i;11Siti~iiY I
I
Considering
the system
I
10.1 Getting help

The women described a proactive approach to getting the help they needed when
asked hypothetically about seeking help for emotional difficulties in their family.
The women felt comfortable to talk to family and friends, as well as seek
professional advice 9o • The women were prepared to consider a variety of options in
order to get the best help:

I'm sort of open really .. wherever I get the result ..I'll try something and If I don t
get it I'll go somewhere else. 1:14:495

Factors affecting their decisions about where to get help included: waiting lists,
cost, urgency and type of problem.

10.1.1 Jewish services

The women did not consider themselves to be like the strictly orthodox who they
believed would only utilise Jewish services. Yet, although none of the women would
seek support from a Rabbi, many of the women said they had used, preferred or

would consider using Jewish services:

')I) Of note, participants one, two and three disclosed that they spoke from personal experience and parti ci pant six knew a
number of people who had sought help.

88
 Analysis

There are a number of support groups for Jewish people which are more in tune
with how a Jewish person lives and works and how their family operates, so I
probably would go to a Jewish one. 7:7:229

They felt that there would be greater understanding through similarity using Jewish
services, which would be helpful and make them feel more comfortable. Participant
eight believed that details such as seeing a mezuzah may make her feel more
relaxed and, therefore, more receptive to help. Participant one gave an example of
when Jewish services were more beneficial than non-Jewish services:

I was in a Jewish environment and being helped by a Jewish charity and a Jewish
woman.. .! felt at home in a way I hadn't felt with the health visito~ GP or the
parenting course... /r didn't get to the root for me... Talking to a Jewish
therapist .. theres this immediate connection and there are things that you don't
have to explain because they're... understood immediately. 1:12:430

There were also reservations about using Jewish services that have been
highlighted in cultural research (e.g. Loewenthal and Cinnirella, 1999), such as
concerns about confidentiality and religious biases:

You think Irs going to be somebody your mother knows or your brother went to
school with. .. .l think they've a hidden agenda quite often.. .say I was having
marriage problems... Fd be thinking they would want this marriage to stay
together. .. because it should be a nice Jewish working marriage and not a broken
Jewish divorce.. .if there was children involved there would be that Jewish gUIlt.
4:12:597

For these reasons, participant four would not choose to use Jewish services, but
would prefer to speak to someone Jewish for 'cultural recognition'. She thought it
would be helpful if Jewish clients could see a Jewish therapist in an NHS setting:

If services felt accessible, but without being too categor(sed .. you could maybe
have a preference but without being pigeon-holed if you could say I would rather
speak to a Jewish person without having to go to a Jewish service. 4:12:589

This is important to consider when developing culturally-sensitive practice.

89
 Analysis

10.1.2 NHS vs. private services

Some women spoke about their helpful experiences in the NHS, but others were
concerned about current shortages of resources, which may cause long waiting-
lists:

It's fine on a day to day level.. .but I think if you were feeling in some sort of
crisis... ifyou got to the pOint where you needed professional help... on an emotional
level... you probably would want something to happen quite quickly. 4:14:643

Participant two spoke about her concern that NHS services may not be able to
consider her problems contextually, due to the severity of other cases:

If you go somewhere privately and they see more children in the middle class
sector, then I feel sometimes you're getting more help because they're looking at
things from your perspective.. .! wouldn't say [having a Jewish therapist} is the main
necessity it would be someone that .. understood your family values and the set up
in your family. ..! can see that they're looking at me like why am I making a fuss,
because they see children who are much worse well that's all very nice for five
minutes... but two minutes later I still need, in our situation it is that bad and it
needs sorting. We need someone who can understand that, it could just be
somebody who's worked with Jewish people before and understands Jewish family
dynamics. 2:5:479

10.1.3 Asking for help

The women were clear that they would feel confident to ask for and seek the help
they needed from a variety of sources and gave lists of examples of different
services they or those they knew used:

We~ go to the family first .. but we take expert advice .. .! use all [services] ..! tend
to have a mix. 2:5:468

However, as discussed in the theme of 'guilt' sometimes it was felt that it was

difficult to ask for help.

90
 Analysis

10.2 Discussing lewishness

As alluded to earlier, the women said that they did not discuss their Jewishness in
the same way with non-Jewish people. This extract illustrates the service
implications of this; that Jewishness is a highly relevant issue, but may not
necessarily be felt comfortable to discuss in depth:

]: Would you talk about your Jewishness?

P: Yes, but] wouldn't feel as comfortable. ] would feel a slight wariness.. .[but} it's
such a huge part of all our lives.. .!'d feel that] wouldn't be as honest with a non-
Jewish therapist .. ] don't think] would talk about being Jewish in general and what
it meant to me... they wouldn't understand. 1:14:500

10.3 Cultural sensitivity

The women offered many suggestions of ways to ensure cultural sensitivity and
develop good practice. They also acknowledged that services had developed and
participant six gave the example of Great Ormond Street Hospital providing a room
for Jewish patients on Shabbat:

Services have got a bit more in tune with Jews and] think they do cater for Jewish
people in certain situations. 6:11:370

10.3.1 Matching

A common request was to be 'matched' to a Jewish therapist, in order to feel more

understood. As the following extracts show there was concern that non-Jewish
therapists may not understand Jewishness and may not be able to acquire this

specific empathy:

Somebody who comes from a similar social background understands you more.. .!
was recommended to a woman and a lot of what was coming out was about my
mother and about family and traditions and Jewishness and after three sessions
she...said I think you need to see somebody Jewish. .. You cannot empathise unless
you've experienced .. ] don't think there's any amount of learning you can
do... Therapy is about talking... if you can talk with somebody who understands

91
 Analysis

you... even as a woman talking to another woman, you've already got some kind of
grounding. 3:22:786.

Whether you can train somebody. ..1 don't know. .. You sort of learn all the text book
things.. .It doesn't mean anything.. .It might be interesting but you don't see it in the
same way as a Jewish counsellor would. 5:4:261.

Participants found it difficult to think of ways a non-Jewish therapist could become

more culturally sensitive, because, as highlighted in other themes, Jewishness was
thought to be 'non-tactile', The women felt that sensitivity was about experience of
Jewish clients, rather than practical learning:

It's more getting a' feel' for the situation than anything concrete. 2:5:499

There was also concern that a non-Jewish therapist may misinterpret cultural
behaviours or characteristics and perceive them as odd as described on page 61.
For example, protectiveness of children may be regarded as 'over-protectiveness' or
'over-involvement' and closeness to family members considered as 'over-
enmeshment', Participant one was concerned that a non-Jewish therapist may think
her mother was:

A nutter~ .. when. .. she's just a Jewish mother. 1:14:509

Participant eight attempted to describe what she would find helpful in non-Jewish
services and illustrated it with an anecdote about a non-Jewish removal man who
91
understood the complexity of Kashrut :

They would need to have either Jewish staff or staff who could familiarise
themselves with it's [sigh} hard to say Judaism because there are so many levels of
it, but with Jewish culture, with Jewish festivals.. .[For example} the removal
man.. .just by. .. seeing a mezuzah on the door. .. made a sale because he made her
know that the whole thing was... not a problem... he made it his business to know
his clientele... you have to have an understanding [to make} someone feel

comfortable. 8:5:250

91 In this anecdote participant eight described a situatio~ where the remov~1 man understood the laws of Kashrut, which
prohibit kitchen items used for meat coming into contoct With those used for milk.

92
 Analysis

10.3.2 Cultural consultants

Some of the women suggested that services use cultural consultants, in order to
gain greater understanding of Jewishness and the opportunity to receive culturally
appropriate advice or refer clients on to relevant services:

They would also have to have a point of reference that you could go to for help or
that they could go to/ to understand the problems more... to find out the best way
to approach a problem. 7:7:250

10.3.3 Considering the system

The importance of viewing the Jewish individual as part of a system was reiterated
throughout the interviews. Participant seven suggested meeting with other
members of the family, so that assumptions were not made and culturally
insensitive suggestions not inadvertently given:

They would have to not presume what your family life is 'like... they've got to be
understanding that a Jewish family could be quite different and not pressurise you
in to doing something which would be against your philosophy. .. Maybe if it's
relevant to visit the faml'ly and to see what sort of family it is so they can offer the
right guidance. 7:7:245

It is interesting to consider the findings from the 'services' theme in relation to

safety. The women spoke about needing to feel comfortable and secure in a
context of similarity and/or understanding. Safety is essential in forming a
therapeutic relationship. Perhaps it is particularly important to these women due to
the background of fear discussed. This is a particularly relevant theme to consider
clinically.

93
 Discussion

4. Discussion

4.10verview of the main findings from the analysis

The Discussion aims to consider to what extent the analysis of the data provides
answers to the research questions; that is, aids understanding of the clinical
implications of the participants' experience of Jewishness from systemic,
transgenerational and bicultural contexts. As ethnicity is subjective and fluid (Patel,
1999) and individuals incorporate multiple cultural selves (McGoldrick, 1998), it
would be inappropriate to draw conclusions as generalisable 'truths'. For, like all
qualitative research, or research using small sample sizes, it is more useful to
consider findings in terms of transferability. The analysis informs us about how
these women experience the phenomenon and offer information about other similar
women's lived experiences. As discussed in the Methodology, articulating
Jewishness may create new understandings. Thus, the explanations are 'rooted' in
the context of the moment:

I've never actually realised that before until I said it 1."2:48

4.1.1 Summary
The American literature (e.g. Schlossberger and Hecker 1998) highlights the
significant influence of Jewishness on observant and non-observant Jews and the
benefit of an awareness of Jewishness in therapy. The present study found
Jewishness to be highly relevant to the British partiCipants. From the analysis it
seemed that 'Jewishness' (as suggested by the American .literature) combined a
number of factors. The findings are illustrated by the model in figure one.

The women described their similarity with other Jewish people in terms of their
tradition and culture, character, family, community and feelings. Tradition and
culture was expressed non-religiously and comprised practices and values which
structured their lives and homes. 'Typical' Jewish characteristics made other Jewish
people recognisable to the women. They noticed a particular style of postural and
verbal expression and certain common traits, such as high involvement with family
members, 'excessiveness', aspirations for high achievement, proactivity and
'neurosis'. The women placed considerable value on maintaining emotional and
geographical closeness to the (extended) family. Inside their homes they described
traditional role divisions between mothers and fathers. Motherhood and childhood

94
 Discussion

were particularly valued in the family. To an extent this sense of family extends to
the local and international Jewish community. This community was defined in terms
of ethnicity. The strong sense of community provided comfort, through familiarity,
responsibility for others and safety in number. The women spoke about a need to
find a balance between integration with and segregation from the non-Jewish
community. The women wished to assimilate into the majority culture without
impinging on their security or weakening their own culture. Jewishness invoked a
number of feelings for these women. They spoke about gaining pleasure and pride.
They also spoke about feelings of embarrassment, guilt and stress, for example,
due to pressures from the family or community.

Figure two: A suggested model of Jewishness

I Services I

All of these aspects of similarity construct individual and collective Jewish identities.
At times this identity was difficult to articulate and at others represented by many
of the aspects described. The women's identities were significantly impacted upon
by their Jewishness, but of course incorporated other identities, such as their
Britishness (although national identification tended to be weak; there was a
stronger attachment to Israel and other Jews), whiteness, motherhood and so on.

95
 Discussion

The women described themselves and their communities wanting to pass on these
individual and collective Jewish identities to future generations. They wanted
continuity of their identity, for example, through passing on knowledge about
tradition, history and religion and encouraging their children to marry other Jewish
people.

This similarity amongst Jews implies difference from others. All the aspects
described created difference and similarity with other Jews and from non-Jews.
Difference from others is a pre-requisite for current and historical discrimination.
The ongoing threat of or actual anti-Semitism results in an individual and collective
fear. The women described a significant fear of anti-Semitism and about the world
state. This resulted in a sense of vulnerability. The women were uncertain as to
whether this vulnerability was due to unfounded or founded fear. In consequence,
they were often wary to admit they were Jewish and had a tendency to capitalise
i
on their potential invisibility or to show the 'good side of Jewishness to the non-
Jewish majority, through concern about discrimination. Fear acts as a driving
mechanism to reinforce the similarity between Jews, for example, through the need
to 'stick together i
, strengthen identity and ensure continuity. Clearly reinforcing
similarity between Jews, reinforces difference from non-Jews. This arguably
reinforces the cycle.

All of these factors have implications for services, which need to consider the
impact of Jewishness on individuals or systems and its effect on the therapeutic
process. Clients may be more suited to Jewish services, NHS or private services.
The women described assertive approaches to getting help, but a hesitance in
receiving help, in that they wouldn't (necessarily) discuss their Jewishness with a
non-Jewish therapist. They gave suggestions for maximising cultural sensitivity,
including culturally matching therapists, using cultural consultants and considering

the system.

4.1.2 Discussion of findings in relation to the conceptual framework and research

questions
In addition to those described by the model, three further aspects are worthy of
further discussion, due to their relation to the research questions and their possible
implications for service delivery. Participants drew on a variety of discursive

96
 Discussion

resources to explain their Jewishness and these will be considered. In particular!

the women drew on the following discursive resources:
• Biblical discourse:

o It insinuates that I feel like a stranger living in a strange land, which

I think I do in a way. 1:10:34~2
o Jews have a special ethical responsibility, as the chosen people.
o Obligations of respect to parents.
o A duty to teach children about Jewishness.
• Historical discourse:

o [The Holocaust} could easl7y happen again. 1:10:368

o Inter-marriage is a 'victory! for the Nazis.
o Disclosing Jewish ethnicity in the census will mean "they! will know
where I live'.
• Anti-Semitic discourse:
o It's very, vel}' frightening to be part of the religion that is part of the
problem 3:18:674 resembles Nazi propaganda about 'the Jewish
problem'. What's in my Blood 4:8:536 also resembles Nazi
propaganda and historical accusations of 'Blood Libel'.
o I have to do for people... make sure evel}'one's happy..fed.'! think
[non-Jewish friends} often find it ..in your face... offensive.. .[but
it's}about being Jewish and taking care of evel}'body and making
sure evel}'one's ok 3:3:96 resembles pathologising media
stereotypes about the Jewish 'smother', with her excessive concern
and involvement. As Siegel (1986) wrote Western cultures may
devalue nurturing and regard self-assertion as pushiness. Such
characteristics were valued and, as described, link to cultural history.
Perhaps, however, pathologising discourses are the most available.

1) Constructions of roles and identities within a Jewish system: The 'good' Jewish
woman
As previously discussed, the ideal of the 'good' Jewish woman as a wife and
mother, who nurtures, protects and worries about her famil.y through the lifespan!
is highly endorsed by religious and cultural discourse. When the women spoke

92 Of note, some of the women spoke of their comfort with other Jews being because they were not 'strangers'.

97
 Discussion

about Jewish motherhood the tone was warm and the language comprised
purpose, future and joy. When asked of their role as a Jewish wife, explanations
were less clear and the tone 'cooled'. In their descriptions of Jewish womanhood,
the participants were often 'cold': Being a Jewish woman, erm [pause} it doesn't
mean a huge deal to me. 1:4.'130. Perhaps this 'cooling' and lesser connection to
the latter two roles was because the women regarded them as less fulfilling and
temporary. Before she was married, participant one regarded herself as more of a
Jewish person than a Jewish woman. It seems that singlehood was a transitional
phase towards full gendered personhood. The women seemed to move from one
identity to another via marriage and children. Table thirteen shows the potential
gains for Jewish women when they become wives and mothers. This cultural and
social emphasis on having children may have implications for those who are not
married or do not have children and, as a result, may not feel wholly Jewish and
part of the community.

Table thirteen: Potential differences for Jewish women before and after marriage

Single Jewish woman Married Jewish woman

(particularly with
Less involved in Jewish life children)
Less Jewish friends More involved in Jewish life
Less religious experience More Jewish friends
Less part of the community More reliqious experience
Less enjoyable Jewish life More part of the community
More difficult Jewish life More enjoyable Jewish life
Less of a Jewish social life Easier Jewish life
Less to talk about to other More of a Jewish social life
Jews More to talk about to other
Jews
The value of motherhood is complex as discussed. It conflicts with some societal
discourses, yet is held in high-esteem by others, such as religious and
psychoanalytic discourse (e.g. the importance of the 'good enough mother',
Winnicott, 1965). However, mother-devaluing or anti-Semitic discourses, which
elevate achievement outside the home and family and may disparage
protectiveness as smothering or assertiveness as pushiness, may be more easily

available.

98
 Discussion

The analysis illustrated the cultural phenomenon described in the literature as

193
'naches • The women described ambition for high achievement for oneself and
particularly for one's children. This fits with the religious and cultural value placed
94
on learning and the historical tendency to seek professional or self-employment95.
They spoke about the hopes for their children and the pleasure from their
achievements (and presumably displeasure through perceived failures). This naches
produced great joy, but also pressure, due to demanding expectations and
competition from their families, communities and themselves. There appeared to be
to the women a 'right' way of being or dOing, which 'everybody' could see and
make comparisons with. Participant three described this peer pressure as
'incestuous' jealousy, which she, with difficulty, tried to avoid.

It is worth emphasising the importance of 'doing' in Jewish culture. 'Doing' arose in

the analysis in a number of ways: proactivity in the family, in friendship, through
tradition and politically. This doing was valued and the role of mother was
particularly revered as the person in the family who holds the family together and
does everything (8:5:273). There may be a number of underlying explanations. As
discussed, 'doing' may be a form of pragmatism in terms of Jewish history. It also
demonstrates involvement and concern, which are highly valued and affirm
Jewishness to oneself and others. At times, the women felt that they did too much.
They drew on media discourse about women feeling as if they had to 'have it all'
and countered it with cultural and religious discourse that valued motherhood over
other roles. They also used current media discourse to support motherhood when
they spoke about not being 'superwomen', which resembles the recent speech
given by Cherie Blair96 and the decision of Helen Baxendale 97 to leave her work to
concentrate on her mothering.

93
. ... the gIow 0 f pIeasure-p I us- pride that only a child can give to its
'Pleasure, joy _ particularly from achievements of a chIld
t ' Rosten 1968 I h'
ea~~~ ~~ample, it is a ~ommandment to study the Torah and ~ulturally sch?larli~ess was valu~~:~ ;eant~~;:!~d.
95 As there were periods in history when Jews were not permItted to work In agnculture or tra

% The current Prime Minister's wife.

97 British actress.

99
 Discussion

2) The psychological impact of transgenerational issues: The significance of Jewish

history98

It may be argued from the analysis that much of Jewishness relates to the
generational transmission of its difficult history. Jewishness appeared to be a
memory of the past and an antiCipation of the future. Kaye .(1990) emphasises the
desire to identify with Jewishness as a statement of survival. The women said that
they did not think about Jewish history continually, but that on a subconscious level
it had a significant impact. It acts as a resonator of present events and emotions, in
that current issues reverberate from the past, so that beliefs and emotions are
amplified. This is illustrated by a number of themes:
• Family and community values about closeness and safety may be related to
historical insecurity. Thus, high involvement may be reframed as concern in
a historical and cultural context of fear.
• Feelings of being a 'long-term visitor' or vulnerable to being 'uprooted' may
be culturally transmitted by a historical external reinforcement of difference.
The discomfort many women felt about their minimal British yet significant
Jewish identity and perceiving there to be a choice between them, resonate
from the Inquisitions. There was a recognition of difference but a discomfort
in acknowledging it, through fear of the consequences. At times, women
pOinted to the more 'obvious' (and potentially more 'offensive' to the anti-
Semite) strictly orthodox Jews; perhaps as a distraction from their own
difference. This is reminiscent of the German Jews who attempted to
assimilate in the 1930's.

• Connections to Israel and having a 'place to go' may provide a 'secure base'
(Bowlby, 1988) in an insecure context.

• Pragmatism and proactivity (e.g. Zuk, 1978) may be a consequence of

historical upheaval.

• As Freud (1926) described, the women spoke about being 'banded together'
providing comfort in their discomfort, through psychological and physical
strength in number and being able to trust those similar. This would have

been realistic in certain periods.

. ., f B 't' h Although aware of their Britishness.

98Of note, the women did not discuss transgeneratIOnal.lssues 111 terms 0 n IS ness.
lewishness was discussed more vividly and almost exclUSively.

100
 Discussion

• Jews may choose not to reveal their identity and difference and wish to set
a positive example to combat and not 'justify' anti-Semitism for fear of
discrimination (e.g. Semans et ai, 2001).
• Many of the women spoke with humour and exaggeration about difficult
concepts. The use of humour may be to process suffering, through a
celebration of life and an ability to laugh at oneself (e.g. Schlossberger and
Hecker, 1998).

• The strong desire for continuity through knowledge and intra-marriage, so

as to 'not finish off what Hitler started'. The women spoke about instilling a
sense of Jewishness in their children. They distinguished this from
indoctrination. They perceived their children to be 'saturated' by the family
Jewishness, so that they could have the opportunity" to pass the culture on
further, as a legacy.

It is helpful to think about the significance of Jewish history and the consequential
anxiety in relation to Berke et ai's (1998) work about the relationship between
paranoia and persecution. A certain degree of paranoia is desirable, as it anticipates
danger. Their book title: 'Even paranoids have enemies' is a quote by Golda Meir99 ,
who said that even if she were paranoid, it would not alter the reality of her
country's enemies. Berke et al describe a socio-political and cultural transmission of
paranoia and persecution and highlight the complex and ambiguous relationship
between internal and external factors. They highlight Heron's writing about his
realistic paranoia about white police as a black man and Kogan's multigenerational,
realist perspective of paranoia and persecution in her psychoanalytic work with
children of Holocaust survivors. From this perspective the implications of
Jewishness and the necessity for cultural sensitivity is apparent.

3) The psychological impact of a bicultural identity of Jewishness and Britishness:

An 'inexplicable' identity
Much research demonstrates minority groups living 'biculturally' between their own
and the majority culture (e.g. Boyd Franklin, 1986, McGoldrick et ai, 1996). The
participants in this research described a 'dual identity', that spanned Jewish and
non-Jewish (Le. British, as well as gender, age and so on) identities. Their
descriptions fit with the Alternation model LaFromboise et al (1993) describe; in

101
 Discussion

that they were able to achieve bicultural competence through some sense of
belonging and efficacy in both Jewish and British cultures lOO •

The women described Jewishness as a fundamental part of their identity integrating

with and influencing their other identities to construct their 'whole' self. When
identity was possible to describe, it was spoken about in terms of the behaviours
and characteristics discussed. However, the influence of Jewishness was often
difficult to articulate and may perhaps be understood, in terms of a gestalt; the
'whole' being greater than the sum of its parts. Clearly this has implications for
services when attempting to understand clients' lived experiences.

The women often responded to questions with '1 don't know' or 'it just is'. They
often asked for the questions to be repeated or what 1 was looking for in their
answers. There were many pauses, sighs and word or concept repetition during the
interviews. At times each woman described her difficulty in articulating Jewishness:

P: I'm not really sure I'm fol/owing the question. Do you mean what~ important to
me about being Jewish?
I: Before we talked about a Jewish family... what does it mean to yOU being
Jewish?
P: What it means to me?
I: What does it look like? What does it feel like? What is it?
P: Ok, um, [after a pause she spoke about belonging, religion, tradition, family,
history and fear}. 3:4:133

Sometimes women were able to define Jewish identity in collective terms, as a

family or a community. However, individual Jewishness was difficult to explain.
Often participants thought 1 was asking them about religion:

P: We/~ I don't know what you mean about talking to people about my
Jewishness... Do you mean about how religious I am or what I practice? What do
you mean about Jewishness rather than ... ?

~9 Israeli Prime Minister during the 1973 Sinai T~l~s. b d d e identified with their lewishness
11HI As mentioned in footnote 98 above, the partIcIpants spoke more a out an seeme mor

than their Britishness.

102
 Discussion

l' I think that's the whole question of the research really! What does it mean to
different people I ask? What is Jewishness to you? Is it the religion, is it
something else? 6:6:205

The women described aspects of their identity that could not be seen and were not
always conscious. Participant one described 'non-tactile' emotional elements, such
as participant three's description of her son smelling chicken soup and associating it
with Shabbat. Perhaps Jewish identity was so difficult to think about and describe,
as it is such an embedded doxic knowledge 101 • However, at times, Jewishness was
recognised in others, for example, when the women described their own Jewish
mothers. Jewish identity may possibly be about an 'unthinking' Jewishness; having
assumptions so that explanations are not needed. This was illustrated when the
participants described accessing Jewish services.

Despite the theological origins which encourage questioning and debate, these
women preferred not to challenge their identities through explanation. Participant
six remarked that explaining Jewishness in detail makes it "odd". Perhaps if identity
is too deeply or individually considered the neat 'whole' participant six described
may fragment. Perhaps 'dulling' responses with 'I just do' without questioning
maintains integration. To a certain extent, the interview process 'unravelled' these
women's identities and this at times provoked confusion or pressure 102 • For
example, participant one said she felt like crying and participant seven complained
that the questions made her brain 'hurt'. The women often finished their responses
with 'that's it', which could, perhaps, be construed as 'that's it, don't ask me any
more'.

4) How systemic, transgenerational and bicultural issues potentially relate to

seeking and receiving Clinical Psychology services: Service Implications

Potential difficulties related to Jewishness

From the analysis a number of potential difficulties arose, which were also
highlighted in the literature:
• High involvement may be experienced as stifling, restrictive and infantilising
by some. However, it would be helpful to consider this contextually to avoid

101A cultural knowledge that is seldom (and often difficulty) described, as it is so 'natural'. For example, a fish does not need
to consider the water which surrounds it.

103
 Discussion

pathologising, for example, as 'neurotic', as involvement is culturally valued

and may be experienced as reassuring.
• Jewishness may result in a higher level of anxiety or 'paranoia' for the
transgenerational reasons outlined. A higher level of worry may be culturally
appropriate - it may be uncomfortable to think otherwise and 'tempt fate'.
Jewish clients may have a longer-term perspective, which may result in a
semi-conscious underlying fear. This relates to the American literature which
suggests that Jewish people have a higher rate of 'symptoms' (most
commonly anxiety or depression related) at a lower level of severity (Srole
et ai, 1962). This may relate to a greater tolerance of emotional behaviour.
• Difficulties that are not as common in the Jewish community, such as
substance misuse, suicide, domestic violence, child abuse and divorce may
be particularly difficult for Jewish families to admit to and cope with them,
for fear of shame and misunderstanding from the community.
• Jewish families may be particularly distressed about inter-marriage. For a
Jewish mother the distress may be taken very personally and perceived as
her failure to ensure cultural continuity.
• Although this research focuses on women who are married with children, it
is possible to speculate about single women from the way the women spoke
about their pre-married lives. The cultural and social emphasis on marriage
and children may have implications for those who are single, who may not,
as a result, feel wholly Jewish and part of the community. This may impact
on the identity and self-esteem of unmarried or childless women and cause
particular problems around infertility.

• The value of achievement may lead to difficulties in families. High

expectations and competition within families and amongst the community
may be pressurising and hopes placed on children may be perceived as
demanding. Families could seek help with difficulties about 'under'
achievement or anxiety around success. The discourse that parents would
just like their children to be happy may also be pressurising for children who
are expected to provide their parents and the community with 'naches'. For
the mother who is expected to 'do everything' ther.e may be instances of
'burn-out'. Jewish mothers may also subscribe to the belief that 'everyone is

1112 The women will be offered copies of the research, in order to promote reintegration.

104
 Discussion

more important than I am'. When working with this it is important to

positively connote the culturally-sanctioned benefits.
• Clients may experience higher levels of guilt. It would be helpful to consider
this contextually, as to an extent guilt is valued as a reminder of
responsibility and a tool to keep families together (e.g. Herz and Rosen,
1996)

Potential therapeutic implications related to Jewishness

The experience of the interviews, the analysis and the literature all highlight a
highly open and emotional communication style (e.g. Zborowski, 1952). This has
Significant implications for Clinical Psychology services. The ability to articulate
thoughts is respected and thus Jewish clients may be suited to 'talking therapies',
which incorporate feelings and consider under-lying mechanisms. Clients may
question and challenge therapists and this would be religiously and culturally
encouraged. Family therapy may contain noisy arguments, verbal threats, high-
emotionality, confrontation, teasing and sarcasm. A child may challenge a parent,
but it may be perceived as affection and taking interest; a healthy, comfortable,
connecting process (e.g. Schlossberger and Hecker, 1998). What appears to be
arrogant or hysterical may be a culturally-sanctioned way of assimilating
information (e.g. Langman, 1997).

As highlighted in the introduction, Jews may enquire about professional credentials

(for reassurance rather than challenge) and seek help earlier (so problems may
appear less severe). They may move services to search for more helpful recourses
or remain in therapy for long periods. This ability to make use of the system could
potentially be considered demanding by British cultural values which may favour
politeness over assertion, proactivity and pragmatism; all valued in Jewish culture.
Assertion reframed as 'pushiness' resembles anti-Semitic discourse in the literature

and described by the analysis.

However, although Jewishness endorses open communication, clients may not be

open about their Jewishness. At times the women were certain their Jewishness
was invisible to non-Jewish people, at others they were surprised at non-
recognition, for example, participant five's surprise that her husband's colleague did
not know the word 'Mazel Tov'. This will impact on therapy. Clients may make the
assumption that therapists recognise and understand aspects of Jewishness; or

105
 Discussion

through discomfort (such as, embarrassment or guilt) and/or wariness of anti-

Semitism choose to hide, not discuss the relevance or only show the 'good' side of
their Jewishness. The women said that they did not discuss their Jewishness in the
same way with non-Jewish people. This extract illustrates the service implications
of this; that Jewishness is a highly relevant issue, but may' not necessarily be felt
comfortable to discuss in depth:

P: I would feel a slight wariness.. .[but] it's such a huge part of all our lives.. .!'d feel
that I wouldn't be as honest with a non-Jewish therapist ..! think they wouldn't
understand. 1 :14:500

4.2Recommendations/future research

4.2.1 Recommendations
This section will be structured by suggested 'core competencies' to gain Jewish
perspective, as recommended by the women and made evident by the analysis. As
Patel (1999) notes, guidelines are inevitably a product of the author's values and
this will be reflected upon.

Cultural perspective
It would be helpful for therapists to use culturally sensitive practices developed
through working with other groups and acknowledge the cultural relativity of values
(e.g. Hines et ai, 1992), in order to be able to consider systemic and bicultural
contexts. In consequence, this will avoid a sequence where an individual or group's
difficulties are interpreted in terms of their difference to the majority culture. For
example, when a problem (e.g. family discord) is considered in terms of difference
in belief or behaviours (e.g. enmeshment) to the majority culture. Conversely, it
would be more sensitive to consider psychological concepts, such as enmeshment,
in other non-clinical Jewish families, then consider the families' difficulties from this
perspective. It may then perhaps be reframed as involvement and as a protective
factor. When working with Jewish families it is important to positively connote
culturally-sanctioned benefits of beliefs and behaviours. It would be useful to keep
in mind that strong family attachment (in the widest sense) and ethnic identity
have a positive effect on the mental health of Jews (Sauna 1992).

It is important for therapists to find a balance between 'cultural literacy' and

'respectful curiosity' (e.g. Dyche and Zayas, 1995); to acknowledge Jewishness

106
 Discussion

without making generalisations and reinforcing stereotypes Thus p ct' .

. ,ra Ice IS not
rigid and does not privilege particular perspectives. It would be useful for therapists
to have an awareness of 'bicultural existence' and the stress of assimilation, as well
as the reactions of the host culture generations later (e.g. McGoldrick et ai, 1996).
The women described cultural perspective as an understanding about 'where they
are coming from', rather than a theoretical or practical knowledge. It would also be
beneficial for therapists to consider their own culture, whether from Jewish,
majority or other minority background and view all therapy as intercultural (e.g.
Burman et ai, 1998).

Through these considerations, beliefs or behaviours should not be misinterpreted or

pathologised (e.g. Loewenthal, 2001). For example, parti~ipant one feared her
mother may be misunderstood and participant three experienced this, when her
therapist recommended she seek a Jewish therapist. Culturally compatible
techniques could include: using Rabbis, culturally-congruent metaphors and
humour as a resource.

Historical perspective
Jewish clients may have a longer-term perspective than other groups. Lieberman
(1998) and Schlossberger and Hecker, (1998) recommend thinking
transgenerationally with genograms, to look at, for example, worry or persecution.
Therapists from the majority should consider this Jewish perspective from the safe
context of Britain. That is, there has been no recent British experience of war inside
its borders, it has enjoyed democracy for centuries, there is no risk of natural
disaster and compared to other countries crime is relatively low. It may be argued
that this experience of safety has been transmitted through" British culture, just as
insecurity has been passed down through Jewish culture. Thus it may be important
for British therapists to be aware of their own historical perspective, as well as keep
in mind that of their clients.

Political perspective .. . .
It may be important to consider the current and recent political situation when
working with Jewish clients, particularly in relation to Israel and the Middle East.
Clients may have strong emotional and familial ties to Israel and as a consequence
may be concerned about difficulties in the Middle East, in terms of fear for their
friends and family and a wariness of non-Jewish opinion. The women spoke of their

107
 Discussion

discomfort about 'cultural clashes of opinion', which at times made them reluctant
to disclose their thoughts, feelings or identity. Concern that a therapist may hold
conflicting opinions are of course, at times, inevitable but it may be helpful to
consider them as potentially threatening to a Jewish client and have implications for
the therapeutic relationship.

Developing perspective
In developing these perspectives for 'cultural competence' a number of
recommendations could be made:

• Continual self-reflection and awareness, in order to gain increasing insight

of one's own culture, values and assumptions.

• Cultural sensitivity, for example, through respectful curiosity.

• Developing specific 'cultural literacy' through learning about relevant aspects

of Jewishness, such as, tradition, common life cycle patterns, Judaism,
Israel and the Holocaust. Information about these aspects can be found in
the books, journal articles and websites in the references section, popular
media, (in particular, 'Schindler's List' and 'Fiddler on the Roof') and
consultation with the community.

Developing safety
As with all therapy, development of a safe therapeutic environment is essential.
From a Jewish perspective, security may be particularly important. It may be
important to ask directly about Jewishness, in order to give permission for clients to
speak about Jewishness and anti-Semitism; just as research recommends overt
broaching of racism with Black clients (e.g. Ekdawi et ai, .2000). Jewish clients may
be wary about disclosing or discussing their Jewishness, therefore, perhaps, it is
the therapists' responsibility to make this space safe and available. It would be
helpful to emphasise confidentiality to avoid a fear that what is said may reflect on
other Jews. However, a wish for invisibility or not talking needs to be respected.
For some clients the safety needed for optimum therapeutic efficacy may be more
appropriately created through therapeutic matching, where clients feel more
understood, without wariness or the need to explain (e.g. Sue 1998).

108
 Discussion

4.2.2 Future Research

Just as this research has utilised the cultural research body in considering
Jewishness, it may be beneficial to consider Jewishness in relation to other cultural
groups. This is a focused piece of research and it would be interesting to extend
this research to incorporate a larger number of participants and then on to think
about Jewishness from other Jewish perspectives, for example, in terms of gender,
age, singlehood, Sephardim, non-North-West London Jews. Once a broader
understanding about cultural Jewishness is acquired, it would be useful to relate
the findings to clinical samples, for example, to investigate the links between
Jewish values or characteristics (such as, 'doing' or involvement) in clinical and
non-clinical families. It may be interesting to think about th~ impact of history and
anti-Semitism on those who have and have not directly experienced it.

4.3 Limitations of the research

There were a number of issues which may have affected the research process:
• Many of the women felt uncomfortable being tape-recorded. They often
continued their ideas with more comfort after the tape was switched off.
There was a concern about what would happen to the tapes and to the
research. Questions were also asked about my mental health background as
participants did not have mental health issues and were confused 103. In
discussion after some interviews ended, I was made aware that some detail
was left unsaid, due to discomfort about potential implications, such as anti-

Semitism.
There were concerns about the spectrum of people interviewed, as they
•
were fairly similar and quite observant. However, all the women self-defined
as primarily culturally Jewish and did not view themselves as religious Jews.
This is of significance to the findings; that religious observance may not

correlate with 'religiousness'.

The women often needed reassurance and were concerned whether they
•
were responding in a way I wanted.
Disruptions to the process, for example, interruptions from husbands,
•
children and pets, tiredness and concern about waking a baby.

Ill) Details were given in the information sheet (see appendix seven) and elaborated upon where necessary.

109
 Discussion

• Due to the nature of the questions, all of the women had to consider
aspects of their Jewishness they had not needed to compartmentalise and
articulate previously. Many said that they would need to think about these
issues and would probably have further ideas.
• I acknowledge that my Jewishness will have influenced the research process
and some phenomena may not have been made explicit, due to presumed
understanding on both sides. For example, participants repeatedly used
language, such 'you know what I mean'. However, I was careful in my
attempt not to 'over-understand' the women's explanations and tried to
obtain maximum data and not make assumptions 104 •
• As I was not able to transcribe the interviews personally, there were
particular issues of confidentiality, as, by coincidence, the transcriber was
also Jewish 105 • There was also a loss in familiarity with the data from not
personally transcribing. In order to minimise thiS, after transcription, the
transcripts were used as 'subtitles' whilst listening to the tapes.
• As discussed, the findings are drawn from a small sample number. The
small sample has allowed detailed analysis to be possible and findings
should be considered in terms of transferability, rather than generalisability.

4.4 Evaluation

Evaluation of the research will be considered in terms of the criteria suggested by

Elliot et al (1999) discussed in the Methodology.
• Owning one's perspective.
o An attempt was made to reflect on values and assumptions
throughout and a section dedicated to reflections follows.

• Situating the sample.

o The sample was 'situated' in the Methodology.

• Grounding in examples.
o The Analysis section contained numerous examples from the
transcripts and more detal'l is provided in app~ndix twelve.

, ' h' k'

l()~ For example, J have ideas, b~ing Jewish myself and J ~ t In Inf about this the whole way through and I'm going to be
et what ou're talking about, 1 wonder how much 1 get,
thinking about this after, J have Ideas that when you say thl~gs and g t( ;you are Jewish or not, maybe this is a time 10
g
because we are talking about this subject, about people getting °br ,not ge m tfior somebody who wouldn't know what you
be very explicit if you can. 1: 15: 522 Ok, could you elaborate a It more on th a
meant by that? 6:1:25 .
1U5 A contract of confidentiality was drawn up, see appendIx ten.

110
 Discussion

• Coherence.
o It was made apparent when themes represented all of or some of
the women ~ description of their experience.
• Providing credibility checks.
o Findings were frequently assessed in comparison to the literature
and this was stated in the Analysis and Discussion.
o A random selection of transcript extracts were shown to three
colleagues for them to assign to theme~ in order to make some
assessment of inter-rater reliabl'lity (appendix eleven). There were
24 extracts to assign to the ten categories. 19, 20 and 21 out of 24
extracts corresponded with my analysis; an average of
approximately 82 per cent correspondence.
o The findings from the analysis were shown to the research
supervisor and colleagues with a knowledge of Jewishness to gain
some assessment of face validity.
o Feedback was sought from the participants at the time of interview
and all of the research participants were given the opportunity to
comment on the interpretation of the data at a later date. During
and after the interview, the women often commented that they were
asked ''good'' or ''interesting'' questions, which made them think in a
way they may not had thought before. They also often commented
that the interview was difficult or "draining'~ It was possible to
feedback the findings to one of the participants and give her an
opportunity to validate the account of her experience. She said that
she thought the analysis was representative; that it was "velY true,
but scalY" in that it was sometimes 'so close to home/~ She said that
she was uncomfortable with the concept of 'Jewish neurosis; in
terms of its perception by the non-Jewish reader and not wanting it
to "cause problems'~ Participants will have a further possibility for
feedback when they are given the opportunity to read the thesis.

III
 Discussion

4.5 Reflections

As I have disclosed, I am a young, Jewish, unmarried, childless woman. I am,

therefore, a product of many parts of the phenomenon under investigation. I am
affected by the values and assumptions of the Jewish cultu~e, as well as my other
identities (such as, being a white, female Psychologist). Throughout the process I
have been impacted upon by the phenomena illustrated by the themes. I am able
to recognise in myself or other Jewish people each theme described. For example, I
experienced the warmth, comfort, pride and pleasure the women described during
the interview process. However, along with the participants, I also experienced
feelings of guilt. I was aware that participants were at times particularly unguarded
with me because I am Jewish 106 and that this facilitated the data collection. Despite
my openness about the purpose and audience of the research, I experienced a
sense of treacherous responsibility about undertaking it, due to my own fears of
discrimination, particularly in relation to current and historical events. I was
concerned about how these women and my culture would be portrayed to the
reader. I too was aware of wanting to 'show the good side' and not 'justify anti-
Semitism'. As the women and the literature have described, I experienced a
wariness in discussing Jewishness.

I have been highly involved and passionate about this research and was keen not
to become 'blinkered' by this. Furthermore, I have been aware, as a single, Jewish
woman, my life has had many comparable aspects to those of the participants
when single and that their current married lives represented my own aspirations of
Jewishness. Therefore, continual self-reflection through my journal and regular
supervision, with a focus and awareness of these issues, was essential. In
summary, I have been faSCinated and challenged throughout. My connection to the
phenomena has been critical to acknowledge, yet has also been highly valuable in
providing considerable energy for the research and aiding my rapport with and
understanding of these women, in order to suggest potentially beneficial

recommendations for services.

. h h t [' oken to you being aware thaI you're

1116 For example, 1 certainly wOllldn't talk to a non-Jewish therapist t e way t a ve sp ,
Jewish. 1:14:516

112
 References

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122
 Glossary of terms

Glossary of terms

Aliyah - Immigration of Jews to Israel literally Hebrew for 'ascent'.

Ashkenazi lews - Jews of Eastern European origin.

Barl Bat Mitzvah - Ceremony in Synagogue on Shabbat marking the entry of a

boy or girl into the adult, Jewish religious community. Traditionally at age 13 for a
boy and 12 for a girl.

Chai - Hebrew word for 'life', often worn as a necklace.

Chupah - Jewish marriage ceremony and marriage canopy.

Diaspora - Jews who live outside Israel.

Frumj Frummer - Yiddish for 'strictly religious; religious Jew'.

Halachalot - Religious law/s.

Haredi - Strictly-orthodox e.g. Chasidic.

Hebrew - Biblical language. Modern Hebrew is the national language of Israel.

Many Diaspora Jews learn Hebrew from childhood, in order to follow services and
to speak and feel connected with Israelis.

Kneidlach - Traditional Ashkenazi dumplings in chicken soup.

Kosher - Food permitted under Biblical law.

Ladino - Language of the Sephardi community; combining Italian, Spanish and

Portuguese.

Liberal ludaism - Emphasis on Jewish ethics, without the ritual, therefore, for
example, services are often in English.

Magen David - Hebrew word for 'Star of David', often worn as a necklace.

123
 Glossary of terms

Masorti Judaism - Literally Hebrew for 'traditional'. The Masorti theological

position is between Orthodox and Reform.

Matzah; Matzot - Unleavened bread eaten during Passover to symbolise the

bread eaten by the Israelites, who did not have time to let it rise when escaping
from Egypt.

Mazel Tov - Literally 'good luck', but often used for 'congratulations'.

Mezuzah - Parchment scroll containing verses from the Torah, fixed to right-hand
doorposts of Jewish homes.
Mikveh - Ritual bath used for purification, as part of Biblical hygiene laws.

Mitzvah; Mitzvot - Literally Hebrew for 'Biblical order/s', such as 'keeping' the
Sabbath, but it has also become colloquially known as a 'good deed', for example,
one could hear someone say 'I'm glad I helped her, it's a mitzvah'. There are 613
mitzvot.

Naches - Yiddish for 'Pleasure, joy - particularly from achievements of a child",the

glow of pleasure-plus-pride that only a child can give to its parents'.

Pesach - Passover eight day festival in early spring celebrating the Exodus of the
Israelites from Egypt.

Purim - Festival that commemorates Esther saving the Jewish people from
genocide by Haman in Persia.

Reform Judaism - Adaptation of the religion for modern living, for example men
and women sit together during services.

Schmaltz - Yiddish for 'excessive sentimentality'.

Seder _ Ceremonial meal and special service in the home on the first evening of

Passover.

. J f Span'lsh portuguese and Middle Eastern decent.

Sephardi Jews - ews 0 ,
Sephardi Synagogues are of Spanish and portuguese origin; the longest settled

124
 Glossary of terms

section of British Jewry. Sephardi services differ in tradition from Ashkenazi

services.

Shabbat - Sabbath/ Saturday.

Shiva - Seven day family and community mourning period after a bereavement.

Shul - Yiddish word commonly used for 'Synagogue'.

Talmud - Religious text documenting Rabbinical commentary of Biblical laws.

Tzimes - Ashkenazi traditional fruit or vegetable dish. Yiddish for 'prolonged

procedure/trouble'.

Union of Orthodox - Haredi (i.e.' strictly-orthodox e.g. Chasidic) Synagogue.

Yiddish - Language of the Ashkenazi community; combining Russian, Polish,

German and Hebrew.

Yom Kippur - Day of Atonement; fast day observed ten days after Rosh
Hashanah.

Zionist; Zionism - Zionists support the state of Israel. The Zionist movement
aimed to create a Jewish state in Israel; it began at the end of the 19th century.
Zionists are those who believe in the importance and legitimacy of a Jewish
homeland.

125
 Appendices

Appendix one: Jewish history

A Detailed History of Anti-Semitism

Early anti-Semitism
By the fourth century early Christian leaders voiced many anti-Semitic statements,
such as Chrysostom (leader of the Christians of Antioch in the 4th century CE): ''The
Jews are lecherous, avaricious, lovers of money, traitors, criminals, murderers, stiff-
necked, destructive, possessed by evil spirits ... they have overthrown the natural
order ... there is no atonement, forgiveness or absolution [for killing Jesus]." They
struggled with the dilemma of Jews as brothers of Christians who could be saved and
sinners who had killed Jesus. In the 5th century CE, Augustine, one of the founding
fathers of the church, outlined an approach which answered this dilemma: "Do not kill
them ... Disperse them"; since their existence in the world and their humiliation is proof
of the victory of Christianity over Judaism.

The Middle Ages

During the Middle Ages, the stereotypes and fear intensified. Jews were
seen to strive to damage SOCiety, reject revelation and prevent others' salvation. Myths
7
about Jewish rituals, such as using Christian babies' blood for matzotl° , being sons of
the devil, (with links to ideas about killing Jesus) emerged. Massacres of Jews occurred
in many British cities in 1190, most notably in York. In 1475 the Jews in Trent were
burnt at the stake in accusation of the murder of a baby for ritual. In popular culture,
there were satanic pictures of Jews with horns and tails, breastfeeding from pigs and
performing harmful rituals against Christians or causing the suffering of Jesus himself.
Shakespeare created the character of 'the merchant of Venice's 'Shylock' with blatant
anti-Semitic overtones despite being a time when Jews were exiled from England.

d b th Israelites who did not have lime to let

1117 Unleavened bread eaten during Passover to symbolically represent the brea eaten Y e ,
it rise when escaping from Egypt.

126
 Appendices

Contemporary anti-Semitism

Holocaust revisionism:

" ... Lies surfaced about Jews being murdered here and there, and the Holocaust. And,
of course, they are all lies and unfounded claims ... no Dachau, no Auschwitz! [They]
were disinfection sites ... They began to publicize in their propaganda that they were
persecuted, murdered and exterminated". Dr. Issam Sissalem, history lecturer, Islamic
University Gaza, Palestinian Authority TV broadcast, November 29, 2000.

"One of the Jews' evil deeds is what has come to be called 'the Holocaust,' that is, the
slaughter of the Jews by Nazism. However, revisionist [historians] have proven that
this crime, carried out against some of the Jews, was planned by the Jews' leaders,
and was part of their policy...These are the Jews against whom we fight, oh beloved of
Allah." Sermon broadcast on Palestinian Authority television, September 21, 2001.

European anti-Semitism:
The Extreme Right are prevalent across Europe and the incr~ase in political power is
particularly concerning in France, Germany, Belgium, Austria, Switzerland and Italy.
Anti-Semitic violence is particularly high in France and Belgium, but it exists throughout
Europe. In a survey of 2,500 people in Austria, Italy, the Netherlands, Spain and
Switzerland in September 2002, 21 0/0 harboured strong anti-Semitic views. It is
interesting that Spain, with only 12,000 Jews in its population of 39.6 million, had the
highest percentage of anti-Semitic views (The Anti Defamation League, 2003).

British anti-Semitism:
"The release today of figures by the Community Security Trust clearly demonstrates
the link between increasing tension in the Middle East and the increasing number of
attacks against the Jewish community in Britain. There should be no place in Britain for
those who seek to justify or encourage suicide bombings, and I would like to see
groups like AI Muhajiroun banned... Britain should not be a safe haven for those
members of Islamic Jihad and Hamas who seek to derail the .newl y invigorated peace
process in the Middle East" Oliver Letwin MP, Shadow Home Secretary (01/05) (Bicom,

2003).

127
 Appendices

The Community Security Trust (CST) recorded 89 anti-Semitic incidents in Britain in the
first quarter of 2003, a 75% rise on the first quarter of last year. There were 43
incidents in March 2003, the highest total for the month of March for 11 years. This
significant rise in incidents coincided with the war in Iraq, as was predicted by both the
Police and Jewish Communal organisations. Mike Whine, CST Director of
Communications said: ''The increase in anti-Semitic incidents. is a cause for concern.
The Iraq War fed anti-Semitism because groups from across the political and social
spectrum alleged that the war was fought for 'Zionist' interests." In 2001 there were
301 Anti-Semitic incidents in Britain. Attacks peaked in September and October
(coinciding with Islamic/Palestinian Terrorist activity). The Union of Jewish Students
reported 310 incidents on campus in 2001, up from 245 in 1995 (The Guardian, 2003).

Violent assaults in Britain included: hit-and-run attempts at the time of the High Holy
Days (September 1997) in Manchester and Borehamwood, when car drivers
deliberately attempted to hit worshippers on their way to or from Synagogues; assaults
on orthodox Jews in Golders Green (July 1997), Stamford Hill (July and August 1997)
and Manchester (June, September, October and November 1997); and air-rifle
shootings of a Rabbi and congregants in Muswell Hill (July 1997). A man has been
charged with attempted murder after stabbing a Jewish student 30 times on a London
bus (Anti-Semitism and xenophobia today, 2003).

Synagogues were attacked in London's Finsbury Park (April 2002) Swansea (July 2002)
and Belfast, (July 2002), as well as Jewish buildings in Glasgow (March 2002) and
Dundee (July 2001), a memorial in Nottingham (April 2002) and five Jewish cemeteries
in the first half of 2002. In the attack on the Finsbury Park Synagogue, vandals spray-
painted swastikas, smashed windows, scattered prayer books and religious articles,
sprayed the ark with paint, destroyed furniture and defecated at the Synagogue's

entrance.

Anti-Zionism/lsraelism as anti-Semitism:
In the Middle East old myths have re-emerged. Of course, not all Arabs and Muslims
subscribe to these views, but the following examples are beliefs held by important

officials and disseminated by major media:

128
 Appendices

"They [the Jews] try to kill the principle of religions with the same mentality that they
betrayed Jesus Christ and the same way they tried to betray and kill the Prophet
Mohammed." Syrian President Bashar Assad at a welcoming ceremony for the Pope,
Canadian Broadcasting Corporation, May 6, 2001.

"The Talmud says that if a Jew does not drink every year the blood of a non-Jewish
man, he will be damned for eternity." Saudi Arabian delegate Marouf al-Dawalibi
before the UN Human Rights Commission conference on religious tolerance December
5, 1984.

"During this holiday [Purim], the Jew must prepare very special pastries ...the Jewish
people must obtain human blood so that their clerics can prepare the holiday
pastries.... Before I go into the details, I would like to clarify that the Jews' spilling
human blood to prepare pastry for their holidays is a well-established fact, historically
and legally, all throughout history. This was one of the main reasons for the
persecution and exile that were their lot in Europe and Asia at various times .... during
the holiday, the Jews wear carnival-style masks and costumes and overindulge in
drinking alcohol, prostitution, and adultery ... " Dr. Umayma Ahmad AI-Jalahma of King
Faysal University Saudi Arabia government daily AI-Riyadh, March 10, 2002 (Myths and
facts online, 2003).

Jordanian and PA schoolbooks have used fictitious Talmudic quotations to accuse the
Jews of planning to destabilise the world for their own gain: "It is mentioned in the
Talmud: "We [the Jews] are God's people on earth ... We m.ust marry our beautiful
daughters with kings, ministers and lords and enter our sons into the various religions,
thus, we will have the final word in managing the countries. We should cheat them
[the non-Jews] and arouse quarrels among them, then they fight each other ... Non-
Jews are pigs who God created in the shape of man in order that they be fit for service
for the Jews ... " The Contemporary History of the Arabs and the World, p.120, in use in

2001.

The Centre for Monitoring the Impact of Peace has reviewed Palestinian Authority
schoolbooks and demonstrated that such books do not educate for peace. For

129
 Appendices

example, 'Our Country Palestine' (al-Deba'a 1947 expanded 'In 1965) h'
" says on t e title
page of Volume I: "There is no alternative to destroying Israel." The European Union
has decided to stop funding Palestinian Authority schoolbooks that contain anti-Semitic
material. (Myths and facts online, 2003).

In Britain, Jewish and Muslim leaders are doing their best to maintain calm within their
communities, stressing that there is a big difference between anti-Semitism and
legitimate criticism of Israel. However, there are many examples of deliberate
incitement by radicals:

"The Jews are Jews ... They do not have any moderates or any advocates of peace.
They are all liars. They are the ones who must be butchered and killed. As Allah the
Almighty said: 'Fight them.' Allah will torture them by your hands and will humiliate
them and will help you to overcome them, and will relieve th~ minds of the believers .
... Our people must unite in one trench, and receive armaments from the Palestinian
leadership to confront the Jews .... Have no mercy on the Jews, no matter where they
are, in any country. Fight them, wherever you are. Whenever you meet them, kill
them. Wherever you are, kill those Jews and those Americans who are like them -
and those who stand with them - they are all in one trench, against the Arabs and the
Muslims ... " Dr Ahmad Abu-Halabia, member of the 'Fatwa Council' appointed by the
Palestinian Authority and former acting Rector of the Islamic University of Gaza,
delivered in the Zayd bin Sultan Nahyan mosque in Gaza, broadcast on Palestinian
Authority television, October 13, 2000.

"All weapons must be aimed at the Jews, at the enemies of Allah ... whom the Koran
describes as monkeys and pigs, worshippers of the calf and idol worshippers. Allah
shall make the Moslem rule over the Jew, we will blow them up in Hadera, we will blow
them up in Tel Aviv and in Netanya in the righteousness of Allah against this riff-
raff... We will enter Jerusalem as conquerors, and Jaffa as conquerors, and Haifa as
conquerors and Ashkelon as conquerors ... we bless all those who educate their children
to jihad and to Martyrdom, blessing be he who shot a bullet into the head of a Jew."
Sermon broadcast on Palestinian Authority television, August 3, 2001.

130
 Appendices

" ... Allah willing, this unjust state .. .Israel will be erased; this unjust state, the United
States will be erased; this unjust state, Britain will be erased ... Blessings to whoever
waged Jihad for the sake of Allah ... Blessings to whoever put a'belt of explosives on his
body or on his sons' and plunged into the midst of the Jews ... " Sermon by Sheikh
Ibrahim Madhi a few days after Vasser Arafat's cease-fire declaration Palestinian
Authority Television, June 8, 2001.

"0 God, the Jews have transgressed all limits in their tyranny. 0 God, shake the
ground under their feet, pour torture on them, and destroy all of them." Sheikh Abd-al-
Bari al-Thubayt, sermon at the Holy Mosque of Medina, broadcast on official Saudi
television, June 7, 2002 (The Anti-Defamation League, 2003).

131
 Appendices

The following cartoons are from media in These cartoon 'taps into' old myths about
the Middle East. The first two cartoons use Jews eating babies or drinking blood for
Jewish symbols to make links, such as with rituals, killing Jesus and having links with
the devil:

Nazism: _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ __

Tishreen (Syria), April 30, 2000

AI-Quds (Palestinian Authority), May 17,

2001.

'After a Ceasefire':

AI-Ba'ath (Syria), March 1, 2000.

AI-Istiqlal (Palestinian Authority),
This cartoon depicts Shimon Perez (Former
June 7, 2001.
left-wing Israeli Prime minister) as a Nazi:
Many cartoons imply that Jews control the
world through American Foreign Policy. This
cartoon is entitled 'U.s. Pressure' and uses
Nazi imagery to suggest this :

AI-Arabi (Egypt), April 29, 2001.

-~r~l,
, .'
.. . . :. ~.~if/JI'!"!"~-
- :.~- . -' :- - - -- :..
This cartoon: 'Sharon the Murderer' uses
classic imagery of a pig and a swastika: AI-Ahali (Egypt), September 20, 2000.

AI-Wata (Egypt) May 4, 2001.

132
 Appendices

A Chronology of some instances of anti-Semitism

19 C.E. ews ex elled from ROllJe and Italy·.····~·--·-=~=~===--------·-----·--·---·---·-.--

sacre of Jews in Egypt_.__
...~r.!~.I.!.i.9..Q!.. . ~h.~rsh .. ~9..~h.~rr. .'!:!~!~~~~.i_~ . 9.Q!i=~.~.".Y..i?h._R9J~r.!lj£J~~~~~~~~':l_~_~_udaeos .. :
hristian Church formulates its policy: the Jews must continue to exist in se~I~~i~~--~
nd humiliation .
--
.............•.................................•..

of the Jews.
I

1~==4E~~~~~~~~=-=--=··-··=-=·---=--·-=-~-=-.---=--=_~-:j

l~"'===~~;;;;ii;:i:i:;~~~~~=== _===_=_=.w..=.=.=.. =.============ -"I

f

====i~~~~~~~~================================1
. .. . -.-.---------.--.--- . . . . . . . . :I

~~
""7~~~=

sh ersecutions in France.
.... ====
= .......;.= . .; ;, ;. ; . . . . . ;. ;
..=. . . . . . . . .= ,•. .................................................;
~======!

lood libel at Lincoln, England. _.. _. ___ . ________. ___.___ .___ .. ___._._____ _

,
cre of Jews in German. ---------=--="'41;
,
u lsi <?Q_QfJ.~'!:!~Jr.Q-IJ:l.-E~~.Q.~~.·- ... - ..... -.--- ... - - - -..-.-.--- --------.--.-.. - .!
Crusade attack Jews in France. ----~I
,I

··~~~···a~~~·~~·d···;f··poisOning Christians with the Plague through wells - massacres In

I~==== . ..P9..~QL . . Ei9.Q.S.~L.§.~~r.!l.9..Qy.9Q_g...A~.~!r..i.9.~__ ...-.. . .--.. --........... -.--- . -.. . -- .---.. .------.. - . -... ......-------
ssacre of the Prague community. -
ve-;-f~assacres and conversions in 5 ain and Balearic Islands.
ion from_France. _~_ ----
ibel in Poland. .
onfiscation of posseSSions, conversion, 270 Jews burnt at stake and expulsion o f !
ews from Austria. --.--
I~===···
Massacre
.......... -.. . . . -.. . .-.. -.. . . -.and . . -.. . .-....................................of.)_~'!:!~i.£l.-~9jqr.~.9:-.-
. .-.. . . -.. conversion -.. ..-.. --.---------~··------------------- _._i
stablisQment of .9hettos in Moroc59.:-_ _

133
 Appendices

.......................... ,-- ...... . • . . . . . ,;.. ._. om . . . . _ . . . . _ . _ . _ . . . . _ . _ •• m __ ..!

............................................_ .. _ ..•. __ ..•. _ •• _._ ••• _- •..•..... _ ••...• ____ •... _._._._ •• __ ••.••.• _. . . . . . . . _ .. _ ••• _ •.. ..l

~~~~:~~~~~~~~~~==========~=============
n --... __.... -
Ii

-~

IO;:)~)O\"'.1 c;:) initiated by Bogdan Chmielnicki, leader of the Cossacks 100 000 Jews
in the Ukraine 300 communities destro ed. ' ,
of Jews durin the wars of Polan~ainst Sweden and R~ia. --'
ulsion from Vienna: Blood libel in Franc~. ------------ -------··~I
--1\
I
.__.--.1

ion of most Jewish communities of Morocco.

5 provinces in Russia established for Jews: Jews forbidden to settle elsewhere in
Russia.
~~~=

e of Jews in AI eria. = ....

~~.......;.~~~~~~;;;;;;;;;;;;;;. . . . . . . . . .;.;. ;m; ; •••
;;;; _ m . . . . . . _ m _ . . . . . . . _ . _ •• _ _ . . . . . . . . . . . . m . . _ . . . . . . . . . , • • • _ • • • • • m _ . . . . . . _ . _ _ ••••• _ . m . . . . . . . . . . _ ••••••••
........ .J
essive constitution for the Jews in Russia issued b Czar Nicholas 1.
.......I.i. ~~I ....i!l_. P_(;I.r:n.9.~~!:J..~ . (Ib.~-g~r:n9..~~.!:J.?_~ff.9JE1~.-.---.-- .......-...........--.--- ............ -- .. -...---................-.--................
Blood libel in Saratov (Russia), bringing a renewal of the blood libel throughout
Russia.
87fti Adolf Stoecker founds the Social Workers' Party, beginning of political anti-Semitic
..... .................1 r:ngY..~r.!.l.~!lL ...................._._........................ ·_. · . . ·..··. ·.......-.. -.-..............- .. --...---..- ........------.-..---.---.-.-..---.-.--.-,
879 einrich von Treitschke, German historian and politician, justifies anti-Semitic
.....,...,..,.......,',." ..,..,....,..,.,.,J ~9.r.n..P.9..i.g!l.?,",i!l.,.,~_~rr.!.l.9.,!lyf.",,~ri,!lgi,!lg ..9.!l!!~,?~r.!.ll~L~!n ..i!:!!gJ~.9Er.!~~L~i!:.<:J~?,~. -----.,- . . . . .--- ........,-.-., . -.j
===8= 0 roms swee southern Russia begin~ing of mass Jewish emiwation.
. I in Hun a which aroused su ortive ublic 0 inion throu hout Euro 'j

international A~~i-Jewish Congress convened in Germany. ---~ ;;;;.m. _ _

ay Laws" adopted policies to remove Jews from economiC and public positions in i

ssia. --- -,----------.

ulsion of about 10,000 Russian Jews refu ees of 1881-1884 0 roms, from

134
 Appendices

.... ,... " .....-, .... .. ····_··_·····_._._.ri ........... _..

~.-

891 ~!Q.Q.q...UJ?.~.IJIJ.§.~!.man'i. --,

Ex ulsion from M~'~~~~;:"'R~'~~i~:""""'--'-'-'--"""--"----'-' --.---- . .-- ---------

arl Lueger esta?lishes in Vienna the anti-Semitic Christian Social P rty d

ecomes ma or In 1897. a an
1.f!:~~LQ~~'if~~ . !~.i9.L[D.~~~~~~=.. ..... _~~~--------- -··.. c· ..- - - -

lood libel in ~~~(t~.e Hilsner casei~-·:=-·-----·---·--- .=. -=

. .-.=.--=-.-.=. .-=.--.~~---..;;
roms in Russia. ---..--- .. ;:.;,;!

---------- --~~
!
---_._..__.--1
.... !

roms in Mor~~~~~-·--·-·-·---- --.. --.----..-.. -.. . . . . .-......-.=;."'"..=......=. -.. =. .-..=...... =- ====

.......=
.......=. -..= . . -.=. .=.......=-.=·-··=·-····=·~·I
.....-=

1917-21 roms in the Ukraine and Poland. Tens of thousands of Jews killed.
1919 oms in Hun a : 3,000 Jews killed.
1920 enry Ford I begins a series of anti-Semitic articles-b~-~ed on the Protocols of the
Iders of Zion. . ___..________.___________ ..._ .. _ _ _--.J
omic restrictions on Jews in Poland. ----.---"'-~

c:!glLHitler's Mein Kampf. ________

dolf Hitler elected. Anti-Jewish economic bo cott: first concentration-cam s.
.r~.~.!?~m...~Cl.~~i. IJ.~rE>.~:'-~.S~.g_~.......... ...... .... . .____ . _.___._._ . _. ._. . . __.... . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . -----.--.. -.--.- . . . . . . --.-
sacres of Jews in man Arab countries.
- mitic Ie islation in Rumania.

groms in Vienna, anti-Jewish legislation introduced: deportations to camps in

stria and German.
allnacht in Germany and Austria: Jewish businesses attacked, Synagogues J
t, Je~ent to concentration cam~ ____ _J
'aile islation introduced in Ital,. Anti Jewish economic legislation in Hun2a~l!
-Jewish . .laws
. . . . . . . . . . . introduced
. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . in
. . . . . .Czechoslovakia
.-.. . . . . . . . . . . . . .--.. . .-...........-.. . . . ... . . .-.. -.. . .-.-...--..........-..-.--.. .-.....-.. .-........................-...................-........................... .i
of World War 11. Po roms in Poland· be innin of the Holocaust. ~. --..
azi Germany introduces gassing .
......................................................................................._ ... _c....c........ c.·.················· ...- ....•- ....... - .............- ..................... ;....---.-..•.-.-..- ......---...... ----.... - ........ --......- ......•...............;=~

ormation of ghettos in Poland: mass shootings of Jews: Auschwitz and Belzec I

..~.~~.r.n.i. 1J9.tiQIJ. . ~9~.P.~. ~ . . . . . . . .__.c._ ..... __ .. _ ...................... _.. _........_.. _. __ .___..c····· .-.-..------........-.- ..... ----------------.-.- ..... -..--~
1941 Majdanek, Chelmno and Treblinka extermination camps established. Anti-Jewish
laws in Slovakia. Pogroms in Rumania and Baltic states. Expulsions of Jews from the
{Germany to Poland. Beginning of deportation and murder of Jews in France. Nazi
.
.1G.~.r~.9 t:1_l. it:1_~rQg.~.s~.?.gCl~~i.Qg. .J.Q..~~~.~J.~-Cl~.lQ.IJ._S9.!"!!ps ~-.- . . .--.-------..-....--.. . . -.. -..---........
e "Final Solution". Mass transport of Belgian and Dutch Jews to Auschwitz.
obibor extermination camp estaql isb~q.~ __.______. ._.._.. _.._______·_______________ ______·-- ----

ation of Hungarii:ln Jewry ..

135
 Appendices

............ _ ....... u u ••• _ •• u _ •••• _ •• • • • • • • _ . _ . _ . _ ••• ' _ _ _ _ ••• _ ••••• _ _ ••

_.~~ ~ . ._ _ _ ._~_~ •• _._.~ ••• _ _ _ _ . . . _._._. _ _ •• _ .... _ _ _ .~ _ _ _ •• __ • _ _ _ _ _ _ • _ _ _ _ _ _ _

an surrenders estimated Jewish victims in the Holocaust: six million.

ewish culture in U.S.S.R. su ressed and Jewish intellectuals shot.

rague Trials (SlanskY). Many intellectuals in Russia disappear or sent to work
am s.
~!J.QQ.. . 2C~!?9g2.~~.'. .pt2r'..Jn_.!b_~_1l.~.§· S_~Ih._can~~l1~ with Stalin's death.
of E t ex elled.
ic version of the Protocols of the Elders of Zion ublished in E t.
esh wave of anti-Semitism in Poland; emigration of most of the remaining Jews of
land.
executed in Ira .
Is of Soviet Jews, for right to emigrate.

(Anti-Semitism, Keter Publishing House, Jerusalem, 1974)

136
 Append ices

Appendix two: British and world Jewry population estimates

There are Jews throughout Britain (e.g. Aberdeen, Cornwall, Belfast, and Norwich).
However, historically they have congregated in communities. The tables below show
world and British Jewish population estimates.

World Jewish Population Changing Jewish population 1950-95

(OOOs)

lYear: Estimate

500 ,,'1
l~
t
,
~
~

4<JO -·1

1970 12 630 000

198 ,840~00 i
[~o" 12:87'0O-~ ~;
f
2000 13,191,500
............................................ _.............,.....,... .:).oO "t
~
!
~
>

Lower portion=Greater London, top portion=Rest

(Jewish Virtual Library, 2003)
of Britain

137
 Appendices

population Estimates for Britain according to area, 1985 and 1995

lC~rdiff mu._m_uJr. ?,Q99______l1,?:()0

_..._...._.... _._.... -.-..... --.._....... _...... ~L100
,i ....Luton uJI1,~00 --" \
j

Ii Gateshead unavailable 11,100 l

i~9~!hp9'1 .2,9.Q()___ m_ .. JJL!99 ~

lffi~~~;':sti:jt~~~~- _Jti~t . ~
IL.Ngn!.ngh..~ ~_J[ 1{009____m __ JL~_9Q__ m__ m_
il Edinburgh JI);OOO m )1900 __ 1 m __

I O!h.~F....___.. ~!19Q__u . ulJ.!!?:9.9---,

i 308,000 J1285,000=.I

138
 Appendices
Appendix four: Advert

What's it like being a Jewish mother?

For my doctoral thesis in Clinical Psychology, I am interested in talking to Jewish

mothers aged 30-39 about their experience of being Jewish and raising children, so
that psychology services can think about ways of being culturally sensitive. There has
been lots of similar research about other cultural groups and, being Jewish myself, I
thought it would be important to consider Jewish families.

So if you live in London and would define yourself as primarily culturally Jewish (rather
than religiously/observantly Jewish - as there has been. considerable research in this
area) and would be willing to spend an hour having a confidential chat about it, please
contact Lisa through xxxx on 0208 xxx xxxx at the University of East London or
xxxx@yahoo.co.uk for more information.

139
 Appendices

Appendix five: Demographic questionnaire

Age:
Age of husband:
Age and gender of children:
Ethnicity:
Occupation:
Occupation of husband:
Type of school attended by children:

Which best describes you? (This does not relate to observance)

Although I was born Jewish, I do not think of myself now as being Jewish in any way
I am aware of my Jewishness, but I do not think about it very often
I feel quite strongly Jewish, but I am equally conscious of other aspects of my life
I feel extremely conscious of being Jewish and it is very important to me

In terms of Jewish religious practice, which of the following best describes your
position?

Non-practicing (i.e. secular)

Non-orthodox, (e.g. 'just Jewish', Liberal, Progressive, Reform)
Traditional (but not strictly orthodox)
Strictly orthodox (e.g. would not turn on a light on the Sabbath)

In the past year how often have you attended a Synagogue service?

Not at all
Once or twice (e.g. Yom Kippur)
On a few occasions (e.g. festival, Yahrzeit)
About once a month
Most Sabbaths or more often

Do you do any of the following?

Fast on Yom Kippur

Prefer to stay home on Friday night
Refrain from work on the Jewish New Year
Refrain from driving or travelling on Sabbath
Always light candles on Friday night
Sometimes light candles on Friday night (always/sometimes/never)

Have a Mezuzah (on all doors/ on front door/ no)

Attend a Seder meal (every year/ most years/ some years/ never) .
Take part in any seasonal activities at Christmas time (e.g. presents, decorations)

140
 Appendices

Appendix six: Comparison figures to Schmool and Miller's (1994) survey

(Column one: number of participants out of eight; column two: participants from
survey as a percentage.

Ide~!!~. _____

I
'i am ~~a~e:~S:;~:~~:i~:~:, ::;~::h~: ~~i::::;; =:ry~~~~ewiSh I~ :[ ~I
. 4 f-S4 . i
I ............................................ - ..... - .............. _.... _... - .........._-.. -_...... - .... _................ _..................... - .. _... _-_ .. _...- .. _..... _-_._ ... _.............._..... __ ... _... __ ._ ..... _....._.

[I f~_eI9uite stro~Qly Jewish! b'ut} ~'~. eq~a~~On~cious oi'~th~r ~~p~~·_.~: ::t

_ _._. _...._ '. jl ----' . ...

IL.~_.!~~.I.~~~~~~~!y~?~~~.i.?~.~?.t..~~.!~.~_~.~~.i.~~u~.~.9. .!~.~~ . y~~.i~ p?~~nt!?.r1l~='; '4.- ;3~

~ -"'---, . ,~.~,.-............

Religious practice:
[-.. -··~~p~~~i·~g=Q:;=-.-:=~~=-~u=--i~=~il=-·~~=-~~=~~~~=~~==~~=::=__._=.~:~=.=
__~=.
__~=~ . __ __ __=._=__=-'-=_=-~=-wJ=""ill=o=-o;;r;1=4' i
! NOD.:9.T~hq.q9.~!. . ~_~9.~...ly?~. .~.~."ii?b.~(. . L.i.~~E9.Ir._E.~9.9E~??.iy~L.g~f.q~.'!l. . _. . . . . .;[fJ[?fLJ
rf-~~ditional '{but not ?tri<!ly orthodox) __ _ i 6 II 43 ;'
! rictly orthodox (e.g. would not turn on light on Sabbath)
.~ -~ .-""""~ , ,
.-JOIJITJ
Synagogue attendance per year:
tall
.~"""""'_~_'<o"""""''''''''''''_~_'''''''''''~_'''~~'''''''''' _ _ __

a few o~casions (e. . ~

About once a month
... -..... -..
... - --..........-.- ................. _........... .........•............
-.-~ ... .

Most Sabbaths or m~o~r~e~o~ft~en~==.dWd1~!.Ji

Observance:
st on Yom Kippur
refer to stay home on Friday night
I --;;;r;;;.-==-----
t Refrain from work on the Jewish New Year
t~~e~f~ra~i~n~fr~o~m~dr~iV~in~g~On~S~ab~b~a~th~========
Iways light candles on Friday night
metimes light candles on Friday night
r light candles on Friday night
ah on all doors

I tt~~Seder rT!~--~ ear

I .!!.~.I}.q.9...$.~.q~r!n~9L.r:D.9.?~Y~9r?
i '''Attend a Seder meal some ears
er attend a Seder_J!!eaL. -".----~- .
Do ~~t t~ke part in Christmas activities

141
 Appendices
Appendix seven: Participant information sheet

Thank you for agreeing to participate in this research. Your participation is voluntary,
so please read this information sheet to decide whether you wish to take part.

I am completing research for my clinical psychology doctoral thesis. I am interested in

cultural sensitivity within psychological services. There has been lots of research about
different cultural groups, however, very little about contemporary, British, Jewish
culture. Being Jewish myself, I feel it is important to' include Jewish families. The
research aims to gain an insight to British Jewish families in the 21 st century, so that
services can take this into consideration.

If you decide to take part, we will have an informal interview for about an hour about
what Jewishness is like for you. Interviews will be tape-recorded and then transcribed.
This information will be used in the write up of the research. Anonymous extracts may
be included in the write-up, but it will not be possible to identify or trace any
information. The research should be complete in September 2003 and you are
welcome to contact me should you wish to read the research or a research summary.

Please note:
1) All interviews will be confidential - names will be changed in the transcripts and
potentially identifying information will be removed. The transcripts and tapes will be
stored in a locked cabinet to be accessed only by the research supervisor and myself.
The audiotapes will be erased and the transcripts destroyed when the research is
finished. Confidentiality will only be broken if the interview reveals information about
potential harm to you or to others.
2) Your participation is voluntary and you are free to withdraw at any point without
giving any reason.

If you have any queries please do not hesitate to ask at any time. If you have any
questions after today you can contact me through xxxx on 0208 xxx xxxx, University of
East London, Romford Road, Stratford or you can speak to the Secretary of the Ethics
.
committee, XXXX XXXX, 0208 xxx xxxx, University of East London, Longbridge Road,

Dagenham.

Many thanks for you time and cooperation,

Lisa Law, Trainee Clinical Psychologist.

142
 Appendices

Appendix eight: Consent form

Consent form

I have read and understood the information sheet and I have been given a copy of this
to keep. The nature and purpose of the research have been explained to me and I
have had the opportunity to ask questions about it. It has been explained to me how
this information will be used. I understand that my interview is confidential, unless I
reveal any potentially harmful information about myself or others. I am willing to take
part in this research. I understand that I am free to withdraw from the research at any
time without disadvantage to myself or obligation to give any reason.

Signature of participant: Signature of researcher:

Date: Date:·

Appendix nine: Original interview schedule

How would you define your 'Jewishness'?

• Tell me about being British and Jewish.

• Tell me about being a Jewish woman.

• Tell me about being a Jewish mother.

• Tell me about being been mothered by a Jewish mother.

• Do you talk to non-Jewish people about your Jewishness?

Tell me about your family.

• Who is in your family?

• What makes it a Jewish family?

Does your Jewishness affect the way you bring up your children?
•
• What would you like to pass on.?
• What would you like to be different?
Who would you go to for help if there were emotional problems in your family? .
• If you decided to seek professional help would you use JewIsh,

private or NHS services? (Why?)

• Would you prefer to speak to someone who is also Jewish? (WhY?~
./., 1-.0 a non-Jewish therapist would you talk about bemg
• If you spol\e LI

Jewish?
h Iflfu/. relevant and
What would services need to be like to be e,.,. /
•
sensitive?

143
 Appendices

Appendix ten: Contract of confidentiality for the transcriber

I understand that the contents of the tapes and transcriptions contain confidential
material and agree not to breach confidentiality. That is, during transcription no others
will be able to hear or read the interviews; at the end of transcription I will return the
tapes and transcripts to the researcher as soon as possible; I will then delete all
records so that no audio or typed copies will be accessible to anyone. I agree not to
disclose any of the information from these interviews to others.

Signed:

Date:

144
 Appendices
Appendix eleven: Evaluation

Please look for the themes which you feel best exemplify the extracts. Designate the
24 extracts below to the 10 themes by writing the number of the theme next to the
extract.

1. Identity (extracts that focus on Jewish and national identification)

2. Tradition and Culture (extracts that focus on traditional and cultural aspects of
Jewishness)

3. Characteristics (extracts that focus on 'typical' Jewish characteristics, e.g.

mannerisms)
4. Family (extracts that focus on Jewish families)
5. Community (extracts that focus on the Jewish community)
6. Continuity (extracts that focus on Jewish continuity, for example passing on
cultural knowledge or marrying within the community)
7. Difference and Similarity (extracts that focus on the differences and similarities
within and between Jews and non-Jews).
8. Fear (extracts that focus on fear, for example of anti-Semitism)
9. Feelings (extracts that focus on feelings related to Jewishness, for example, pride)
10. Services (extracts related to the participants' thoughts about services)

I had a very, very close relationship with my grandma, she was very much the strength
of the whole family ... when she was in a home we were there three times a week with
my kids and there were all these generations of the family who would be there.

8:4:178

P: It's the way you speak; it's the way you carry yourself, [participant gesticulated]

that to me is what Jewishness means.

I: Is that what the arms were?
P: Yeah the arms and the sort of, you know [further gesticulation]. 6:6:221

It's all to do with family really being Jewish 6:12:41

Being Jewish is a stronger feeling for me then being B~itish ... Being Jewish is at the
forefront really. 1:9:334

I live quite an insular life now ... once you become the Jewish mother living in [a Jewish
, ' I'ttle c'lrcies of Jewish mothers and children .. '! don't really
areal ..You live In your own I

145
 Appendices
mix with so many non-Jewish people I r . .
... Ive very much within the community now as
opposed to when you're a single person. 5:3: 189

I often think about the great grandparents and great , great grandparents and the
great, great, great grandparents and so on ... it's because of them that I'm he t d
3:16:599 . re 0 ay.

We do do the traditional kind of things if you like ... when 1 was at University I didn't
really 'do' 1:3:102.

I feel my Judaism strongly ... in a community and social and family way .. .! have a strong
identity, but not a religious identity. 4:5:235

I've got. .. the typical characteristics of 'a Jewish mother' that my friends and my
contemporaries seem to have as well. 1:3:96

It gives you ... a wider sense of purpose, rather than being completely insular about me,
me, me. I can think about other people, my community, people who are less fortunate
within my community and 1 think it gives you a responsibility for each other. 5:7:461

I feel it's been passed on to me ... it's a gift [laughter)" take that. And I think 1 will
subconsciously pass that on to my children, I'm sure I will because it's inherent; it's
part of me. 1:11:396

If services felt accessible, but without being too categorised .. .! think if...you could
maybe have a preference but without being pigeon-holed if you could say 1 would
rather speak to a Jewish person without having to go to a Jewish service. 4:12:589

There's a whole spectrum of different types of Jewish people ... [one lady]. .. wears a
head scarf and she doesn't look any different from an Arab or Muslim lady ... [at an
Iraqi, Sephardi] wedding the girls were having henna put on their arms ... 1 thought it
was something that Asian people did ... [there's], a couple who come from Yemeni
background ... [another] her father is from Holland, mother's American ... there's also a
Russian family ... [another] girl's mother [was Indian and] wore a Sari and on Friday
night they had chicken curry! ... some Sephardi weddings [the brides]wear bright
colours like they do in all the Asian weddings ... these are differences they've adopted

from the cultures where they were living. 2:4:373

146
 Appendices
P: I wouldn't call it religiousness; I'd call it tradition I call th It ..
'" e cu ure our tradition .. .!
just do the trimmings .. .! don't see them as religious I]' t th
, us see em as symbols or
rituals, 5:5:321

Knowing how to make chicken soup and eating kneidlach ... that's more what my
Judaism is ... knowing my grandma's history... having your own cultural history to pass
on. 4:3:160

I: Tell me about being Jewish in 20037

P: Oh, [pause] scary, I think, more frightening than I felt previously. 1:9:320

Its emotional differences ... you can't put your finger on it, that's the problem. 1:17:599

If you go somewhere privately and they see more children in the middle class sector
then I feel sometimes you're getting more help because they're looking at things from
your perspective .. .! wouldn't say [having a Jewish therapist] is the main necessity it
would be someone that. .. understood your family values and the set up in your
family .. .! can see that they're looking at me like why am I making a fuss, because they
see children who are much worse well that's all very nice for five minutes ... but two
minutes later I still need, in our situation it is that bad and it needs sorting, we need
someone who can understand that, it could just be somebody who's worked with
Jewish people before and understands Jewish family dynamiCS. 2:5:479

I think as a nation we are hated by so many ... it's so very frightening ... to be part of the
religion that is part of the problem ... You're kind of a marked person, marked people.

3:18:66

[You've] had similar communal experience ... [Words] just instantly conjure up [images]
without having to explain. If a friend says 'it was my second cousin's Bat Mitzvah at the
weekend' and rolls her eyes .. .1 know there was poached salmon and the mother-in-law
was wearing sequins .. .from the minute you're born ... you have this larger frame of
reference that you can take experience out of. That's what the recognition is and it's
not something that you can put your finger on or that you can learn, it's just what you

pick up from living your life.4:12:543

P: There's all that underlying worry the whole time. 7:4: 149

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 Appendices

Appendix twelve: An indication of the richness of the data

Number of extracts contributing to each the me f or f our participants:

..

40 25 18 J
19 I3 [7 I
25 j 11 1111'171-~=lj

Examples of extracts for the 'tradition and culture' theme:

I'm not religious but we do stick to the traditional things that you are supposed to for

those festivals. 1:1:26

[It's] the tradition, I think, festivals you know, Rosh Hashanah, Yom Kippur that kind of

thing. 1:1:25

What makes a family Jewish? I think it's the tradition the following of the traditions.

1:2:41

I think it's a sense of belonging ... there is something that is banding these people
together and I think it does band us together as a race, if you like. The fact that we

do do these traditional things. 1:3:77

Generalising who feel the same way about certain things who have the same

traditions. 1:3:79

We do do the traditional kind of things if you like ...when I was at University I didn't

really 'do'. 1:3: 102

I would like them to have a Bar Mitzvah, I would like them to have a Bat Mitzvah or
Bat Charily or whatever they have. I think that is a nice tradition. 1:6:214

We're very traditional, but I, why, I don't know why, we were born Jewish and it's just
a continuation of that really. Its not, I think that's about as deep as it gets in terms of

why, really. 3:1:13

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I'm very you know into the family and the tradition. 3:4:117

50 when I say it's a choice to be Jewish it's a choice to be JeWls

. h within
. . our home as
the family traditionally. 3:5:186

Being Jewish is about family, about tradition. 3:6:207

I think being Jewish is about the values, traditions. 3:10:357

Being a Jewish woman is about family, tradition, values ... It's about chicken soup ... as
I opened the front door he went (sniff) 5habbat [ahh] and that to me says it all, you
know. What it meant was that the house stank of chicken soup (laughter) but
basically for him it meant 5habbat, that means chicken soup, it means kneidels,
lockshen, chollah, you know, the whole business. 3:11:405

That our daughter-in-law, as long as our son isn't gay, does a Friday night meal, just a
tradition in that way. 3:14:515

I mean I would love them to be just as we are, which is traditional, not religious, but

traditional. 3:14:520

The traditional part of me I think did come from my grandma. 3: 15:567

I do mother, I do bring the religion in, I do bring the tradition in, I do cook, I do you
know and I'm very much a kind of you know a balebuster, mother hen. 3:16:574

The kids love that it's part of their tradition, it's part of them being Jewish and it's part

of their tradition. 3:18:650

I was recommended to a woman and a lot of what was coming out was about my
mother and about family and traditions and Jewishness and after three sessions she ...

said I think you need to see somebody Jewish. 3:31:771

We are a very traditional Jewish family and we ... keep a kosher home and we like to
[laugh] we like to light the candles on a Friday night and do all the traditional Jewish
things, keep all the festivals so that's what makes it a Jewish family. 6: 1:7

I think being Jewish and being, um, [pause] being very traditional and umm, as I say

keeping kosher is a very important part of our life. 6:2:41

149
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I don't think that would be half as nice if we weren't so not religious but if we didn't
have such a traditional family life. 6:3:82

When I think of traditionalness what traditional families would do, they would light the
candles, they keep the festivals they keep Passover, they keep a kosher home ... that's
what I find traditional where you keep certain values but 'on the other hand. 6:3:90

I'm more a traditional Jew. 6:10:334

My own Jewishness is a more traditional Jewishness than a more orthodox Jewishness.

7:1:21

150