Page

title: Hopi Pottery Symbols

Patterson, Alex.; Stephen, Alexander
author: MacGregor; Holmes, William Henry;
Keam, Thomas V.
publisher: Johnson Books
isbn10 | asin: 1555661203
print isbn13: 9781555661205
ebook isbn13: 9780585027760
language: English
Hopi pottery, Pottery--Arizona--Themes,
subject
motives, Symbolism in art--Arizona.
publication date: 1994
lcc: E99.H7P38 1994eb
ddc: 738.3/09791
subject: Hopi pottery, Pottery--Arizona--Themes,
motives, Symbolism in art--Arizona.
"This compendium of Hopi pottery symbols is a scholarly, useful and
exhaustive piece of work. Bringing to light Stephen's original work is
in itself a contribution. Cultures evolve and although this work may
not enable a person to interpret all modern Hopi pottery, it is most
instructive for the interpretation of late prehistoric and early historic
Hopi pottery."
David A. Breternitz
Professor Emeritus, Department of Anthropology
University of Colorado, Boulder
"Hopi Pottery Symbols should be required reading for all students and
lovers of Pueblo pottery. Following in the footsteps of Alexander
Stephen, Alex Patterson has made the rich world of Hopi visual
symbolism accessible to us all."
Ira Jacknis
Associate Research Anthropologist
P. H. Hearst Museum of Anthropology
(formerly R. H. Lowie Museum of Anthropology)
University of California at Berkeley
"I greatly enjoyed reading Hopi Pottery Symbols. The book is very
informative, well organized and . . . easily followed. Stephen's
manuscript represents a significant contribution to the field of ceramic
design analysis and is enhanced by the anecdotal asides and
mythology incorporated into the text. The data is presented as related
to Stephen and should not be confused with more fanciful
interpretations of ceramic design."
Timothy M. Kearns
Archaeologist, Western Cultural Resource Management, Inc.
Farmington, New Mexico
"Alex Patterson brings a scholar's meticulous research and an
aficionado's passion to his study of the symbols of ancient and
contemporary indigenous Americans. More than that he brings an
innate respect which honors the cultures while interpreting them for
contemporary society. Hopi Pottery Symbols is a brilliant evocation of
the ancient symbol language of the Hopi people and their ancestors. It
will be welcomed by all who share an interest in and respect for the
Southwest indigenous heritage."
Robert Staffanson
Executive Director, American Indian Institute
Bozeman, Montana

 Page iii

Hopi Pottery Symbols

By
Alex Patterson
Based on
Pottery of Tusayan
Catalogue of the Keam Collection
Unpublished Manuscript Dated December 29, 1890
By Alexander M. Stephen (1845?-1894)
Located at the National Anthropological Archives
Smithsonian Institution, Washington, D.C.

The Keam Collection of Hopi Pottery

Peabody Museum, Harvard University
Cambridge, Massachusetts
Illustrated by
Alexander M. Stephen
William Henry Holmes (1846-1933)

Alex Patterson

Johnson Books: Boulder

 Page iv
© 1994 by Alex Patterson
·Book design by Wynne Patterson.
·Cover paintings by William Henry Holmes now in the National
Anthropological
Archives, Smithsonian Institution. SPC Southwest xv 16, Hopi, Box
5, 08961800.
·Front Cover: Smithsonian Photograph 93-7507.
·Pot is Keam No. 44 and original resides today in the Keam
Collection,
Peabody Museum, Harvard University, Cambridge, (Peabody No. 43-
39-10/25126).
Style and dating is San Bernardo Polychrome, A.D. 1625-1680.
·Unless otherwise noted, illustrations of pots are drawn by Alex
Patterson from
photographs of the Keam Collection.
Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data
Patterson, Alex.
Hopi pottery symbols / by Alex Patterson; illustrated by Alexander M.
Stephen,
William Henry Holmes (18461933) & Alex Patterson.
p. cm.
"Based on Pottery of Tusayan, catalogue of the Keam Collection,
unpublished manuscript
dated December 29, 1890, by Alexander M. Stephen . . . & The Keam
Collection of Hopi
pottery . . ."
Includes bibliographical references and index.
ISBN 1-55566-120-3
1. Hopi pottery. 2. PotteryArizonaThemes, motives. 3. Symbolism in
art
Arizona. I. Stephen, Alexander MacGregor, d. 1894. II. Holmes,
William Henry,
18461933. III. Keam, Thomas V. IV. Title
E99.H7P38 1994
738.3'0979dc20 94-2295
CIP
Printed in the United States of America by
Johnson Printing Company
1880 South 57th Court
Boulder, Colorado 80301

 Page v

Contents
Dedication vi
Acknowledgements vii
Introduction
Hopi Pottery and Its Symbol Language 1
The Lost "Manuscript Catalogue" and How It Was Found 1
The Author RevealedA. M. Stephen 2
An Earlier "Manuscript Catalogue" Found and Its 3
Illustrations
A. M. StephenHis Life 4
The Credibility of A. M. Stephen 8
Hopi World View and the Symbols 9
Pottery Types and Dating 10
19th-Century Attitude toward the Indians 11
How to Study Pottery Symbols in This Book 11
Notes to Pottery of Tusayan 12
Pottery of Tusayan: Catalogue of the Keam Collection
by Alexander M. Stephen. Illustrations by Stephen, Holmes,
and Patterson
Comment by J. Walter Fewkes 17
Title Page 18
 Table of Contents 19
Introduction 20
Primitive Ware 22
Decorated WareBlack Line 27
Decorated WarePolychrome 37
Orange-colored Ware 76
Paintings of Keam Pottery by William H. Holmes 89
Cream-colored Ware 102
Hawk House Relics 110
Red Ware 110
Transition and Modern Ware 113
Eighty-four Symbols 119
Afterword 254
Appendix I: Referenced Painted Pots Found 255
Appendix II: Referenced Painted Pots Missing 260
Appendix III: Style and Dating of Pottery 263
Appendix IV: Style Summary of Referenced Pots Found 264
Glossary 265
Bibliography 267
Index 269

 Page vi

This book is dedicated to

many remarkable women

the women potters of the Hopi people

one remarkable man

Alexander MacGregor Stephen

the people of long ago

a people known as Hisatsinom in the Hopi language
Anasazi in Navajo
The Women Potters of the Hopi People
For many centuries these craftswomen and their ancestors have
fashioned painted pottery vessels of beauty and utility.
Using only their own hands and tools of their own making, they have
taken from their worldthe earth, the sky, the air, the waterthe
ingredients to make these carriers of liquids, of seed, of food. These
unique vessels served their daily life, the sacred ceremonies, and their
last journey to the next world.
With infinite care they have decorated these vessels with the ancient
symbolssymbols which told of nature, the deities that control nature,
and the ceremonies, apparel, and sacred objects which they believed
could induce a long and good life. Their creations helped ensure the
continuation of a unique symbol system and the culture it represented.
Alexander MacGregor Stephen
This man appears to be the first outsider to recognize that the symbols
on Hopi pottery were not just random designs but an age-old system
of symbols. Acting on this conviction, he set about learning their
meaning and the myths from which they evolved. He collected the
Hopi pottery that became the Keam Collection and documented the
meaning of their symbols. He has provided us with a unique key to
this symbol system and the ancient world it represents.
Hisatsinom"The People of Long Ago"
These people, whatever their name, occupied the Southwest for many
millenia before the arrival of the Europeans. They lived close to
nature, attempting to understand its workings and themselves. They
evolved symbols that embodied their beliefs which they traced onto
the rocks, wove into their garments, and painted onto pottery. These
symbols represented their world and their thinking. They are worthy
of study.

 Page vii

Acknowledgements
We would like to thank the following people:
· Gloria Greis and Lea McChesney at the Peabody Museum whose
initial guidance and comments were very helpful.
· Vyrtis Thomas, Kathy Creek, and Neil Hauck at the National
Anthropological Archivesespecially Mr. Hauck whose computer
search of the W. H. Holmes papers led to our finding the paintings of
the Keam Collection pots by Mr. Holmes.
· David Breternitz, Dove Creek, Colorado, Tim Kearns, Farmington,
New Mexico, and Barton Wright, Phoenix, Arizona, whose careful
readings of and suggestions for our manuscript were very valuable.
Final responsibility is of course ours.

 Page 1

Introduction
Hopi Pottery and Its Symbol Language
What do we see on the pottery of the Hopi and Hisatsinom, the people
of long ago, whom they claim as their ancestors? Do we simply see
intriguing decorations and beautiful designs? Or could we be seeing
explicit symbols of an ancient language of a vanished people kept
alive in our time by the Hopi?
Hopi Pottery Symbols proposes that for at least one thousand years the
Hopi and the early people of northern Arizona, called Hisatsinom in
Hopi and Anasazi in Navajo, have painted a series of symbols on their
pottery that constitute a form of languagea means of depicting their
world as they saw it. The symbols stand for natural phenomenaclouds,
rain, snow, lightning, thunder, wind, still and running water. They
stand for the deities who personified and controlled these natural
phenomenathe sky god, the cloud god, the thunder god, the water god,
and the germination gods. Finally, the symbols depict the costumes
and paraphernalia used in sacred ceremonies to entreat the gods and
the elements they represent to deliver the benefits required for a good
life.
This work is based upon an illustrated manuscript written about 1890
that has lain in the National Anthropological Archives in Washington,
D.C., for a hundred years. It is published here in its entirety for the
first time and is a decipherment of this pottery symbol language. It
describes the meanings of the symbols as they were learned by a self-
taught ethnologist, Alexander M. Stephen, who lived with the Hopi
for fourteen years and had gained their confidence.
Unfortunately, Stephen did not identify his informants: male or
female, Hopi elders or women potters. Nonetheless, his record for
recording Hopi data correctly appears to be excellent, and we believe
the symbol explanations to be valid, as we explain more fully later on.
Hopi Pottery Symbols is organized so the reader can use it as a pottery
language primer or for the occasional decipherment of a pot seen in a
museum or book.
Since teaching ourselves this symbol language we have found a whole
new experience in viewing ancient pottery. Instead of seeing a
pleasing series of designs, we find that the pot tells us about clouds,
rain, still water, and growing fields. It offers an intriguing message
from an ancient people in an ancient world.
The Lost "Manuscript Catalogue" and How It Was Found
The trail that led my wife, Mary, and me to this symbol language
began in the late 1980s as we initiated our research for A Field Guide
to Rock Art Symbols in the Greater Southwest, an earlier book. We
began with the first major U.S. work on rock art, Garrick Mallery's
Picture Writing of the American Indians which appeared in 1893. We
noticed that Mallery repeatedly quoted from either a "manuscript" or a
"manuscript catalogue" attributed to Thomas V. Keam, an Indian
trader to the Hopi villages during the 1880s and 1890s. We cited these
quotes in the Field Guide in connection with interpretations of rock
art symbols for "Lightning,'' "Spirals," "Squash and Squash Blossom,"
"Water," and "Whirlwind."
This manuscript intrigued us. After completing the Field Guide in the
spring of 1992 we went in search of it, beginning in Arizona. As Mr.
Keam's trading post had long since disappeared, we visited the nearby
Hubbell Trading Post, now a


 Page 2
national historic site maintained by the U.S. Park Service on the
Navajo Reservation. We learned that Keam, in ill health, had been
bought out by Lorenzo Hubbell in 1902. Keam had returned to his
birth place, Truro, England, where he died in 1904 (McNitt
1962:199). The archival personnel at the Hubbell Trading Post knew
of no manuscript by Keam among their documents. Had Keam taken
this document back to England?
There were further puzzles. First, Thomas V. Keam did not seem to be
a published writer. Therefore, what was he doing with a manuscript
that contained ethnological data on the Hopi? Was it his manuscript or
had someone written it for him? Mallery, a respected researcher, had
quoted it, so he must have been satisfied as to its validity. Why was
this document occasionally called a "manuscript catalogue" by
Mallery? If it was a catalogue, what was it cataloguing?
Returning to the East we continued our search at the Library of
Congress in Washington, D.C. There, among the 90,000,000 books,
periodicals, and documents indexed into a computer data base, we
were able to find Thomas V. Keam's "manuscript catalogue" within
minutes.
The computer led us to a volume entitled America's Great Lost
Expedition: The Thomas Keam Collection of Hopi Pottery from the
Second Hemenway Expedition, 1890-1894. It had been published by
the Heard Museum, Phoenix, Arizona, in 1980 and written by Edwin
L. Wade and Lea S. McChesney.
Within the hour the book was in our hands. America's Great Lost
Expedition was based upon the "manuscript catalogue" we had been
searching for. It was entitled Catalogue of Keam's Cañon Collection
of Relics of the Ancient Builders of the Southwestern Table Lands and
rested in the Peabody Museum, Harvard University, Cambridge,
Massachusetts, along with the Keam Collection of some 1,500 Hopi
pots and other artifacts. Our research indicated that the Keam Canyon
Collection was one of the finest collections of Hopi pottery in the
world. Our next stop was the Peabody Museum in Cambridge.
The Author RevealedA. M. Stephen
As we had suspected, the author of the "manuscript catalogue" was
not Thomas V. Keam, the Indian trader. Instead it was Alexander
MacGregor Stephen, a self-taught ethnologist and occasional
employee of Keam from 1880 until his death in 1894. It was Stephen
who had obtained the pots known as the Keam Collection from the
Hopi and had written its "manuscript catalogue."
The majority of the pots were lavishly decorated with abstract painted
symbolsspirals, frets, stepped pyramids, interlocking scrolls, and the
like. Stephen had become fascinated with these painted symbols.
Being on excellent terms with the Hopi, he began asking them what
the pottery designs meant, if anything.
The Hopi explained that often a symbol stood for a concept that might
cover several inter-related ideas. For instance, the cloud
symbolusually a stepped design but with several variationsstood for
clouds and their possibility of rain. It also stood for Omau, the Hopi
cloud god, who was the essence of clouds.
Stephen carefully recorded the meanings of these painted symbols in
the "manuscript catalogue," using a representative sample of 119
painted pots from the Keam Collection. (We will refer to these 19 pots
as Referenced Pots in the future, as opposed to other pots mentioned
without discussion of their symbols.) Often

 Page 3
the elders told Stephen stories and legends from Hopi traditions that
had led to the creation of a symbol.
We were reading a unique piece of ethnology. Nowhere else in the
writings of the early researchers in the Southwest had one ethnologist
been so successful in learning the meaning of pottery symbols from
Indians. Few had tried. Even Ruth Bunzel in her 1929 study, The
Pueblo Potter: A Study of Creative Imagination in Primitive Art, had
been unable to identify consistent symbols.
Still we were disappointed. The Peabody Museum's 184-page
typewritten manuscript had only seventeen small pen and ink
drawings. To visualize symbols it was important to have illustrations
of them.
We had worked extensively with Stephen's only major published
work, the Hopi Journal of Alexander M. Stephen, edited by Elsie
Clews Parsons and published in 1936 by the Columbia University
Press. This work has over 1,400 pages and almost 1,000
illustrationsfree-hand drawings by Stephen who was never without his
sketch pad. Hopi costumes, artifacts, ceremoniesevery facet of Hopi
life were depicted in the Hopi Journal.
We could not believe that Stephen would refrain from including
illustrations in a "manuscript catalogue." Then we learned of another
version of the Catalogue in the National Anthropological Archives
(NAA) in the Smithsonian Institution, Washington, D.C.
An Earlier Illustrated "Manuscript Catalogue"
Soon we had this second manuscript, Pottery of Tusayan: Catalogue
of the Keam Collection in our hands. It was signed by A. M. Stephen
and carried the notation, "Original Ms. sent to Mr. Keam December
29th, 90" (undoubtedly 1890). Its 124 typewritten sheets were
virtually identical to the corresponding pages of the Peabody Museum
document (184 pages in total) which was unsigned and undated. The
latter document had been acquired with the delivery of the Keam
Collection in 1897.
Pottery of Tusayan dealt almost exclusively with the meaning of the
symbols and their myths and legends, while the later version at the
Peabody dealt also with other aspects of Hopi history, social life, and
artifacts, from the Keam Collection.
Most importantly, it had not only the seventeen small pen and ink
drawings of the Peabody manuscript, but fifty-four more illustrations
(eight in color) of the pots themselves, their symbols and the various
items the symbols were meant to represent. A. M. Stephen, sketch
artist, was running true to form.
But Pottery of Tusayan presented new mysteries. When it was
archived at NAA by J. Walter Fewkes, who had become active with its
predecessor organization, the Bureau of American Ethnology (BAE)
in the late 1890s, Fewkes had penned a handwritten note to the
manuscript (see first page of Pottery of Tusayan). Among other things
it said, "This copy of Stephen's original Ms. of the Catalogue of the
Keam Collection contains sketches, probably by Holmes . . . . [and] . .
. (this) copy was handed me by Mr. Keam who obtained it from Mr.
Holmes."
We were stunned. How could Fewkes fail to recognize Stephen's
sketches (and handwriting) after having dealt with Stephen
extensively in the early 1890s during the time of the second
Hemenway Expedition? Fewkes was the director and Stephen the
field director of this expedition. Why did he think the sketches were

 Page 4
done by Mr. Holmes? Who was Mr. Holmes and what was he doing
with Stephen's manuscript?
Soon we knew. Holmes proved to be William Henry Holmes, a
respected artist and archaeologist who had been employed by the
Hayden survey to map and sketch the West in the early 1880s.
Fascinated with the cliff dwellers of the Southwest, he had become the
Honorary Curator of Aboriginal Ceramics at the National Museum
(part of the BAE) between 1882 and 1889 and ultimately joined the
BAE itself. As an accomplished artist, he was the leading illustrator of
pottery in the United States at the time.
In all likelihood he had been engaged by Keam, Fewkes, and/or
Stephen to illustrate the "manuscript catalogue." This would explain
why Fewkes thought Stephen's drawings were by Holmes and why
Holmes had Stephen's "manuscript catalogue" in his possession.
In this case, where were Holmes's illustrations for the "manuscript
catalogue"? These, if actually done, were not in either version of the
catalogue.
We began a search of Holmes's personal papers at the NAA in
Washington. Having had a long career in Washington with the BAE
and other governmental entities, his papers were copious. A computer
search by NAA personnel gave us a printout of 350 items. Because
1890 was the date of the "manuscript catalogue," we focused upon
items 298-312 entitled "Pottery Designs 1890 Drawing."
Luck smiled. Seventeen watercolor paintings of Keam Collection pots
were in the first two boxes of Holmes's material opened. Most had the
Keam numbers noted next to them and written comments by Holmes
quoting from the "manuscript catalogue" of Stephen. Selections from
these are reproduced in color herein and on the cover to augment
Stephen's own drawings. Why these were never used in 1890 remains
a mystery.
A. M. StephenHis Life
Unfortunately, little is known about Stephen's life. There are large
gaps in the chronology, many key facts are missing, and only one
photograph of Stephen has been found.
We do not know his date of birth. Elsie Clews Parsons, the editor of
Stephen's major work, The Hopi Journal of Alexander M. Stephen,
gives no date for his birth. Wade and McChesney (1980:10) in
America's Great Lost Expedition offer a life span for Stephen of
1850?-1894. They alert us to their uncertainty with the question mark.
However, 1850 seems incorrect. Stephen, according to government
records, was enrolled in the Union Army at Potsdam, New York, on
October 22, 1861, and was mustered into service as a private in
Company A, 92nd New York Infantry, on October 30, 1862. A birth
date of 1850 would have made him eleven years old on enrollment in
military service and twelve years old on being mustered.
His place of birth was Scotland and he graduated from the University
of Edinburgh, according to Parsons. She obtained this information by
corresponding with F. S. Dellenbaugh who knew Stephen at Keams
Canyon during the winter of 1884-85. Parsons says that "Mr.
Dellenbaugh liked and admired Stephen very much, [saying] 'He was
a very fine character"' (Parsons in Stephen 1936:xx).
Researcher Larry Blair, Bailey, Colorado, however, who has visited
Scotland,

 Page 5
can find no record of Stephen's graduation from the University of
Edinburgh.*
Nothing is known of his childhood in Scotland or education at the
University of Edinburgh, if such education did in fact occur. From
comments on his later life we may infer that his education had a
technical bent. In 1881 Lieutenant John G. Bourke, on detached duty
to make a survey of Navajo country in northern Arizona for General
George Crook, stopped at Thomas Keam's trading post:
[Bourke and his party] were greeted at Keam's house by Alexander
Stephen, a young scientist of unusual promise who lived with Keam and
was more or less supported by him from 1880 until his death in 1894.
(McNitt 1962:170)

Alexander M. Stephen, "The photo reproduced

[here] was taken, presumably before 1881, for it
was taken in Canton, New York."
(Parsons in Stephen 1936:xx)
Bourke further refers to Keam's protégé Stephen as "a metallurgist
and mining prospector" who had had considerable experience in
Nevada and Utah. This would fit with Bourke's description of Keam's
living room: "Chemical re-agents, test-tubes and blow-pipes covered a
table next the solitary window . . ." (McNitt 1962:170). Wade and
McChesney say Stephen prospected in search of the lost Merit Silver
Mine sometime in the 1870s (1980:10)or Merrick Silver Mine.**
Beyond a scientific education there is some hint that Stephen was also
exposed to the classics, especially Greek. In his writings we find
comparisons of various Hopi pottery shapes to those found in ancient
Greek pottery. For example, he describes several pots as askos, shoe-
shaped canteen-like vessels, a word originating with Greek pottery
types.
We have no information on how Stephen managed to emigrate to the
United States. There is a hint of some time spent as a seaman on
sailing ships, a vocation
*Larry Blair 1993: personal communication
**Barton Wright 1993: personal communication

 Page 6
that could have brought him to the United States. He writes in his
Hopi Journal for January 30, 1893, on First Mesa:
They (a group of Hopi katcinas) are singing informally katcina songs in all
the kivas. . . . Sitting in the kiva, listening to the songs, the gale overhead
whistling through the huge piles of greasewood and past the tall mastlike
poles of the ladder, [I am] forcibly reminded of nights long ago when I
have been down the forecastle listening to the songs of the watch below.
(Stephen 1936:192)
The first record of Stephen in the United States appears at Potsdam,
New York, as previously noted, upon his entry into the Union Army in
1861-62. While in military service he rose in rank regularly:
He was promoted to commissary sergeant April 8, 1863. He reenlisted
January 4, 1864, was transferred to the non-commissioned staff, 96th New
York Infantry, December 1, 1864, was mustered into service as 1st
lieutenant, to date January 28, 1865, and assigned to Company G of that
regiment. He was appointed adjutant February 1, 1865, and was mustered
out of service and honorably discharged with the field and staff of his
regiment February 6, 1866, at City Point, Virginia. (Parsons in Stephen
1936:xx)
When Cosmos and Victor Mindeleff visited northern Arizona in
preparing "A Study of Pueblo Architecture, Tusayan and Cibola" for
the Eighth Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology, 1886-87
(published under his brother's name, Victor), it was Stephen's notes
that formed the basis of the introductory chapter on Hopi traditionary
(sic) history (McNitt 1962:170).
Victor Mindeleff writes that Stephen "has enjoyed unusual facilities
for the work [of recording clan legends], having lived for a number of
years in Tusayan and possessed the confidence of the principal
priests" (Parsons in Stephen 1936:xx).
By this time Stephen was well established in Hopi:
 The elders talked with him comparatively freely; he had at all times access
to the kiva life; and he was initiated into three societies, the Flute and
Lalakon on First Mesa and the Snake of Shiupau'lovi. He lived in several
houses on the mesa top, in both Hopi and Tewa households, and his
relations to the towns people were amicable and on the whole sympathetic.
He meets the usual requests for groceries and contributes to the feasts,
writes letters for people, and takes the town's side, discreetly, against the
injudicious activities of Government agents. (Parsons in Stephen 1936:xxi-
xxii)
Soon Stephen, under the direction of Keam, was working to build a
premiere collection of Hopi pottery in the storerooms of the Keam
trading post. His sources for the pots were the ruins surrounding the
Hopi villages as well as the heirloom pottery in the possession of Hopi
familiesheirlooms that Stephen acquired through purchase.
Keam and Stephen had apparently agreed that the pottery collection
would be enhanced by the writing of a catalogue, as it appears that the
collection was

 Page 7
ultimately intended to be sold. So Stephen set to work writing the
"manuscript catalogue" already described.
Stephen, in the early 1890s, began acting as the field director of this
second Hemenway Expedition, which was financed by Mary
Hemenway, a wealthy Boston widow and patron of southwestern
culture.
J. Walter Fewkes had taken over as expedition director from Frank
Hamilton Cushing, the eccentric archaeologist and original leader of
the expedition, when Cushing had fallen out of favor due to illness
and possible mismanagement. Stephen introduced Fewkes into the
Hopi villages and provided him with material for various scholarly
articles.
In 1892 the Keam Collection was purchased for $10,000, a princely
sum in those days, by Fewkes as director of the second Hemenway
Expedition.
Stephen's main work at this time was a series of notebooks on Hopi
life and customs, published in 1936 long after his death, as the Hopi
Journal of Alexander M. Stephen previously mentioned. These
notebooks were purchased from Stephen's estate by Stewart Culin and
subsequently filed in the Brooklyn Institute Museum; they were
acquired in 1922 by Elsie Clews Parsons, who became their editor.
Hopi Journal represents an amazing recording of the Hopi lifeways,
primarily ceremonial, of that era. Watson Smith in Kiva Mural
Decorations at Awatovi and Hawaika-a aptly describes the Hopi
Journal: "During his later years he (Stephen) kept a series of
astoundingly rich notebooks, profusely illustrated" (quoted in McNitt
1962:170).
Sadly in 1893 Stephen contracted influenza (Wade and McChesney
1980:10) or tuberculosis (Parsons in Stephen 1936:xxiv) while living
at First Mesa. Making little progress with western medicine he finally
resorted to the use of a Hopi medicine man who removed from his
chest "an abominable looking, arrow-shaped, headless sort of a
centipede (see Figure 464 below, drawn by Stephen from his Hopi
Journal)." According to the medicine man, the object "is the sorcerer's
arrow (tukyaini) . . . which bores through the flesh until it reaches the
heart, which it also bores, and causes death." Despite temporary
improvement, Stephen died at the end of April 1894. He was buried in
Keams Canyon.

Figure 464, disease-causing object

sucked from Stephen's body
by medicine man.
(Stephen 1936:862)

 Page 8

The Credibility of A. M. Stephen

How credible are the meanings for the pottery symbols given Stephen
by the Hopi of the late 1880s and how accurately did Stephen record
the explanations? First, were the Hopi misleading him? We think not.
Repeatedly, observers of his day (Bourke, Dellenbaugh, Fewkes, the
Mindeleffs) and later scholars of his works (Elsie Clews Parsons,
Watson Smith, Wade and McChesney) speak of his rapport with the
Hopi. He was permitted access to most of the ceremonies in the kivas,
sketching them and asking questions of the Hopi. Why would he
receive fabrications about symbols on mere pottery when he was
learning the workings of sacred ceremonies from the same?
Second, when the Hopi did not want him to learn of a certain
ceremony, they simply excluded him. Parsons explains:
To the War society ceremony in the maternal house of the War chief
Stephen appears not to have been admitted. This society was notably
exclusionist"no one not a member was permitted to be present." (Parsons
in Stephen 1936:xxii)
Third, the research done by Wade and McChesney seems to validate
the methods Stephen used to assure the accuracy of his recordings.
When he became the field director of the second Hemenway
Expedition, under the overall directorJ. Walter FewkesStephen soon
realized that his superior was prone to accept erroneous or premature
information from the Hopi, due to "Fewkes's overly zealous commit-
to-print professional attitude."
Stephen explained his own method and views on accuracy of
recording with some diplomacy in letters to Fewkes as follows:
I constantly strive to keep in the legitimate path of the collectoravoiding all
extraneous subjectsespecially theories. Time enough for me to take up
comparative study after I shall have completed my collector's task. Still I
 greatly relish the suggestive homologies you submit to mebut mind you
just for relaxation. I try even to avoid forming conceptions from Hopi
suggestions, unless presented to me in tolerable completeness and some
authority. I try, in this respect, but not always with successone cannot
forego a little play of the imaginationbut what I mean, is, that I strive to
keep my mind as near as may betabula rasafor Hopi subjects. (AMS to
JWF 11/23/93, National Anthropological Archives)
How can anyone who has ever been in the field have the impudence to
offer hearsay as scientific contribution of any value whatever. I have no
grudge against Tilly (Matilda Coxe Stevenson)barring that devilish
commissary chest that defied my efforts to steal her brandybut she has
been guilty of much ethnologic villainy. (AMS to AMS 6/15/93, National
Anthropological Archives) (Wade and McChesney 1980:10-12)
Finally, even a quick perusal of Stephen's Hopi Journal should
convince one that Stephen was a skilled observer of the Hopi,
accustomed to recording the minutest details of all sorts of
ceremonies, sacred artifacts, and the like. Why

 Page 9
should his recording of the meanings of symbols on pottery prove to
be any different than his other recordings?
Hopi World View and the Symbols
We can better understand these Hopi pottery symbols if we appreciate
how the Hopi, according to Stephen, viewed their world, how it
functioned, and how the symbols fitted into this world. As has been
mentioned, the symbols seem to fall into three categories: natural
phenomena, the spirits associated with these phenomena, and the
ceremonies and paraphernalia used to influence these spirits.
The overriding aspect of nature in northern Arizona is the need for
moisture. This area regularly receives less than ten inches of
precipitation per year. Yet the early inhabitants and eventually the
Hopi themselves have farmed corn, beans, and squash for many
centuriesand survived. Periods of drought severely decimated the
early population at times and may have contributed significantly to the
partial abandonment of the Four Corners area in the thirteenth century.
Along with this moisture orientation is the mechanism of the prayer
stick, an artifact that appears in most ceremonies and is symbolized on
many pots. Stephen describes the system:
A man makes a prayer stick because he wants something good, some
benefit. O'mauwii (Cloud), Na 'nanivo Moñmowitü (Cardinal chiefs [of the
four directions]), Patü'shüñ¨la (Ice chief), Mü'iyiñwü (Planting one?)from
these and other chiefs all benefits proceed.
Feathers are used in prayer sticks and prayer feathers (nakwákwosi)
because they are kapüe'tü, not heavy, light, and Cloud and all the other
chiefs desire them to make ka'lamoñwü (the prayer-feathers depending in
front of the forehead).
The Hopi barters (hu'hiyaiya, tüi'yañwü) his prayer sticks and prayer
feathers with those chiefs for the benefits he desires to receive from them.
 As Sun journeys across [the sky each day] he sees the prayer sticks and
prayer feathers and comes to them and inhales (hüh'tü) their essence and
takes them (kwü shü). He does not take up the material sticks and string
and feathers, but their breath body (hi'ksi adta ah'paa), their picha'ñ adta,
likeness, i.e., eidolon (their phantom).
He places them in his girdle and carries them with him as he goes in at the
west to the Below (at'kya) and gives them [all that he has collected
through the day's journey] to Mü'iyiwüüh. Mü'iyiñwüüh knows all prayer
sticks and prayer feathers and as he takes them up one by one and looks at
each, he says to the other chiefs (moñwitü), "This is for you, or you,"
according as the prayer sticks are designed. The chiefs thank Müiyiñwüüh
and the makers of the emblems and decorate their foreheads with the
feathers, and send the benefit that the prayermaker desires. (Stephen
1936:1271-2)
These references should explain, in part, the repeated presence of the
symbols for clouds, water in many forms, cultivated fields and
gardens, germination and fertility, and the ever-present prayer sticks.

 Page 10

Pottery Types and Dating

One of the most exciting aspects of studying pottery symbols is that
we can, with some assurance, date the occurrence of the symbol by
referring to the dating of the pottery. Archaeologists can date ruins
with high precision in the Southwest, using ceramic cross dating
based on association with tree ring dates. The excavated pottery from
these dated ruins should be roughly contemporaneous with the ruins,
as well as the pottery symbols.
We have located 69 out of the 119 Referenced Pots or 62 percent.
(Note: the unpainted pots in the Primitive Ware section of Pottery of
Tusayan are not included in Referenced Pots as they do not carry
painted symbols.) Using the pottery styles assigned to the pots of the
Keam Collection by Wade and McChesney and others as noted (see
Appendix I: Referenced PotsFound, and Appendix III: Style and
Dating of Pottery) we find these pots could span the years from A.D.
875 to 1900.
The earliest referenced pots that have been found are classified
Tusayan Blackon-white (No. 25) dating to A.D. 1125-1300, Tusayan
Polychrome (No. 249) dating to A.D. 1100-1300, and Black Mesa
Blackon-white (No. 526) dating to A.D. 875-1130 (latter two from
Breternitz 1966 and 1993).
Twelve of the found pots are classified in styles which fall both in
prehistoric and historic times. One is Jeddito Blackon-yellow, A.D.
1300-1625, and eleven are Sikyatki Polychrome, A.D. 1375-1625.
The historic pots that have been found are either San Bernardo
Polychrome, A.D. 1625-1680, 10 pots; Payupki Polychrome, A.D.
1680-1780, 22 pots; or Polacca Polychrome, A.D. 1780-1900, 20 pots.
Two pots cannot be assigned to style and date.
Throughout the text and illustrations of Pottery of Tusayan and in the
section covering the pottery symbols, we have given the pottery style
and dating of each pot shown. In this manner the reader can obtain
some appreciation of the time span of the occurrence of the symbols
under discussion.
Please be warned that the occurrence of a particular symbol on a pot
of a certain style, for example Sikyatki Polychrome, dated to A.D.
1375-1625, does not necessarily guarantee that the meaning of that
symbol on that pot as told to Stephen in 1890 by a Hopi was the same
meaning held by the ancient potter who painted the pot sometime
between A.D. 1375-1625. There is a possibility that this may be so, as
researchers have shown that change comes slowly in Hopi society,
especially prior to A.D. 1900. Nonetheless, caution is indicated until
additional research is undertaken into the symbol system indicated by
Stephen.
19th-Century Attitude Toward the Indian
Considering the general views of Indian culture prevailing in the
1880-90 time frame, Stephen mainained an amazingly open and non-
critical attitude in his writing, both in Pottery of Tusayan and his Hopi
Journal of A. M. Stephen.
The prevailing view was that the Hopi (and most Indian peoples) were
hopelessly backwards, savage, and ignorant. For example, his
superior, J. Walter Fewkes, Director of the second Hemenway
Expedition, wrote to Mary Hemenway, their patroness in Boston, on
July 2, 1891, that "the Oraibis (inhabitants of the westernmost Hopi
village) were the most primitive aborigines in the United States"
(Wade and McChesney 1980:4).

 Page 11
This outburst from Fewkes was occasioned by his report on the efforts
of a detachment of cavalry sent to impress the ''Oraibis" to send their
children to a newly established boarding school at Keams Canyon
some thirty miles to the East. There they would be given a "proper
education" by the U.S. government.
This effort included the unlimbering of the cavalry's battery of
Hotchkiss rapid-fire cannons and blazing away with great noise and
flame at the rocks at the base of the Hopi mesas. The Hopi were
scared to death, but continued in many ways to resist these efforts by
the whites to "properly educate" their children.
Stephen generally sympathized with the Hopi in this affair. When
asked to intervene on behalf of a local Hopi girl sent off to a school in
Lawrence, Kansas, he opines that "the girl would be much more
profitably employed at home [grinding corn, carrying water, and
preparing the family food] than dawdling at the school in the
grasshoper region" (Stephen 1936:133).
Only once in Pottery of Tusayan does Stephen diverge from his even-
handedness and expose the prevailing bias of the 1890s. This arises as
he dwells on the origin of Hopi religion and the priesthood that
evolved it:
. . . during the period that their communities attained their highest
condition . . . a distinct priesthood was in existence. These priests led
acetic lives in the inner Kibus. . . . subjecting themselves to rigorous and
long continued fasts. . . . they evolved complex ideas of the deities and
endeavoread to define their attributes, but their efforts resulted in absurd
conceptions of Nature and its laws. They hovered on the boundary of
philosophic thought, but they were incapable of pursuing the thread of
their investigations; an incompetent reasoning faculty involved them in a
labyrinth of vague and dreamy impressions . . .
The energy evoked by shouting their prayers and beating upon their rude
 musical instruments resulted in ecstatic frenzies which they accepted as
divine revelations and hence believed themselves in intercourse with the
controlling deities . . . (Stephen 1890:38)
Thus Stephen appears to have succumbed momentarily to the popular
view of the period as to Indian religion. Fortunately, except for these
paragraphs, he seems quite respectful and temperate in his recordings
of Hopi lifeways.
This outbreak may bear on his use of the term "deities" or "gods" for
the pantheon of entities that prevail in Hopi religion. These entities
today may well be termed "spirits" rather than "gods," and very
possibly were in Stephen's day. Again we believe that "god"
designation may well have followed what would have been proper
designation one hundred years ago. While we recognize this possible
imperfection in the naming of the supernaturals, we have chosen to
follow Stephen's word choice.
How to Study Pottery Symbols in this Book
Hopi Pottery Symbols is designed to permit the study of pottery
symbols in the home, in the museum, or in the backcountry where the
hiker may encounter potsherds. Please remember that collecting
potsherds on public lands is forbidden. This rule does not prohibit the
finder from inspecting the sherd and sketching or

 Page 12
photographing it as long as he or she replaces it, preferably decorated
face down, where it was found.
It is possible that archaeologists working with excavated pottery may
find this work useful in considering the possible meaning of the
symbols they encounter. Hopefully this book will engender research to
confirm, change, or discredit Stephen's recordings of these symbol
meanings.
Remember that the symbol meanings outlined here are from the Hopi
for their own historic and prehistoric pottery. They are not meant for
painted pottery from other pueblos or cultures in the Southwest.
However, anyone making even a brief perusal of the pottery of other
Pueblos as well as that of the Hohokam, the Mogollon, and even that
of northern Mexico will find that many of these symbols on Hopi
pottery are repeated on pottery from other cultures. At this time we
are not in a position to speculate on the significance of this
observation.
For those interested in learning the possible meaning of pottery
symbols, we do suggest the following first step: please take the time
to read or at least scan the text and illustrations of Pottery of Tusayan.
The reader will be rewarded by the richness of the myths and legends
that surround some of the symbols.
In the section entitled "Eighty-four Symbols" we have extracted from
the text of Pottery of Tusayan all the various references to each
symbol and collected them under our interpretation of Stephen's
(AMS) ascribed meaning for the symbol. This section is in
alphabetical order by AMS's ascribed meaning. Each symbol has a
"symbol description" which describes the symbol in simple terms, i.e.,
"a stepped pyramid" as one type of cloud symbol, etc.
Notes to Pottery of Tusayan
Numbering of Pots. All Referenced Pots described in Pottery of
Tusayan are referred to by a number, known as the Keam number. It
was affixed to the vessel, presumably by Stephen, when assembling
the Keam Collection. It is cited in Pottery of Tusayan in any
references to that pot. Pot numbers have been set in bold type.
Unpainted pots in the chapter, "Primitive Ware," have not been
tabulated in our total or included in the appendices.
Missing Pots. Fifty pots out of the 119 Referenced Pots that Stephen
described in Pottery of Tusayan are missing. To designate these
missing pots, we have placed the suffix M after the missing pot
numbersuch as 205Mwherever it occurs in the text. (Note: We have
not applied this suffix to the pot numbers at the end of each chapter, as
they do not relate to the interpretation of symbols. These numbers
comprise all the pots in the collection at the time of Stephen's writing
Pottery of Tusayan.)
Use of AMS and AP Abbreviations. The initials AMS are periodically
used to stand for Alexander MacGregor Stephen and AP for Alex
Patterson.
Text. Stephen's text is presented as he wrote it. Capitalization,
punctuation, and some mispellings have been changed to provide
clarity.
Glossary. A glossary has been provided, defining words used from
other languagesmainly Hopi, but also Navajo, Spanish, Greek, Latin,
Old English, etc.

 Page 13
Symbol Identification. Having in hand a Referenced Pot and reading
about the symbols on that pot in Pottery of Tusayan, how do you
know which symbol belongs to which reference? How do you know
that your choice of a symbol on a pot matches Stephen's intended
designation?
At the Peabody we were allowed to photograph the Referenced Pots
in the Keam Collection for study purposes. We took almost eight
hundred black-and-white and color shots of their 65 Referenced Pots
and the individual symbols thereon. Four additional Referenced Pots
were found and photographed at the American Museum of Natural
History, New York. We cross-checked all these to illustrations in
Wade and McChesney's works, America's Great Lost Expedition and
Historic Hopi Ceramics, which have many illustrations of Keam
Collection pots. Our photographs and this cross-checking to these
published works became our data base for symbol identification.
If we found the same symbol on several pots and the references to
these pots all cited this symbol on those pots, we felt reasonably sure
that this repeated symbol matched the repeated reference. If we had
only one reference to one symbol on one pot (which pot bore
numerous symbols), our chance of choosing the wrong symbol was
greater.
In many cases Stephen had given us an illustration referring to a
certain pot by Keam number. Often it showed the item that was
depicted on the pota katcina mask or headdress, a ceremonial altar, a
prayer stick, etc. We could easily find the symbol that related to the
illustration.
Stephen's illustrations of pots often had penned comments next to
parts of the drawing, naming the symbols. By comparing the
illustration with the photographs of the symbols on the pot, we could
identify visually the symbol he meant. Most illustrations have his
notation as to which text page contains the reference involved. Again
we can relate the illustration of a certain pot or symbol to a reference
on a certain page, further reducing the chance of error.
Drawings of Pots. You may wonder why, with almost eight hundred
photographs of the found Referenced Pots from the Peabody's Keam
Collection, we have not reproduced these as illustrations in the work
rather than using our own drawings. The Peabody Museum has a rule
that no photograph may be published of items in their collection,
unless it is done by the Peabody's own photographer at the
researcher's expense. Due to the large number of illustrations of both
pots and symbols in the work (almost four hundred), the cost of using
the Peabody's photographer became prohibitive. Our drawings are
strictly in black-and-white and do not reflect the subtle impact on
symbol design that can be achieved by polychrome painting. See W.
H. Holmes's paintings for a sense of this subtlety.
Transition and Modern Ware. Pottery of Tusayan does not include the
text of the chapter (a total of ten typewritten pages) entitled
"Transition Ware" that appeared in the Peabody's final version of the
"manuscript catalogue"entitled Catalogue of Keam's Cañon
Collection of Relics of the Ancient Builders of the Southwestern Table
Lands. Stephen in this chapter refers to some of the vessels as Modern
Ware. As a result we have titled this chapter "Transition and Modern
Ware."
We had planned to include the text of this chapter in this work, as it
includes twenty-one Referenced Pots of which twelve have been
found. Unfortunately, the

 Page 14
Peabody Museum would not allow us to publish the entire text of this
chapter as they had given prior publication permission to some other
unnamed scholar. As a result we have only included our drawings of
Transition and Modern Ware Referenced Pots and their symbols, with
Stephen's specific comments on these symbols.

 Page 15

Pottery of Tusayan

 Page 17

This page, handwritten by J. Walter Fewkes, was found with the original Stephen
manuscript in the National Anthropological Archives. It was probably placed
with
the manuscript as it entered the archives in the late 1890s (?). Fewkes was very
much involved in the Bureau of American Ethnology (BAE), the forerunner
of the Smithsonian Institution; he ultimately headed the BAE.

It was from this page that we became aware of "Mr. Holmes." We were able to
identify him as William Henry Holmes, a noted archaeologist and artist who
later became the head of the National Gallery in Washington.

Ten of his paintings of Keam Collection pottery are reproduced on the cover
of this book and herein. See color insert, pages 89-96.AP


 Page 18

This is a facsimile of the actual title page of Stephen's manuscript that was found
in
the National Anthropological Archives. We presume that it was typed by
Stephen
as was the rest of the manuscript, which was annotated in Stephen's handwriting.
Fifty-seven illustrations (eight in color) were interspersed among the 124
typewritten pages and keyed with penned notes to specific pages.

The handwritten second title and the notation of the date, both above,
are in Stephen's handwriting.AP


 Page 19
Table of Contents
Pottery of Tusayan: Catalogue of the Keam Collection
by A. M. Stephen (1890)
Note: AMS's chapter titles are in bold type. In plain type are the
present-day styles and their dating for the found referenced painted
pots (see Appendix I)listed by Keam numberthat were discussed by
AMS in that chapter. Question mark after pot number indicates
uncertainty about style attributions.
Introduction 20
Primitive Ware 22
(Unpainted pottery from many periods)
Decorated WareBlack Line 27
Black Mesa Black-on-white, A.D. 875-1130, No. 526; Tusayan Black-
on-white,
A.D. 1125-1300, No. 21; and Polacca Polychrome, A.D. 1780-1900,
No. 60
Decorated WarePolychrome 37
Jeddito Black-on-yellow, A.D. 1300-1625, No. 168; Sikyatki
Polychrome,
A.D. 1375-1625, Nos. 188E, 202, 215, 322, 380, 386, 498, 2125A;
San Bernardo
Polychrome, A.D. 1621-1680, Nos. 30, 44, 184, 196, 195A, 323;
Polacca Polychrome,
A.D. 1780-1900, Nos. 6, 9, 18, 87, 113, 215E, 247; and two pots
without style desig-
nations, Nos. 23, 253
Orange-colored Ware 76
Payupki Polychrome, A.D. 1680-1780, Nos. 2, 3, 5, 15, 21, 47, 51, 66,
69, 153?, 157,
163, 197, 200?, 204, 212, 216?, 245, 286, 321?; and San Bernardo
Polychrome, A.D.
1625-1680, No. 220, 192
Cream-colored Ware 102
Sikyatki Polychrome, A.D. 1375-1625, Nos. 41, 142, 276, 328; San
Bernardo
Polychrome, A.D. 1625-1680, Nos. 296, 361; and Polacca
Polychrome, A.D.
1780-1900, No. 1487
Hawk House Relics 110
(No pots found)
Red Ware 110
One pot, Tusayan Polychrome, A.D. 1100-1300, No. 249
Transition and Modern Ware 113
Polacca Polychrome, A.D. 1780-1900, Nos. 84, 92, 101, 102, 105,
117, 118, 141, 223,
267, 621, and No Keam numberPeabody #979-5-10/58763)

 Page 20

Introduction
For many years Mr. Thomas V. Keam of Keam's Cañon, Arizona (sic),
has been collecting relics of the Ancient Builders throughout Arizona
and the San Juan region on the southern confines of Colorado and
Utah. These have been exhumed from burial places, sacrificial
caverns, ruins, and from sand dunes in the locality of ancient gardens.
The relics consist of pottery, stone implements, both primitive and
polished, arrowheads, knives, celts, beads, and other ornaments.
Sandals and specimens of woven fabrics of cotton, ropes and cordage
of yucca and other fibres, aprons of cedar bark, netted fabrics of yucca
and feathers, mummy and skeleton remains. The most important class
of relics consists of a unique collection of ancient pottery, comprising
many hundreds of vessels in a good state of preservation, besides a
large number in impaired condition, not included in the following
enumeration.
A few of the specimens were obtained from the Tusayan, the women
in whose possession they were, having preserved them as a sort of
heirloom. The traditions of their exhumation extending back many
generations, and delicate negotiations were required to effect their
purchase.
The information explanatory of the designs in the ornamentation and
the uses of the pottery is derived from legends and traditions
preserved among the chiefs and priests of the Tusayan Village Indians.
The greater portion of this collection having been exhumed from
burial places, the following legendary account of the ancient burial
custom is here inserted.
Immediately after death the hair of the corpse is undone from its
fastenings and left hanging loose over the shoulders. The head and
hair are then carefully washed in a basin, which is invariably buried
with the corpse. The body is placed in a squatting posture with the
arms on knees and hands on face. An eagle's feather is attached over
the heart, this is the breath feather, betokening that the deceased was
"good of heart and pure of breath." The body is then entirely
enveloped in a blanket which is carefully entwined, like the meshes of
a net, with a rope spun from yucca fibre. These ceremonies are
performed by the aunt or eldest sister or next of female kin.
Upon the east side, and at some distance from the pueblo, a pit is dug
in the sand and to such a depth as a man standing on the bottom may
just touch the surface with his hand extended at arm's length above his
head. The pit is circular and about three feet in diameter and is walled
with stone breast high. The corpse is deposited in the pit, with face to
the east, and beside it are placed the basin in which the head was
washed, and bowls or other vessels containing water, venison, and
corn bread to sustain the spirit on its journey.
Food is carried to the grave for four days after burial. This custom
they explain by referring to one of their traditions relating the genesis
of their race, in which it is told that four days were occupied by the
first people in their journey from the mysterious Cave of Origin until
they arrived upon the earth, and hence, they say it must require the
same time to return.
When a man is buried, his dibble or planting stick is thrust into the
earth above his grave and left there; this is to remind him, when he
gets to the presence of the gods, to implore them to send favorable
planting seasons and harvests to the friends he has left.

 Page 21
Short sticks are laid close together across the top of the stone lining,
and the upper part of the pit is compactly filled with sand. Stones are
then laid upon the surface to prevent wolves or other animals from
burrowing. This same burial custom prevails to some extent among
the modern Tusayan. But these cists are not always circular, they are
sometimes square, and five-and six-sided cists have been discovered.
Sometimes circumstances prevented the preparation of a cist, and the
body was simply wrapped in a blanket and buried beneath a boulder
or in a sand dune.
Ancient circular burial pits are found in Keam's Cañon, about a mile
below the Trading Post. Some of them have been opened by the
Tusayan within recent date and again used as places of burial.
A very beautiful maternal trait is exhibited in another of the old burial
customs. When a child died the mother would bury her sandals with it,
signifying that her heart went with her child being taken away, and
lest the spirit of the child might wander from the trail leading to the
house of the gods, she would travel with it and guide its steps in her
prayers. There are several of these sandals in the collection of really
artistic manufacture and elaborate pattern. They are plaited from a
mixed fibre of yucca and cotton.

 Page 22

Primitive Ware
Specimens of the early pottery from the San Juan region, and from the
plateaus in northern Arizona, have been classed as Primitive Ware.
This class consists of cooking utensils, pots, and smaller heating
vessels. They are made from a coarse siliceous clay of shades of gray
and red, and in a manner which denotes that they were modeled from
baskets.
A specimen (205M) of the earliest form produced is a round, saucer-
shaped dish of coarse, red clay. It is 13 inches in diameter; 3¾ inches
deep, and 3/8 of an inch in thickness. Accompanying this specimen is
a recently made dish, the bottom of which clearly displays the molded
impression of the basket in which it was formed. The specimen is a
distinct reproduction of the closely woven wicker basket still in use
with savage tribes, such as the Apaches and the Kohoninos.
They use it for parching seeds preparatory to grinding. The basket is
partly filled with seed and a quantity of glowing wood coals thrown
in. The basket is then taken in the hands and, by a peculiar winnowing
motion, the seeds and coals are tossed and intermixed until the
parching is completed. So deftly is the operation managed that neither
seed nor basket is burned.
Before parching the larger seeds, such as the sunflower and Indian
corn, the basket is sometimes lined with a thin coating of clay. By
accident, probably, it was discovered that the clay lining, subjected to
the action of fire, produced a serviceable duplicate of the shallow
basket, and after some slight experiments such a vessel as this one
referred to, may have been produced.
But there is another reason for supposing that baskets were the models
for their first fictile productions. The Navajo name for earthenware is
kle-it tsamud basket.
The oldest method of basket-making known to the Tusayan, and the
oldest fragments of baskets which have been exhumed, although
displaying a wide variety of forms other than their saucer shape,
invariably show that the withes were cleverly fastened together so as
to form one continuous coil. The greater number of the vessels in this
primitive class have been made in a similar manner, from a
continuous strip of clay, the outer edges of which overlap each other,
hence they have been termed laminated.
There are many of these laminated vessels clearly displaying the
method adopted in their manufacture. The potter's wheel was never
discovered by these peopleas a substitute they used a shallow basket.
The same primitive method which prevailed a thousand years ago is in
use today by the Moki.
As has been said, the women are the potters and the preparation of the
clay requires several days. After it has been brought to a proper
consistency by kneading with water, about the consistency of glazier's
putty, the potter squats upon the ground and places a shallow basket
before her. Taking a handful of clay she rolls it between her extended
palms, rapidly producing a riband of clay, which she manipulates until
it reaches the required tenuity. She then fixes one end fair in the center
of the basket and coils the riband around in such a manner that the
lower edge of each successive layer neatly overlaps and closely
compresses upon the layer beneath.
She continues this process until the vessel assumes the form desired.
The inner surface is carefully smoothed and the form imparted to the
vessel with a small tool made of gourd shell. If the vessel is to be of a
large size or peculiar form, it is set

 Page 23
aside in a shady place to dry when partially formed. After it has
become sufficiently hardened to sustain the additional weight, the
process is again resumed.
After a final drying it is baked in the open air in a heap of burning
sheep dung, which has been previously prepared and dried in cakes
for this purpose. The time of baking is from two to four hours. In the
modern productions the laminations are very seldom displayed, the
potter generally smoothing both outside and inside as the vessel is
formed. Very generally the lower portion of the vessel is molded in a
shallow basket.
Traditions aver that the potters' art has always been confined to the
women. This peculiarity has been observed in other Indian tribes. It
[is] but natural, as the men procure the food and the women prepare it,
that the faculty of the women would be exercised in the invention and
manufacture of culinary vessels for themselves.
Most of the vessels of this class are made of a tenacious clay and have
been baked sufficiently hard to give out a sonorous ring when struck.
None of them are slip coated or painted, but some are rudely
ornamented with incised marks and punctures, made with sharp
pointed fragments of bones of the mountain sheep and deer. Some
have overlying fillets surrounding the neck; others have molded
bosses and rudimentary handles set below the rim.
Some of the vessels display the laminations or overlapping edges,
dexterously manipulated into patternsdiagonal, triangular, and lozenge
shaped, probably copies of the simple, angular designs woven in the
wicker baskets.
Number 193M, a large well-modeled, round-bottomed water vessel,
14 inches high, 15½ inches widest diameter, the mouth with slightly
flaring brim, 10 inches diameter, is one of the best examples of early
ornamentation. Its laminations are crimped with the thumb nail to
form a designten successive bands of triangleswhich cover the entire
surface. These are inferred to be imitations of the scalloped edges of
the deer skin garments.
The jars 568M and 381M have small rudimentary handles on the brim
in the shape of coiled spirals, a form which was afterward fully
elaborated in the decorations of the Black Line class.
Attached to the brim of the jar 145M are imitations in clay of the rope
handles used in suspending baskets.
Quite a number of specimens display irregular corrugations in zones
formed by twisting the strips of clay as they were laid on.
One specimen, a small jar (524M) was evidently molded complete in
a wicker basket. The markings upon the large water vessel (551M),
entirely covered with irregular, short vertical indentations, are more
difficult of explanation. It is inferred that the potter held in one hand a
fabric of yucca fibres which she pressed upon the outside of the
vessel, while with the other hand she pressed upon and smoothed the
interior surface with a fragment of gourd shell.
There are several globular vessels, in size from 7 to 9 inches in
diameter, with circular mouth of from 4 to 5 inches diameter. They are
made of fine gray paste and smoothly finished; they are thin and light,
resembling the shell of a gourd.
There are also several jars, of excellent model, composed of a grayish
clay paste in which coarse fragments of quartz are mixedangular
fragments as large as grains of wheat.

 Page 24
The caldron form with the flaring brim is the most common. Five of
the largest are nearly of the same dimensions14 inches high, 15 inches
widest diameter, 10 inches diameter across the brim. A common size
of the smaller pots is 9 inches high, about the same in diameter, and 6
inches across the brim.
Some peculiar forms are to be noticed. Those of an oval shape, not
accidental, as it occurs in well-modeled vessels. One of the larger
ovals measures 10 inches in height, and the brim diameter 11½ by 10
inches. In the smaller ovals about the same proportion has been
observed.
There are some odd-looking shoe-shaped vessels; they resemble
somewhat the Indian moccasin, but the bottoms are rounded. The
largest (385M) is pointed at the toe, from which three lines of
punctures diverge upward, something like a broad arrow. It is 7½
inches high, 10¾ inches long, 8½ inches across. A small stud projects
from each side of the body of the vessel, and there has been a small
handle at the back.
Another of a somewhat similar shape, but rounded at the toe, is 7½
inches long, 5 inches wide, and 4 inches high, with a handle sprung
from near the toe to the front of the brim; others of the same form are
of nearly similar dimensions.
The form of these vessels strikingly suggests the askos and that these
people, like the ancient Greeks, and other early races, modeled vessels
of clay after their bottles and pouches made from the skins of animals.
Other ascoidal vessels occur in some of the other classes and will be
again referred to.
A number of specimens show indented and incised bone markings.
The flint knives and arrowheads were never permitted to be used for
this purpose; all cutting implements and weapons were, from religious
motives, strictly reserved for their special uses.
There are also numerous small jars, jugs, and cups belonging to this
class; the uses of these small vessels is explained in the Black Line
Decorated Ware, in which class is a collection of similar sizes and
forms to these in this class.
Also assigned as Primitive Ware is a collection of casks, wide-
mouthed and large-bellied vessels which have been used for the
storage of water, and the preservation of food and various field
products. Most of them are of coarse texture. A few of them are
coated with a fine, thin slip and attempts at ornamentation are
apparent, but the main object sought in their manufacture seems to
have been strength; yet most of the forms are very symmetrical. The
clay paste of which they are made is from 1/4 to 3/8 of an inch in
thickness; the colors are brown, gray, and red.
Examples of the pear shape, the pointed bottom, and the oval, occur;
one of the latter, of caldron shape and flaring brim, measures 12½
inches high, the brim diameter being 17¼ by 15¾ inches.
There are also various rudely fashioned cooking vessels, with roughly
flattened bottoms, of size from 10 inches high, and about same in
diameter in half that size.
The (566) is of an oval, caldron form with flaring brim, 13 inches
high, the brim diameter 17 by 15 inches; the clay paste is coarse and
about 3/8 of an inch in thickness. It was exhumed from the sandy side
of a valley, a few miles north from Keam's Cañon.
The traditional story of the cask is thus told. Formerly when a war
party set out, vessels similar to this specimen were prepared. One of
the casks was provided


 Page 25

(Left) 446 and (right) 566, San Bernardo Plain Ware, c. 17th century.
by each gens that furnished a quota of men for the expedition. They
were carried along on the backs of some of the men (this specimen
weighs 17 pounds) and secreted in the ground at intervening
distances. In them were placed some parched cornmeal and a smaller
vessel containing water.
A jar (446) was found inside of this cask. This was done in order to
facilitate the movements of scouting parties and messengers who
could resort to these caches for food, and they also formed, in case of
need, a reserve supply for the main body.
Meal made from parched corn was a primitive method of condensing
a very nutritious food and made it possible to store provision for a
considerable body of men in small compass.
Over the mouth of the cask they stretched a tanned deer skin which
had been previously soaked in the melted fat of a dog, said by the
Hopitus to be the most preservative of all oils. The skin was secured
around the flaring brim by a wetted cord made of deer tendons, which
on drying shrinks and becomes almost as hard as wire. To open the
covering, a triangular cut was made and after what was necessary had
been extracted, the triangular flap was wetted and stretched over the
hole and the edges fastened down with the gum of the piñon tree.
If the expedition was successful these vessels were dug up on the
return march and brought back to the villages, and in them was
prepared the food for the feast which celebrated the victory.
Tradition also avers that the hearts of the enemies they had slain were
boiled with this festival food which was partaken of by all the
inhabitants of the village.
The fact of finding this vessel in a valley remote from the site of
dwellings and the fire marks which are evident upon it, would seem to
indicate that it had been used on more than one expedition.
Section A. Displaying spiral, laminated coil over entire surface. 342,
24, 290, 587, 581, 511, 585, 584, 567, 555, 95, 317, 568, 285, 410,
349, 473, 348, 412, 480, 266, 145, 227, 246, 193, 292, 651.
Section B. Displaying laminations and corrugations in zones. 514,
346, 554, 515, 518, 563, 390, 381, 294, 611, 615, 553, 384, 483, 411,
475, 614, 334, 366, 291, 517, 273, 627, 647.

 Page 26
Section C. Displaying incisions, indentations, and thumb nail
markings. 397, 467, 423, 519, 595, 369, 520, 463, 594, 405, 616, 612,
593, 613, 289, 332, 400, 160, 560, 516, 379, 181, 552, 236, 295, 625,
624, 355, 640, 641, 642, 643, 644, 668.
Section D. Molded. 551, 524, 205 (modern specimen with 205).
Section E. Vessels of clay paste mixed with coarse quartz fragments.
403, 561, 126, 504, 415, 456, 391, 417, 284, 282.
Section F. Globular vessels. 128, 523, 429, 305, 171, 256.
Section G. Ascoidal vessels. 131, 579, 140, 138, 385.
Section H. Casks. 222, 255, 566, 257, 254, 185, 213, 224, 186, 260,
416, 414, 189, 34, 221, 622.
Section I. Pots and other vessels or irregular forms. 446, 300, 207,
187, 418, 243, 114, 590, 251, 565, 265, 190, 219, 115, 401, 149, 81,
89, 237, 231, 645, 646.
Section K. Small jars, jugs, cups, and curious forms. 573, 574, 576,
569, 503, 428, 582, 558, 433, 571, 575, 570, 572, 580, 578, 583, 281,
274, 82, 394, 299, 564, 466, 347, 557, 588, 589, 559, 577, 586, 577,
586, 556, 158, 562, 626, 623, 652, 653.
Note: Pots in this chapter are not painted and therefore are without
symbols. Both found and missing pots herein are not included in the
appendices.AP

 Page 27

Decorated WareBlack Line

In the class which has been termed Black Line a marked advance in
the potter's art is clearly manifested. The clay paste is finer, and a
greater variety and more general symmetry of form prevails. The
vessels are coated with a thin white slip and exhibit the earliest style
of painted decoration, designs laid on with black pigment upon a
white ground. Various symbolic forms are to be observed: waved and
parallel lines, checker-panel and cross-hatchingdenoting water under
different conditions, the first running water, and the two last still water
of ponds and lakes; the zig-zag denoting lightning; and several forms
of cloud symbols.

AMS illustration of Ho-bo-bo (the Twister),

the sourceof wind/breath. ''This rock etching
is in Keam's Cañon; it is 17 inches long
and 8 inches across.
A decoration of greater frequency in the Black Line than in any of the
other classes consists of the single and double spirals. The single
spiral (see bowls 232M and 330M) is a symbol of Ho-bo-bo (the
Twister), who manifests his power by the whirlwind. It is also of
frequent occurrence as a rock etching in the vicinity of ruins, where
also the complete symbol of the Ho-bo-bo is often seen, but the
complete figure does not appear upon any of the pottery.
A great whirlwind once blew all vegetation from the surface of the
earth and all the water from its courses. A stranger (nothing more of
his character is now known) came among the people; he was unable to
speak but he communicated by signs. With a flint he cut these
symbols upon a rock. He told them that he was the Keeper of the
Breath. The winds, the whirlwinds, and the air which men breathe
come from this Keeper's mouth. He sits upon a mountain and blows
strong gales, distributing to everyone a share of breath. He is
sometimes malignant; then he

Whirlwind, Ho-bo-bo, or breath symbols. (Left) Normal spiral and (right)

spiral conventionalized into square. Illustrations 3 and 4 by AMS.

 Page 28
twists and contorts himself in the form of a whirlwind and cries Ho-
bo-bo, Ho-bo-bo as he whirls about, endeavoring to steal man's
breath. On the occasion of his great devastation of the earth, the wrath
of the gods was only appeased by the sacrifice of a youth, whose
extended limbs were fastened in a cruciform manner to the boughs of
a piñon tree. A fire was made under him and a whirlwind arose in the
smoke and translated him to the house of the gods.

Cask 25, Tusayan Black-on-white, A.D. 1125-1300.

The cask (25) measures 13 inches high, 17 inches widest diameter,
and the mouth 7 inches diameter. It is coated with a thick white slip
and finely finished in black pigment, the decoration is laid on with
excellent effect and affords a capital illustration of the double spiral,
the whirlpool. The origin of this symbol has the following traditional
explanation.
In the Grand Cañon of the Colorado River, some distance west from
the mouth of the Little Colorado, a deposit of salt lies on the south
side and near the base of the cañon. Close to this deposit the river
forms a series of eddies which is supposed to mark one of the
entrances to the house of Masau, and in these eddies the Hopitus,
when they go there to gather salt, toss their breath feathers and meal
offerings to Masau. Some of these feathers are at times thrown up on
the salt-impregnated bank and become thickly encrusted; these are
regarded as favorable tokens from Masau, and are gathered and
religiously preserved in the villages.
The two banks of double spirals, connected with curving lines,
surrounding the upper surface of the cask, are emblematic of these
whirlpools. The square convolutions on the sides will be observed to
be formed of a single line, these are the Ho-bo-bo spirals
conventionalized into squares.
The triangular cross-hatching on the shoulders of the cask denotes still
water. In the panels formed by the meandering zone below the cross-
hatching, the open parallel lines are said to represent the wings and
body of the thunderbird, and the oblique lines in the center represent
the lightning which is always displayed as cleaving its body. This
mythic bird is fully elaborated on the vase (215) of the Polychrome
class.

 Page 29

Whirlpool, gate of Masau's house.

Illustration 2 by AMS.

Banks of double spirals as whirlpools, on 25.

Ho-bo-bo spirals conventionalized into squares, on 25.

 Page 30

Triangular crosshatching on 25 as still water.

On 25, the body of the thunderbird and oblique lines in the center
representing the lightning which is always displayed as cleaving his body.

AMS illustration of water wrought into a meandering device (left), which is the
conventionalized
generic sign of the Hopitus, coming from the two forefingers joined as shown at
right.

 Page 31

60, Polacca Polychrome, Style C, A.D. 1860-1890.

This class comprises casks, vases, jars, bowls, jugs, cups, globular
vessels, canisters, and ladles. One of the specimens of the vases
(304M) measures 12 inches high, 14 inches at widest diameter, and
the mouth 8¾ inches diameter. It is of shapely form, with flaring brim,
and indented base. The paste is a clay of a grayish color, hard and
tenacious, with but little silica apparently intermixed. The decoration
in common with nearly all the vessels of this class is laid in zones
divided by surrounding bands. A narrow zone of about 2 inches in
width surrounds the neck and another, just below it, covers about half
the height of the vase. The designs are cloud symbols, the little dots
upon their edges representing hail.
The design upon the jar (60) represents water flowing in a series of
eddies; upon the jar (86M) is also water wrought into a meandering
device which is the conventionalized generic sign of the Hopitus. The
two forefingers are joined thus. The eating bowls (331M and 332M)
are fair specimens of their kind. All the bowls are decorated, but upon
the inside only. They are evenly finished upon the outside, which
shows the natural color of the clay, mostly gray; the insides are
smoothed and in some instances polished. The decorations are lines
representing water; zig-zag representing lightning, significant of the
heat in harvest time; and the spiral or breath symbol, appropriate
subjects for the ancient's contemplation while he ate his potage of
corn and beans.
Possibly some such subjects did engage their minds during their
meals, at least the custom of observing perfect silence while at their
meals has come down to their descendants, the Mokis, and the more
devout among them before eating, always throw a small portion of the
food into the fire as an offering to Masau, the earth geniusfire being
regarded as his peculiar element.
The bowl (526) is decorated upon the inside with designs displaying
the typical custom of wearing the hair. The two discs, in profile,
facing each other, show the manner in which the young maidens wear
their hair, arranged in the form of a disc upon each side of the head
and is called the na-somp.
The other design is intended to outline the form in which the men tie
up their back hair in the form of a club which rests at the nape of the
neck. The hair of the front of the head is combed over the forehead
and cut off on a line with the eyebrows. The women after marriage
never wear their hair in discs, it is then evenly divided and gathered
into two cues, a few gourd or melon seeds are inserted, and they are
then wrapped with yarn and worn hanging down on each side of the
face.

 Page 32

Pot 526, Black Mesa Black-on-white, A.D. 875-1130.

(Breternitz 1993)

On 526, two discs in profile facing each other showing

the way maidens wear their hair, called the na-somp.

The form the men wear their hair is a club

that rests at the nape of the neck.
It is called the hem-somp.
The characteristic propensity of this people for symbolism is aptly
illustrated in the simple design of the na-somp, to which has been
added a line of dots along its face, converting it into the emblem of a
hail cloud.
A summer's holiday occurs during which much simple mirth is
excited. The young lads are presented with bowls decorated similar to
this one and they go to the valleys and pull the young, green tops of
the wild potato. These they jocosely barter with the girls for pieces of
a daintily prepared cornbread, and the girls retain the bowls. The
potatoes are left in the ground to ripen till winter, but they rarely attain
a size much larger than the hazelnut. They have rather a pungent,
acrid flavor, which, however, is entirely dispelled by eating them with
a very small portion of a fatty clay.
On the water jug (169M) the na-somp is again figured displaying the
first suggestion of the virgin emblem which appears on many of the
vessels of the later classes conventionalized under the form of the
Maltese cross. See na-somp decoration (Note 1) on door in the house
of Na-si-bet-to-wa, painted by his wife who is priestess in the order of
Katcina-mana. It is na-somp of the katcinas.

 Page 33

Note 1: AMS illustration showing a decoration

which is called the na-somp of the katcinas.
The bowl (356M) is an example of a composite style displaying the
primitive laminations on the outside while it is smoothly finished and
has painted decoration upon the inside.
The specimens (173M, 318M) of the water jugs are of a similar
material to that of the bowls. On 318M, two of the water symbols are
displayed, the checker-panel, still water and parallel lines, and flowing
water. Upon 173M are cloud and water symbols.
The cup (352M) has a very modern appearance, but it was found in a
grave close to some very old ruins near San Juan.
There are numerous small cups and diminutive jugs, from the size of
an egg to 3 or 4 inches. Some of these were made for children, and it
was formerly a customstill occasionally observed by the Mokisfor the
mother to fill with water the cup of a child she had lost and place it on
a rock near the grave. Many of these were discovered in such
situations, a few of them in the graves of children. The women also
make many of these small vessels to use in their offerings to
Muingwa.
When the men return to the villages with loads of firewood, they pass
by a boulder where certain rites are performed to Masau and it is
known as Masau's rock. They often throw a splinter of their wood
attached to a tuft of grass, upon a pile of similar offerings close to the
rock. These are their expressions of thanks to him for his gifts of
wood and other products of the soil. The women also bring their
offerings to the same place, but to Muingwa, not to Masau. She puts a
breath feather and a few grains of corn, or other food, in one of these
small vessels and places it in a hollow of the rock. Such offering
places have been discovered at many of the old ruins.
Numbers 468M (the handle is hollow) and 351M are forms of the
askos already observed in the primitive division. Both of these were
found in graves. Number 351M was in a cist beside the mummified
remains of a boy discovered near some ruins in Cañon Ségy, the
mummy being also transferred to the collection. The frequent
discovery of these askoidal vessels in graves would lead to the
inference that the custom of placing a receptacle containing water in
the grave beside the corpse obtained at a very early time. Before they
began to make earthen vessels, the skin bottle was filled with water
and placed in the grave, but as pottery became known, they modeled
the askos for this mortuary use, superseding the use of skins.
Many of these askoi are perfect reproductions of the old skin vessels.
The skin of the deer was spread out and the neck and shoulders cut off
as that part was unsuitable for water vessels. The skin covering the
body, the haunches, and the hind legs down to the hocks was doubled
over, flesh side in, and sewed closely together with yucca fibre, which
is very lasting and was preferred to sinew for this purpose. The skin
vessel, it will be readily perceived, had thus a resemblance to a
clumsily made shoe or short-legged boot. Number 427M (relics from
the Hawk House ruins) has exactly the form described.
Number 293M is another form of askos used by the women in the
Muingwa

 Page 34
Festival. At the return of the Water Moon (August) the women
celebrated this feast, and as one of its episodes two maidens are sent
from the council-house of the priestess to a certain spring. They go
out at midnight, one of them carrying two gourd-shaped earthen
vessels to be filled with water, the other girl carries this askos filled
with meal, tobacco, and water, and as they travel on this eerie ordeal
she sprinkles water from it as an offering and murmurs the traditional
prayers to Muingwa.
The boss-like protuberances on the body of the vessel represents the
mammae of Baho-li-konga, spiral covering them is the whirlpool
emblem, the same as figures on cask 25. In this instance, however, the
whirlpool is said to be caused by Baho-li-konga's tail, giving good life
to the spring. The leaf-shaped designs are the leaves of the Asa. The
juice is expressed from the leaves of this plant and is used as a
mordant to fix the colors on pottery. The women value it very highly
and it is frequently depicted by them among Muingwa's gifts.
The globular flask (85M) with a short neck has on each side a small
stud perforated for a thong to admit of its being carried in the hand,
filled with water, for the convenience of the Indian as he worked in
his garden or corn field. On the neck water in springs is depicted and
below are bands denoting running water, the intermediary space has
the breath sign, the breathed prayers of the devout potter for water.
Number 490M, the bottle-shaped specimen, has a projecting stud
(modeled after the hair disc worn by the maidens previously
mentioned) on each side of the neck to which the thong was fastened.
The decorations are hail clouds and running water. The canister (53M)
was used as a salt cellar.
Numbers 302M, 607M, 395M are specimens of ladles, the handles are
hollow and two of them are perforated with small holes like a flute. In
395M the black triangles are the Asa leaves, the straight lines water.
The leaves of the plant are here represented as being joined by the
Hopitu sign of friendship figured upon jar 86M. The perforated
hollow handles are of curious interest.
The flute, or rather the flageolet, was given by the Sky God to the
early Warrior Katcina, by whom it was given to the warrior priest. It
was a talisman of great virtues and a brotherhood or order of priests of
the Flute was instituted and still exists; their principal festival
occurring biannually, alternating with the festival of the Snake priests.
One of the singular methods of using the flageolet occurs in a night
worship. The priests and members of the order are all assembled in
the kibu or estufa, and their sentinel is seated upon the scuttle way
leading down to it. He watches until the eye of the Sky God (a bright
star, Aldebaran, in the constellation Taurus ?) reaches the zenith,
which he then announces.
The chief priest now takes the flageolet from the altar and hands it to
the youngest member who passes it to the warden guarding the foot of
the ladder, who in turn passes it up the ladder to the sentinel. The
sentinel then puts one end of it to his mouth and pointing the other end
directly to the star makes a long drawn inspiration. He then
immediately covers both ends of the flageolet with his thumbs, and
those who receive it from him secure it in the same manner, until it
reaches the hands of the chief priest. He puts the end of it to his lips
and exhaling through it, diffuses over the bahos and emblems
composing the altar, the virtues

 Page 35
inhaled from the Sky God. The petitions of the chief priest to the
minor deitiesto Omau, the Cloud God, for instanceafter this rite
almost assume the form of commands, compelling him to send rain.
During the Flageolet Festival (the ceremonial observance of which
continues in the estufa for eight days, the fraternity dancing in public
on the ninth day) there are new bahos (prayer emblems) made every
day. These are thin strips of wood, painted with white clay and a green
pigment made from copper ore, and to each of them there is tied a
consecrated "breath feather." On the first day they are made the length
of the hand, measuring from the tip of the middle finger, these are set
in the gardens of the north, a little windbreak of stone surrounds them
and a sprig of pine is planted beside each. On the succeeding days
they are made to measure from the other fingers, each day smaller,
and they are carried every day to the various cardinal points and to
any barren locality or water course where no water had flowed during
the previous year. On the last day of the festival they are barely an
inch long, just long enough to hold the string of the breath feather.
Before the Sky God gave the flageolet to the katcina he had used it as
a blow gun through which he distributed his blessings over the land of
the Hopitus. He shot arrowheads of turquoise, malachite, garnets, and
the other gems with which the people are familiar, and which are all
regarded as fragments of those arrows.
So completely have the Mokis forgotten all knowledge of the art of
making flint arrowheads, they also attribute them to the same origin
and say that their forefathers, like themselves, when they wanted a
supply of arrowheads, went out and gathered them.
The first flageolet given by the katcina to the warrior priest was made
of the thigh bone of a bear, and a similar bone instrument is still used
by the chief priest. Each of the members of the order use a flageolet
made of a reed, one end of which is inserted into the half of gourd
shell, and from which they produce most discordant sounds.
A long series of drouths once occurred, during which they could
obtain neither reeds nor gourds to make their flageolets and the
women made them substitutes of their pottery clay. The ladles with
hollow handles perforated with holes as shown in 395M and a few
other specimens clearly suggest themselves as reminiscences of that
traditional period.
Upon all of the decorated ancient ware, other than the Black Line, and
on the modern production of the Moki women as well, a curious
symbolic band is painted usually next to the neck or brim of the
vessel. If the woman who decorates the vessel is old and past the
child-bearing period, she paints a complete surrounding band; if she
has had a child recently or expects to ever have a child, the band is not
quite completed, she leaves a small space of a quarter or half an inch
unpainted. Young unmarried girls are not permitted to use this
surrounding band in their pottery decoration.
But throughout the entire class of Black Line the surrounding bands
are invariably painted complete, and this singular tradition is related
by the Mokis in explanation.
The first decorations were black bands painted around the food basins
as tokens of mourning. Other decorative designs soon accompanied
these plain bands and their original significance was forgotten. This
decorative style continued for

 Page 36
a long while until the women ceased to bear children. Then Muingwa
sent Masau to tell the women that if they hoped to bear children again
they must leave the "gate of breath" open so that he might perceive
the token of their desire. In their basketware productions, especially in
the shallow trays made in the coil form, the end of the coil upon the
outside brim is left unfinished, with this same significance. The
Kohonino women, although they know nothing of pottery, have a
similar custom of leaving a "breath gate" in the circular bands woven
even in their basket decoration.
Vessels Decorated upon the Outside Only
Section A. Casks, vases, and jars with necks but without handles. 25,
258, 527, 304, 12, 435, 540, 262, 162, 329, 628.
Section B. Vases and jars with two handles. 60, 62, 86.
Section C. Oblate globular vessels without handles. 537, 40, 373, 528,
39, 33, 228, 152, 670.
Section D. Oblate globular vessels with studs perforated for thongs.
59, 357, 422, 85.
Section E. 536, 490.
Section F. Jugs, pitchers, and cups. 419, 311, 73, 8, 306, 301, 476,
532, 11, 531, 449, 533, 309, 43, 99, 406, 263, 88, 608, 248, 459, 139,
371, 16, 506, 310, 508, 336, 13, 534, 507, 14, 530, 83, 226, 333, 239,
362, 61, 45, 421, 450, 169, 225, 318, 479, 235, 64, 175, 19, 541, 173,
619, 629, 631, 630, 650, 654, 655, 656, 657, 658.
Vessels Decorated upon the Inside Only
Section G. Bowls without handles. 359, 356, 340, 529, 426, 17, 331,
232, 482, 431, 471, 526, 298, 472, 662, 669.
Section H. Bowls with one handle. 164, 605, 420, 54, 424, 307, 609,
330, 539, 10, 7, 659, 660, 661.
Curious Forms Outside Decoration
Section I. Canister, colander, askoi, ladles, etc. 53, 302, 469, 67, 352,
535, 395, 74, 438, 261, 487, 351, 293, 468, 607, 538 (modern exhibit
with 538), 663, 664.

 Page 37

Decorated WarePolychrome
In the class designated as Polychrome, colors in yellow, brown, black,
and red are used in the decorations, and the best productions of the
ancient potter are presented, superior in texture, finish, and symmetry.
The designs are in many specimens very complicated, but are
preserved from any appearance of crowding by the nicety with which
the details are laid in.
The art of true, vitreous glazing was unknown to them, but in many of
the vessels in this class the surface is covered with a fine, thin slip of
clay containing salt which has been highly polished before the baking,
producing a beautiful, soft luster.
The production of this highly decorated ware seems to have been
limited to the former inhabitants of the region surrounding the present
Moki villages. Measuring from them, the area comprising the ruins
and burial places from which the finest specimens were obtained may
be said to extend about forty miles west; about twenty miles east;
about thirty miles north; and about thirty miles south from them. This
may be accounted for by the existence in this section of bright-colored
iron ochres, used as pigments, and pliable shales and fine clays, used
as materials for the manufacture of these vessels. In a section
possessed of these advantages the potter's art naturally attained its
highest excellence.
Fragments of the indented and laminated ware are found profusely
scattered in the vicinity of all the ruins outside of the section referred
to above, and but few fragments of this higher class. Within those
limits fragments of this latter class abound and comparatively few of
the former.
But these people have never at any time wholly ceased to manufacture
pottery of the primitive styles, partially molded in baskets and
displaying laminations, punctures and indentations.
The fine paste of which the vessels of this class is composed was
obtained by a process which required a great deal of time and labor. A
fine whitish clay, an impure kaolin, was subjected to a careful
preparation soaked in water and frequently kneaded for two weeks or
longer. The mass, having been brought to a proper condition, was
made into thin, flat tiles of convenient size and then baked. It is
evident that in old times the women exercised much greater care than
they do now in preparing and baking pottery. Instead of baking it in
the open air with dried sheep dung as now practiced, it is traditionally
stated that they baked it with charcoal in shallow pits, similar to those
formerly used for culinary purposes. After the tiles were baked, they
were crushed in a mortar and further reduced in mill stones, to a pulp
as fine as flour.
The stones used for this purpose were those used for grinding corn,
slabs of lava and sandstones of various textures, specimens of which
are in the collection. The grinding surface measures from 8 to 10
inches square, the rubbing stones about 8 inches long, 4 inches wide,
and an inch and a half thick. The substance to be reduced, after having
been crushed in the mortar, was first submitted to a rough grinding on
the lava, and successively upon two or three other slabs are of closer
textures, according to the fineness of the pulp desired. The modern
Mokis have a similar grinding apparatus, but the slabs are larger and
are set into the floors of their houses as fixtures.
Before entering upon a description of the decorations, a better
apprehension of

 Page 38
the subject may be obtained by some inquiry into the motives which
led to the universal adornment of their pottery.
In the Black Line Ware, the decorative designs employed represent
their earliest and simplest forms of prayer, symbols of breath, clouds,
rain, and water. All of these symbols appear among the rock etchings
near the ruins, and from these, doubtless, the women copied the
decorations for that early pottery. (Note: This last sentence does not
appear in the final version of the Catalogue.AP)
It is natural to suppose that with the inhabitants of an arid region an
anxiety concerning the rain and snow fall, and their consequent water
supply, would be ever present, and vividly impressed upon their
minds, and that prayers for this essential would find constant
expression.
It is doubtful whether at that primitive period they had acquired the art
of weaving, or rather, whether it was then generally practiced, at least
no representation of any textile garment has been discovered upon any
of the Black Line vessels. But after the art became general,
picturesque dance costumes, highly decorated masks, and symbolic
designs upon rattles, shields, garments, and prayer sticks (bahos) were
invented and we find them depicted by the women upon their pottery.
The circumstances fostering this development of their religion and its
ritual have left no distinct traces upon their legendary history, they
have become distorted in tradition and are now unintelligible. But this
fact is evident that during the period that their communities attained
their highest condition, occupying their largest and best constructed
villages, a distinct priesthood was in existence. These priests led
acetic lives in the inner kibus (concealed chambers discovered in
many of the estufas) subjecting themselves to rigorous and long
continued fasts. Earnestly meditating in these solitary places, they
evolved complex ideas of the deities and endeavored to define their
attributes, but their efforts resulted in absurd conceptions of nature
and its laws. They hovered on the boundary of philosophic thought,
but they were incapable of pursuing the thread of their investigations,
an incompetent reasoning faculty involved them in a labyrinth of
vague and dreamy impressions. They gathered in coteries and
fruitlessly discussed their illusive fancies, but they found in this
sympathetic fellowship a relief to the emotional feelings by resorting
to muscular action.
The energy evoked by shouting their prayers and beating upon their
rude musical instruments resulted in ecstatic frenzies which they
accepted as divine revelations and hence believed themselves in
intercourse with the controlling deities. Mystic rites and secret
worships were thus engendered, and religious brotherhoods, or orders,
were formed. In the kibu they were content to hide their ignorance in
mysticism, and they inculcated their fallacious ideas of nature under
this veil. Perhaps the best inference that can be drawn from the
traditions of their priesthood is that with them obscure poetic
symbolism occupies the place of philosophic deductions.
The extravagant early myths had universal credence and their popular
commemoration had long prevailed. Recognizing the power of public
displays, they also introduced in their celebrations startling effects to
arouse the dull intellect of a barbarous populace. The more
picturesque the costumes prescribed, and the more fantastic the
ceremony demanded, the more profoundly would the imagination

 Page 39
of the devotees be impressed, and the more securely would their ardor
be inspired to perpetuate the observances.
Their traditions also yield evidence that a religious element was
predominant in the race before the period when its ministration
required a special class or priesthood. The conception of katcinas,
supernatural messengers from the divinity, is an early idea common to
nearly all races, neither has the baho or prayer emblem been confined
to the Ancient Builders.
The women were debarred from actively participating in the most
important ceremonies, yet it was their province to prepare vessels of
pottery and decorate them with emblematic designs for ceremonial
uses. They were restricted from the use of the more sacred bahos, but
they were taught to depict similar emblems upon all their vessels in
daily use. Perhaps more devout than the men, this mode of expressing
their religious feelings and obligations to the deities took firm root
and became habitual, and they portrayed, especially upon their finest
vessels, the minutest details of costumes, masks, bahos, and other
accessories. Infinite painstaking is displayed, but curiously disfigures
and misproportioned objects, for they were never able to invent any
rules of drawing.
Circular vases of peculiar but symmetrical form are found in this
class. They are made of a very fine, hard paste and are coated with a
thin polished slip and measure about 8 inches high, 15 inches
diameter, and circular mouth about 5 inches diameter. The form bears
a close resemblance to that of an inverted mushroom, the stalk severed
close to the head representing the narrow brim around the mouth. The
bottom is rather pointed, the flat upper surface from brim of mouth to
periphery alone being decorated. They were designated especially for
ceremonial use in the estufas.
 Vase 1M, top view illustration 7 by AMS.

Section ACeremonial Vases

The specimen (1M) exhibits the best executed decoration displayed
upon any of these vases and presents besides an excellent illustration
of their method of handling a subject. This vase was designed for use
in a religious festival celebrated by the women. It is still observed by
the Moki women and occurs during the month of September, on the
occasion of the gathering of the first ripened melons and consists of
ceremonies common to most of the men's festivals, monotonous

 Page 40

AMS drawing of items on 1M. (Top left) Maiden with headdress.

(Right top) Diagram of headdress. (Right middle) Ornament on left side of
headdress.
(Bottom left) Form of naktci or cloud symbol, and (bottom right) design called
''house of Baho-li-konga."
processions, songs, and dances, with profuse abundance of food,
partaken of by both the participants and spectators. But after the
public observance through the day, certain rites are performed by the
priestesses in the kibu to which men are not admitted, and in these
rites this vase is used.
In explaining the use of one of the Black Line askoi, reference was
made to an episode of this festival in which two maidens make
oblations to Muingwa and bring water from a spring at midnight. The
water is procured for the purpose of filling this vase to be used in the
observances during the night.
The decorations upon its surface represent the emblematic costumes
worn by the two maidens during their nocturnal journey to the spring.
The illustration shows the headdress worn. It is a coronet made of
split willows, with two arching bands of the same material sprung
from the rim of the fillet, covered with antelope skin and painted
green. It shows the two principal cloud emblems, the curved form in
the upright semicircle, (also made of painted skin) surmounting the

 Page 41
forehead, and the angular form in the naktci, carved from the dried
root of the cottonwood, attached to the right side of the fillet. These
forms, variously modified or conventionalized, are found upon almost
every specimen of decorated ware, ancient or modern, either depicted
separately or in combination with other emblems. Upon the naktci is
painted a curious design called the house of Baho-li-konga.
The ornament upon the left side consists of four light splints of wood
thrust halfway through a small hub so as to produce eight radiating
spokes, around which bright dyed yarn of different colors is closely
wound, forming an octagonal disk, an imitation of the squash flower
and a symbol of the fructifying power of Muingwa. Eagle and hawk
plumes adorn the headdress. This is the headdress of the maiden who
carries the askos; the other maiden who carries the water gourds
wears a similar one excepting that in the place of the Muingwa symbol
the half of a split gourd is substituted, an emblem of water. They both
wear similar vestments; a broad white scarf woven of cotton and
ornamented with fringes is placed over the right shoulder across the
body and knotted over the left hip. A girdle, or kilt, of similar
manufacture, but elaborately embroidered, is worn around the loins,
extending to mid-thigh and is knotted over the right hip.
With hair hanging loose down their backs and thus scantily attired,
they set forth at midnight, unattended, from the kibu in which the
priestesses are assembled to obtain water from the distant spring
which Muingwa and his auxiliary Baho-li-konga consecrate upon that
night in recognition of the women's devotions.
The subject upon the vase is bisected, although no line marks the
separation, but it will be observed that the design upon one side is
reproduced upon the other. The upper band surrounding the brim
represents the fillet, "a" is the cloud coronet, the incised annulets upon
its border, like the painted annulets in the other parts of the design are
the conventional hail emblems; "e" upon the same band is the naktci
and plume; "b" is the knotted scarf; "c" is the kilt, the embroidery of
which is reproduced in the neatly incised lines near the ends; ''d" is the
baho (painted with emblematic designs) which is placed in the vase
after it has been filled with the consecrated water; "f" is the head of
batolatci (the dragonfly and servant of Omau ); "g" and the small
angular figures are conventionalized designs of clouds and running
water.
After the rites in the kibu have been concluded the chief priestess
buries the chief baho (the one represented upon the vase) in the spring
from which the water was procured, but all of the women who have
participated in the ceremonies, have also prepared miniature bahos,
little painted sticks half the size of the finger. These are placed in a
crevice of the rocks on the summit of the mesa; the crevice is also
called Baho-li-konga's house and is securely covered with a stone
slab.
It is said that he comes to this place, four days after the festival, and
inserts all these bahos around the edge of the covering stone which he
carries away on his back to Muingwa, leaving a new stone in the place
of the one he takes off. Hence the women, when dancing at the
festival, wear a peculiar ornament upon their backs. It is a small frame
of willows, covered with cotton cloth, upon the centre of which is
painted a device called the house of Baho-li-konga. The edges of the
cloth-covered frame are braided with corn husks and turkey feathers
are inserted in the interstices, representing the manner in which the
serpent conveys their bahos to Muingwa. It is this ornament which is
painted within the naktci upon the vase.

 Page 42

196, San Bernardo Polychrome, A.D. 1625-1680. (See Holmes painting page
91.)

Drawing of same, illustration 9 by AMS.

The purport of the festival is an invocation to Muingwa and Baho-li-
konga to fructify the earth, their domestic animals, and themselves.
This vase was long ago exhumed by the Mokis from a ruin upon the
Moen Kupi (sic) about forty miles west from their villages, and was
preserved as a sort of heirloom in a woman priest's family, for many
generations.
This vase (196) is very similar in size, form, and texture to the one
just described. The decorations upon it have no emblematic
significance, excepting the four small cloud emblems near the brim
separating the four objects delineated, the two larger of which, upon
opposite sides of the vase represent the mask worn by the men in the
Dance of the Bison (Mu-shizer). The other two figures represent an
appendage worn on the back of the women at the same festivity. The
mask is a strip of skin reaching to the mouth; on the lower edge of the
mask a fringe of feathers was formerly attached, but now these are
only indicated by some painted lines similar to those upon the lower
edge of the mask figures upon the vase. Curved gourd stems represent
the bison horns; the pointed projections just

 Page 43

Mask worn by men in the Dance of the Bison, on 196.

Appendage worn on the back of the women

in Dance of the Bison, on 196.

Cloud emblems, on 196.

beneath them are the ears, and the bars occupying the place of the
eyes represent the eyelets slit in the dancer's mask.
Upon the figure which represents the women's ornament, the ends of
the girdle are displayed at the top curving from each side like horns.
The old form of ornament is here depicted, a kirtle of turkey feathers
suspended from the small of the back of a girdle fastened around the
waist. They now wear a simpler ornament of long turkey feathers
radiating from a band of corn husks twisted into a ring, the quill end
of the feathers being inserted around its edges.
This feast is celebrated in December, both men and women, gaudily
attired, joining in the dances which are performed in the open courts
of the villages. The women paint their faces and the men wear these
masks. Between the masks worn by the dancers during such holiday
amusements and those worn at the katcina festivals, a marked
distinction is observed. The former never wholly cover the face of the
dancer, while the latter, usually of a cylindrical form, conceal the
entire head and neck.

 Page 44

W. H. Holmes painting of 214M. (See page 93.)

(Left to right) Kwa-kwanty's bahos and cultivated fields or gardens.

Kwa-kwanty's wrist guard and baho in form of chief's left hand.
The significance of this feast is now unknown, but the observance of
such a holiday points to a time when these people had intercourse with
the hunting tribes of the bison country. It may originally have been
designed to celebrate the return of a trading expedition from that
region, or it may have been instituted while the eastern branches of
their own race hunted the bison themselves. But the Moki can only tell
that the Dance of the Bison has been celebrated since the most ancient
time.
This vase (214M) is coated with a fine, thin, light brown slip, the
designs being laid on in black and maroon, with some of the spaces
filled out with a reddish stippling, importing a rich tone to its general
finish. The decorated surface is divided into eight panels, the four
larger are alike and placed at equal distances around the upper surface.
Within each of them one of the characteristic bahos of the Kwa-
kwanty is depicted. It is curiously carved as shown in the upper
section of the panel, the lower section showing the painted skin
decorations which are attached to it. The smaller panels are in pairs
and arranged opposite to each other, separating the larger panels, each
pair exhibiting the same subject. One of these contains a diagonal
band with lines of dotted lozenge spaces, signifying cultivated fields
or gardens. Throughout all the pottery decorations dotted lozenges,
squares, and annulets are recognized as conventional signs of
cultivated ground. Dividing the same panel, and occupying about a
third of its space to the right, is a vertical band with scalloped edge.
This represents the Kwa-kwanty's bracelet, or wrist guard, made of
tanned skin and worn upon the left wrist to protect it against the
rebound of the bowstring. These two designs displayed in conjunction
are typical of the ancient province of the Kwa-kwanty to guard the
fields in times of danger.

 Page 45

195A, San Bernardo Polychrome, A.D. 1625-1680, similar to 198M.

AMS drawing 12 of baho showing squash bud

and double-headed arrow of War Twins from
which pottery designs copied.
(See Holmes painting page 92.)
Each of the other two panels display the same bracelet upon the
divided space on the right. The other design in the panel is a peculiar
baho of the Kwa-kwanty carved from a piece of cottonwood to
represent the left hand of their chief with extended fingers. The upper
part of this baho is carved and painted in imitation of an ornamental
bracelet made of dyed porcupine quills. Upon the occasion when the
novices undergo the ordeal preparatory to being admitted as tribal
members, the Kwa-kwanty plant these bahos at the springs and upon
the trails leading to the villages, denoting that the gates are closed
during that day, and that no strangers must enter nor anyone approach
the springs.
The veneration formerly entertained for the Kwa-kwanty, and which to
a great extent still prevails, has preserved this vase from any secular
uses. It was designed to contain consecrated meal

 Page 46
and water and to hold the scimitar-shaped baho during the Kwa-
kwanty ceremonies in the chief kibu.
This (198M) is another of the vessels obtained from the Mokis after
having been exhumed and preserved for many generations. 198M (see
page 92) was used for preserved seeds, principally those of the melon,
squash, and gourd kind, and is appropriately decorated with baho of
the chief priestess of the "Coming Harvest" Festival. The decorated
surface is divided into four equal panels containing similar designs.
The colors used are shades of brown upon a yellowish brown slip, and
a pale red stippling is also used. The baho depicted on the vase is
shown in the accompanying illustration 12 (previous page). It is a thin
piece of cottonwood about 10 inches long and 4 inches wide upon
which is painted the bud of the squash and the double-headed arrow of
the mythic twins Pe-kong-no-ya.
Legends tell that when a great flood had covered the whole earth these
twins came in answer to the prayers of the people. They filled a bowl
with water and the reflection of a bird was seen upon it; they thrust the
reflected image through with an arrow and a great hawk fell from the
sky, shot through the heart. They then made a great double-headed
arrow and, having fixed the wing feathers of the hawk to its shaft,
they shot it into the earth and the water at once began to flow into the
hole it had made. In a short time a deep cañon was formed through
which the water flowed and where a mountain barred its course, the
twins again shot the arrow and a gorge was opened. Then the twins
went to a mountaintop and calling to the Sky God, pulled out the hair
from their heads and cast it to the winds. As each handful scattered
abroad they proclaimed a name for itas grass, herbs, plants, trees, and
all manner of vegetable life into which the hair was immediately
transformed and they covered the face of the earth again with verdure.
The seeds in the vessel are consecrated in the kibu by the priestesses
in which ceremony this baho is used. In the modern observance the
women wear headdresses carved from wooden boards, adorned with
plumes of turkey feathers, and painted with rude designs representing
the various products of their gardens. Some of these headdresses are
shown in the illustration.

Drawing of headdress carved from

wooden board, illustration 27 by AMS.

 Page 47
These headdresses and bahos were made by the men before the
introduction of steel knives. [They] must have involved a vast amount
of labor, carving with a splinter of obsidian and planing with a piece
of sandstone.
As the women move through the shuffling measures of their dance,
they chant monotonously, and occasionally range themselves in line
and sing their simple songs. A literal translation of one of them is as
follows:
Come here Thunder and look,
Come here Cold and see the rain descend,
Thunder strikes and makes heat come,
All seeds grow when it is hot.
Aha, ehe, ihi, etc.
Corn in blossom, Beans in blossom;
Look upon our gardens;
Watermelon plant, Muskmelon plant;
Look upon our gardens.
Aha, ehe, ihi, ihi, etc.

Two views of 44, San Bernardo Polychrome jar, A.D. 1625-1680.

(See Holmes painting on front cover.)
This (44) is another of the same class of vases and is made of a
somber, brownish-colored paste with a somewhat lighter-colored,
unpolished slip covering the surface up to within 3 inches of the brim,
which latter portion exposes the natural color of the paste. The
decorations are painted in deep brown and red and depict portions of
the costume of the Snow Katcina.
Extending from a band which surrounds the mouth of the vase are the
face decorations of this katcina's mask and the baho which is attached
to the mask as shown in the illustration. The other decorations are
displayed in a zone, 3 inches in width, which surrounds the vase at its
widest circumference, and is the only instance in this class of vessel
where the decoration is carried below the periphery. The zone is
divided into panels exhibiting cloud and rain symbols, feather
ornaments, the gneu-gneu-pi or sacred crook, and a conventional
emblem of germination is repeated four times. This is one of the few
vessels in this class displaying those germination emblems which are
very frequent in the succeeding class of Orange-colored Ware.

 Page 48

AMS illustration of symbols on 44. (Top row, left to right) Baho, katcina mask,
cloud and rain apron. (Bottom row, left to right) Actual symbols on 44.

AMS illustration 13 of more symbols on 44. (Top row, left to right) Feather
ornaments,
gneu-gneu-pi or sacred crook, and phallic germination symbol. (Bottom row)
Actual symbols on 44.


 Page 49
This katcina festival is still celebrated and it occurs during the
December moon. The mask is made of deer skin rendered pliable by
soaking in water and pressed into a cylindrical shape which it retains
after it has become dry. Around the bottom of the mask, surrounding
the neck, is a gray fox skin, a typical emblem of the katcina, given by
the Sky God to the first katcinas as a sign of their sacred mission. The
decorations around the eyes are painted with ochres, those around the
mouth with a green pigment made from copper ore which they obtain
from the cañons in the Konino plateau, near the Colorado River. The
baho is a short stick to which eagle plumes are attached. The ends of
the feathers, and the stick itself, are wrapped with cotton twine and
enclosed in the wrapping are a few seeds of their principal garden
plants.
After the festival the bahos are put away in the kibu and when the
proper season arrives, these seeds which were consecrated in the
ceremonies are planted and the bahos are buried in the gardens. The
katcinas dance and sing to Omau that he may send an abundance of
snow to fertilize the earth and fill the pools with water. Each of the
katcinas carries a rattle in his right hand and in his left the sacred
crook, made from a cedar bough. This crook is typical of the one used
by the katcina who led the hero of the Snake family to the enchanted
cave and from which the hero brought back so many blessings to his
people. It assumes several conventional forms and figures in many
different ceremonies and is depicted with great frequency on the
classes of ware succeeding the Polychrome.
This vase (215 and 215E) is coated with a fine yellow slip, the
decoration being in black and red. The subject, repeated four times, is
the mythic Um-tok-ina, the Thunder. It is depicted with the head of the
serpent genius Baho-li-konga, its body is a rain cloud with lightening
darting through it, which discloses the origin of the angular cloud
symbol, so universally depicted upon all classes of their pottery. The
tail is that of the eagle; the wings carry storm clouds, and attached to
the lower wing are the clouds conveying the rain. The horn-shaped
object, upon which the hail annulets are incised, passing behind the
neck and curving over the head, is the source of thunder. The nature of
this singular mythic animal is only obscurely defined, it has never
been seen, but it is known to be the active element of the
thunderstorm. It emanates from Baho-li-konga and is painted upon an
altar when the men invoke the aid of this genius, which is only in time
of long continued drouth.
The little objects painted upon the vase below the birds are batolatci
(dragonflies), but there is another conventional design of batolatci
which is of this form and is often found among the rock etchings
throughout the plateaus. This form of the figure, with little vertical
marks added to the transverse lines, connects the batolatci with the
Ho-bo-bo emblems. It is told that the youth who was sacrificed and
translated by Ho-bo-bo reappeared a long time afterward, during a
season of great drouth. He was seen for four mornings, just before
sunrise, extended against the eastern sky. On the fourth day a great
storm arose and the youth, in the form of a gigantic dragonfly was
seen leading the rain clouds over the lands of the Hopitu, and
plenteous rains ensuing relieved the people from their sufferings.
The dragonflies have always been held in great veneration by the
Mokis and their ancestors, as they have been often sent by Omau to re-
open springs which Muingwa had destroyed, and to confer other
benefits upon the people. One of the legends concerning batolatci is to
the following effect.

 Page 50

215, Sikyatki Polychrome, A.D. 1375-1625.

In early days the Hopitus were traveling through a desert on a long
migratory journey. The Kwa-kwantys were, as usual, pioneering the
way and had gained two or three days march ahead of the main body,
but discovering a region of wood and water, they returned to cheer the
people with this intelligence, and to help the children and the old
grandmothers to the place of the new home. But the people were
weary and exhausted with hunger, and the famishing children were
crying piteously for bread. The phratry chief said he feared they must
all die for their food was now entirely consumed, but the Kwa-kwanty
chief said they should petition to Omau of the people's great distress,
praying him to interpose and relieve them.

Lightning in body of Um-tok-ina,

the Thunder. AMS illustration 15.
 Dragonfly or batolatcion 215.

Dragonfly or batolatci,
illustration by AMS.

 Page 51

215E, Polacca Polychrome, Style D, A.D. 1890-1900.

Omau heard and told them to find every grain of corn the people
possessed. The Kwa-kwanty chief made inquiry and found many of
the men had two or three grains of corn that had been consecrated by
the Snow Katcina Festival and which they had, as usual, religiously
preserved. These being all collected, Omau sent a swarm of batolatci
and each of them made a hole in the ground with his tail, and the
phratry chief planted in each hole a grain of corn and the batolatci
hovered over them.
On the next day the corn had grown waist high, and over each stalk a
batolatci continually hovered fanning it with his wings; on the second
day it blossomed; on the third day the ears were formed, and the cries
of the children were hushed and the people were inspired with hope.
On the fourth day the corn was ripe, and the hovering batolatci having
fulfilled their mission flew back to Omau. Then the people were all
marshalled together and at noon they plucked the ripe corn and ate
their fill and reached their new home in safety.
A remarkable illustration of the permanence of mythologic tradition is
shown in the modern imitation (215E) which accompanies this vase
(215). The woman who made the modern imitation never saw the old
vessel which was exhumed from one of the ruins west of Oraibi and
removed directly to the collection. But she had seen the Um-tok-ina
painted on cloth as an altar decoration and was familiar with the
traditional description of this ceremonial vessel.
It is curious to observe the precision with which the decoration of the
old vessel has been reproduced in every detail of design and color.
The lack of nicety and finish in the modern vessel is common to all
the modern productions when compared with the better classes of the
ancient ware.
Section ''B"Food Basins and Ladles
All of the food basins are decorated upon the interior and they usually
have some small device upon the outside, just below the brim.
The bird depicted upon the interior of this basin, 387M, is called the
hosh-boa. It is the cuckoo, roadrunner, or chapparal cock, which
frequents the wooded region of the Colorado River.

 Page 52

(Top left) Drawing of chapparal cock, roadrunner, or hosh-boa on 387M.

Illustration
16 by AMS. (Top right) 2125A, Sikyatki Polychrome, A.D. 1375-1625, similar
to
illustration. (Bottom left) Outside of 2125A, showing coop. (Bottom right)
Roadrunner's tail as gnwela. (See Holmes painting page 95.)
An old custom, for which this basin was designed, has long been
abandoned, but is thus described. Formerly a young man, when upon
a hunting expedition, would eagerly watch for an opportunity to
capture this bird. On returning to the village he made a coop for it and
left it at the house of a girl he desired to marry. If the bird was
returned to him it signified disapproval of his love suit and the bird
was then destroyed, it having been deemed insulting to offer the
rejected bird to another. If, however, the suitor was accepted the
maternal uncle of the girl made an arrow and trimmed it with some of
the bird's feathers, and sent it to the young man, who then invited his
kin to a feast. The girl's mother meanwhile had prepared a vessel like
this, and filling it with food carried it to the kibu to which the young
man belonged, while the kin were assembled there to partake of the
betrothal feast.
The outside brim decoration represents the coop in which the bird was
hung up in front of the girl's house during the betrothal. The tassel
belongs to the maiden's girdle.
The only emblematic design upon the decoration is the gnwela (crook)
attached to the bird's tail. In this instance the gnwela is the curved
stick around which the maidens trim their hair, [in] the disk forms
mentioned [earlier].
The bird, tcozur, depicted upon this basin (498) is the tufted
California quail

 Page 53

Drawing of tcozur, tufted California quail, on

498, Sikyatki Polychrome, A.D. 1375-1625.

498, illustration 17 by AMS.

which frequents the Grand Cañon of the Colorado and some of its
tributary cañions in the Konino plateau.
From a very early time the Mokis and their ancestors were accustomed
to make periodical journeys to obtain salt from a deposit which occurs
in the strata on the south side and close to the bottom of the Grand
Cañon of the Colorado, at a point some distance west from the mouth
of the Little Colorado. They also obtained a fine red iron ochre from a
cañon near where the Koninos now live, which was used as a face
decoration by the Kwa-kwantys, Snake, and other priests, and also by
women when pregnant. This journey, when performed on foot, must
have been of immense difficulty as it includes a stretch of nearly fifty
miles without water, and at the end of this, when the edge of the cañon
is reached, a half a day is consumed in making the descent to the river,
which at this point lies about six thousand feet below the level of the
plateau.
Making bags of their blankets, they secured in each about half a
bushel of salt. They next filled a jar (see 247 on pages 70-71double-
lobed vessel) with bitter water, from a spring near the salt seam, and
also killed a tufted quail, the skin of which, with the jar of bitter water,
they brought back to the villages.
Prepared to return, some of them clambered up the precipitous wall
until a projecting ledge was gained and lowered a rope to which the
bags were fastened, those above hauled on the rope, while those
below followed, climbing and pushing. By a long series of these
maneuvers the toilsome ascent was accomplished, and each man
assumed his burden for the return journey. The expedition having
returned home, the skin of the quail was given to the chief priestess
who prepared a baho upon which was displayed the wing and tail
feathers of the quail. She then caused this vessel to be made and
decorated and carried it to the kibu of the ancients, the councillors,
where also the jar of bitter water had already been conveyed, and in
this water jar (247) the priestess placed her baho.
The water was said to be poisonous and that Masau had placed it there
to destroy any who might seek to procure the salt without his sanction.
Certain

 Page 54

Drawing of 386, illustration 18 by AMS.

386, Sikyatki Polychrome, A.D. 1375-1625.

Gourd and basket headgear of Kwakwanty

illustration 20 by AMS. All show headgear
and plume of Kwakwantys.
rites were performed in the kibu and when the next expedition was
sent after salt, each of the men composing it had a quail feather from
the baho tied into this hair so that Masau might perceive that he had
been duly qualified to receive the precious gift. The marks upon the
outside represent the quail's footprints.
This is one of the food basins (386) formerly used by the Kwakwantys
at their festival. The decoration is a vague representation of the head,
headgear, and plume.
Among the Moki traditions, symbolism pertaining to colors has
always obtained. It is said of the design in this vessel, that the head is
painted black, the symbol color of the sky, from whence (from the Sky
God) the Kwakwantys receive their power, and the gourd horn of the
headdress is painted brownish red, the symbol color of the earth.
The symbol colors pertaining to the cardinal points are as follows: the
north, white; the east, yellow; the south, red; and the west, blue.
The outside brim decoration (on 323) represents the Kwakwantys'
dwelling house, as they had no especial kibu. This is another of the
same kind of vessels with Kwakwanty decorations. Projecting from
the headdress is a plumed stick which their chief used as an aspergill
to sprinkle consecrated water upon novices during the ceremony of
their admission into this fraternity. The curious curved forms sitting
upon the band below the headdress represent vessels formerly used

 Page 55

Drawing of interior of 323,

illustration 19 by AMS.

323, San Bernardo Polychrome,

A.D. 1625-1680.

Outside brim of 323, showing the

Kwa-kwanty dwelling house.
(See page 94.)
by the Kwa-kwantys but of which no specimen has been found.
Immediately below the headdress is a germinative symbol, and below
that is another of the peculiarly carved Kwa-kwanty bahos already
referred to. Below the baho is the arrow of the Sky God referred to in
describing the Black Line ladle (395M) and which again figures in the
following vessel.
A food basin (322) [is] used in the kibu during the New Year feast
which begins with the first quarter of the December moon and
terminates when the moon is full. The figure represents the decorative
emblems displayed upon the pung-ya (altar) erected in the kibu during
the celebration of the festival, which is presided over by the "Chief of
the Festival" and the "Chief of the Flute order." The lower object is
the baho of the "Chief of the Festival"; it is wood carved to represent
an ear of corn and is painted with curved cloud symbols and decorated
with feathers. After the ceremonies of the first day of the festival, it is
buried in the least productive of their garden tracts as a special
petition that the barren locality may become fertile.
The beak-shaped design is drawn upon the pung-ya by the chief of the
Flute order, referred to in describing 395M in the Black Line Ware.
The heart-shaped arrowhead of the Sky God is depicted as penetrating
the earth through a circular opening carrying with it the corn baho
endowed with the Sky God's productive blessings, secured through
the ministrations of these flageolet priests. The whole design is meant
to represent the head of an eagle.

 Page 56

Symbols on 323. (Top, left to right) Kwa-kwanty's aspergill, ancient ceremonial

vessel,
germinative emblem. (Bottom, left to right) Kwa-kwanty's baho, and arrow of
the Sky God.

AMS illustration of 322.

 322, Sikyatki Polychrome, A.D. 1375-1625.
Formerly when a girl attained puberty her parents entertained their
friends, at which feast this vessel 134M was used. The Maltese cross
in the bottom of the basin is the emblem of a virgin and is still so
recognized by the Mokis. It is a conventional development of a more
common emblem of maidenhood, the form in which the maidens wear
their hair, arranged as a disk of 3 or 4 inches diameter upon each side
of the head. This discoidal arrangement of their hair is typical of

 Page 57

(Left to right) On 322 a beak-shaped design, resembling eagle, corn baho,

and heart-shaped arrow of Sky God penetrating the earth.

Drawing of Maltese crosses (maidens' design) on 134M, 338M, and ladle 123M.
the emblem of fructification worn by the virgin in the Muingwa
Festival, as exhibited in the headdress illustrations of 1M. Sometimes
the hair, instead of being worn in the complete discoid form, is
dressed over two curving twigs and presents the form of two
semicircles upon each side of the head; the partition of those is
sometimes horizontal and sometimes vertical, a combination of both
of these styles presents the form from which the Maltese cross was
conventionalized.
The brim decorations are the ornamental locks of hair (love locks)
which a maiden trains to curve upon the sides of the forehead.
A basin of lustrous deep yellow color (23), the paste of a remarkably
fine, hard texture, almost flinty. The decoration is in black and
consists of two narrow bands surrounding the inside of the basin
below the brim, with a well-drawn chevron extending from the lower
band across the bottom. It is divided into five small panels, two of
which on each arm of the chevron, enclosed the angular cloud and
water emblems; the triangular panel at the point is designed to
represent a butterfly. These decorations denote the gens and its
phratry, in the festivals of which the vessel was formerly used, the
butterfly being the emblem of the Buli (Butterfly) gens of the Honani
(Badger) phratry, indicated by the emblem of that phratry, the
chevron.
It is curious to observe that this old heraldic device was similarly
employed by the Ancient Builders, and displayed with similar
emblematic purport upon their

 Page 58

23, style and dating unknown.

AMS illustration of 23 with chevron.

23, outside, with cloud emblems.

Water emblems. Angular cloud. Butterfly.

 Page 59

View of 188E, Sikyatki Polychrome, A.D. 1375-1625, similar to 188M, showing

Sky God's arrows.

(Top and bottom) Two views of 188E, Sikyatki Polychrome, A.D. 1375-1625,
similar to
188M, showing respectively Sky God's arrows and wrist guard or bracelet.
masks and shields. The design, however, instead of originating as in
European heraldry from the rafters of a dwelling house, was adopted
as typical of the characteristic feature of the house of the badger, the
obtuse angle formed by the inclines he excavates in the construction
of his burrow.
The brim decoration, upon the outside, is the conventional cloud
symbol.
The decoration (on 188M) which extends only around the outside
brim of this basin represents a decorated wrist guard or bracelet. The
curved cloud sign develops the germinative symbolthe Sky God's
arrow piercing the cloud that rain may fall. The bracelet fringe is also
emblematic of rain; so are all the fringed ornaments worn. A well-
made modern reproduction (188E) accompanies this basin.

 Page 60

AMS illustration of 253.

253, style and dating unknown.

Maiden's love locks. Cloud signs. Lightning ladder.

Section CJars, Cups, and Lenticular Vessels
This section comprises jars, cups, and lenticular vessels. The meal jars
(253, 151M, 404M, 240M) were used in an old marriage ceremony
now obsolete.
Around the brim of the first vessel (253) is a broad red band, the
blood line of physiological significance. From the surrounding black
band below this, the love locks, worn by the maiden, curve upwards.
The decorations, which cover the entire surface of the jar, are the
peculiar forms of thunder, cloud signs, and lightning ladder, copied
from the katcina headdresses, one of which is shown in the
illustration. On the jar (151M) similar cloud and lightning emblems
have been copied from the headdress designs. Two narrow panels of
water and cloud symbols divide the cloud and lightning decoration.
The birds drinking from the clouds are the swifts whose extended
wings have been conventionalized into a representation of the Kwa-
kwanty headdress, four of which headdresses also extend from the
vertical line, between the birds and panel in which the leafed cactus is
drawn.
There is a legendary story of the swift having discovered water and
thus saving a great number of people who were on a migratory
journey and like to perish of thirst.

 Page 61

(Left to right) Drawings of 151M, 404M, and 240M,

illustrations 26, 28, and 29 by AMS.
The cactus probably marks the gens to which the bride belonged.
The jar (404M) has two surrounding bands of checker and dotted
panels, suggesting an ideal localitypools of water alternating with
garden tracts. Between these bands the sun is depicted twice. The
tangents drawn from the circles describing the sun figures to these
emblematic bands are significant of the direct influence the sun exerts
upon the earth. The six rays with which the sun is surrounded are
typical of the Hopitu cardinal points which are six in number, and
comprise northwest and southeast which two points are also curiously
made synonymous with zenith and nadir.
The bird figures upon the jar (240M) are meant to represent the
parroquet, with the plumage only of which they were familiar, and
which is still highly esteemed for use in the decoration of katcina
masks. A few of the Mokis still make an occasional trading visit to the
furthest south of the pueblos, Isleta, the inhabitants of which obtain
this plumage by trading with the Indians of Mexico. On the night of
the wedding, a jar similar to one of these described was sent by the
mother of the bride, to the room which was to be occupied by the new
married couple. All of the women of her gens brought small presents
of cornmeal; which had been prepared in a peculiar way, with which
the jar is filled, its mouth was then carefully covered with skin and
secured with cord made of sinew. The husband then broke the cover
and took a little of the meal which he sprinkled upon small dishes
containing bread, salt, and tobacco. These he carried off to Masau's
rock as a propitiatory offering to that deity. He then returned and
welcomed the guests who had assembled in the kibu to which he
belonged, and in which the marriage festival was celebrated. The
cover of the jar was again secured and it and its contents were held in
the house with great veneration, the meal never being used except in
cases of the utmost need.
The meal jar (113) is also decorated over its entire body. On the
shoulder, next to the neck, are naktci cloud symbols enclosing the Sky
God's arrows. The decoration is divided into four panels, the opposite
sides of the jar displaying the same subject.
The large lozenge is an emblematic figure, modified forms of which
occur frequently in the subsequent Transition class, and in the
decorations of the Modern

 Page 62

AMS illustration of 113.

113, Polacca Polychrome, Style B, A.D. 1820-1860.

Sky God's Lozenge Gnwela, symbolic of Muingwa,

arrows. signifying germinative force of nature.
''sky
window."
Ware. It signifies the "sky window." Its position is said to be that
portion of the sky surrounding the "eye of Co-tuk-inunwa." Through
this window Co-tukinunwa sends that particular element which causes
life. The germs of all living things are formed, created, by Muingwa,
but Co-tuk-inunwa alone can endow them with vitality.
Also, through this "window" the spirit, or "the breath" as they express
it, eventually returns to Co-tuk-inunwa after the body dies. The design
is surrounded with naktci on each angle of which the Sky God's arrow
is inserted. Within the smaller lozenge in the center of the designs are
also naktci and sky arrows penetrating the earth, represented by the
broad reddish lines enclosing a stream of water.
The other panels contain symbolic figures which also, like the design
just described, occur with great frequency on subsequent classes of
the ancient vessels and is especially prominent in the Transition and
Modern Ware.
It is a curved figure called gnwela which assumes various emblematic
forms, but all of which, though representing different subjects,
emanate from the original conception of the circle as symbolic of
Muingwa, the germinative force of nature.

 Page 63

(Top, left to right) Gnwela, used to dress maiden's hair, and gnwela as scroll.
(Bottom, left to right) Gnwela on pottery, signifying a root, and gnwela as a
connected scroll. Drawings by AMS.
Under the forms of the interrupted circle and the octagonal disk,
Muingwa is symbolized as the maker of the germ.
The simplest of these derived forms is shown in the curved stick
(gnwela) used by the maidens to dress their hair into the disk form
which has been previously described. Under this emblem Muingwa is
the maker of the husk or shell. It also appears as a decoration on
pottery in this form and although retaining its name, it is then said to
signify a root. Again it appears as a scroll, as in the jar, where it is
surrounded with cloud and water emblems. On some of the Transition
and Modern Ware it is drawn as a connected scroll surrounding the
vessel.
Under these three last forms is typified the idea of the first
development of the living germ, spreading out as a root does, seeking
for sap to sustain life. This perhaps suggests something more than
mere mythic invention; it suggests the knowledge of a physiological
fact. At least it is curious to quote in connection with the
 44, San Bernardo Polychrome, A.D. 1625-1680,
with angular form of gnwela.

(Above) Drawing of gnwela angular form by AMS.

(Below) Rock etching near Keams Canyon, Arizona,
also termed gnwela, symbol of Muingwa.

 Page 64
above explanation, which is almost literally rendered from the tongue
of the priest, the following paragraph from Huxley's [Zoological]
Evidence of a Man's Place in Nature, where he describes various
forms of germination:
. . . the vascular processes which are developed from it and eventually give
rise to the formation of the placenta (taking root, as it were, in the parental
organism, so as to draw nourishment there from, as the root of a tree
extracts it from the soil).
Observe the same idea expressed in almost the same language by the
modern philosopher as that used by the Moki priest in his traditional
explanation.
It is also introduced under the angular forms as figures in the
ceremonial vase (44) and as a rock etching. (This etching is on the
rocks close to the Bat House ruins, about 3 miles south from Keam's
Cañon.) It becomes an angular convolution still, retaining though the
name of gnwela.
Another related emblematic form, frequently depicted, is the katcina
staff called the gneu-gneu-pi. It is first mentioned as a sort of pastoral
crook in the hands of the old katcina in the legend of the Snake hero.
Various forms of this crook have always been used by the katcinas in
their dances, and a miniature crook is attached to the chief baho used
in many of the katcina festivals.

(Left) Symbol of rabbit stick or putckohu.

(Right) Drawing of rabbit stick by AMS.
One of their hunting weapons, the putckohu, is also represented by an
angular figure. This weapon is a flat curved stick, shaped something
like a boomerang, and is used to kill rabbits. Delivered from the hand
with a sweeping motion, the flat side of the weapon parallel with the
ground, it skims along in rapid rotation, in a direct line to the object
thrown at. Some of the younger Mokis display great accuracy in its
use.
The figures in the illustration appear upon the small jar (380). The
first device is taken from a figure in the embroidered designs upon a
white cotton blanket

Two symbols from 380, Sikyatki Polychrome, A.D. 1375-1625,

woman with two breath symbols in interior and woman with
lightning cloud symbol in interior.

AMS drawing of the symbols for woman

and woman's head and body.

 Page 65
which was formerly worn as a sacred garment by certain priests. The
figure represents a woman; the breath sign is displayed in the interior.
An embroidered blanket of this description is now a customary
present from the husband to the wife on marriage, and one of the
embroidered designs upon it consists of two triangles and is called the
woman's head and body. The figure upon the bowl, it will be noticed,
consists of four of these triangles in conjunction. No knowledge
seems to exist concerning the original derivation of this figure.
The larger figure (on 380) is said to be the ground plan of a
confederated phratry house, built in Montezuma Valley, not far from
the Snake towers. The house was built by the Snake and Water
phratries; the small designs set throughout the figure are said to typify
the gentes, families, and fraternities who occupied it. The implied
significance of these designs, however, is very obscure.
Putc-kohu = Boomerang 1-22-36-42-43-44-45
Mana = Virgin 2-14-27
Ho-bo-bo = Whirlwind genius 3
I-nun-wu = Heart sign in animal figures, typifying here
successful hunters 4-5
Na-kiva-tci = Hopitu sign of friendship 6-32-33-34-35-37-38-41
Ba-hu = Water; name of phratry 7
Gnwela = (See description of jar 113) 8-9-24
Katcina = (See former references) 10-11-18-20-28-29-30
Mos-hen-wa = Germinative symbol 12-13-19
Tuki = To cut 15
Tali-wi-pi-ki = Lightning 16
Pa-kwa-ki = Duck 17
Wu-ta-ka = Old man 21
Kihu = A house 23-25-26-39-40
Umu-i-kwatci = Thunder, my friend 31
Mong-kibi = Chief estufa 46

Emblem of confederated phratry house in

Montezuma Valley on 380.

AMS illustration of key to small designs

in emblem, said to typify occupants
within phratry house.


 Page 66

Drawing of 202 with double hands,

illustration 33 by AMS.

202, Sikyatki Polychrome, A.D. 1375-1625.

These are two large lenticular vessels. The surface of one of them
(194M) has been chipped in weathering and the decoration defaced. A
stud projects from each side, around which a rope was passed for
suspending the vessel. These studs are fashioned after the discoid
mana emblem.
Upon the upper surface of the largest (202) is drawn the outline of two
outstretched hands, joined at the wrists.
The figure of a hand with extended fingers is very common, in the
vicinity of ruins, as a rock etching, and is also frequently seen daubed
on the rocks with colored pigments or white clay.
These are vestiges of a test formerly practiced by the young men who
aspired for admission to the fraternity of the Salyko.
The Salyko is a trinity of two women and a man from whom the
Hopitus obtained the first corn, and of whom the following legend is
told.
In the early days, before houses were built, the earth was devastated
by a whirlwind (see legend of the Ho-bo-bo). There was now neither
springs nor streams, although water was so close to the surface that it
could be found by pulling up a tuft of grass. But the people had but
little food and they besought Masau to help them, but he could not.
There came a little old man, a dwarf, who said that he had two sisters
who were the wives of Salyko and it might be well to petition them.
So they prepared a pungya (altar), every man making a baho, and
these were set in the ground so as to encircle a sand hillock, for this
occurred before houses were known.
Masau's brother came and told them that when Salyko came to the
earth's surface, wherever he placed his foot a deep chasm was made;
then they brought a huge rock to the pung-ya, each man in front of his
own baho, but they stood in silence, for they knew no song with
which to invoke this strange god.
They stood there for a long while, for they were afraid to begin the
ceremonies, until a young lad, selectioning the largest rattle, began to
shake it and sing. Presently a sound like rushing water was heard, but
no water was seen; a sound, also, like great winds, but the air was
perfectly still, and it was seen that the rock

 Page 67

AMS drawing of altar for Salyko and his two wives during initiation ceremony.
was pierced with a great hole through its center. The people were
frightened and ran away, all save the young lad who had sung the
invocation.
He soon afterwards rejoined them and they saw that his back was cut
and bleeding, and covered with the splinters of yucca and willow. The
flagellation, he told them, had been administrated by Salyko who told
him that he must endure this laceration before he could look upon the
beings he had involved. That only to those who passed through his
ordeals could Salyko become visible, and as the lad had braved the
test so well he should thenceforth be chief of the Salyko pung-ya.
The lad could not describe Salyko but said that his two wives were
exceedingly beautiful and arrayed with all manner of fine garments.
They wore great headdresses (naktci) of clouds and every kind of corn
which they were to give to the Hopitus to plant for food. These were
white, yellow, red, blue, black, blue-and-white speckled, red-and-
yellow speckled, and a seeded grass (kiwa-pi).
The lad returned to the pung-ya and shook his rattle over the hole in
the rock and from its interior Salyko conversed with him and gave him
instructions. In accordance with these, he gathered all the Hopitu
youths and brought them to the rock that Salyko might select certain
of them to be his priests.
The first test was that of putting their hands in the mud and
impressing them upon the rock, only those were chosen as novices,
the imprints of whose hands had dried on the instant. The selected
youths then moved within the pung-ya and

 Page 68
underwent the test of flagellation. Salyko lashed them with yucca and
willow. Those who made no outcry were told to remain in the pung-
ya, to abstain from salt and flesh for ten days, at which time Salyko
would return and instruct them concerning the rites to be performed
when they sought his aid.
Salyko and his two wives appeared at the appointed time and after
many ceremonials gave to each of the initiated five grains of each of
the different kinds of corn. The Hopitu women had been instructed to
place baskets woven of grass at the foot of the rock, and in these
Salyko's wives placed the seeds of squashes, melons, beans, and all
the other vegetables which the Hopitus have since possessed. Salyko
and his wives, after announcing that they would again return, took off
their masks and garments, and laying them on the rock disappeared
within it.
Sometime after this, when the initiated were assembled in the pung-
ya, Baho-li-konga appeared to them and said that Salyko could not
return unless one of them was brave enough to take the mask and
garments down into the hole and give them to him. They were all
afraid, and the oldest man of the Hopitus took them down and was
deputed to return and represent Salyko.
Shortly after, the Masau stole the paraphernalia and, with his two
brothers, masqueraded as Salyko and his wives. This led the Hopitus
into great trouble and they incurred the wrath of Muingwa who
withered all their grass and corn. One of the Hopitus finally
discovered that the supposed Salyko carried a cedar bough in his hand
when it should have been willow, then they knew that it was Masau
who had been misleading them.
The boy-hero one day found Masau asleep and so regained possession
of the mask. Muingwa then withdrew his punishments and sent Baho-
li-konga to tell the Hopitus that Salyko would never return to them,
but that the boy-hero should wear his mask and represent him, and his
festival should only be celebrated when they had a proper number of
novices to be initiated.
This festival is still celebrated and the novices duly flagellated, the
ceremonies occurring about once a year.
The decorations upon the small jars (184) are the batolatci
(dragonfly); upon 130M they are imitated from embroidery device.

184, San Bernardo Polychrome, A.D. 1625-1680, and dragonfly.

 Page 69

30, San Bernardo Polychrome, A.D. 1625-1680.

(See Holmes painting page 89.)

(Top) Eagle wings on 30 conventionalized

into baho and sky arrow. (Bottom) Eagle tail
on 30 conventionalized into naktci.

168, Jeddito Black-on-yellow, A.D. 1300-1625, bound with

 deer tendons and used as a honey jar.
The decorations upon the small jar (30) represent an eagle, the wings
conventionalized into the baho and sky arrow; the tail into the angular
cloud symbols (naktci).
Number 165M is a mother's jar for her first girl baby, exhibited by the
virgin sign, the Maltese cross, upon the decorations which are rudely
executed. This custom is still occasionally observed by the Mokis.
Another small jar (77M) has the lozenge design of the sky window
around the neck; the other designs on the body of the jar are imitated
from the embroidery of the white cotton blankets.
Surrounding the jar (168) are netted cords of deer tendons and buck
skin for suspending the vessel from the house rafters. This is an old
vessel exhumed by the Mokis and was used by them as a honey jar.
The large jar (148M) with indented base has a decoration covering
nearly the entire surface. It represents the native tobacco plant in
blossom.

 Page 70

(Above left) AMS drawing of 247 and rhyton, no numbermissing. (Above right)
87,
with corn stalk and leaves, Polacca Polychrome, Style C, A.D. 1860-1890.
(Bottom left) 247,
Polacca Polychrome, Style B, A.D. 1820-1860. (Bottom right) Sky window with
star,
the eye of Co-tuk-inunwa on 247.

Section DCanisters, Double-lobed Vessels, etc.

The small horn-shaped drinking vessel (no numbermissing)
approaches the form of the rhyton. The intercrossed lines painted
upon it allude to the game Tugh-ti-wiki in which the young boys and
girls, hooking forefingers, endeavor to drag one or the other over an
imaginary line.
In the folklore the game is said to have originated with the fairies
(little women).
There are several double-lobed vessels. Number 87 is rudely
decorated with a corn stalk and leaves.
Number 247, the use of which was explained in describing the salt
ceremony, is

 Page 71

9 and 6, Polacca Polychrome, Style B, A.D. 1820-1860, salt canisters.

decorated with an eagle, and on the lower lobe the sky window,
enclosing a star, the eye of Co-tuk-inunwa.
Upon the field water flask (36M) curved cloud emblems surround the
neck. The triangular markings are the leaved cactus, the dots
representing the thorny spikes which cover them.
The canisters (6 and 9) were used for holding salt. Upon the former
the band around the neck represents the girdle, with feathers attached,
worn by the leader of the party who went to the Colorado River to
obtain salt. Upon the ends and sides are the conventional clouds and
rain, and the emblem of the Aloseka. The latter is a prominent design
upon the Orange-colored Ware and is described under that class.
The neck of 9 has been broken off and the surrounding parts filed
smooth. For this purpose they used a corn cob which is tenacious
enough to withstand considerable abrasion and smooth the rough
edges without danger of fracturing the vessel.
Upon the sides and ends are somewhat similar decorations to those on
6, the girdle of the leader, the surrounding angular figures are the
rattles of antelope hoofs used by the ancients (councillors).
There are also two ceremonial vessels (146M and no number
givenmissing) from which consecrated water is sprinkled upon the
katcina dancers during the ceremonies. They are nearly square bowls,
and upon each of the sides the brim is molded into a representation of
the angular headdress (naktci) worn by the katcinas. They are
decorated upon the interior only. On 146M the naktcis are painted
with the appropriate cloud and rain emblems, and the pine boughs
with which the katcinas bedeck themselves. Their typical water
animalsthe tortoise, the dragonfly (batolatci), and the tadpoleare
depicted upon the bottom and sides.
The curious little bottle (18) painted with surrounding bands is called
tcu-kuilowa (cut worm) and was designed for a singular use at the
festivals.
A noticeable feature of the principal katcina celebrations is the droll
antic performance of a number of naked clowns, known as the Tcu-ku-
wympkas (Men of the Mud). They evidently represent some of the
characteristics peculiar to Masau, but all of these people being, as
already mentioned, constrained by fear from

 Page 72

On 6, girdle of leader of the

salt party to Colorado River.

On 6, cloud, rain, and symbol of Aloseka, the squash bud.

(Left) On 9, another representation of girdle of salt party leader with antelope

rattles attached,
and (right) AMS illustration of rattles of antelope hoofs used by these ancient
councillors on their girdles.
symbolizing this power, no direct reference to Masau is made. These
Tcu-kuwympkas are not organized as a permanent fraternity.
Some days before the celebration of a festival, the chief of the
katcinas calls together a number of men who are willing to perform
this part. They make no bahos, nor use any of the customary religious
emblems, but under the direction of the katcina chief they paint a
cloth, about 6 feet long and 2 feet wide, which is hung upon the wall
in the estufa when they assemble.
In the center of the cloth is painted a circle enclosing an octagon, a
symbol of Muingwa; it is parti-colored and dotted to represent the
different kinds of corn bestowed by Salyko. The rest of the cloth is
interspersed with little figures of the dragonfly and the frog in its
different stages from the spawn to the perfect animal, typifying the
metamorphic characteristics of Masau.
There seems to be no set worship connected with this, although the
women come down into the estufa and sprinkle consecrated meal
upon the cloth. The time is principally occupied by rehearsing the
coming mummery and preparing their masks. These are made of skin
and completely envelope the head; little knobs are formed on its
surface enclosing small quantities of different kinds of seeds.
At the festival celebration, between the religious songs and dances,
they perform a sort of interlude, burlesquing the katcina dancers and
mimicking their songs, as Masau is said to have done at the councils
of the deities.

 Page 73

18, Polacca Polychrome, Style B, A.D. 1820-1860.

Clown's bottle, about 3 inches in size.

AMS illustration of clown or Tcu-ku-wympkas.

(Above and below) AMS illustration of cloth painted by clowns with Muingwa's
symbol,
the octagon, as well as frogs, tadpoles, and dragonflies.

Octagon, symbol of Tadpoles.Frogs.Dragonfly.

Muingwa.

 Page 74
Formerly at the Rain Festival the Tcu-ku-wympka would provide
himself with a little bottle similar to this specimen, to be used as a test
whether rain would follow the katcina invocation, by throwing the
bottle against a stone; if it broke, rain was surely to follow. But he was
also provided with an imitation bottle made of painted skin, and this
he would present to one of the spectators and ask him to try and break
it. As a matter of course the bottle would remain unbroken and the
jester then mockingly denounced the katcinas, declaring that their
petitions would be unheeded. At the close of the celebration, however,
the jesters would again present the bottle, the proper clay one this
time, which would be broken in pieces and thus restore cordiality.
Similar mummery is still seen at the modern Moki festivals.
(No number) is another bottle-shaped vessel with handles. The bars
and surrounding line painted upon it represent stripes of clay and
pigment, which are

AMS illustration 38 of another clown's

bottle (no number).
painted upon the naked body of the Tcu-ku-wympka. These are
burlesque maskers who are introduced in the estufa toward the close
of some of their long vigils to relieve the weariness of the devotees.
The surrounding line represents the cord girdle which these jesters
wear, from which tufts of pine boughs are suspended.
Section A. Ceremonial vases. 1, 215, 198, 44, 214, 196 (modern
exhibit with 215).
Section B. Food basins and ladle. 70, 123, 610, 460, 22, 597, 323,
386, 387, 23, 188 (modern exhibit with 188), 498, 322, 76, 199, 180,
448, 510, 134, 338, 521, 407, 497, 453, 383, 65, 455, 544, 443, 80,
499, 49, 525, 137, 264, 374, 372, 75, 339, 398, 474-
Section C. Jars, cups, and lenticular vessels. 250, 191, 477, 151, 404,
253, 113, 209, 202, 194, 297, 71, 31, 320, 46, 52, 125, 168, 441, 230,
4, 77, 165, 143, 396, 55, 370, 29, 380, 184, 325, 344, 389, 167, 30.
Section D. Canisters, double-lobed vessels, etc. 146, 9, 6, 36, 247,
447, 87, 79, 252, 32, 18, 132, 543, 596.
Section E. Basins, jars, cups, and ladles (rudely decorated). 392, 464,
343, 233, 393, 495, 494, 461, 462, 316, 148, 496, 271, 458, 358, 409,
377, 378, 509, 470, 135, 382, 439, 288, 78, 56, 337, 375, 229, 68, 376,
28, 432, 388, 437, 454, 136, 425, 360, 133, 287, 440, 324, 327.

 Page 75

Orange-colored Ware, illustration 39 by AMS.

 Page 76

Orange-colored Ware
This class of ware is composed entirely of well-proportioned jars,
similar in form, color, and texture, and represent the ancient potters
nearest approach to elegance and symmetry.
The form is nearly that of two truncated cones joined at the base.
There are no handles upon any of these vessels, and the bottoms of all
of them are concave; the brim is usually but a short lip inclining
outward. They were used for holding meal. They are covered with a
smooth, fine slip of considerable thickness, in which ochre has been
mixed and the baking has developed a deep, rich, orange color.
The decorations, of intricate design, are in brown, black, and red,
extending from the lip of the broad mouth to the Muingwa band
surrounding the jar at its greatest circumference. The lustrous polish
which has been imparted to them, and the harmonious blending of the
brown and black upon the warm orange ground, give the charming
effect of a mosaic of clear polished boxwood and ebony.
There is no great difference in the sizes of most of them. The
following is a typical measurement. Height = 9 ½ inches; widest
diameter = 13½ inches; diameter of mouth = 5½ inches; diameter of
base = 3¾ inches.
All of these vessels were found within the limits assigned to the
Polychrome, and were doubtless contemporary productions.
It is surmised, however, that this Orange-colored Ware was made by
that brand of the Hopitus now known as the Mishongnave. It is a
distinct model, and one of the most prominent designs in the
decoration is the emblem of the Aloseka, a divinity peculiar to that
branch.
The tutelary deity of the Walpis is Omau. That of the Mishongnaves is
the Aloseka.
The substance of the interminable Aloseka legends is nearly as
follows:
At the Red House in the south internecine wars prevailed and the two
branches of the Water House (Walpi and Mishongnave) separated
from the other Hopitus and determined to return to the fatherland in
the north. But these two branches were not on the best of terms and
they traveled northward by separate routes, the Mishongnaves holding
to the east of the Walpis.
The Walpis traveled north until they came to the Little Colorado
River, and built houses on both its banks. After living there many
years, the factional dissensions, which seem to have ever haunted
these people, again broke out and the greater portion of them
withdrew still further north and built villages (the ruins of which are
still discernible) not far from the site of the villages they inhabit at
present.
The Mishongnaves also tended slowly northward which, like all their
legendary movements, occupied a protracted period of indefinite
length; years during which they planted and built houses alternating
with years of devious travel.
They grew lax in the observance of festivals, and Muingwa inflicted
punishments upon them. He caused the water to turn red and the color
of the people also turned red; he then changed the water to blue, and
the people also changed to a similar color. The Snow Katcina
appeared and urged them to return to their religion, but they gave no
heed to him, so he left them and took away their corn. Muingwa then
sent Baho-li-konga who killed rabbits and poured their blood in the


 Page 77
springs and streams, and all the water was changed to blood, and the
people were stricken with a plague. They now returned to their
religious observances, and danced and sang, but none of the deities
would listen to them.
A horned katcina appeared to the oldest woman and told her that on
the following morning the oldest man should go out and procure a
root (kwa-senna) and she and a young virgin of her gens should eat it.
After a time she (the old woman) would give birth to a son, who
would marry the virgin and their offspring would redeem the people.
The old woman and the virgin obeyed the katcina, and the former
gave birth to a son who had two horns upon his head. The people
would not believe that the child was of divine origin; they called it a
monster and killed it.
After this, all manner of distressing punishments were inflicted upon
them, and wherever they halted, the grass immediately withered and
died.
Their wanderings brought them to the foot of the San Francisco
mountains, where they dwelt for a long while, and at that place the
virgin gave birth to a daughter who had a little knob on each side of
her forehead. They preserved this child and when she had grown to be
a woman, the horned katcina appeared and announced to her she
should give birth to horned twins, who would bring rain and remove
the punishments from their people. This woman was married and
these twins, a boy and a girl, were born, but she concealed their divine
origin fearing that they would be destroyed.
The Mishongnaves now moved to the Puerco and the Little Colorado
rivers and built houses, and there met some of the Walpi people, to
whom they related their distresses. A wise man of the Walpis came
over to them who, upon seeing the twins, at once pronounced them the
Aloseka. They had no horns up to this time, but as soon as this
announcement was made, their horns became visible, and the twins
then spoke to the people and said that it had been ordained that they
were to be unable to help their people, until the people themselves
discovered who they were. The Mishongnaves were so enraged to
think that the Aloseka had been with them, unknown, so many years,
that they killed them, and still greater sufferings ensued.
They again repented and carved two stone images of the Aloseka and
painted and decked them with feathers and sought to propitiate the
mother. She was full of pity for her people, and prayed to the Sky God
to relieve them. A period ensued in which their sufferings were in
great measure abated.
The Mishongnaves now sought to rejoin the Walpis, but the Walpis
would not admit of this, and compelled them to keep east of Owatabi,
the then most easterly village of the Walpis.
Many ruins of phratry and gentile houses of the Mishongnaves exist
on the small water courses lying north of the Puerco, at various
distances east from the present village of Walpi. The nearest are
almost fifteen miles, and the furthest about fifty miles.
Their wandering course was now stayed. When they essayed to move
further east a nomadic, hunting race who occupied that region
besought them not to advance further. Their evil notoriety had
preceded them and the nomads feared the maleficent influence of their
neighborhood. It would seem, however, that instead of hostile
demonstrations, the nomads entered into a treaty with them,

 Page 78

Sketch of two wooden images of the

Aloseka (male and female), found
and returned to Hopis by Keam,
illustration 40 by AMS.

Symbol of the Aloseka,

the bud of the squash in profile.

Same symbol in rock etching;

the profile is conventionalized
into straight lines, drawings by AMS.
offering to pay tribute of venison, roots, and grass seeds, if they would
abstain from traversing and blighting their land, to which the
Mishongnaves agreed.
But these unfortunate wretches were soon again embroiled in faction
warfare, which finally involved all the Hopitus, and the stone image
of the Aloseka were lost or destroyed. Famine and pestilence again
decimated them, until finally the Aloseka Katcina appeared to them
and instructed them to carve two wooden images, but threatening
them that if these should be lost or destroyed all the Mishongnaves
should die.
After peace had been established, the land was reapportioned by the
Walpis, and the Mishongnaves were assigned the mesa which they
now inhabit. The arable land was divided into tukiseach tuki being
twelve paces wide and of sufficient length to produce a certain
number of blanket-fulls of corn.
Since that time they have preserved their Aloseka in a cave; their
festival is celebrated once in three years, at which time the priests visit
the shrine and after many devout ceremonies redecorated the images
and hang votive offerings upon them. The female figure is painted in
gaudy colors and the choicest offerings adorn her, as she, they say,
sends the rain and fructifies all plant life. The figure of the male they
merely daub with white clay for they say no good comes from him, he
knows nothing, can give nothing, he only carries the seed.
Among the many disasters which have befallen these Aloseka, they
narrowly escaped being numbered with the Keam's Collection. About
a year ago their shrine was accidentally discovered and they were
removed to the store rooms of the collection in Keam's Cañon. On the
following day this unwitting desecration was discovered and
consternation spread throughout Mishongnave. Their priests hurried to
the cañon and earnestly implored Mr. Keam to restore the ravished
idol.


 Page 79
Prior to this nothing was definitely known of the Aloseka and this
incident educed their legend. Of course, when it was discovered that
the images were still objects of worship, they were restored, but
opportunity was afforded to make a sketch of them which is exhibited
in the cut. They are rudely carved from cottonwood and are apparently
very old; the male figure is 4 feet high, the female 3 feet, 9 inches.
After the images were returned to them, a jubilee was celebrated and
they were restored to their shrine with great pomp. After this public
demonstration, however, the priests removed them privately to some
less accessible cavern, the whereabouts of which is only known to the
priests.
The symbol of the Aloseka is the bud of the squash drawn in profile. It
is also said to typify the highest peak of the San Francisco mountains,
the birth place of the Aloseka, when the clouds surround it presaging
the coming rain. The symbol also conveys an ulterior significance of
the germinative principle of nature.
In the rock etchings the carving profile is further conventionalized
into straight lines and assumes this form.
Various modifications of these forms are introduced with great
frequency upon this class, the Transition class and the Modern Ware.
On the fine specimen (197) the squash bud is depicted, enclosed in a
panel, the petal of the bud extending to the Muingwa band. A zig-zag
streak of lightning,
 197, Payupki Polychrome, A.D. 1680-1780.

Baho of priest of the Growing Moon Festival, with

close-up of gneu-gneu-pi (sacred crook) attached.

Squash bud with petal reaching

to the Muingwa band.

 Page 80

Zig-zag streak of lightning.

Emblem of lightning, derived from

wooden device as displayed
below, second from bottom.
typical of the ripening summer heat, appears in the upper part of the
design. To the right of this panel is the baho used by the priest of the
Growing Moon (July) Festival. The miniature gneu-gneu-pi is shown
attached to the baho. On the other side of the panel there is a row of
lozenges drawn between two vertical lines. It is an emblem of
lightning, the form being derived from a simple emblematic device
composed of short slats of wood, crossed diagonally and held together
with wooden pins. During the Rain Festival, some of the dancers carry
these, causing them to dart out and in from the ends held in their
hands.
The lightning emblems are derived from the rapid darting motion of
the snake, which is sometimes represented in curves, but more
commonly by the zig-zag. The lightning ladder, also frequently
introduced, is derived from the zip-zag space in the cloud emblem.
 AMS drawing of various symbols for lightning and snake.

 Page 81

5, Payupki Polychrome, A.D. 1680-1780. Two views of main patterns.

The decorations upon 5 display the lightning and germinative symbols
just mentioned, and also the Po-wuma (Growing Moon) baho with the
little crook attached. The chief of the festival uses this baho in the
estufa to beat upon a small hole in the floor, calling for Muingwa to
listen to their prayers.

(Left to right) On 5, lightning symbols, germinative symbol, and the Po-wuma

(Growing Moon) bahos with the little crook attached.


 Page 82

Double spiral emblematic of whirlpool

on 321.

321, Payupki Polychrome, A.D. 1680-1780.

Serrated border as clouds.

Eagle tails made into bahos.

The double spiral with transverse markings upon 321 is the
emblematic whirlpool noticed upon numerous specimens in the Black
Line Ware; the serrated border around the spiral are clouds; the two
groups of projecting pointed designs are eagle tails conventionalized
into bahos. Illustrative of this conventionalism, the modern tile
marked 321E(M) accompanies this jar. Below are the naktci and
lightning ladder designs. Around the bottom of each panel are groups
of bahos, all of the four panels are alike. This was a jar for preserving
kweep-doci, a meal made from corn parched before grinding.
Number 163 exhibits a beautiful, rich tint and fine luster. One side of
the surface of this vessel is chipped by weathering and a portion of the
decoration is

 Page 83

Two views of 163, Payupki Polychrome, A.D. 1680-1780.

Head of Sky God's Cloud Rainbow surmounted by

arrow symbols naktci.

defaced, but on the unimpaired side there are two panels which
probably present the same design as those obliterated. One of them is
entirely of cloud symbols; the other has a band of the lozenge
lightning emblems on each side, next to them, on either side, is a baho
tapering to a point. Between the bahos is the head of the Sky God's
arrow, the open space in the centre of which marks the germinative
channel. At the base of the arrow is the rainbow, and surmounting that
is the familiar naktci cloud symbol. The entire design in the panel
represents the emblematic squash bud.
This was also a ceremonial vessel used at the Water Festival which is
only celebrated once in seven years.

 Page 84

2 and 3, Payupki Polychrome, A.D. 1680-1780.

(Left to right) Water penetrating the earth on 2

and in AMS drawing of it.

On 2, water emblem (far left) and ladder in

form of notched tree trunk.

Wristlet of Humis Katcina on 3 and in AMS drawing.

On 3, naktci of Humis Katcina.

Numbers 2 and 3 present very similar decoration. The naktcis of the
Humis Katcinas, their bahos, and their water emblems. The curious
veined design represents water penetrating the earth. The cross-
hatched square and triangle represent the anklets and wristlets of these
katcinas, braided of yarn around strips of sheep skin. The serrated
figure is the ha-wi-wa, the ladder, the primitive notched tree trunk.
They seem to have recognized the vast importance of this invention,
which doubtless preceded their first house building, for all of their
structures have ever

 Page 85

Two views of 15, Payupki Polychrome, A.D. 1680-1780, (Left) Naktci and
katcina house
emblems and (right) sunflower.

Two views of 157, Payupki Polychrome, A.D. 1680-1780, showing (left)

lightning, squash buds, bahos, and
naktci; and (right) headdress plumage of warriors (Kwakwanty), squash buds,
and water emblem.
been planned with direct reference to its employment. It was the
means by which they constructed their lofty communal dwellings; it
afforded easy access and egress to and from them, and it was easily
withdrawn in time of danger, thus rendering them comparatively
impregnable. Its further development into a runged ladder, which also
occurred at an early time, rarely figures in any of their designs, but its
prototype, the notched tree trunk, has been held in peculiar veneration,
and is frequently depicted, both in the rock etching and on all classes
of their pottery.
On 15 is the conventional sunflower, also naktci and the Katcina
House emblems. This vessel belonged to the Rain Katcina and was
used in their ceremonies.
On 157 is displayed naktci, lightning and water emblems; headdress
plumage peculiar to the Kwakwanty and bahos, the squash bud is also
depictedtwo shown in center of band in right-hand view above.

 Page 86

(Left to right) On 157, symbols for naktci, lightning, water, headdress ofwarriors
(Kwakwanty), and bahos.

Bars of clouds above and foot of eagle

below, with feathers as toes and crooks
(gneu-gneu-pi) projecting as claws.

Overall view of 51, Payupki Polychrome, A.D. 1680-1780.

Number 51 (above) is a jar belonging to the Eagle phratry. The
decorations are bars of clouds and the foot of the eagle
conventionalized; the three feathers are the toes, and three gneu-gneu-
pis projecting are the claws.
The decorations on 204 are mainly derived from the Women's Festival
of the Harvest Moon occurring in September. The designs are divided
into two similar pairs of panels.
This festival was instituted as a harvest thanksgiving; the triangular
stippled design, in which is a round spot surrounded with a smaller
group, marks the position of the chief priestess and her assistants
when assembled at this devotion. Below this are the bahos used in the
estufas, but in this instance the bahos are prepared by the women, and
on the day following the festival are taken to the field and buried by
them. The peculiar cross-lined square in this panel is a distinctive
water sign painted on the bahos used in the ceremonies of this
festival.
The lozenge lightning divides this panel from the next, the upper left-
hand corner of which exhibits the mana (virgin) sign, the Maltese
cross. Below the cross are three bahos, bearing the usual germinative
symbols, to which is added a peculiar cloud symbol. In the festival
just mentioned some of the women wear a skin apron, fringed with
feathers; the apron itself, with its fringes, is typical of a rain cloud,
and the emblem here depicted is a conventional representation of this
apron.

 Page 87

(Above top) Two views of 204, Payupki Polychrome, A.D. 1680-1780. (Middle
row, left to right)
Priestess and assistants, bahos, water sign, lightning. (Bottom row, left to right)
Maltese cross as
mana (virgin) sign, bahos, germinative symbol on bahos, and fringed apron as
rain and rain cloud.
The device upon 212 (below) is the angular convention of the crook to
which are joined the points of the baho and the naktci. Designs of the
latter surround the jar above the Muingwa band.
(Above left) 212, Payupki Polychrome, A.D. 1680-1780. (Top right) Crook with
naktcis and
points of the baho. (Bottom right) Row of naktci.

 Page 88

(Above, left and right) Two views of 216, Payupki Polychrome, A.D. 1680-
1780. (Bottom, left to
right) Turkey, turkey head with naktci, clouds in turkey wing, squash bud, and
naktci.
Upon 216 (above), the turkey is represented, his wings are
conventionalized into clouds, and his plume into the naktci. As the
turkey is only found near water, he is regarded as an emblem of that
element and his feathers alone are used in decorating the Rain bahos.
The other decorations are the squash buds, clouds, and naktcis.
The little jar 66 was used in a ceremony still occasionally observed by
the Mokis. Formerly a youth when he killed his first rabbit was
adopted into the fraternity of the Hunters, which was then a religious
organization. The fraternity still exists but it has to a great extent lost
is religious significance.
 (Above left) 66, Payupki Polychrome, A.D. 1680-1780. (Top right) Curving
lines representing
boomerang rabbit weapon in motion. (Bottom center) Men's hair tied in a club,
and (bottom
right) youth and young woman grinding corn.

Paintings of Keam pottery by William H. Holmes
Pages 89-96 now appear at the
end of the book.
Page 89
Page 90
Page 91
Page 92
Page 93
Page 94
Page 95
Page 96

 Page 97
On the day succeeding a rabbit hunt, the youths who had then killed
their first rabbit are taken to the court, around which the houses
forming the village are clustered. They are there stripped naked and
smeared with the blood of the rabbits they killed. The older hunters
wear grotesque masks and dance around the youths discharging
arrows and firearms, brandishing knives in their faces, endeavoring to
frighten them and thus test the courage of the young huntersthe
survival of some sterner hunter's ordeal now forgotten. The youths
were formerly compelled to stay four days in the estufa, upon the
most meagre fare and each of them was provided with a jar like this,
which held their allowance of water.
The curving lines diverging from the band around the neck represent
the boomerang-shaped rabbit weapon in motion; the hem-somp, the
youth's hair done up in a club at the nape of the neck, is also depicted.
The curious little panel has designs representing the youth and the
young woman who was appointed to grind the meal from which bread
was prepared for the festival which terminated the fast.
Upon 21 (below) are cloud emblems, naktci, and sunflowers.

21, Payupki Polychrome, A.D. 1680-1780.

 (Above) Naktcis and (below) sunflower and clouds.
The device upon 220 is not definitely known; it is said to represent the
claws of a bear.

220, San Bernardo Polychrome, A.D. 1625-1680,

said to show bear's claws around sides.

 Page 98

47, Payupki Polychrome, A.D. 1680-1780.

245, Payupki Polychrome, A.D. 1680-1780.

On 47, On 47, bahos with On 245, On 245,

lozenge germinative water dragonfly,
lightning. symbols. emblem. both on rim.

(Above, left to right) On 47, naktci, apron cloud, squash bud, and corn stalk with
leaves.
Around the neck of 245 is a representation of a fillet worn around the
head by a Rain priest, upon which is painted water emblems and
batolatci (dragonfly), as here depicted.
Number 47 has very similar decorations: lozenge lightning, bahos
displaying the germinative emblems, naktci, and the apron cloud
emblem. The squash bud is also seen, and upon 47 in a small vertical
panel a corn stalk with leaves is depicted.

286, Payupki Polychrome, A.D. 1680-1780.

 Page 99

(Left to right) On 286, squash bud surmounted by naktci, snow clouds.

AMS drawing of squash bud as angular germinative symbol and also
as dragonfly and same design on 286.
The decorations upon 286 are divided into four panels, the squash bud
surmounted by naktci, the latter being surrounded with an emblem of
snow clouds. Around the neck is to be observed a curious method of
decoration which is also seen on some other specimens, namely that
of forming emblems in such a manner that the painted design and the
unpainted surface exhibit different emblematic subjects. The cut
shows the squash bud as an angular germinative symbol, and also as
the batolatci. The other decorations are the familiar naktci and
lightning emblems.
Number 153 displays the squash bud surmounted by the naktci and
lightning emblems. The rosettes are conventionalized sunflowers.

Two views of 153, Payupki Polychrome, A.D. 1680-1780.

 (Top, left and right) Squash bud and naktci.
(Bottom, left and right) Lightning and sunflower. All on 153.

 Page 100

200, Payupki Polychrome, A.D. 1690-1780.

Conventional squash bud with its end

curved around that of another.

Naktci with curved cloud emblems on

many of its terraces.
On 200 are naktci, curved cloud emblems, and the conventional
squash bud, the ends of which are curved around each other.
On 69 the designs are entirely germinative symbols.
The decorations on 592 are divided into three sections, two of which
are alike and represent the baho prepared by the chief priestess of the
gens of the day of
 (Above left) 69, Payupki Polychrome, A.D. 1680-1780. (Above right, top)
Germinative symbols,
and (right bottom) AMS drawing of same with his notation ''phallic."

 Page 101

(Top left) 592, San Bernardo Polychrome, A.D. 1625-1680. (Top right, above)
Tobacco flower
on 592 and AMS drawing of same. (Top right, lower) Rain sign over gnwela on
592 and AMS drawing of same.

(Left) On 592, baho with tobacco flower,

and (Right) baho with checker-panel water emblem.
Masau's Festival. The one represented upon this jar was prepared by
the Tobacco gens of the Eagle phratry as shown by the tobacco flower.
To the right of the conventionalized flower is the rain sign over the
gnwela. The scalloped border on the left is the curved cloud emblem.
The other section represents the same baho, but with the checker-
panel water emblem.
It has not been attempted to describe any great number of the vessels
of this class as a general similarity prevails. Only those have been
noticed which introduce typical emblems, or display subjects of
special interest or curious form.
The total number of jars in this class is thirty-sixnumbers 211, 242, 3,
216, 66, 21, 286, 212, 197, 2, 5, 157, 321, 163, 200, 15, 153, 220, 245,
47, 159, 204, 592, 195, 27, 124, 210, 69, 208, 51, 217, 161, 156, 178,
272, 667.

 Page 102

Cream-colored Ware
This class is composed of round-bottomed vases of bulbous form.
They are a hard, whitish paste, but coated with a thin slip which gives
a yellow-or cream-colored ground. They are all nearly of the same
size, about as follows: height 10 inches; widest diameter 14 inches;
diameter of mouth 6 inches. They are symmetrically formed, and from
their widest part they incurve upward to form a short, wide neck,
slightly flaring.
Most of them are surrounded at their widest circumference with a
narrow painted zone or girdle, filled with neatly executed devices,
importing to the vase a pleasing appearance of completeness and
finish. With one exception the vases were found near the old Walpi
and Oraibi ruins.

(Top left) Overall view of 328, Sikyatki Polychrome, A.D. 1375-1625,

and (top right) bahos of Da-wympka or Singing Men. (Below, left to right)
Naktcis, eye (cross) of Sky God, Co-tuk-inunwa, over naktci,
and (far right) man's hairdo, hemp-somp.
A zone 3 inches wide (on 328) surrounds the periphery and is divided
into five long and five short sections. On the small sections are the
naktci and Co-tukinunwa's eyethe star. One of them displays the man's
cuehem-somp.
The same design appears upon each of the large sections; it is a
conventionalized representation of the baho of the Da-wympka, or
Singing Men.
The order of initiation, by which the youths are admitted as tribal
members, is still maintained, and is as follows:
The Kwa-kwanty test the youths by fasting and other ordeals. The Al-
wympka, Horn Men, in their kibu additional preparatory ceremonies
are observed.
The Wu-wympka (the ancients, the councillors)from them the youths
learn the legends of the tribe.

 Page 103
The Da-wympka (Singing Men)by them their heads are washed in a
basin and are then lashed on the naked body with willow wands and
yucca, as a final test of endurance. Secrecy is also impressed upon
them, they are to learn all the mysteries of the katcina, but must
impart nothing. The youths are then returned to the Kwa-kwantys,
from whom they receive their permanent tribal names. The whole
ceremony occupies eight days.
This vase was for holding the meal made from sweet corn, to be used
by the novices while confined in the estufa during the initiatory
ceremonies.
This vase (41) was found at the ruins of the Bat House about three
miles south from Keam's Cañon.
None of the walls of this village are standing and the ground plan is
very much obscured with debris. It is situated on the brink of a cañon
and seems to have

(Top, left and right) Two views of 41, Sikyatki Polychrome, A.D. 1375-1625.
(Bottom,
left and right) AMS drawings of "H" headdress of the Bats with their wings on
 each
side and bat shot with own umbilical cord.
been a group of houses enclosed within an irregular parallelogram,
about 650 feet long and 200 feet wide.
But little is definitely known concerning the Bats, except that they
were a gens, or probably a phratry, of the early Mishongnave branch.
Traditionally they are spoken of as having possessed great wealth, but
without defining its substance. The expression was probably used with
reference to the advantageous situation of their village, and their
possession of extensive gardens in a fertile, well-watered cañon.
The term wealthy, in its ordinary significance, could hardly be applied
to them. Judging from the result of explorations in the ruins of their
village, and in their burial places, their condition could not have
differed materially from the other

 Page 104
villages. The ornaments found near the skeleton remains are of little
value intrinsicallya few small beads of turquoise and malochite, but
most of their ornaments found are made of shell, bone, and clay.
The vase (41) figured in the cut and a few smaller vessels were found
in their burial places, but nothing of greater value than has been found
at other of the Hopitu ruins. That they were in a condition of comfort
and leisure is evidenced by the numerous fragments of a superior class
of pottery, and in close proximity are fine clayey shales, and bright-
colored ochres which they utilized for this purpose.
In the vicinity of their "house" or village there is now but one meagre
spring from which the water merely oozes a scant supply for one or
two Navajo families. But there are plain traces of a former copious
flow of water from this and other adjoining springs, and the remains
of a masonry near them show where they had constructed channels
through which to conduct the water to their gardens.
The ruin is centrally situated in what has been a populous district.
With a mile to the eastward there is a small ruin, and about two miles
further is the very extensive ruin of the Horn House also on the north
side of the same cañon and close to its edge.
Some eight miles still further east is the ruin of an oval house,
portions of the walls of which are still standing. A very considerable
display of skill in masonry is apparent in its construction, and the
curve of the oval is maintained with great regularity. The stones, of
irregular sizes, some of them very large, are all fairly dressed and set
with good bearings; no plaster of any kind has been used in building
the walls, but the interstices are closely chinked with thin pieces of
stone.
The accompanying cut (missing) conveys some idea of the plan of the
structure. The gate on the east side was probably a covered way
penetrating the line of houses. There is no debris upon the outside of
the ruin, but within, the ground plan is much obscured by the masses
which have fallen. This would show that the outer wall was carried up
the perpendicular and the buildings faced inward, in terraces, upon the
circular court which surrounded the estufa.
There are numerous other ruins south of the Bat House and a few
miles west of it is an extensive ruin called by the Mokis old
Mishongnave. On the edges of the cañons north of it, at no great
distance, are also several extensive ruins.
Tradition alludes to the Bats as a turbulent, impious clan, but the
trouble which finally culminated in their extinction seem to have
arisen from some that prolific source of contention, the possession of
springs and the control of the water.
A feud arose with some other village of their own phratry, in the
course of which the Bats fell upon their enemies while they were
celebrating a katcina festival. They killed the sacred dancers and
massacred nearly all the other inhabitants and destroyed the village.
The few who escaped fled to Sikyatki which was then a large village
situated at the base of the the Walpi Mesa, on the east side of the gap.
Many years afterward a similar fate befell Sikyatki, at the hands of the
Walpi, its ruins are now entirely obliterated, the stones having been
used by the modern Mokis in repairing their houses.
The sacrilegious killing of the katcinas was resented by the Walpis
and their adherents, and an expedition was sent against the Bats, who
prepared for defense and allied with themselves many of the villages
of the eastern Mishongnaves. They also obtained assistance, in the
west, from the Oraibi and from the Kohininos, an


 Page 105
obscure branch of the Sedentary Indians. A small band, the only
surviving fragment of this branch, still exist in a cañon of difficult
access, upon the south side of the Grand Cañon of the Colorado, but
their relation to the Hopitus has never been clearly determined.
The Walpis secured as allies some bands from the northern hunting
tribes, supposed to have been the early Utes and Pah-Utes, and a
merciless strife prevailed for many years. During this conflict the
villages of the Oraibis were destroyed, crumbling ruins still mark their
sites in the broken region south of the Moen Kupi. The ruins of their
principal village, destroyed during these hostilities, is situated but a
short distance north from the present village of Oraibi.
The Walpis and their allies were ultimately victorious and the Bats
were utterly exterminated.
The decorations upon this vase are not well understood. A headdress
worn by the Bat Katcinas is supposed to be represented by the design
shaped like the capital letter "H"; the pointed figures on either side
representing the wings of the bat.
The other design upon the zone is supposed to refer to a myth, but of
which only a fragment is now current. A priestess once prepared food
for a katcina and set it aside to await his arrival, but the bat stole the
food and ate it. When the katcina arrived, he caught the bat, and
pulling out the bat's umbilical cord, the katcina stretched it on his bow
and shot the bat with it through the shoulders.
The design (on 276) within the zone upon this vase is mainly formed
of combinations of the naktci and gnwela, symbols of Omau and
Muingwa. As has been
 Two views of 276, Sikyatki Polychrome, A.D. 1375-1625.
said on a former page the last-named symbol, assuming varying
forms, conveys many different, subtle suggestions. In this instance it
typifies Omau's control over the material clouds.
In the design with the serrated border, the red color signifies the earth,
in which is planted a baho, an emblematic prayer for rain.
One of the lightning emblems which appear in the Um-tok-ina
(Thunder God) is also introduced, just under the baho.
The other designsthe square enclosing a circular space, with which are
drawn three parallel lines with transverse marksis said to represent a
primitive stone calendar.

 Page 106

(Left and right) On 276 and AMS drawing of same, design of naktci and gnwela,
symbols of Omau and Muingwa.

(Left to right) Baho in ground on 276

and AMS drawing of same.
(See Holmes painting page 96.)

Lightning and AMS drawing of same.

Old stone calendar and AMS drawing of same.

This is only a surmise by some of the old Moki priests, who say that
reference occurs in some of their traditions to the method of keeping
the succession of the katcina festivals, of the phratry, by scored lines
and marks upon a stone, which was kept in the chief estufa.
The method now in use and which has prevailed for a very long time
is a complicated system of knotted strings. One of the priests holds in
his possession a string on which he casts knots until a certain cycle of
festivals is completed. The string is then tied with a peculiar knot,
around the neck of an image, or other emblem. Cords made of various
materials are used, tendons of different animals, of yucca, and other
fibers. The tying of the cord upon the image is attended with great
ceremony, the chief priest calls together all the members of his
fraternity and impresses the event upon their memories.
The Mokis reckon the seasons by a curious period of eight moons,
beginning with the New Moon of November, at the full of that moon
the New Year's Festival is celebrated, called Keli. The first lesser year
ends in the following February, and the third lesser year begins in
March and ends in October; thus every fourth lesser year begins in
November, the period of twenty-four months embraced being the year
of the Great Moon.

 Page 107

365, San Bernardo Polychrome, A.D. 1625-1680.

(Above, left to right) On 365, Tadpole clan

and six sticks, a game, Tugh-ti-wiki.
(Below) Girdle of Sumy-kolis.
The katcina feasts are reckoned by a year of thirteen moons,
consequently the New Year or Keli, of the katcina year only coincides
with the secular Keli once in thirteen years, which period is called a
Glad Year.
Around the neck (on 365) are two small designs, the tadpole, denoting
an extinct gens, formerly of the Water phratry, and the six intercrossed
lines, the game Tugh-ti-wiki. The entire upper surface of this vase is
decorated, the designs divided into four panels are similar, and are
significant of the the Sumy-kolis (Wizards).
The Sumy-kolis are gnomes and their element is fire. They can
transform themselves into trees or animals; they are blind and have
wooden hands. [Theirs is] the So-yra-ta Festival.
 On 365, hat and plume of Sumy-kolis.

On 365, notched stick used in ceremony.

The band next to the neck represents their girdle which was composed
of the bark of cedar and corn leaves. The small conical figures
represent their hat and plume.
These gnomes instituted the Sumy-koli katcinas and old Mokis relate
the wonderful feats formerly performed upon the mesa during their
celebrations. A great pyramidal stack of wood was ignited, and when
the fire had attained its greatest intensity, they tossed one of their
number into the midst of the flames, and after a time, the one who had
been apparently sacrificed rejoined the dancers unharmed.

 Page 108

296, San Bernardo Polychrome, A.D. 1625-1680.

(Above and below) Rabbit ears, and naktcis.

Vases like this specimen, containing garbage, were placed on the fire
and burned, they were afterwards taken up by the Wizards who
produced from them living rabbits and doves. This singular fraternity
is still maintained, but now their feats only consist of handling live
coals, and a few simple slight of hand tricks.
The notched figure above the hat is the wi-wa, a notched stick used by
one of the dancers who is unmasked and who guides the others by the
sound of his rattle. The masks of the principal performers,
representing the blind gnomes, cover their heads entirely.
Around the neck (on 296) of this vase, the small vertical lines
represent the ears of a rabbit; the zone is entirely of naktci. After a
rabbit hunt, all who have participated in it gather in the estufa and
feast upon the rabbits they have killed. The refuse of the rabbits is put
in this jar and sprinkled with a little consecrated meal, it is then
carried off and emptied at Masau's rock, a prayer of thanksgiving is
offered and a breath feather thrown over it.

Two views of 142, Sikyatki Polychrome, A.D. 1375-1625.

(See Holmes painting page 90.)
An excellent modern imitation (1487) accompanies this vase.
The border surrounding this vase (142) is composed of an
arrangement of naktci emblems. The other decorations are water,
cloud, and lightning emblems. The designs in the zone are the
conventionalized crook and other emblems, taken from

 Page 109

(Top, left to right) Row of naktci and water emblem. (Below, left to right) Gourd
eyes
on 142 and same on AMS illustration 52 of mask of Hunting Katcina.
Gneu-gneu-pion 142 and AMS drawing of same.
the decorations of the mask of Hunting Katcina which appears in the
cut (illustration 52 above). The curved forms on the mask represent
gourds. The emblematic staff, with gneu-gneu-pi and naktci attached,
used by the dancers in the celebration of this katcina festival is also
shown in the accompanying cut.
The other vases of this class exhibit, in their decorations, emblems
and their combinations which have been described in former classes.
There are twelve vases in this class of Cream-colored Warenumbers
26, 57, 276, 328, 314, 48, 41, 364, 365, 296, 142, 633.
 AMS illustration 48 of Cream-colored Ware.

 Page 110

Hawk House Relics

These specimens were obtained from ruins, about three miles
northwest from Keam's Cañon. They mark the site of extensive
buildings which are now entirely demolished, and the ground plan
very much obscured, only a short line of foundation stones, here and
there, can be discovered. Apparently the principal village stood upon a
promontory of the mesa, formed by a broad but tortuous cañon, and
the sites of several other houses can be discerned upon the mesa side
of the neck of the promontory.
The story of this ruin has not been ascertained, other than that it was
once a village, built in early times by one of the Hawk gentes of the
Eagle phratry. Some skeleton remains were found close to the surface
and in the immediate vicinity of the ruins, but no entire specimens of
pottery were found in the graves. The specimens obtained all bear
evidence of having been subjected to intense heat, which leads to the
supposition that the village was violently destroyed.
While some excavations were being made during an unsuccessful
endeavor to expose the complete ground plan, twenty-one whole
specimens were discovered within the space formerly enclosed by the
walls. They are of an excellent quality of ware, and although the fire
has defaced their external finish, sufficient traces exist to show that
they have been coated with a polished slip and decorated, probably in
Black Line. They are of symmetrical form, among them are well-
modeled jugs, and two elegant examples of globular flasks with long
necks.
The specimen (427M) has already been referred to as presenting their
typical form of the askos, modeled from the primitive skin vessel.
Although they still occasionally use skin water bottles on long
journeys, the women have forgotten the prototype of the askos and
now model them from their skin moccasin, as shown by the toy
vessels which accompany this specimen.
Numbers 492, 481, 513, 466, 485, 484, 488, 502, 505, 333, 354, 367,
500, 501, 493, 542, 413, 491, 489, 383, 427 (modern exhibit with
427).
Red Ware
All of the vessels composing this class, with two or three exceptions,
have been exhumed in the vicinity of the ruins upon the north bank of
the Little Colorado River. The correspondence of many of the designs
with that of the early Walpi decoration tends to confirm their legends
touching the building of these villages by the Walpi branch of the
Hopitu.
The paste of which this ware is composed is of a medium degree of
hardness; in some of the specimens it is of a reddish clay, varying in
shade from a pale, almost lemon, color to a brick red; in some
instances the baking has turned the interior of the paste to a coal
black. Another kind is made from a gray shale mixed with quartz
sand. Some of the vessels made from the reddish clays have been
smoothly polished and show the natural color of the clay from which
they were formed; those made of the gray and black pastes have
invariably an exterior coating of some shade of red.
The vessels comprised in this class are shapely food basins and bowls,
jars, pitchers and cups, oblate globular flasks for carrying water to the
fields, double-lobed vessels and ladles; the decorations are in black
with an occasional white line. The basin (244M) is coated with a clay
slip of a yellowish pink color, the

 Page 111
decoration, consisting of vegetal wreaths (corn leaves), is painted in a
deep, glossy red surrounded with a border of black and a narrow white
line is traced upon the outside of the black, forming a double border.

249, Tusayan Polychrome, A.D. 1100-1300

(Breternitz 1963 and 1993).
Number 249 has a similar style of decoration, but the outer white line
does not appear upon the border of the designs in this specimen.
Aside from the introduction of a white pigment in the decorations,
another remarkable feature in this class is the appearance of the Greek
maiander (meander), forms of which, more or less complex, reappear
as a modern decoration, although it is not at all common.
Upon the bowl 361M the decorations upon the inside are in black and
consist of the common naktci and water emblems; upon the outside of
the bowl, and just below the brim, a maiander (meander) pattern is
drawn in white. The simple form of the early Greek maiander is
perfectly reproduced and the following curious significance is
attached to this design.
 Meander design by AMS.
At the close of the religious festivals and many of the social
celebrations, it is customary for all the participants to join in a parting
dance, called the ''dance of the linked-finger." The dancers form a
double line and, crossing their arms in

 Page 112
front of them, they lock the forefingers of either hand with those of
their neighbors, in both lines, which are thus interlocked together.
Their dancing consists of a halting step, accompanied by a peculiar
stamping motion of the right foot, so they stand interlocked by this
emblematic grip and to the rhythmic stamping of their feet, sing their
parting song. The designs are emblems of this friendly dance.
Food basins and bowls. 13
Jar with two handles. 3
Pitchers and jugs. 5
Oblate globular vessels. 4
Double-lobed vessels, ladles. 9
Total. 34
Numbers 63, 444, 238, 457, 549, 326, 305, 179, 618, 20, 341, 436,
617, 144, 206, 478, 550, 546, 50, 244, 249, 430, 548, 453, 442, 361,
451, 402, 388, 154, 547, 632, 648, 649.

 Page 113

Transition and Modern Ware

Pots and Symbols Described in Final Version of Catalogue
No. 84
Polacca Polychrome, Style B, A.D. 1820-1860.

Two views of 84.

Cotyledon emerging from gnwela,

symbol of Germination God,
Muingwa [Stephen n.d. 159]
No. 92
Polacca Polychrome, Style B, A.D. 1820-1860.

Two views of 92.

(Left to right) Bahos connected by trains of clouds, snow clouds, cactus, and sky
window.
[Stephen n.d. 159]

 Page 114
No. 101
Polacca Polychrome, Style A, A.D. 1780-1820.

(Above) Two views of 101 and (below, left to right) floral design and the stamen
as "life" or "breath" gate. [Stephen n.d. 160]

No. 102
Polacca Polychrome, Style A, A.D. 1780-1820.

(Above) Two views of 102 and (below, left to right) floral designs and the
stamen
as "life" or "breath" gate. [Stephen n.d. 160]


 Page 115
No. 105
Polacca Polychrome, Style B, A.D. 1820-1860.

Two views of 105 and (below, left to right) gnwela, (symbol of

Germination God, Muingwa), naktci (clouds), and sky window.
[Stephen n.d. 152]

No. 117
Polacca Polychrome, Style B, A.D. 1820-1860.

(Above) Two views of 117 and (below, left to right) rain bird, clouds, mana
(virgin)
symbol drawn as St. Andrew's cross. [Stephen n.d. 157]


 Page 116
No. 118
Polacca Polychrome, Style B, A.D. 1820-1860.

Two views of 118 and (below, left to right) two views of cotelydon attached to
gnwela,
symbol of Germination God, Muingwa. [Stephen n.d. 159]

No. 141
Polacca Polychrome, Style B, A.D. 1820-1860.

Two views of 141, and (below, left to right) gnwela, symbol of Germination
God,
Muingwa, naktci (cloud), and sky window. [Stephen n.d. 152]


 Page 117
No. 223
Polacca Polychrome, Style A, A.D. 1780-1820.

View of 223 and (above right) lightning ladders with snow clouds.
(Below, left to right) Butterfly and tobacco flower. [Stephen n.d. 159]

No. 267
Polacca Polychrome, Style B/C, A.D. 1820-1890.

Two views of 267, and (below) mountain lion. [Stephen n.d. 158]


 Page 118
No. 275M (Missing)
Polacca Polychrome, A.D. 1780-1900. (See below, Peabody Museum
979-5-10/58763.)

AMS drawing of 275M, with floral designs from shields that include the
four-pointed star as a sky window. [Stephen n.d. 152]

Jar similar to 275M which has no Keam number (Peabody Museum

979-5-10/58763), Polacca Polychrome, A.D. 1780-1900 (early).
No. 621
Polacca Polychrome, Style B, A.D. 1820-1860.

Two views of 621 and (below) rays of sunlight shining through clouds.
 [Stephen n.d. 159]

 Page 119

Eighty-four Symbols

 Page 121

Anklets and Wristlets (includes bracelet)

· Squarish pattern with pointed ends
· Striped pattern below hand
· Rectangle unclosed at bottom

(Left and right) Anklets and wristlets of Humis Katcina on 2 and 3,

Payupki Polychrome, A.D. 1680-1780, and (below) AMS illustration
of anklets and wristlets.
Numbers 2 and 3 present very similar decoration. The naktcis of the
Humis Katcinas, their bahos, and their water emblems. The curious
veined design representing water penetrating the earth. The cross-
hatched square and triangle represent the anklets and wristlets of these
katcina, braided of yarn around strips of sheep skin.
[Stephen 1890:84-5]
 Bracelet and fringe on 188E, Sikyatki Polychrome,
A.D. 1375-1625.
The decoration (on 188M-188E) which extends only around the
outside brim of this basin represents a decorated wrist guard or
bracelet . . . The bracelet fringe is also emblematic of rain, so are the
fringed ornaments worn.
[Stephen 1891:59]

 Page 122

214M, style and dating unknown (see W. H. Holmes painting, page 93).

Wrist guard to protect against

rebound of bow string.

Porcupine quill bracelet below left

hand of Kwa-kwanty chief.
One of these (panels on 214M) contains a diagonal band (center) with
lines of dotted lozenge spaces, signifying cultivated fields or gardens.
Throughout all the pottery decorations dotted lozenges, squares, and
annulets are recognized as conventional signs of cultivated ground.
Dividing the same panel, and occupying about a third of its space to
the right, is a vertical band with a scalloped edge. This represents the
Kwa-kwanty's bracelet, or wrist guard, made of tanned skin and worn
upon the left wrist to protect it against the rebound of the bowstring.
These two designs displayed in conjunction are typical of the ancient
province of the Kwa-kwanty to guard the fields in times of danger.
. . . the other design in the panel is a peculiar baho of the Kwa-kwanty
carved from a piece of cottonwood to represent the left hand of their
chief with extended fingers. The upper part of this baho is carved and
painted in imitation of an ornamental bracelet made of dyed porcupine
quills.
[Stephen 1890:44-5]

 Page 123

Arrow
(See also Arrow, Double-headed; Sky God's Arrow)
· Arrow with straight or curved base
· Curved shape pierced by line
· Two short arrows attached at top

AMS illustration 12 of prayer stick with

double-headed arrow of the War Twins
on 198M.
The baho depicted on the vase (198M) is shown in the accompanying
illustration 12. It is a thin piece of cottonwood about 10 inches long
and 4 inches wide upon which is painted the bud of the squash and the
double-headed arrow of the mythic twins Pe-kong-no-ya.
Legends tell that when a great flood had covered the whole earth these
twins came in answer to the prayers of the people. They filled a bowl
with water and the reflection of a bird was seen upon it; they thrust the
reflected image through with an arrow and a great hawk fell from the
sky, shot through the heart. They then made a great double-headed
arrow and, having fixed the wing feathers of the hawk to its shaft,
they shot it into the earth and the water at once began to flow into the
hole it had made. In a short time a deep cañon was formed through
which the water flowed and where a mountain barred its course, the
twins again shot the arrow and a gorge was opened.
[Stephen 1890:46]
The curved cloud sign (188M-188E) develops the germinative
symbolthe Sky God's arrow piercing the cloud that rain may fall . . . A
well-made modern reproduction (188E below) accompanies this
basin.
[Stephen 1890:59]

Comment:
Before the Sky God gave the flageolet to the katcina he had used it as
a blow gun through which he distributed his blessings over the land of
the Hopitus. He shot arrowheads of turquoise, malachite, garnets, and
the other gems with which the people are familiar, and which are all
regarded as fragments of those arrows.
So completely have the Mokis forgotten all knowledge of the art of
making flint arrowheads, they also attribute them to the same origin
and say that their forefathers, like themselves, when they wanted a
supply of arrowheads, went out and gathered them.
[Stephen 1890:35]

 Page 124

Portion of 113, Polacca Polychrome, Style B,

A.D. 1820-1860, showing the Sky God's arrows
around the sky window and also
penetrating the earth.
The design (113) is surrounded with naktci on each angle of which the
Sky God's arrow is inserted. Within the smaller lozenge in the centre
of the designs are also naktci and Sky God's arrows penetrating the
earth, represented by the broad reddish lines enclosing a stream of
water.
[Stephen 1890:61-2]

322, Sikyatki Polychrome, A.D. 1375-1625,

showing Sky God's arrow.
(On 322) the beak-shaped design is drawn upon the pung-ya by the
chief of the Flute order, referred to in describing 395M in the Black
Line Ware. The heart-shaped arrowhead of the Sky God is penetrating
the earth through a circular opening carrying with it the corn baho
endowed with the Sky God's productive blessings, secured through
the ministrations of these flageolet priests. The whole design is meant
to represent the head of an eagle.
[Stephen 1890:55-6]

30, San Bernardo Polychrome, A.D. 1625-1680, eagle with its

wings conventionalized into baho with Sky God's arrow on top.
The decorations upon the small jar (30) represent an eagle, the wings
conventionalized into the baho and sky arrow; the tail into the angular
cloud symbolsnaktci.
[Stephen 1890:69]

 Page 125

Arrow, Double-headed
·Two short arrows attached at top

198M-195A, San Bernardo Polychrome, A.D.

1625-1680, has the squash bud and double-headed
arrow of the War Twins repeated on its sides.
Number 198M is another of the vessels obtained from the Mokis after
having been exhumed and preserved for many generations. Number
198M was used for preserved seeds . . . and is appropriately decorated
with baho of the chief priestess of the ''Coming Harvest" Festival. . . .
The baho depicted on the vase is shown in the accompanying
illustration 12. It is a thin piece of cottonwood about 10 inches long
and 4 inches wide upon which is painted the bud of the squash and the
double-headed arrow of the mythic twins Pe-kong-no-ya.
Legends tell that when a great flood had covered the whole earth these
twins came in answer to the prayers of the people. They filled a bowl
with water and the reflection of a bird was seen upon it; they thrust the
reflected image through with an arrow and a great hawk fell from the
sky, shot through the heart. They then made a great double-headed
arrow and having fixed the wing feathers of the hawk to its shaft, they
shot it into the earth and the water at once began to flow into the hole
it had made. In a short time a deep cañon was formed through which
the water flowed and where a mountain barred its course, the twins
again shot the arrow and a gorge was opened. Then the twins went to
a mountain top and calling to the Sky God, pulled out the hair from
their heads and cast it to the winds. As each handful scattered abroad
they proclaimed a name for itgrass, herbs, plants, trees, and all manner
of vegetable life into which the hair was immediately transformed and
they covered the face of the earth again with verdure.
[Stephen 1890:45-6]

AMS illustration 11 of baho with squash bud and Twins' double-headed

arrow on 198M. (Right) AMS illustration 12 of the actual baho with
the squash bud and double arrow at bottom.

 Page 126

Aspergill or Sprinkler
·Line with plumelike appendages at one end

323, San Bernardo Polychrome,

A.D. 1625-1680.

AMS drawing of 323.

This (323) is another of the same kind of vessels with Kwa-kwanty
decorations. Projecting from the headdress is a plumed stick which
their chief used as an aspergill to sprinkle consecrated water upon
novices during the ceremony of their admission into this fraternity.
[Stephen 1890:54-6]
 Aspergill in the headdress
of the Kwa-kwanty.

 Page 127

Bear
·Device with several long points in a cluster, said to represent the
claws of the bear

220, San Bernardo Polychrome, A.D.

1625-1680, with bear claws design.
The device upon 220 is not definitely known; it is said to represent the
claws of a bear.
[Stephen 1890:97]
The first flageolet given by the katcina to the warrior priest was made
of the thigh bone of a bear, and a similar bone instrument is still used
by the chief priest. Each of the members of the order use a flageolet
made of a reed, one end of which is inserted into a half of gourd shell,
and from which they produce most discordant sounds.
[Stephen 1890:35]

 Page 128

BirdCalifornia Quail
·Birdlike figure in profile, with beak and backwards-pointing
extension at top of head

498, Sityatki Polychrome, A.D. 1375-1625,

showing quail.

AMS illustration 17 showing quail.

The bird, tcozur, depicted upon this basin (498) is the tufted
California quail which frequents the Grand Cañon of the Colorado and
some of its tributary cañons in the Kohonino plateau.
From a very early time the Mokis and their ancestors were accustomed
to make periodical journeys to obtain salt from a deposit which occurs
in the strata on the south side and close to the bottom of the Grand
Cañon of the Colorado, at a point some distance west from the mouth
of the Little Colorado. . . . This journey, when performed on foot,
must have been of immense difficulty as it includes a stretch of nearly
fifty miles without water, and at the end of this, when the edge of the
cañon is reached, a half a day is consumed in making the descent to
the river, which at this point lies about six thousand feet below the
level of the plateau.
Making bags of their blankets they secured in each about half a bushel
of salt. They next filled a jar (247, a double-lobed vessel) with bitter
water, from a spring near the salt seam, and also killed a tufted quail,
the skin of which, with the jar of bitter water, they brought back to the
villages.
The expedition having returned home, the skin of the quail was given
to the chief priestess who prepared a baho upon which was displayed
the wing and tail feathers of the quail.
. . . when the next expedition was sent after salt, each of the men
composing it had a quail feather from the baho tied into his hair so
that Masau might perceive that he had been duly qualified to receive
the precious gift [of salt].
[Stephen 1890:52-4]

 Page 129

Bird, Rain
·Small round-headed figure in profile with eye and beak, often at top
of long isosceles triangle

117, Polacca Polychrome, Style B, A.D.

1820-1860, with rain birds at tips of clouds.
Sometimes the head of the tci-zur (the rain bird) is attached to the
points in a curving line of cloud emblems as shown in the small jar
(117).
Tci-zur . . . is the comprehensive name used by the women for any
small bird. Its relevancy as a rain emblem is thus explained: During
seasons of sufficient rainfall, flocks of small birds surround the
villages and gardens, while during the prevalence of drouth they take
flight to the distant water courses.
[Stephen n.d. 115]


 Page 130

BirdRoadrunner or Chapparal Cock

·Angular birdlike figure with pronounced head and beak, low to
ground

2125A, (similar to 387M), Sikyatki Polychrome, A.D. 1375-1625.

(Right) AMS drawing of same, depicting the
roadrunner or chapparal cock.
The bird depicted upon the interior of this basin (387M) is called the
Hosh-boa. It is the cuckoo, roadrunner, or chapparal cock, which
frequents the wooded region of the Colorado River.
An old custom, for which this basin was designed, has long been
abandoned, but is thus described. Formerly a young man, when upon
a hunting expedition, would eagerly watch for an opportunity to
capture this bird. On returning to the village, he made a coop for it and
left it at the house of a girl he desired to marry. If the bird was
returned to him it signified disapproval of his love suit and the bird
was then destroyed, it having been deemed insulting to offer the
rejected bird to another. If, however, the suitor was accepted, the
maternal uncle of the girl made an arrow and trimmed it with some of
the bird's feathers and sent it to the young man, who then invited his
kin to a feast. The girl's mother meanwhile had prepared a vessel like
this and, filling it with food, carried it to the kibu to which the young
man belonged, while the kin were assembled there to partake of the
betrothal feast.
The outside brim decoration (below) represents the coop in which the
bird was hung up in front of the girl's house during the betrothal. The
tassel belongs to the maiden's girdle.
[Stephen 1890:51-52]

Symbol on outside of 2125A,

showing coop for roadrunner.

 Page 131

Bison Mask
·Mask with crossed eyes, down-pointing horns, and featherlike fringe
at bottom

196, San Bernardo Polychrome, A.D.

1625-1680, with bison mask.

AMS drawing of same pot.

The decorations (196) have no emblematic significance excepting the
four small cloud emblems near the brim separating the four objects
delineated, the two larger of which, upon opposite sides of the vase,
represent the mask worn by the men in the Dance of the Bison (Mu-
shizer). The other two figures represent an appendage worn on the
back of the women at the same festivity.
The mask is a strip of skin reaching to the mouth; on the lower edge
of the mask a fringe of feathers was formerly attached, but now these
are only indicated by some painted lines similar to those upon the
lower edge of the mask figures upon the vase. Curved gourd stems
represent the bison horns; the pointed projections just beneath them
are the ears; the bars occupying the place of the eyes represent the
eyelets slit in the dancer's mask.
This feast is celebrated in December, both men and women, gaudily
attired, joining in the dances which are performed in the open courts
of the villages. The women paint their faces and the men wear these
masks. Between the masks worn by the dancers during such holiday
amusements and those worn at the katcina festivals a marked
distinction is observed. The former never wholly cover the face of the
dancer, while the latter, usually of a cylindrical form, conceal the
entire head and neck.
The significance of this feast is now unknown, but the observance of
such a holiday points to a time when these people had intercourse with
the hunting tribes of the bison country. It may originally have . . .
celebrated the return of a trading expedition from that region, or it
may have been instituted while the eastern branches of their own race
hunted the bison themselves. But the Moki can only tell that the Dance
of the Bison has been celebrated since the most ancient time.
[Stephen 1890:42-4]

 Page 132

Breath or Life Gate

(See also Whirlwind or Breath God)
·Gap in band around pot
·Stamen in floral design

(Left and right) "Gate of breath" in topmost band on 41 and 276,

both Sikyatki Polychrome, A.D. 1375-1625.
Upon all of the decorated ancient ware, other than the Black Line, and
on the modern production of the Moki women as well, a curious
symbolic band is painted, usually to the neck or brim of the vessel. If
the woman who decorates the vessel is old and past the child-bearing
period, she paints a complete surrounding band; if she has had a child
recently or expects to ever have a child, the band is not quite
completed, she leaves a small space of a quarter or half an inch
unpainted. Young unmarried girls are not permitted to use this
surrounding band in their pottery decoration.
But throughout the entire class of Black Line the surrounding bands
are invariably painted complete, and this singular tradition is related
by the Mokis in explanation.
The first decorations (on decorated Black Line Ware) were black
bands painted around the food basins as tokens of mourning. Other
decorative designs soon accompanied these plain bands and their
original significance was forgotten. This decorative style continued
for a long while until the women ceased to bear children. Then
Muingwa sent Masau to tell the women that if they hoped to bear
children again they must leave the "gate of breath" open so that he
might perceive the token of their desire. In their basketware
productions, especially in the shallow trays made in the coil form, the
end of the coil upon the outside brim is left unfinished, with this same
significance. The Kohonino women, although they know nothing of
pottery, have a similar custom of leaving a "breath gate" in the circular
bands woven even in their basket decoration.
[Stephen 1890:35-6]

 Page 133

101, Polacca Polychrome, Style A, A.D. 1780-1820, with stamen in floral design
as the "life" or "breath" gate. (Right) Detail of same.
The large jars 101 and 102 present in their decoration some curious
forms of floral designs. In these designs, as has been remarked in
those of the rain bird, it has not been sought to represent any particular
flower. These are simply expressions of the singular germinative
abstraction, conveyed in this instance by a conventionalized flower
bud, the undivided stamen of which represents the "life" or "breath
gate."
[Stephen n.d. 114]

102, Polacca Polychrome, Style A, A.D. 1780-1820, with stamen in floral design
and right detail of same.


 Page 134

Butterfly
·Winged creature with very curved beak and two curved feelers on top
of the head

223, Polacca Polychrome, Style A, A.D. 1780-1820, and (right) butterfly.

(On 223) butterflies alternating with tobacco flowers are painted upon
the neck of the small jar.
Around the body of the jar are thirteen diagonal bands extending from
the neck to base, depicting the lightning ladder surrounded with snow
clouds. Red and black bands alternate, said to express the ancient
symbolic colors of earth and sky. The butterfly denotes the gens to
which the maker of the jar belonged.
[Stephen n.d. 117]

Butterfly on 23, style and dating unknown.

A basin of lustrous deep yellow colour (23), the paste of a remarkably
fine, hard texture, almost flinty. The decoration is in black and
consists of two narrow bands surrounding the inside of the basin
below the brim, with a well-drawn chevron extending from the lower
band across the bottom. It is divided into five small panels, two of
which, on each arm of the chevron, enclosed the angular cloud and
water emblems; the triangular panel at the point is designed to
represent a butterfly. These decorations denote the gens and its phratry
in the festivals of which the vessel was formerly used, the butterfly
being the emblem of the Buli (Butterfly) gens of the Honani (Badger)
phratry, indicated by the emblem of that phratry, the chevron.
[Stephen 1890:57-9]

 Page 135

Calendar
·Oval with horizontal lines, crossed with unequal vertical lines

276, Sikyatki Polychrome, A.D. 1375-1625. (Right) Detail showing circular

symbol said to be ancient calendar.
The other design (276)the square enclosing a circular space, with
which are drawn three parallel lines with transverse marksis said to
represent a primitive stone calendar.
This is only a surmise by some of the old Moki priests, who say that
reference occurs in some of their traditions to the method of keeping
the succession of the katcina festivals, of the phratry, by scored lines
and marks upon a stone, which was kept in the chief estufa.
The method now in use and which has prevailed for a very long time
is a complicated system of knotted strings. One of the priests holds in
his possession a string on which he casts knots until a certain cycle of
festivals is completed. The string is then tied with a peculiar knot,
around the neck of an image, or other emblem. Cords made of various
materials are used, tendons of different animals, of yucca, and other
fibers. The tying of the cord upon the image is attended with great
ceremony, the chief priest calls together all the members of his
fraternity and impresses the event upon their memories.
The Mokis reckon the seasons by a curious period of eight moons,
beginning with the New Moon of November, at the full of that moon
the New Year's Festival is celebrated, called Keli. The first lesser year
ends in the following February, and the third lesser year begins in
March and ends in October; thus every fourth lesser year begins in
November, the period of twenty-four months embraced being the year
of the Great Moon.
The katcina feasts are reckoned by a year of thirteen moons,
consequently the New Year or Keli, of the katcina year only coincides
with the secular Keli once in thirteen years, which period is called a
Glad Year.
[Stephen 1890:105-7]

 Page 136

Clan, Badger
·Chevron(s), representing inclines where badger constructs his burrow

23, style and dating unknown, chevron.

AMS drawing of same.

A basin of lustrous deep yellow color (23), the paste of a remarkably
fine, hard texture, almost flinty. The decoration is in black and
consists of two narrow bands surrounding the inside of the basin
below the brim, with a well-drawn chevron extending from the lower
band across the bottom.
It is divided into five small panels, two of which on each arm of the
chevron, enclosed the angular cloud and water emblems; the
triangular panel at the point is designed to represent a butterfly. These
decorations denote the gens and its phratry, in the festivals of which
the vessel was formerly used, the butterfly being the emblem of the
Buli (Butterfly) gens of the Honani (Badger) phratry, indicated by the
emblem of that phratry, the chevron.
It is curious to observe that this old heraldic device was similarly
employed by the Ancient Builders, and displayed with similar
emblematic purport upon their masks and shields. The design,
however, instead of originating as in European heraldry from the
rafters of a dwelling house, was adopted as typical of the
characteristic feature of the house of the badger, the obtuse angle
formed by the inclines he excavates in the construction of his burrow.
[Stephen 1890:57-9]

 Page 137

Clan, Bats
·H-shaped symbol, sometimes with ''wings" on each side

(Above, left and right) Two views of 41, Sikyatki Polychrome, A.D. 1375-1625.
(Below, left and right) AMS drawings of "H" with bat wings, and bat shot
with his own umbilical cord for stealing katcina's food.
This vase (41) was found at the ruins of the Bat House about three
miles south from Keam's Cañon.
The decorations upon this vase are not well understood. A headdress
worn by the Bat katcinas is supposed to be represented by the design
shaped like the capital letter "H"; the pointed figures on either side
representing the wings of the bat.
The other design upon the zone is supposed to refer to a myth, but of
which only a fragment is now current. A priestess once prepared food
for a katcina and set it aside to await his arrival, but the bat stole the
food and ate it. When the katcina arrived, he caught the bat, and
pulling out the bat's umbilical cord, the katcina stretched it on his bow
and shot the bat with it through the shoulders.
[Stephen 1890:103-4]


 Page 138

Clan, Cactus
·Round symbols with dots inside or along outside

(Left) 92, Polacca Polychrome, Style B, A.D. 1820-1860, and (right)

close-up of cactus symbols on 92.
Surrounding the neck of the jar (92) are fanciful devices composed of
bahos connected by trains of clouds. On the body of the vessel are
snow clouds, cactus, and other emblems from the headdresses worn
by the Salyko katcinas. Salyko katcinas are grouped so as to form an
irregular cross enclosing a five-pointed star, the sky window
frequently observed.
[Stephen n.d. 113]
On the jar (151M) similar cloud and lightning emblems have been
copied from the headdress designs. Two narrow panels of water and
cloud symbols divide the cloud and lightning decoration. The birds
drinking from the clouds are the swifts whose extended wings have
been conventionalized into a representation of the Kwa-kwanty
headdress, four of which headdresses also extend from the vertical
line, between the birds and panel in which the leafed cactus is drawn.
The cactus probably marks the gens to which the bride belonged.
[Stephen 1890:60-1]
Upon the field water flask (36M) curved cloud emblems surround the
neck. The triangular markings are the leaved cactus, the dots
representing the thorny spikes which cover them.
[Stephen 1890:71]

 Page 139

Clan, Tobacco
(See also Tobacco Flower)
·Small circle with many rays
·Small flower with multiple petals

592, San Bernardo, A.D. 1625-1680.

Detail of tobacco flower design on 592.

 223, Polacca Polychrome, Style A,
A.D. 1780-1820.

Detail of tobacco flower on 223 indicating

the gens to which the maker of
the jar belonged.
The decorations on 592 are divided into three sections, two of which
are alike and represent the baho prepared by the chief priestess of the
gens of the day of Masau's Festival. The one represented upon this jar
was prepared by the Tobacco gens of the Eagle phratry as shown by
the tobacco flower. To the right of the conventionalized flower is the
rain sign over the gnwela.
[Stephen 1890:100-1]
The large jar (148M) with indented base has a decoration covering
nearly the entire surface. It represents the native tobacco plant in
blossom.
[Stephen 1890:69]
Butterflies alternating with tobacco flowers are painted upon the neck
of the small jar (223).
[Stephen n.d. 117]

 Page 140

Clan, Water
·Black oval with tail, often zig-zag; there may be lines from top of
oval

(Above) 365, San Bernardo Polychrome, A.D. 1625-1680.

(Below) Detail of tadpole, symbol of Water phratry.

Around the neck (365) are two small designs, the tadpole, denoting an
extinct gens, formerly of the Water phratry, and the six intercrossed
lines, the game Tugh-ti-wiki. The entire upper surface of this vase is
decorated, the designs divided into four panels are similar, and are
significant of the Sumy-kolis (Wizards).
[Stephen 1890:107]
 380, Sikyatki Polychrome, A.D. 1375-1625,
showing the confederated phratry house.
The figure (380) is said to be the ground plan of a confederated
phratry house, built in Montezuma Valley, not far from the Snake
towers. The house was built by the Snake and Water [clans] the small
designs set throughout the figure are said to typify the gentes,
families, and fraternities who occupied it. The implied significance of
these designs, however, are very obscure.
[Stephen 1890:64-5]
The substance of the interminable Aloseka legends is nearly as
follows: At the Red House in the south internecine wars prevailed and
the two branches of the Water House (Walpi and Mishongnave)
separated from the other Hopitus and determined to return to the
fatherland in the north. But these two branches were not on the best of
terms and they traveled northward by separate routes, the
Mishongnaves holding to the east of the Walpis.
[Stephen 1890:76]

 Page 141

CloudNaktci
(See also Cloud GodOmau; Hail; Rain and Rain Cloud; and Snow
Cloud)
·Stepped pyramid
·Half of stepped pyramid
·Row of triangles on line
·Row of half circles on line
·Several half circles above line with vertical lines below (rain)

AMS drawing of cloud headdress or naktci

of the Humis Katcina.

3, Payupki Polychrome, A.D. 1680-1780,

showing symbol of same cloud headdress.
Numbers 2 and 3 present very similar decoration. The naktcis of the
Humis Katcina, their bahos, and water emblems.
[Stephen 1890:84-5]

Cloud emblems on 196, San Bernardo

Polychrome, A.D. 1625-1680.
This vase (196) [has] . . . the four cloud emblems near the brim.
[Stephen 1890:42-4]

215, Sikyatki Polychrome, A.D. 1375-1625,

with body as rain cloud cut by lightning.
(On 215) it (thunder) is depicted with the head of the serpent genius,
Baho-likonga, its body is a rain cloud with lightning darting through it
which discloses the origin of the angular cloud symbol, so universally
depicted upon all classes of their pottery.
[Stephen 1890:49-51]

 Page 142

253, style and dating unknown, showing

lightning ladder and clouds attached.
(On 253) the decorations, which cover the entire surface of the jar, are
peculiar forms of thunder, cloud signs, and lightning ladder, copied
from the katcina headdresses.
[Stephen 1890:60]

212, Payupki Polychrome, A.D. 1680-1780,

with naktcis as cloud emblems.
The designs (on 212) of the naktcis surround the jar above the
Muingwa band.
[Stephen 1890:87]
 (Above and below) 21 and 321, Payupki
Polychrome, A.D. 1680-1780.
(Above) Naktcis and cloud emblems,
and (below) whirlpool and clouds.

Upon 21 are cloud emblems, naktci, and sunflowers.

[Stephen 1890:97]
The double spiral with transverse markings upon 321 is the
emblematic whirlpool noticed upon numerous specimens in the Black
Line Ware; the serrated border around the spiral are clouds . . .
[Stephen 1890:82]

 Page 143

51, Payupki Polychrome, A.D. 1680-1780,

with bar of clouds in triangular form
over eagle's foot.
Number 51 is a jar belonging to the Eagle phratry. The decorations are
bars of clouds and the foot of the eagle conventionalized; the . . .
feathers are the toes, and . . . gneu-gneu-pi projecting, are the claws.
[Stephen 1890:86]

30, San Bernardo Polychrome, A.D.

1625-1680, with eagle tail as naktci.
The decorations upon the small jar (30) represent an eagle, the wings
conventionalized into the baho and sky arrow; the tail into the angular
cloud symbolsnaktci.
[Stephen 1890:69]
 AMS illustration 34 of clouds and rain
on altar of Corn God, Salyko. This is
common symbol for cloud and rain.

Cloud or naktci emblems on 142, Sikyatki

Polychrome, A.D. 1375-1625.
The border surrounding this vase (142) is composed of an
arrangement of naktci emblems. The other decorations are water,
cloud, and lightning emblems.
[Stephen 1890:108-9]

163, Payupki Polychrome, A.D. 1680-

1780, with panel of clouds.
Number 163 . . . one of them (the panels) is entirely of cloud symbols.
[Stephen 1890:83]

 Page 144

621, Polacca Polychrome, Style B,

A.D. 1820-1860.

621, detail showing sunlight penetrating clouds.

The decorations upon the large jar (621) are not well understood, but
in the line of cloud emblems around the lower portion of the jar, a
curious figure of modern origin is displayed; it is called titksi and is
shown in the vertical bars drawn between each cloud. These represent
the rays of light shining through the open spaces when the sun is
hidden behind the clouds.
[Stephen n.d. 118]

Brim of 23, style and dating unknown,

shows cloud symbols.
The brim decoration (23) upon the outside is the conventional cloud
symbol.
[Stephen 1890:58-9]

117, Polacca Polychrome, Style B,

A.D. 1820-1860, with rain
birds at tips of clouds.
The head (on 117) of the tci-zur (the rain bird) is attached to the points
in a curving line of cloud emblems as shown in the small jar.
Tci-zur . . . is the comprehensive name used by the women for any
small bird. Its relevancy as a rain emblem is thus explained: During
seasons of sufficient rainfall, flocks of small birds surround the
villages and gardens, while during the prevalence of drouth they take
flight to the distant water courses.
[Stephen n.d. 115]

 Page 145

47, Payupki Polychrome, A.D. 1680-1780.

Detail of naktci on 47.

Number 47 has very similar decorations: lozenge lightning, bahos,
displaying the germinative emblems; naktci, and the apron cloud
emblem.
[Stephen 1890:98]

153, Payupki Polychrome, A.D.

1680-1780, showing squash bud
surmounted with a naktci.
Number 153 displays the squash bud surmounted by the naktci.
[Stephen 1890:99]
 592, San Bernardo Polychrome,
A.D. 1625-1680.

Baho of the Tobacco clan with scalloped

border on left as clouds.
The scalloped border (592) on the left is the curved cloud emblem.
[Stephen 1890:100-1]

 Page 146

Cloud GodOmau
(See also CloudNaktci)
·Cloud God takes form of naktcias full-or half-stepped pyramid

276, Sikyatki Polychrome, A.D. 1375-1625. (Above right) Naktciand

gnwela, symbols of Omau and Muingwa, combined in one design.
The designs within the zone upon this vase (276) are mainly formed
of combinations of the naktci and gnwela, symbols of Omau and
Muingwa. As has been said on a former page, the last named symbol,
assuming varying forms, conveys many different, subtle suggestions.
In this instance it typifies Omau's control over the material clouds.
[Stephen 1890:105-6]

AMS drawing of naktci, emblem of clouds and Cloud God,

Omau, as form for headdress of Humis Katcina.
This katcina festival is still celebrated and it occurs during the
December moon. . . . The katcinas dance and sing to Omau that he
may send an abundance of snow to fertilize the earth and fill the pools
with water.
[Stephen 1890:47-8]
The dragonflies have always been held in great veneration by the
Mokis and their ancestors, as they have been often sent by Omau to
reopen springs which Muingwa had destroyed, and to confer other
benefits upon the people.
[Stephen 1890:49]
It is surmised, however, that this Orange-colored Ware was made by
that branch of the Hopitus now known as the Mishongnave. It is a
distinct model, and one of the most prominent designs in the
decoration is the emblem of the Aloseka, a divinity peculiar to that
branch. The tutelary deity of the Walpis is Omau; that of the
Mishongnaves is the Aloseka.
[Stephen 1890:76]

 Page 147

Clowns or Men of the MudTcu-ku-wympka

·Naked men, with knobbed head masks and often stripes on body
·Small pots with horizontal stripes

A noticeable feature of the principal katcina celebrations is the droll

antic performance of a number of naked clowns, known as the Tcu-ku-
wympkas (Men of the Mud). They evidently represent some of the
characteristics peculiar to Masau, but all of these people being, as
already mentioned, constrained by fear from symbolizing this power,
no direct reference to Masau is made. These Tcu-ku-wympkas are not
organized as a permanent fraternity.
Some days before the celebration of a festival, the chief of the
katcinas calls together a number of men who are willing to perform
this part. They make no bahos, nor use any of the customary religious
emblems, but under the direction of the katcina chief they paint a
cloth, about 6 feet long and 2 feet wide, which is hung upon the wall
in the estufa when they assemble.
In the center of the cloth is painted a circle enclosing an octagon, a
symbol of Muingwa, it is parti-colored and dotted to represent the
different kinds of corn bestowed by Salyko. The rest of the cloth is
interspersed with little figures of the dragonfly and the frog in its
different stages from the spawn to the perfect animal, typifying the
metamorphic characteristics of Masau.
There seems to be no set worship connected with this, although the
women come down into the estufa and sprinkle consecrated meal
upon the cloth. The time is principally occupied by rehearsing the
coming mummery and preparing their masks. These are made of skin
and completely envelope the head; little knobs are formed on its
surface enclosing small quantities of different kinds of seeds.
At the festival celebration, between the religious songs and dances,
they perform a sort of interlude, burlesquing the katcina dancers and
mimicking their songs, as Masau is said to have done at the councils
of the deities.
Formerly at the Rain Festival the Tcu-ku-wympka would provide
himself with a little bottle similar to this specimen, to be used as a test
whether rain would follow the katcina invocation, by

 Page 148

AMS illustration 37 of clown or Man

of the MudTcu-ku-wymptka.
throwing the bottle against a stone; if it broke, rain was surely to
follow. But he was also provided with an imitation bottle made of
painted skin, and this he would present to one of the spectators and
ask him to try and break it. As a matter of course the bottle would
remain unbroken and the jester then mockingly denounced the
katcina, declaring that their petitions would be unheeded. At the close
of the celebration, however, the jesters would again present the bottle,
the proper clay one this time, which would be broken in pieces and
thus restore cordiality. Similar mummery is still seen at the modern
Moki festivals.
Number (no number givenmissing) is another bottle-shaped vessel
with handles. The bars and surrounding line painted upon it represent
stripes of clay and pigment, which are painted upon the naked boy of
the Tcu-ku-wympka. These are burlesque maskers who are introduced
in the estufa toward the close of some of their long vigils to relieve the
weariness of the devotees. The surrounding line represents the cord
girdle which these jesters wear, from which tufts of pine boughs are
suspended.
[Stephen 1890:71-4]
 18, Polacca Polychrome, Style B, A.D.
1820-1860, clown's bottle, and AMS
illustration 38 of same.
The curious little bottle (18) painted with surrounding bands is called
tcukuilowa (cut worm) and was designed for a singular use at the
festivals.
[Stephen 1890:71, 73]

 Page 149

Corn
·Opposing serrated edges
·Stalk with leaves
·Ellipse-like ear of corn

249, Tusayan Polychrome, A.D. 1100-1300, and 322, Sikyatki Polychrome, A.D.
1375-
1625, with corn leaves (left) and baho as ear of corn at bottom of design (right).
The basin (244M and 249) . . . the decoration, consisting of vegetal
wreaths (corn leaves).
[Stephen 1890:110-111]
The lower object (on 322) is the baho of the ''Chief of the Festival"; it
is wood carved [as] an ear of corn.
[Stephen 1890:55-6]

87, Polacca Polychrome, Style C, A.D.

 1860-1890, with corn stalk and leaves.
Number 87 is rudely decorated with a corn stalk and leaves.
[Stephen 1890:70]

47, Payupki Polychrome, A.D. 1680-1780,

with corn stalk and leaves.
. . . upon 47 in a small vertical panela corn stalk with leaves is
depicted.
[Stephen 1890:98]

 Page 150

Corn GodSalyko
(See also Hand)
·Supernatural trinity of one man and two women, his wives, who wore
naktcis and corn as headdresses

1911, Salyko mana effigy bottle,

Polacca Polychrome, Style C, A.D. 1860-90,
showing headdress of wife of Salyko.

AMS drawing of Salyko initiation ceremony

with Salyko and his two wives at altar.
 202, Sikyatki Polychrome, A.D. 1375-1625,
with hands said to be involved in
Salyko initiation ceremony.
Upon the upper surface of the largest (202) is drawn the outline of two
outstretched hands, joined at the wrists.
The figure of a hand with extended fingers is very common, in the
vicinity of ruins, as a rock etching, and is also frequently seen daubed
on the rocks with colored pigments or white clay.
These are vestiges of a test formerly practiced by the young men who
aspired for admission to the fraternity of the Salyko.
The test was that of putting their hands in the mud and impressing
them upon the rock; only those were chosen as novices, the imprints
of whose hands had dried on the instant.
The Salyko is a trinity of two women and a man from whom the
Hopitus obtained the first corn.
[Stephen 1890:66-8]

 Page 151

Cotyledon
·Three-leafed plant sprouting from point of lozenge between half
spirals.
·V-shaped design at end of half spiral

118, Polacca Polychrome, Style B,

A.D. 1820-1860.

Detail of cotyledon symbol on 118.

84, Polacca Polychrome, Style B,

A.D. 1820-1860.
 Detail of cotyledon symbol on 84.
Attached to the gnwela decorations upon the flask (118) and the salt
canister (84) is to be noted the appearance of an additional
germinative emblem, the cotyledon. This is one of the few emblematic
designs of modern origin and is of marked frequency in the
decorations of the recent ware.
[Stephen n.d. 116, 113]

 Page 152

CrookGneu-gneu-pi
(See also Germination Gods)
·Line ending in curved or squared hook, similar to shepherd's crook

5, Payupki Polychrome, A.D. 1680-1780.

Detail showing baho with little crook on 5.

The decorations upon 5, display the lightning and germinative
symbols just mentioned, and also the Po-wuma (Growing Moon) baho
with the little crook attached. The chief of the festival uses this baho
in the estufa to beat upon a small hole in the floor, calling for
Muingwa to listen to their prayers.
[Stephen 1890:81]
 142, Sikyatki Polychrome, A.D. 1375-1625,
and (below) detail on 142, showing crook.

The designs (on 142) in the zone are the conventionalized crook and
other emblems, taken from the decorations of the mask of the Hunting
Katcina. . . . The emblematic staff, with gneu-gneupi . . . attached
used by the dancers . . . in this katcina festival is also shown.
[Stephen 1890:108-9]

 Page 153

212, Payupki Polychrome, A.D. 1680-1780.

Detail of double crook with points of

bahos and naktcis attached.
The device upon 212 is the angular convention of the crook to which
are joined the points of the baho and the naktci.
[Stephen 1890:87]

51, Payupki Polychrome, A.D. 1680-1780.

 Detail of crooks or gneu-gneu-pias
eagle claws.
Number 51 is a jar belonging to the Eagle phratry. The decorations are
bars of clouds and the foot of the eagle conventionalized; the three
feathers are the toes, and . . . gneu-gneu-pi projecting are the claws.
[Stephen 1890:86]

 Page 154

44, San Bernardo Polychrome,

A.D. 1625-1680.

Detail of gneu-gneu-pi or crook on 44.

The zone (44) is divided into panels exhibiting cloud and rain
symbols, feather ornaments, gnu-gnu-pi (sic) or sacred crook, and a
conventional emblem of germination (above) is repeated four times.
This is one of the few vessels in this class displaying those
germination emblems which are very frequent in the succeeding class
of Orange-colored Ware.
[Stephen 1890:47-9]
Comment:
Another related emblematic form [to the gnwela] frequently depicted,
is the katcina staff called the gneu-gneu-pi. It is first mentioned as a
sort of pastoral crook in the hands of the old katcina in the legend of
the Snake hero. Various forms of this crook have always been used by
the katcinas in their dances, and a miniature crook is attached to the
chief baho used in many of the katcina festivals.
[Stephen 1890:64]

197 (above), Payupki Polychrome, A.D. 1680-1780.

(Below) Crook orgneu-gneu-pi attached to baho on 197.

To the right of this panel (197) is the baho used by the priest of the
Growing Moon (July) Festival. The miniature gneu-gneu-pi is shown
attached to the baho.
[Stephen 1890:79-80]

 Page 155

DragonflyBatolatci
·Line with circle end and one or two crossbars
·Line with one crossbar having triangle on each side
·Line with head and two horns, two crossbars well separated, each
with downward bars at ends

286, Payupki Polychrome, A.D. 1680-1780.

Detail showing emblem of dragonfly

which is also that of squash bud as
germinative symbol and AMS
drawing of same.
Number 286 . . . shows the squash bud as . . . germinative symbol, and
also as the batolatci (dragonfly).
[Stephen 1890:98-9]
 Detail showing dragonfly
symbol. (Below) Head
of thunderbird on 215E.

215E, Polacca Polychrome,

Style D, A.D. 1890-1900.
The little objects painted upon the vase (215E) below the birds are
batolatci. . . . The permanence of mythologic tradition is shown in the
modern imitation (215E). . . . The woman who made it (215E) never
saw the old vessel (215), but . . . was familiar with the traditional
description of this ceremonial vessel.
[Stephen 1890:49-51]
Around the neck of 245 (next page) is a representation of a fillet worn
around the head by a Rain priest, upon which is painted water
emblems and batolatci (dragonfly) as here depicted. Number 47 has
very similar decorations.
[Stephen 1890:98]

 Page 156

Dragonfly symbol on 245, Payupki Polychrome, A.D. 1680-1780,

and detail of same on 245.

Rock etching form of

dragonfly symbol.

184, San Bernardo Polychrome, A.D. 1625-

1680, with batolatci or dragonfly.
The decorations upon the small jars (184) are the batolatci.
[Stephen 1890:68]
Comment:
The little objects painted upon the vase below the birds are batolatci
(dragonflies), but there is another conventional design (above center)
of batolatci which is of this form and is often found among the rock
etchings throughout the plateaus.
This form of the figure, with little vertical marks added to the
transverse lines, connects the batolatci with the Ho-bo-bo emblems. It
is told that the youth who was sacrificed and translated by Ho-bo-bo
reappeared a long time afterward, during a season of great drouth. He
was seen for four mornings, just before sunrise, extended against the
eastern sky. On the fourth day a great storm arose and the youth, in the
form of a gigantic dragonfly, was seen leading the rain clouds over the
lands of the Hopitu, and plenteous rains ensuing relieved the people
from their sufferings.
The dragonflies have always been held in great veneration by the
Mokis and their ancestors, as they have been often sent by Omau to re-
open springs which Muingwa had destroyed, and to confer other
benefits upon the people. One of the legends concerning batolatci is to
the following effect.
In early days the Hopitus were traveling through a desert on a long
migratory journey. The Kwa-kwantys were, as usual, pioneering the
way and had

 Page 157

AMS illustration 36 showing dragonflies

on banner made by clowns.
gained two or three days march ahead of the main body, but
discovering a region of wood and water, they returned to cheer the
people with this intelligence, and to help the children and the old
grandmothers to the place of the new home. But the people were
weary and exhausted with hunger, and the famishing children were
crying piteously for bread. The phratry chief said he feared they must
all die for their food was now entirely consumed, but the Kwa-kwanty
chief said they should petition to Omau of the people's great distress,
praying him to interpose and relieve them.
Omau heard and told them to find every grain of corn the people
possessed. The Kwa-kwanty chief made inquiry and found many of
the men had two or three grains of corn that had been consecrated by
the Snow Katcina Festival and which they had, as usual, religiously
preserved. These being all collected, Omau sent a swarm of batolatci
and each of them made a hole in the ground with his tail, and the
phratry chief planted in each hole a grain of corn and the batolatci
hovered over them.
On the next day the corn had grown waist high, and over each stalk a
batolatci continually hovered fanning it with his wings; on the second
day it blossomed; on the third day the ears were formed, and the cries
of the children were hushed and the people were inspired with hope.
On the fourth day the corn was ripe, and the hovering batolatci,
having fulfilled their mission, flew back to Omau. Then the people
were all marshalled together and at noon they plucked the ripe corn
and ate their fill and reached their new home in safety.
[Stephen 1890:49-51]
The rest of the cloth (see Clowns) is interspersed with little figures of
the dragonfly and the frog in its different stages from the spawn to the
perfect animal, typifying the metamorphic characteristics of Masau
(Transformation God).
[Stephen 1890:72]

 Page 158

Eagle
·Bird with curving beak
·Bird's foot with long claws

51, Payupki Polychrome, A.D. 1680-1780,

with eagle claws as crooks.
Number 51 is a jar belonging to the Eagle phratry. The decorations are
bars of clouds and the foot of the eagle conventionalized; the . . .
feathers are the toes, and . . . gneu-gneu-pi projecting, are the claws.
[Stephen 1890:86]

322, Sikyatki Polychrome, A.D. 1375-1625.

Number 322 [is] a food basin used in the kibu during the New Year
feast which begins with the first quarter of the December moon and
terminates when the moon is full . . . The lower object is the baho of
the "Chief of the Festival"; it is wood carved to represent an ear of
corn and is painted with curved cloud symbols and decorated with
feathers.

Detail of 322 said to symbolize an eagle.

The beak-shaped design is drawn upon the pung-ya (altar) by the chief
of the Flute order. . . . The heart-shaped arrowhead of the Sky God is
depicted as penetrating the earth through a circular opening carrying
with it the corn baho endowed with the Sky God's productive
blessings, secured through the ministrations of these flageolet priests.
The whole design is meant to represent the head of an eagle.
[Stephen 1890:55-6]

 Page 159

30, San Bernardo Polychrome, A.D.

1625-1680, showing eagle.
The decorations upon the small jar (30) represents an eagle, the wings
conventionalized into the baho and sky arrow; the tail into the angular
cloud symbolsnaktci.
[Stephen 1890:69]

(Above and below) Eagle tails on 215,

Sikyatki Polychrome, A.D. 1375-1625,
and 215E, Polacca Polychrome, Style
D, A.D. 1890-1900.

The subject (on 215 and 215E) is the mythic Um-tok-ina, the thunder.
. . . The tail is that of an eagle.
[Stephen 1890:49-51]


 Page 160

Feather
(See also Eagle)
·Long oblong(s) with pointed or curved end which is often darkened
with step pattern above end
·Pointed, acute triangles in row, sometimes with bird's foot at end

44, San Bernardo Polychrome, A.D. 1625-1680.

(Top) feather ornament, and

(bottom) baho with eagle feather, both on 44.
Extending from a band (on 44) which surrounds the mouth of the vase
are the face decorations of this katcina's mask and the baho which is
attached to the mask. (In the zone) the other decorations include . . .
feather ornaments.
The baho is a short stick to which eagle plumes are attached. The ends
of the feathers, and the stick itself, are wrapped with cotton twine and
enclosed in the wrapping are a few seeds of their principal garden
plants. After the festival the bahos are put away in the kibu and when
the proper season arrives these seeds which were consecrated in the
ceremonies are planted and the bahos are buried in the gardens.
[Stephen 1890:47-9]
Immediately after death the hair of the corpse is undone from its
fastenings and left hanging loose over the shoulders. The head and
hair are then carefully washed in a basin, which is invariably buried
with the corpse. The body is place in a squatting posture with the arms
on knees and hands on face. An eagle's feather is attached over the
heart, this is the breath feather, betokening that the deceased was
''good of heart and pure of breath." The body is then entirely
enveloped in a blanket which is carefully entwined, like the meshes of
a net, with a rope spun from yucca fibre. These ceremonies are
performed by the aunt or eldest sister or next of female kin.
[Stephen 1890:20]

 Page 161

196, San Bernardo Polychrome, A.D. 1625-1680,

showing mask with bottom edge ending in feathers.
This vase (196) is very similar in size, form, and texture to the one
just described. The decorations upon it (196) have no emblematic
significance excepting the four small cloud emblem near the brim
separating the four objects delineated, the two larger of which, upon
opposite sides of the vase, represent the mask worn by the men in the
Dance of the Bison (Mu-shizer) . . . The mask is a strip of skin
reaching to the mouth; on the lower edge of the mask a fringe of
feathers was formerly attached, but now these are only indicated by
some painted lines similar to those upon the lower edge of the mask
figures upon the vase.
[Stephen 1890:42-4]

321, Payupki Polychrome, A.D. 1680-1780,

showing eagle tails, conventionalized into bahos.
The double spiral with transverse markings upon 321 is the
emblematic whirlpool noticed upon numerous specimens in the Black
Line Ware. The serrated border around the spiral are clouds; the two
groups of projecting pointed designs are eagle tails, conventionalized
into bahos.
[Stephen 1890:82]

Girdle with feathers around the neck of 6,

Polacca Polychrome, Style B, A.D. 1820-1860.
The canister (6) was used for holding salt. Upon the former the band
around the neck represents the girdle, with feathers attached, worn by
the leader of the party who went to the Colorado River to obtain salt.
[Stephen 1890:71]

 Page 162

Feather Ornament (kirtle)

·Oblong design, flanked by two down-curving arms, with feather
symbols at base

196, San Bernardo Polychrome, A.D. 1625-

1680, used in the Dance of the Bison.

An ornament of feathers worn by women

in this ceremony shown on 196.
Upon the figure which represents the women's ornament (196), the
ends of the girdle are displayed at the top curving from each side like
horns. The old form of ornament is here depicted, a kirtle (a tunic or
skirt) of turkey feathers suspended from the small of the back of a
girdle fastened around the waist. They now wear a simpler ornament
of long turkey feathers radiating from a band of corn husks twisted
into a ring, the quill end of the feathers being inserted around its
edges.
[Stephen 1890:42-4]


 Page 163

GameTugh-ti-wiki
·Three straight lines overlaid by three more straight lines, at right
angle to first three

AMS illustration 35 of vessel (no number)

shaped like rhyton, said to carry symbol
of Tugh-ti-wiki.
The small, horn-shaped drinking vessel (no number given) approaches
the form of the rhyton. The intercrossed lines painted upon it allude to
the game Tugh-ti-wiki in which the young boys and girls, hooking
forefingers, endeavor to drag one or other over an imaginary line.
In the folklore the game is said to have originated with the fairies
(little women).
[Stephen 1890:70]
 365, San Bernardo Polychrome, A.D.
1625-1680, with crossed sticks, symbol
of game called Tugh-ti-wiki.
Around the neck (365) are two small designs, the tadpole, denoting an
extinct gens, formerly of the Water phratry, and the six intercrossed
lines, the game Tugh-ti-wiki. The entire upper surface of this vase is
decorated, the designs, divided into four panels are similar, and are
significant of the Sumy kolis (Wizards).
The Sumy-kolis are gnomes and their element is fire; they can
transform themselves into trees or animals; they are blind and have
wooden hands. [Theirs is] the So-yra-ta Festival.
[Stephen 1890:107]

 Page 164

Gardens or Cultivated Fields

·Squares, lozenges, checkerboards, or small circles with dot in center
of each figure

AMS illustration 34 of altar of the Salyko society.

Altar is crosshatched design with dots indicating
"vegetation signs" or gardens.

Detail showing dotted lozenge

spaces as gardens on 214M.

214M, style and dating unknown. From painting by W. H. Holmes. (See page
 93.)
One of these [panels on 214M] contains a diagonal band with lines of
dotted lozenge spaces, signifying cultivated fields or gardens.
Throughout the pottery decorations dotted lozenges, squares, and
annulets are recognized as conventional signs of cultivated ground.
[Stephen 1890:44]
(On 91M) . . . is . . . the emblem of cultivated lands, the square or
checker with a dot or bar in the center.
[Stephen n.d. no illustration, page 159]

 Page 165

Germination GodAloseka
(See also Germination GodMuingwa, Squash Bud, Germinative
Emblems)
·Flower with three-pointed petals
·Two big petals on narrow stem
·Two-horned male and/or female figures

Squash bud on 197, Payupki Polychrome,

A.D. 1680-1780.
On the fine specimen (197) the squash bud is depicted, enclosed in a
panel, the petal of the bud extending to the Muingwa band.
[Stephen 1890:79]

AMS drawing of squash bud, Aloseka symbol.

The symbol of the Aloseka is the bud of the squash drawn in profile. It
is also said to typify the highest peak of the San Francisco mountains,
the birth place of the Aloseka, when the clouds surround it presaging
the coming rain. The symbol also conveys an ulterior significance of
the germinative principle of nature.
[Stephen 1890:78-9]

AMS drawing of squash bud as a rock etching.

In the rock etchings the carving profile is further conventionalized
into straight lines and assumes this form.
[Stephen 1890:78-9]

Squash bud on 153, Payupki

Polychrome, A.D. 1680-1780.
Number 153 displays squash bud surmounted by naktci and lightning
symbols.
[Stephen 1890:99]

 Page 166

Squash bud surmounted by naktcion 286,

Payupki Polychrome, A.D. 1680-1780.

(Top) AMS drawing of squash bud as

germinative symbol and as dragonfly.
(Bottom) Same symbol on 286.
The decorations upon 286 are divided into four panels, the squash bud
surmounted by naktci. Around the neck is to be observed a curious
method of decoration which is also seen on some other specimens,
namely that of forming emblems in such a manner that the painted
design and the unpainted surface exhibit different emblematic
subjects. The cut shows the squash bud as an angular germinative
symbol, and also as the batolatci (dragonfly).
[Stephen 1890:98-9]
. . . They (the Mishongnaves) have preserved their Aloseka in a cave;
their festival is celebrated once in three years, at which time the
priests visit the shrine and, after many devout ceremonies, redecorated
the images. . . . The female figure is painted in gaudy colors and the
choicest offerings adorn her, as she sends the rain and fructifies all
plant life. The figure of the male they merely daub with white clay for
they say no good comes from him, he knows nothing, can give
nothinghe only carries the seed.
[Stephen 1890:78]

 Page 167

Germination GodMuingwa
(See also Germination GodAloseka and Germinative Emblems)
·Extended half circle, as "U"
·Almost closed circle, gnwela
·Double-ended scroll
·Extended linked scrolls, like waves
·Circle with eight-segment spoke design extending from center circle
·Curved or squared crook (gnwela)
It is a curved figure called gnwela which assumes various emblematic
forms, but all of which, though representing different subjects,
emanate from the original conception of the circle as symbolic of
Muingwa, the generative force of nature. Under the forms of the
interrupted circle and the octagonal disk, Muingwa is symbolized as
the maker of the germ.

The simplest of these derived forms (above) is shown in the curved

stick (gnwela) used by the maidens to dress their hair into the disk
form which has been previously described. Under this emblem
Muingwa is the maker of the husk or shell.

It also appears as a decoration on pottery in this form (above) and

although it retains its name, it is then said to signify a root.
Again it appears as a scroll, as in the jar under notice, where it is
surrounded with cloud and water emblems.

On some of the Transition and Modern ware it is drawn as a

connected scroll, surrounding the vessel.
Under these three last forms is typified the idea of the first
development of the living germ . . . spreading out as a root does,
seeking for sap to sustain life. This perhaps suggests something more
than mere mythic invention; it suggests the knowledge of a
physiological fact. At least it is curious to quote in connection with
the above explanationwhich is almost literally rendered from the
tongue of the priestthe following paragraph from Huxley's
[Zoological] Evidence of Man's Place in Nature, where he describes
various forms of germination: ". . . the vascular processes which are
developed from it and eventually give rise to the 'formation' of the
placenta (taking root, as it were, in the parental organism, so as to
draw nourishment therefrom, as the root of a tree extracts it from the
soil)."

 Page 168

Observe the same idea expressed in almost the same languge by the
modern philosopher as that used by the Moki preist in his traditional
explanation.
It is also introduced under angular forms as figured in the ceremonial
vase above (44, San Bernardo Polychrome, A.D. 1625-1680, in the
AMS drawing shown below) and as a rock etching (bottom) it
becomes an angular convolution still, retaining the name of gnwela.
[Stephen 1890:62-4]

On 592 above (San Bernardo Polychrome, A.D. 1168625-1680) . . . is

the rain sign over the gnwela.
[Stephen 1890:100-1]
The decorations upon 5 above (Payupki Polychrome, A.D. 1680-
1780) display the lightning and germinative symbols just mentioned,
and also the Po-wuma (Growing Moon) baho with the little crook
attached. The chief of the festival uses this baho in the estufa to beat
upon a small hole in the floor, calling for Muingwa to listen to their
prayers.
[Stephen 1890:81]

(Bottom) This etching is on the rocks

close to the Bat house ruins, about
three miles south from Keams Canyon.

 Page 169

AMS illustration 36 of banner painted by clowns.

. . . Under the direction of the katcina chief they paint a cloth, about 6
feet long and 2 feet wide, which is hung upon the wall in the estufa
when they assemble. In the centre of the cloth is painted a circle
enclosing an octagon, a symbol of Muingwa; it is parti-colored and
dotted to represent the different kinds of corn bestowed by Salyko.
[Stephen 1890:72]

On 113, Polacca Polychrome, Style B,

a.d. 1820-1860, design called gnwela
representing the force of Muingwa.
On 113 is a curved figure called gnwela which assumes various
emblematic forms, but all of which, though representing different
subjects, emanate from the original conception of the circle as
symbolic of Muingwa, the generative force of nature. Under the forms
of the interrupted circle and the octagonal disk, Muingwa is
symbolized as the maker of the germ.
[Stephen 1890:62-3]

276, Sikyatki Polychrome, a.d. 1375-

1625, with naktci and gnwela.
Number 276, the design within the zone, is mainly formed of a
combination of the naktci and gnwela, symbols of Omau and
Muingwa. As has been said on a former page the last-named symbol,
assuming varying forms, conveys many different, subtle suggestions.
In this instance it typified Omau's control over the material clouds.
[Stephen 1890:105-6]

 Page 170

Germinative Emblems
·Upright line or oblong with upright triangles on each side
·Dragonflylike designs

69, Payupki Polychrome, A.D. 1680-1780.

AMS illustration 46 of same, with

germinative symbols.
On 69 the designs are entirely germinative symbols.
[Stephen 1890:100]
 5, Payupki Polychrome, A.D. 1680-1780, with
germinative emblem and AMS drawing of same.
The decorations upon 5, display the lightning and germinative
symbols just mentioned.
[Stephen 1890:81]

204, Payupki Polychrome, A.D. 1680-1780,

showing three bahos with germinative emblems.
The lozenge lightning (on 204) divides this panel from the next, the
upper left-hand corner of which exhibits the mana (virgin) sign, the
Maltese cross. Below the cross are three bahos, bearing the usual
germinative symbols, to which is added a peculiar cloud symbol.
[Stephen 1890:86]

 Page 171

163, Payupki Polychrome, A.D. 1680-1780.

Detail of 163 showing germinative

channel in Sky God's arrow.
Between the bahos (163) is the head of the Sky God's arrow, the open
space in the center of which marks the germinative channel. At the
base of the arrow is the rainbow, and surmounting that is the familiar
naktci cloud symbol. The entire design in the panel represents the
emblematic squash bud.
[Stephen 1890:82-3]

(Above and below) 47, Payupki

Polychrome, A.D. 1680-1780,
 showing baho with
germinative symbols.

Number 47 has very similar decorations: lozenge lightning, bahos,

displaying the germinative emblems; naktci, and the apron cloud
emblem. The squash bud is also seen, and upon 47 in a small vertical
panel a corn stalk with leaves is depicted.
[Stephen 1890:98]

 Page 172

(Above) 323, Sikyatki Polychrome, A.D.

1375-1625. (Below) Germinative symbol
below headdress.

Immediately below the headdress (323) is a germinative symbol and

below that another of the peculiarly carved Kwakwanty bahos already
referred to. Below the baho is the arrow of the sky god.
[Stephen 1890:54-6]

(Above) 44, San Bernardo Polychrome, A.D. 1625-1680.

(Below) Detail of germinative symbol on same,
and (right) AMS drawing of this phallic symbol.
The zone (on 44) is divided into panels exhibiting cloud and rain
symbols, feather ornaments, gnu-gnu-pi (sic) or sacred crook, and a
conventional emblem of germination is repeated four times. This is
one of the few vessels in this class displaying those germination
emblems which are very frequent in the succeeding class of Orange-
colored Ware.
[Stephen 1890:47-9]

 Page 173

(Above left) AMS drawing of squash bud, the Aloseka, the

germinative force of nature and same as rock etching.
(Above right, top) On 286, Payupki Polychrome, A.D. 1680-
1780, germinative symbol that is same as dragonfly,
and (bottom) AMS drawing of this symbol.
The symbol of the Aloseka is the bud of the squash drawn in profile. .
. . The symbol also conveys an ulterior significance of the germinative
principle of nature.
In the rock etchings the carving profile is further conventionalized
into straight lines and assumes this form.
[Stephen 1890:78-9]
The cut (AMS drawing of 286 above) shows the squash bud as an
angular germinative symbol, and also as the batolatci (dragonfly).
[Stephen 1890:99]

 Page 174

Girdle
·Narrow band displaying rectangles with left and right extensions and
other designs

(Above left) 6, Polacca Polychrome, Style B, A.D. 1820-

1860, displaying girdle worn by leader of salt party,
and (right) detail of the girdle.

(Above) Canister 9 is another representation

of girdle of salt party leader. (Below)
Detail of the girdle showing antelope
hoofs, and AMS drawing of same.

The canisters (6 and 9) were used for holding salt. Upon the former,
the band around the neck represents the girdle, with feathers attached,
worn by the leader of the party who went to the Colorado River to
obtain salt.
[Stephen 1890:71-2]
The neck (on 9) has been broken off and the surrounding parts filed
smooth. They used for this purpose a corn cob which is tenacious
enough to withstand considerable abrasion and smooth the rough
edges without danger of fracturing the vessel.
Upon the sides and ends are somewhat similar decorations to those on
6, the girdle of the leader, the surrounding angular figures are the
rattles of antelope hoofs used by the ancients (councillors).
[Stephen 1890:71-2]

 Page 175

Symbol on outside of 2125A. similar to 387M for coop used for

keeping roadrunner outside
girl's house. Black circle with lines is tassel belonging to maiden's
girdle.

365, San Bernardo Polychrome,

A.D. 1625-1680.

A band next to the neck of 365 representing

the girdle of the gnomes.
The outside brim decoration (2125A) represents the coop in which the
bird was hung up in front of the girl's house during the betrothal. The
tassel belongs to the maiden's girdle.
[Stephen 1890:52]
See BirdRoadrunner for full details of the betrothal process according
to Stephen.
The band next to the neck (on 365) represents their girdle (of the
gnomes) which was composed of the bark of cedar and corn leaves.
The small conical figures represent their hat and plume.
[Stephen 1890:107]

 Page 176

Gnome or WizardSumy-kolis
·Long triangle with knob at tip and lines extending from it (wizard's
hat)

365, San Bernardo Polychrome, A.D. 1625-1680.

Detail showing their pointed hat and plume (top)

and notched stick (bottom) of the gnomes or Sumi-kolis.
Around the neck (on 365) are two small designs, the tadpole, denoting
an extinct gens, formerly of the Water phratry, and the six intercrossed
lines, the game Tugh-ti-wiki. . . . the design [is] significant of the
Sumy-kolis (Wizards).
The Sumy-kolis are gnomes and their element is fire; they can
transform themselves into trees or animals; they are blind and have
wooden hands. [Theirs is] the So-yra-ta Festival.
The band next to the neck represents their girdle which was composed
of the bark of cedar and corn leaves. The small conical figures
represent their hat and plume.
These gnomes instituted the Sumy-koli katcinas and old Mokis relate
the wonderful feats formerly performed upon the mesa during their
celebrations. A great pyramidal stack of wood was ignited, and when
the fire had attained its greatest intensity, they tossed one of their
number into the midst of the flames, and after a time, the one who had
been apparently sacrificed rejoined the dancers unharmed.
Vases like this specimen, containing garbage, were placed on the fire
and burned, they were afterwards taken up by the wizards who
produced from them living rabbits and doves. This singular fraternity
is still maintained, but now their feats only consist of handling live
coals, and a few simple slight of hand tricks.
The notched figure above the hat is the wi-wa, a notched stick used by
one of the dancers who is unmasked and who guides the others by the
sound of his rattle. The masks of the principal performers,
representing the blind gnomes, cover their heads entirely.
[Stephen 1890:107-8]

 Page 177

Gourd
·Roundish object(s) with curved hook centering at one side, plus small
''x" inside, often in pairs

142, Sikyatki Polychrome, A.D. 1375-1625.

(Below) Gourds as eyes of mask
of Hunting Katcina on 142.

The other decorations (142) are water, cloud, and lightning emblems.
The designs in the zone are the conventionalized crook and other
emblems, taken from the decorations of the mask of Hunting Katcina,
which appears in the cut (52). The curved forms on the mask represent
gourds.
[Stephen 1890:108-9]
 AMS illustration 52 of this mask.

AMS illustration 8 showing maiden with headdress;

second maiden substitutes half gourd for
Muingwa symbol shown on right.
This is the headdress of the maiden who carries the askos; the other
maiden who carries the water gourds wears a similar one excepting
that in the place of the Muingwa symbol the half of a split gourd is
substituted, an emblem of water.
[Stephen 1890:40-1]

 Page 178

386, Sikyatki Polychrome, A.D. 1375-1625,

with headgear of Kwa-kwanty, the warrior society.
(Below) AMS drawing of same pot and
Kwa-kwanty headgear with gourd horn.

This is one of the food basins (386) formerly used by the Kwa-
kwantys at their festival. The decoration is a vague representation of
the head, the head gear, and plume. . . . It is said of the design in this
vessel, that the head is painted black, the symbol colour of the sky,
from whence (from the Sky God) the Kwa-kwantys receive their
power, and the gourd horn of the headdress is painted brownish red,
the symbol colour of the earth.
[Stephen 1890:54]

Right 196, San Bernardo Polychrome,

A.D. 1625-1680, displaying bison
mask with gourds used as horns.
Curved gourd stems (196) represent the bison horns; the pointed
projections just beneath them are the ears . . . in [this] dancer's mask.
[Stephen 1890:42-4]
Each of the members of the order use a flageolet made of a reed, one
end of which is inserted into the half of gourd shell, and from which
they produce most discordant sounds.
[Stephen 1890:35]

 Page 179

Hail
·Dots along edge of cloud symbol
·Small circles with or without dot in center

526, Black Mesa Black-on-white, A.D. 875-1130.

(Below) Female hairdo on 526 with line of dots
converting it to hail cloud.

The bowl (526) is decorated upon the inside with designs displaying
the typical custom of wearing the hair. The two discs, in profile,
facing each other, show the manner in which the young maidens wear
their hair, arranged in the form of a disc upon each side of the head
and is called the na-somp.
The other design is intended to outline the form in which the men tie
up their back hair in the form of a club which rests at the nape of the
neck.
The characteristic propensity of this people for symbolism is aptly
illustrated in the simple design of the na-somp to which has been
added a line of dots along its face, converting it into the emblem of a
hail cloud.
[Stephen 1890:31-2]
Comment:
The designs (on 304M, Black Line Ware) are cloud symbols, the little
dots upon their edges representing hail.
[Stephen 1890:31]
Comment:
The upper band surrounding the brim (on 1M) represented the fillet
"a"; [it] is the cloud coronet, the incised annulets upon its border, like
the painted annulets in the other parts of the design are the
conventional hail emblems.
[Stephen 1890:41]

215E, Polacca Polychrome, Style D, A.D. 1890-

1900, showing hail annulets in wing.
The subject (on 215E) is the mythic Um-tok-ina, the Thunder. . . . The
singular horn-shaped object, upon which the hail annulets are incised,
passing behind the neck and curving over the head is the source of
thunder.
[Stephen 1890:49]

 Page 180

Hairdo, Maiden'sNa-somp
(See also Maiden and Germination GodMuingwa)
·Two half-circle forms, facing each other
·Curved stick on which hair is dressed

(Above) 2125A, similar to 387M, Sityatki

Polychrome, A.D. 1375-1625, showing bird
with curved tail in form of stick used by
maidens to do their hair into two buns,
one on each side of head.
The bird depicted (above) upon the interior of this basin, 387M (215A
is similar), is called the hosh-boa. It is the cuckoo, roadrunner,
chapparal cock, which frequents the wooded region of the Colorado. .
. . The only emblematic design upon the decoration is the gnwela
(crook) attached to the bird's tail. In this instance the gnwela is the
curved stick around which the maidens trim their hair.
[Stephen 1890:51-2]
 526, Black Mesa Black-on-white, A.D.875-1130
and detail of symbol for maiden's hairdo on 526.
The two discs (526), in profile, facing each other, show the manner in
which the young maidens wear their hair, arranged in the form of a
disc upon each side of the head called the nasomp.
The women after marriage never wear their hair in discs, it is then
evenly divided and gathered into two cues, a few gourd or melon
seeds are inserted, and they are then wrapped with yarn and worn
hanging down on each side of the face.
[Stephen 1890:31]

 Page 181

Hairdo, Man'sHemsomp
·Hourglass or bow-tie design

66, Payupki Polychrome, A.D. 1680-1780. (Above right) Man's hairdo in form
of club
or cue, and (below right) AMS drawing of same in bow-tie design.
The curving lines (on 66) diverging from the band around the neck
represent the boomerang-shaped rabbit weapon in motion; the
hemsomp, the youth's hair done up in a club at the nape of the neck, is
also depicted.
[Stephen 1890:97]

328, Sikyatki Polychrome, A.D. 1375-

1625, with man's hairdo, the hemsomp
upright to left of naktci.
A zone 3 inches wide (on 328) surrounds the periphery and is divided
into five long and five short sections. On the small sections are the
naktci and Co-tuk-inunwas eyethe star. One of them displays the
man's cue (or hairdo)hemsomp.
[Stephen 1890:102]

On 526, man's hairdo, the cue or club tied at

the back of the head, between female hairdos.
The other design (on 526) is intended to outline the form in which the
men tie up their back hair in the form of a club which rests at the nape
of the neck.
[Stephen 1890:31-2]

 Page 182

Hand (See also Corn GodSalyko)

·Hand with thumb and fingers or five fingers
·Two hands connected at the wrist

202, Sikyatki Polychrome, A.D. 1375-

1625, showing hands involved in the
testing of candidates for the Salyko society.

AMS drawing of same.

Upon the upper surface of the largest (202) is drawn the outline of two
outstretched hands, joined at the wrists. The figure of a hand with
extended fingers is very common, in the vicinity of ruins, as a rock
etching, and is also frequently seen daubed on the rocks with colored
pigments or white clay. These are vestiges of a test formerly practiced
by the young men who aspired for admission to the fraternity of the
Salyko. . . . The first test was that of putting their hands in the mud
and impressing them upon the rock, only those were chosen as
novices the imprints of whose hands had dried on the instant.
[Stephen 1890:66-8]

214M, style and dating unknown. From W. H.

Holmes painting of 214M. (See page 93.)

Detail of hand of chief carved in baho on 214M.

The other design (on 214M, right) in the panel is a peculiar baho of
the Kwakwanty carved from a piece of cottonwood to represent the
left hand of their chief with extended fingers. The upper part of this
baho is carved and painted in imitation of an ornamental bracelet
made of dyed porcupine quills.
[Stephen 1890:44-5]

 Page 183

Headband or Fillet
·Narrow band around neck of pot with cloud, water, and other designs

AMS illustration 8 of priestess with headdress

or fillet used in midnight ceremony, and
(below) additional view of same.

This vase (1M) was designed for use in a religious festival celebrated
by the women. It is still observed by the Moki women and occurs
during the month of September, on the occasion of the gathering of
the first ripened melons.
Two maidens make oblations to Muingwa and bring water from a
spring at midnight.
The illustration (above left) shows the headdress worn. It is a coronet
made of split willows, with two arching bands of the same material
sprung from the rim of the fillet, covered with antelope skin and
painted green. It shows the two principal cloud emblems, the curved
form in the upright semicircle . . . and the angular form in the naktci,
carved from the . . . cottonwood, attached to the right side of the fillet.
[Stephen 1890:39-41]

245, Payupki Polychrome, A.D. 1680-1780,

showing fillet of Rain priest.
Around the neck of 245 is a representation of a fillet worn around the
head by a Rain priest, upon which is painted water emblems and
batolatci, as here depicted.
[Stephen 1890:98]

 Page 184

Headdress
(See also Warriors and Gourd)
·Upright design with curve or hook at top end, sometimes repeated in
rows

(Above left) 386, Sikyatki Polychrome, A.D. 1375-1625, with representation of

headgear
of Kwa-kwanty, the warrior society, and (above right) AMS illustration 20 of this
basket headgear with gourd horn worn by the warriors, the Kwa-kwanty.
This is one of the food basins (386) formerly used by the Kwa-
kwantys at their festival. The decoration is a vague representation of
the head, the head gear, and plume. . . . It is said of the design in this
vessel, that the head is painted black, the symbol colour of the sky,
from whence (from the Sky God) the Kwa-kwantys receive their
power, and the gourd horn of the headdress is painted brownish red,
the symbol colour of the earth.
[Stephen 1890:54]
 157, Payupki Polychrome, A.D. 1680-1780,
and (below) detail of a vertical row on 157
showing the headdress plumage of a
row of warriors, the Kwa-kwanty.

On 157, is displayed naktcis, lightning and water emblems, headdress

plumage peculiar to the Kwa-kwanty and bahos; the squash bud is
also depicted.
[Stephen 1890:85]

 Page 185

323, San Bernardo Polychrome, A.D.

1625-1680.

Headdress with plume and aspergill of

warriors, the Kwakwanty on 323.
This is another of the same kind of vessels (323) with Kwa-
kwantydecorations. Projecting from the headdress is a plumed stick
which their chief used as an aspergill to sprinkle consecrated water
upon novices during the ceremony of their admission into this
fraternity. Immediately below the headdress is a germinative symbol,
and below that is another of the peculiarly carved Kwakwanty bahos
already referred to. Below the baho is the arrow of the Sky God
referred to in describing the Black Line ladle (395M).
[Stephen 1890:54-6]


 Page 186

Katcina Hairdo
·Row of isosceles triangles on their tips along a line

AMS drawing of hairdo of the katcinas.

(From footnote referring to AMS drawing shown above that was
drawn in the margin of the original manuscript.) "See na-somp
decoration on door in house of Na-si-bes-to-wa painted by his wife
who is priestess in the order of Katcina-mana. It is the na-somp of the
katcinas. "
[Stephen 1890:32-3]
Katcina House
·Two crooks, each at opposite ends of shaft, facing different directions

15, Payupki Polychrome, A.D. 1680-1780,

with Katcina House design.
On 15 is the conventional sunflower, also naktci and the Katcina
House emblems. This vessel belonged to the Rain Katcina and was
used in their ceremonies.
[Stephen 1890:85]

 Page 187

Katcina, Humis (See also Anklets and Wristlets)

·Katcina with full-stepped pyramid headdress

(Above left and right) 2 and 3, Payupki Polychrome, A.D.

1680-1780, showing wristlets on 2 and naktci
headdress on 3 of the Humis Katcina.

(Above and below) AMS drawings of wristlet

and headdress of Humis Katcina.

Numbers 2 and 3 present very similar decoration. The naktcis of the

Humis Katcinas, their bahos, and their water emblems. The curious
veined design representing water penetrating the earth. The cross-
hatched square and triangle represent the anklets and wristlets of these
katcinas, braided of yarn around strips of sheep skin.
[Stephen 1890:84]

 Page 188

Katcina, Hunting
·Katcina with two gourdlike eyes on mask who carries staff topped by
naktci cloud
·Small crook and feather attached to staff

(Left) 142, Sikyatki Polychrome, A.D. 1375-1625, and (right) AMS drawing of
mask
of Hunting Katcina with pair of gourdshaped eyes.

(Left) AMS drawing 52 of gneu-gneu-pi on staff topped by naktci,

and (right) detail of gneu-gneu-pi on 142.
The border surrounding this vase (142) is composed of an
arrangement of naktci emblems. The other decorations are water,
cloud, and lightning emblems. The designs in the zone are the
conventionalized crook and other emblems, taken from the
decorations of the mask of Hunting Katcina which appears in the cut
(illustration 52). The curved forms on the mask represent gourds. The
emblematic staff, with gneu-gneu-pi and naktci attached, used by the
dancers in the celebration of this katcina festival is also shown in the
accompanying cut.
[Stephen 1890:108-9]

 Page 189

Katcina, Snow
·Rectangular object with slit in larger end and dark trimmings at both
ends that stands for eye on katcina mask

(Left and right) 44, San Bernardo Polychrome, A.D. 1625-1680,

overall and detail of eye of Snow Katcina.

AMS drawing of mask of Snow

Katcina showing similarities of
eye design to that on 44.
This (44) is another of the same class of vases and is made of a
somber, brownish-colored paste with a somewhat lighter-colored,
unpolished slip covering the surface up to within 3 inches of the brim,
which latter portion exposes the natural color of the paste. The
decorations are painted in deep brown and red and depict portions of
the costume of the Snow Katcina.
Extending from a band which surrounds the mouth of the vase are the
face decorations of this katcina's mask and the baho which is attached
to the mask as shown in the illustration. The other decorations are
displayed in a zone, 3 inches in width, which surrounds the vase at its
widest circumference, and is the only instance in this class of vessel
where the decoration is carried below the periphery. The zone is
divided into panels exhibiting cloud and rain symbols, feather
ornaments, the gneu-gneu-pi or sacred crook, and a conventional
emblem of germination.
[Stephen 1890:47-8]

 Page 190

Ladder, Lightning
(See also Ladder, One-pole; Rain and Rain Cloud; Lightning)
·Stepped line ascending at 45-degree angle, often associated with
cloud symbols

(Above left) 253, style and dating unknown, with lightning ladderlike naktci
headdress, shown above in AMS illustration 27.
Around the brim (of 253) . . . is a broad red bandthe blood line of
physiological significance. From the surrounding black band below
this, the love locks, worn by the maiden, curve upwards. The
decorations, which cover the entire surface of the jar, are the peculiar
forms of thunder, cloud signs, and lightning ladder, copied from the
katcina headdress, shown in the illustration.
[Stephen 1890:60]
The lightning ladder . . . is derived from the zig-zag space in the cloud
emblem.
[Stephen 1890:80]
 223, Polacca Polychrome, Style A, A.D. 1780-
1820, with lightning ladders and snow clouds.

AMS illustration 41 of lightning ladder.

Around the body of the jar (223)are thirteen diagonal bands extending
from the neck to the base, depicting the lightning ladder surrounded
with snow clouds.
[Stephen n.d. 117]

 Page 191

Ladder, One-poleHa-wi-wa
·Vertical string of connected acute triangles, forming steps

2 (above) and 3 (below), Payupki

Polychrome, A.D. 1680-1780.

Detail of one-pole ladders on 2

above and on 3 below.
The serrated figure (on 2 and 3) is the ha-wi-wa, the ladder, the
primitive notched tree trunk. They seem to have recognized the vast
importance of this invention, which doubtless preceded their first
house building, for all of their structures have ever been planned with
direct reference to its employment.
It was the means by which they constructed their lofty communal
dwellings; it afforded easy access and egress to and from them and it
was easily withdrawn in time of danger, this rendering them
comparatively impregnable.
Its further development into a runged ladder, which also occurred at
an early time, rarely figures in any of their designs, but its prototype,
the notched tree trunk, has ever been held in peculiar veneration, and
is frequently depicted, both in the rock etching and on all classes of
their pottery.
[Stephen 1890:84-5]

 Page 192

Lightning (See also Ladder, One-pole; Rain and Rain Cloud;

Lightning)
·Zig-zag line with straight sections
·Curved zig-zag line
·Chain of connected lozenges
·Stepped parallel lines, ascending at 45-degree angle

AMS illustration 41, various lightning symbols and their relationship to

ceremonial
sticks and snakes.
On the fine specimen (197) the squash bud is depicted, enclosed in a
panel, the petal of the bud extending to the Muingwa band. A zig-zag
streak of lightning, typical of the ripening summer heat, appears in the
upper part of the design. To the right of this panel is the baho used by
the priest of the Growing Moon (July) Festival. The miniature gneu-
gneu-pi . . . is shown attached to the baho. On the other side of the
panel there is a row of lozenges drawn between two vertical lines. It is
an emblem of lightning, the form being derived from a simple
emblematic device composed of short slats of wood, crossed
diagonally and held together with wooden pins. During the Rain
Festival, some of the dancers carry these, causing them to dart out and
in from the ends held in their hands.
(continued on next page)

 Page 193

(Top left) 197, Payupki Polychrome, A.D. 1680-1780.

(Top right) Lightning ladder on 197.
(Directly below) Lightning cleaving cloud on 197.
The lightning emblems (on 197) are derived from the rapid darting
motion of the snake, which is sometimes represented in curves, but
more commonly by the zig-zag. The lightning ladder, also frequently
introduced, is derived from the zig-zag space in the cloud emblem.
[Stephen 1890:79-80]

(Above) 5, Payupki Polychrome, A.D. 1680-1780.

(Below) Detail of germination symbol and lightning on 5.
The decorations upon 5 display the lightning and germinative symbols
just mentioned. [Stephen 1890:81]

 Page 194

(Left) 25, Tusayan Black-on-white, A.D. 1125-1300. (Right) Detail

of oblique lines representing lightning.

(Left) 142, Sikyatki Polychrome, A.D. 1375-1625, and (right) detail of

panel showing cloud cut by lightning emblems.
In the panels (25) formed by the meandering zone below the cross-
hatching, the open parallel lines are said to represent the wings and
body of the thunderbird, the oblique lines in the center represent the
lightning which is always displayed as cleaving its body. This mythic
bird is fully elaborated on the vase (215) of the Polychrome class.
[Stephen 1890:28]
The border surrounding this vase (142) is composed of an
arrangement of naktci emblems. The other decorations are water,
cloud, and lightning emblems. The designs in the zone are the
conventionalized crook and other emblems, taken from the
decorations of the mask of Hunting Katcina which appears in the cut.
[Stephen 1890:108-9]

 Page 195

(Left) 153, Payupki Polychrome, A.D. 1680-1780, and (right) detail of lightning
emblem.
Number 153 displays the squash bud surmounted by the naktci and
lightning emblems.
[Stephen 1890:99]

(Left) 163, Payupki Polychrome, A.D. 1680-1780. (right) Lozenge

lightning symbols rising up the pot.
Number 163 exhibits a beautiful, rich tint and fine luster. One side of
the surface of this vessel is chipped by weathering and a portion of the
decoration is defaced, but on the unimpaired side there are two panels
which probably present the same design as those obliterated. One of
them is entirely of cloud symbols; the other has a band of the lozenge
lightning emblems on each side, next to them, on either side, is a baho
tapering to a point
[Stephen 1890:82-3]


 Page 196

Love Locks
·Row of single curls rising from a line

(Above) 253, unknown style and date.

Love locks parading across this

vessel below brim.
Around the brim of the first vessel (253) is a broad red bandthe blood
line of physiological significance. From the surrounding black band
below this, the love locks, worn by the maiden, curve upwards. The
decorations, which cover the entire surface of the jar, are the peculiar
forms of thunder, cloud signs, and lightning ladder, copied from the
katcina headdresses.
[Stephen 1890:60]
The brim decorations (134M) are the ornamental locks of hair (love
locks) which a maiden trains to curve upon the sides of the forehead.
[Stephen 1890:56-7]


 Page 197

Maiden or VirginMana
·Maltese cross
·St. Andrew's cross or saltier (equilateral cross on its side)

204, Payupki Polychrome, A.D. 1680-

1780, and (below left) Maltese cross,
emblem of maiden or mana, on 204.

(Above right) Detail on 117, Polacca Polychrome,

Style B, A.D. 1820-1860, showing St. Andrew's
cross representing maiden. (See page 115.)
The decorations on 204 are mainly derived from the Women's Festival
of the Harvest Moon occurring in September. This festival was
instituted as a harvest thanksgiving.
The lozenge lightning divides this panel from the next, the upper
lefthand corner of which exhibits the mana (virgin) sign, the Maltese
cross. Below the cross are three bahos, bearing the usual germinative
symbols.
[Stephen 1890:86]
 AMS illustration 22 of 134M, 123M,
and 338M used in feast celebrating
girl's attaining puberty.
Formerly when a girl attained puberty her parents entertained friends,
[using this vessel, 134M]. The Maltese cross in the bottom of the
basin is the emblem of a virgin and is still so recognized by the Mokis.
It is a conventional development of a more common emblem of
maidenhood, the form in which the maidens wear their hair, arranged
as a disk of 3 or 4 inches diameter upon each side of the head. This
discoidal arrangement of their hair is typical of the emblem of
fructification worn by the virgin in the Muingwa Festival, as exhibited
in the headdress illustrations of 1M.
Sometimes the hair, instead of being worn in the complete discoid
form, is dressed over two curving twigs and presents the form of two
semicircles upon each side of the head; the partition of these is
sometimes horizontal and sometimes vertical, a combination of both
of these styles presents the form from which the Maltese cross was
conventionalized.
[Stephen 1890:56-7]


 Page 198

Meander
·Continuous line which forms same figure on up side and down side

AMS meander drawing.

Upon the bowl 361M . . . a meander pattern is drawn in white . . . the
simple form of the early Greek maiander . . . the following curious
significance is attached to this design.
At the close of the religious festivals and many of the social
celebrations, it is customary for all the participants to join in a parting
dance, called the ''dance of the linked finger." The dancers form a
double line and, crossing their arms in front of them, they lock the
forefingers of either hand with those of their neighbors, in both lines,
which are thus interlocked together. . . . To the rhythmic stamping of
their feet, [they] sing their parting song. The meander designs are
emblems of this friendly dance.
[Stephen 1890:111-2]

 Page 199

Mountain Lion
·Quadruped with balled feet, short nose, two ears, and long tail

(Left and right) 267, Polacca Polychrome, Style B/C, A.D. 1820-1890, with
mountain
lion figures and detail of same.
The misproportioned animal figures painted around the neck of the
large jar (267) are meant to represent the (to-hoash) mountain lion.
Small figures of this animal carved from stone, called to-hopoko, are
conspicuous objects among the paraphernalia of the priests of the
various fraternities, and similar stone figures in miniature with the
breath feather tied around the neck are often seen set in the small
niche-like recesses in the walls of the houses.
In the former instance, a peculiar significance attaches to them as the
guardians of the other emblematic objects of ceremonial use, but in
the latter they are regarded as the guardians of the salt. No adequate
reason is assigned for the curious veneration attached to this animal.
The legend of the mountain lion is a mere, trifling child's story, and
simply relates without hint of further significance, that a mythic hero
called to-hoash was carrying a bag of salt and met successively the
deer, the antelope, and the bear. In their efforts to help him carry the
salt they tore the bag with their horns and hoofs and spilt it. Bear
brought his friend mountain lion who, taking the neck of the bag in his
teeth, threw it on his back, and carried it safely to its destination.
[Stephen n.d. 117]

 Page 200

Phratry House, Confederated

·Squared "S" design with numerous small abstract designs within it

380, Sikyatki Polychrome, A.D. 1375-1625, showing plan of confederated

phratry
house and AMS illustrated 31, keying location of gens, families, etc., to text
below.
The larger figure (380) is said to be the ground plan of a confederated
phratry house, built in Montezuma Valley, not far from the Snake
towers. The house was built by the Snake and Water phratries; the
small designs set throughout the figure are said to typify the gentes,
families, and fraternities who occupied it. The implied significance of
these designs, however, is very obscure.
Putc-kohu = Boomerang 1-22-36-42-43-44-45
Mana = Virgin 2-14-27
Ho-bo-bo = Whirlwind genius 3
I-nun-wu = Heart sign in animal figures, typifying here . . . hunters 4-
5
Na-kiva-tci = Hopitu sign of friendship 6-32-33-34-35-37-38-41
Ba-hu = Water; name of phratry 7
Gnwela = (See description of jar 113) 8-9-24
Katcina = (See former references) 10-1-118-20-28-29-30
Mos-hen-wa = Germinative symbol 12-13-19
Tuki = To cut 15
Tali-wi-pi-ki = Lightning i6
Pa-kwa-ki = Duck 17
Wu-ta-ka = Old man 21
Kihu = A house 23-25-26-39-40
Umu-i-kwatci = Thunder, my friend 31
Mong-kibi = Chief estufa 46
[Stephen 1890:65]

 Page 201

Prayer StickBaho
·Long rectangle with interior designs, often ending in "legs" that have
pointed decorated tips
·Upright "T" design with other symbols incorporated in arms of "T"

(Top) 592, San Bernardo Polychrome, A.D. 1625-1680.

(Above, middle and bottom) Two types of prayer sticks
on 592 showing tobacco flower and water emblem.
The decorations on 592 are divided into three sections; two are alike
and . . . represent the baho prepared by the chief priestess of the gens
on the day of Masau's Festival. The one represented upon this jar
(middle) was prepared by the Tobacco gens of the Eagle phratry as
shown by the tobacco flower. . . . The other section (bottom)
represents the same baho but with the checker-panel water emblem.
[Stephen 1890:100-1]

(Top) 328, Sikyatki Polychrome, A.D. 1375-1625. (Below) Prayer

sticks of the Singing Men on 328. The same design appears upon each
of the large sections (on 328); it is a conventionalized representation
of the baho of the Da-wympka, or the Singing Men.
[Stephen 1890:102]

 Page 202

321, Payupki Polychrome, A.D. 1680-1780.

Prayer sticks on 321.

The two groups of projecting pointed designs (on 321 above) are
eagle tails conventionalized into bahos.
[Stephen 1890:82]
During the Flageolet Festival . . . there are new bahos made every day.
These are thin strips of wood, painted with white clay and a green
pigment made from copper ore, and to each of them there is tied a
consecrated "breath feather." On the first day they are made the length
of the hand, measuring from the tip of the middle finger; these are set
in the gardens to the north.
On the succeeding days they are made to measure from the other
fingers, each day smaller, and they are carried every day . . . to any
barren locality or water course where no water had flowed during the
previous year. On the last day of the festival they are barely an inch
long, just long enough to hold the string of the breath feather.
[Stephen 1890:35]

276, Sikyatki Polychrome, A.D. 1375-1625.

(Below) Upright prayer stick planted in the earth on 276.

In the design (on 276, top) with the serrated border, the red colour
signifies the earth, in which is planted a baho (below), a prayer for
rain.
[Stephen 1890:105-6]

 Page 203

(Above) 30, San Bernardo Polychrome, A.D.

1625-1680 (below), and wing conventionalized
into baho with sky arrow on top.

The decorations upon the small jar (30) represents an eagle, the wings
conventionalized into the baho and sky arrow; the tail into the angular
cloud symbolsnaktci.
[Stephen 1890:69]

Detail on 92, Polacca Polychrome, Style

B, A.D. 1820-1860, showing bahos
connected by clouds.
On 92, surrounding the neck of the jar are fanciful devices composed
of bahos connected by trains of clouds.
[Stephen n.d. 113]

(Above) 323, San Bernardo Polychrome,

A.D. 1625-1680. (Below) Detail of Kwa-
kwanty baho or prayer stick on 323.

On 323 above (top and bottom) . . . is another of the peculiarly carved

Kwa-kwanty bahos already referred to.
[Stephen 1890:54-6]

 Page 204

197, Payupki Polychrome, A.D.

1680-1780.

Prayer stick with crook,

gneu-gneu-pi, on 197.
Number 197 is the baho used by the priest of the Growing Moon
(July) Festival. The miniature gneu-gneu-pi . . . is shown attached to
the baho.
[Stephen 1890:79-80]

163, Payupki Polychrome, A.D. 1680-1780.

 Detail showing two bahos flanking Sky
God's arrow on 163.
The other panel (163) has a band of the lozenge lightning emblems on
each side. Next to them, on either side, is a baho tapering to a point.
Between the bahos is the head of the Sky God's arrow.
[Stephen 1890:82-3]

 Page 205

204, Payupki Polychrome, A.D. 1680-1780, with two views of bahos used in
Woman's
Festival of the Harvest Moon (September). (Bottom) Overall view of 204.

(On 204) . . . are the bahos used in the estufas, but in this instance the
bahos are prepared by the women, and on the day following the
festival are taken to the field and buried by them. The peculiar cross-
lined square in this panel is a distinctive water sign painted on the
bahos used in the ceremonies of this festival (top right at right edge of
pot).
[Stephen 1890:86]

(Above) 212, Payupki Polychrome, A.D. 1680-1780.

(Below) Detail of points of bahos and naktcis joined to double crook.
The device on 212 is the angular convention of the crook to which are
joined the points of the baho and the naktci.
[Stephen 1890:87]

 Page 206

214M, Sikyatki Polychrome, A.D. 1375-1625, the bahos of the warriors, the
Kwa-kwanty,
in both left and right quadrants. (From W. H. Holmes color painting; see page
93.)
On this vase above (214M) . . . the decorated surface is divided into
eight panels, the four larger are alike and placed at equal distances
around the upper surface. Within each of them one of the
characteristic bahos of the Kwa-kwanty is depicted. It is curiously
carved as shown in the upper section of the panel, the lower section
showing the painted skin decorations which are attached to it.
[Stephen 1890:44]

195A, San Bernardo Polychrome, A.D. 1625-1680, similar to 198M, showing

squash bud baho. (Right) AMS drawing of actual baho with squash bud from
which pottery design taken.
This (195A, similar to 198M) is another of the vessels obtained from
the Mokis after having been exhumed and preserved for many
generations. Number 198M was used for preserving seeds, principally
those of the melon, squash, and gourd kind and is appropriately
decorated with the baho of the chief priestess of the "Coming
Harvest" Festival.
[Stephen 1890:46]

 Page 207

44, San Bernardo Polychrome, A.D. 1625-1680, with baho descending toward
viewer
from neck. (Right) Detail of the baho, and (right bottom) AMS drawing of same.
(On 44, above) extending from a band which surrounds the mouth of
the vase are the face decorations of this katcina mask and the baho
which is attached to the mask.
[Stephen 1890:47-9]

47, Payupki Polychrome, A.D. 1680-1780.

Number 47 (above) has very similar decorations . . . bahos, displaying
the germinative emblems.
[Stephen 1890:98]
 Bahos displaying germinative emblems.

 Page 208

Rabbit
·Two short parallel lines representing rabbit ears
·Wiggly lines symbolizing path of rabbit stick (boomerang) used to
kill rabbits

66, Payupki Polychrome, A.D. 1680-1780, showing

wiggly lines of boomerang used to kill rabbits.
The little jar (66), was used in a ceremony still occasionally observed
by the Mokis. Formerly a youth when he killed his first rabbit was
adopted into the fraternity of the Hunters, which was then a religious
organization. The fraternity still exists but it has to a great extent lost
its religious significance.
On the day succeeding a rabbit hunt, the youths who had then killed
their first rabbit are taken to the court, around which the houses
forming the village are clustered. They are there stripped naked and
smeared with the blood of the rabbits they killed. The older hunters
wear grotesque masks and dance around the youths discharging
arrows and firearms, brandishing knives in their faces, endeavoring to
frighten them, and thus test the courage of the young hunters.
The curving lines diverging from the band around the neck represent
the boomerang-shaped rabbit weapon in motion; the hem-somp, the
youth's hair done up in a club at the nape of the neck, is also depicted.
The curious little panel designs representing the youth and the young
woman who was appointed to grind the meal from which bread was
prepared for the festival which terminated the fast.
[Stephen 1890:88, 97]

Two lines signifying rabbit ears on neck of 296,

San Bernardo Polychrome, A.D. 1625-1680.
The small vertical lines (on 296) represent the ears of a rabbit; the
zone is entirely of naktci. After a rabbit hunt, all who have
participated in it gather in the estufa and feast upon the rabbits they
have killed. The refuse of the rabbits is put in this jar and sprinkled
with a little consecrated meal, it is then carried off and emptied at
Masau's rock, a prayer of thanksgiving is offered and a breath feather
thrown over it.
[Stephen 1890:108]

 Page 209

Rabbit StickPutc-ko-nu
(See also Rabbit)
·Upright line with squared crook on top end
·Series of wavy lines, depicting flight of rabbit stick boomerang
through the air

AMS drawing of symbol for rabbit stick or boomerang,

and AMS drawing of actual rabbit stick.
One of their hunting weapons, the putc-ko-nu, is also represented by
an angular figure.
This weapon is a flat, curved stick, shaped something like a
boomerang, and is used to kill rabbits. Delivered from the hand with a
sweeping motion, the flat side of the weapon parallel with the ground,
it skims along in rapid rotation, in a direct line to the object thrown at.
Some of the younger Mokis display great accuracy in its use.
[Stephen 1890:64]

66, Payupki Polychrome, A.D. 1680-1780, with

curving lines of rabbit stick in motion.


 Page 210

Rain and Rain Cloud

(See also CloudNaktci)
·Vertical lines descending from horizontal line or half circle, often
with half circle(s) above the line
·Lines representing fringe on garments or ornaments

204, Payupki Polychrome, A.D. 1680-1780.

Detail of woman's apron with fringe

symbolizing cloud and rain on 204.
The decorations on 204 are mainly derived from the Women's Festival
of the Harvest Moon occurring in September.
[There] is added a peculiar cloud symbol. In the festival just
mentioned some of the women wear a skin apron, fringed with
feathers; the apron itself with its fringes is typical of a rain cloud, and
the emblem here depicted is a conventional representation of this
apron.
[Stephen 1890:86-7]
Comment:
The petitions of the chief priest to the minor deities, to Omau, the
Cloud God for instanceafter this rite (of the Flute Society)almost
assume the form of commands, compelling him to send rain.
[Stephen 1890:35]

Two views of 188E, Sikyatki Polychrome,

A.D. 1375-1625.
The decoration (188E, above top) which extends only around the
outside brim of this basin represents a decorated wrist guard or
bracelet. The curved cloud sign (188E, above bottom) develops the
germinative symbolthe Sky God's arrow piercing the cloudthat rain
may fall.
The bracelet fringe is also emblematic of rain, so are the fringed
ornaments worn.
[Stephen 1890:59]

 Page 211

(Above) 592, San Bernardo Polychrome, A.D. 1625-1680.

(Below) Rain symbol over gnwela on 592 and AMS drawing 15
of rain cloud with lightning darting through it.

The [decoration] represented upon this jar above (592) was prepared
by the Tobacco gens of the Eagle phratry as shown by the tobacco
flower. To the right of the . . . flower is the rain sign over the gnwela.
[Stephen 1890:100-1]
Comment:
In the Black Line Ware the decorative designs employed represent
their earliest and simplest forms of prayer, symbols of breath, clouds,
rain, and water. All of these symbols appear among the rock etchings
near the ruins, and from these, doubtless, the women copied the
decorations for that early pottery. (Note: Last sentence eliminated
from final version of Catalogue.AP)
It is natural to suppose that with the inhabitants of an arid region an
anxiety concerning the rain and snow fall, and their consequent water
supply, would be ever present . .. and that prayers for this essential
would find constant expression.
[Stephen 1890:38]
[Thunder] is depicted (on 215 and 215E) with the head of the serpent
genius Baho-li-konga, its body (above) is a rain cloud with lightning
darting through it, which discloses the origin of the angular cloud
symbol, so universally depicted upon all classes of their pottery.
[Stephen 1890:49-51]

AMS drawing of altar for Salyko initiatory

ceremony with rain and rain clouds on
altar back screen.

 Page 212

6, Polacca Polychrome, Style B, A.D. 1820-1860, showing rain clouds and rain
at
each end with squash buds, symbol of Aloseka, in the middle.

44, San Bernardo Polychrome, A.D. 1625-1680. (Above right) cloud and rain
apron on 44. (Below) AMS drawing of apron and fringe as cloud and rain.

The canisters (6 and 9) were used for holding salt. Upon the former,
the band around the neck represents the girdle, with feathers attached,
worn by the leader of the party who went to the Colorado River to
obtain salt. Upon the ends and sides are the conventional clouds and
rain, and the emblem of the Aloseka. The latter is a prominent design
upon Orange-colored Ware and is described under that class.
[Stephen 1890:71-2]
The zone (on 44) is divided into panels exhibiting cloud and rain
symbols.
[Stephen 1890:47-8]

 Page 213

Rainbow
·Curving arc in base of cloud or naktci

Details on 163, Payupki Polychrome, A.D. 1680-1780, Sky God's arrow above
rainbow
and cloud or naktci. (Right) Close-up of rainbow in base of cloud or naktci.
One of [the designs on 163] is entirely cloud symbols; the other has a
band of the lozenge lightning emblems on each side. Next to them, on
either side, is a baho tapering to a point. Between the bahos is the
head of the Sky God's arrow, the open space in the center of which
marks the germinative channel. At the base of the arrow is the
rainbow, and surmounting that is the familiar naktci cloud symbol.
The entire design in the panel represents the emblematic squash bud.
[Stephen 1890:82-3]

 Page 214

RattlesAntelope
·Series of triangular objects, often connected to a line

9, Polacca Polychrome, Style B, A.D. 1820-1860. (Right) Detail showing

antelope rattles on girdle of leader.
Upon the sides and ends (9) are . . . the girdle of the leader, the
surrounding angular figures are the rattles of antelope hoofs used by
the ancients (councillors).
[Stephen 1890:71-2]

 Page 215

Sky God's Arrow

(See also Sky God's Eye and Sky God's Window)
·Arrow with flat or curved base
·Heart-shaped arrow
·Arrow with spread head, thick shaft, and central channel

113, Polacca Polychrome, Style B,

A.D. 1820-1860.

(Top) Arrows of Sky God around neck of jar.

(Bottom) Same around and within the lozenge as the sky window.
The meal jar (113) is also decorated over its entire body. On the
shoulder, next [to] the neck, are naktci cloud symbols, enclosing the
Sky God's arrows. The decoration is divided into four panels, the
opposite sides of the jar displaying the same subject.
The large lozenge is an emblematic figure, modified forms of which
occur frequently in the subsequent Transition class, and in the
decorations of the Modern Ware. It signified the ''sky window."
Its position is said to be that portion of the sky surrounding the "eye of
Cotuk-inunwa."
Through this window Co-tukinunwa sends that particular element that
causes life. The germs of all living things are formed, created by
Muingwa, but Co-tuk-inunwa alone can endow them with vitality.
Also, through this "window" the spirit or "the breath" as they express
it, eventually returns to Co-tuk-inunwa after the body dies.
The design is surrounded with naktci on each angle of which the Sky
God's arrow is inserted. Within the smaller lozenge in the centre of the
designs are also naktci and sky arrows penetrating the earth,
represented by the broad reddish lines enclosing a stream of water.
[Stephen 1890:61-2]

 Page 216

(Left) 322, Sikyatki Polychrome, A.D. 1375-1625.

(Above) Detail showing Sky God's heart-shaped
arrow penetrating earth through circular opening.

The figure (on 322) represents the decorative emblems displayed upon
the pung-ya (altar) erected in the kibu during the celebration of this
[New Year's] festival, which is presided over by the "Chief of the
Festival" and the "Chief of the Flute order." The lower object is the
baho of the "Chief of the Festival." It is of wood, carved to represent
an ear of corn and is painted with the curved cloud symbols and
decorated with feathers. After the ceremonies of the first day of the
festival it is buried in the least productive of their garden tracts as a
special petition that the barren locality may become fertile.
The beak-shaped design is drawn upon the pung-ya by the chief of the
Flute order, referred to in describing 395M in the Black Line Ware.
The heart-shaped arrowhead of the Sky God is penetrating the earth
through a circular opening carrying with it the corn baho endowed
with the Sky God's productive blessings, secured through the
ministrations of these flageolet priests.
[Stephen 1890:55-6]

188E, Sikyatki Polychrome, A.D. 1375-1625,

with Sky God's arrow piercing
the clouds so rain may fall.
The curved cloud sign (on 188E) develops the germinative symbolthe
Sky God's arrow piercing the cloud [so] that rain may fall. A well-
made modern reproduction (188E) accompanies this basin.
[Stephen 1890:59]

 Page 217

(Left) 323, San Bernardo Polychrome, A.D. 1625-1680.

(Below) Sky God's arrow between the legs of the figure on 323.

This (323) is another of the same kind of vessels with Kwa-kwanty

decorations. Projecting from the headdress is a plumed stick which
their chief used as an aspergill to sprinkle consecrated water upon
novices during the ceremony of their admission into the fraternity.
The curious curved forms sitting upon the band below the headdress
represent vessels formerly used by the Kwa-kwantys, but of which no
specimen has been found. Immediately below the headdress is a
germinative symbol and below that is another of the peculiarly carved
Kwa-kwanty bahos already referred to. Below the baho is the arrow of
the Sky God.
[Stephen 1890:54-6]
 (Above) 163, Payupki Polychrome, A.D.
1680-1780. Details of Sky God's arrow,
germinative channel, with rainbow
and naktci cloud symbol.
Between the bahos (163) is the head of the Sky God's arrow, the open
space in the center of which marks the germinative channel. At the
base of the arrow is the rainbow, and surmounting that is the familiar
naktci cloud symbol. The entire design in the panel represents the
emblematic squash bud.
[Stephen 1890:82-3]

 Page 218

Sky God's Eye

(See also Sky God's Arrow and Sky God's Window)
·Four or five isosceles triangles joined at base to form cross
·Equilateral stick cross
·Area within certain forms such as rectangle, lozenge, circle, or square

(Above) 328, Sikyatki Polychrome, A.D. 1375-1625.

(Below) Plain cross as eye of Sky God or Co-tuk-inunwa on 328.

On the small sections (328) are the naktci and Co-tuk-inunwas eyethe
star.
[Stephen 1890:102]
 (Above) 113, Polacca Polychrome, Style B, A.D. 1820-1860.
(Below) Lozenge as window for the eye of the Sky God on 113.

The large lozenge (on 113) is an emblematic figure. . . . It signifies the

"sky window."
Its position is said to be that portion of the sky surrounding the "eye of
Cotuk-inunwa" (Sky God).
[Stephen 1890:61-3]

 Page 219

(Top) 247, Polacca Polychrome, Style B, A.D. 1820-1860.

(Below) Detail of Sky God's eye and window.

Number 247, (used in) the salt ceremony, is decorated with an eagle,
and on the lower lobe the sky window, enclosing a star, the eye of Co-
tuk-inunwa.
[Stephen 1890:70-1]

(Top) 92, Polacca Polychrome, Style B, A.D. 1820-1860.

(Below) Detail of sky window on 92, enclosing five-
 pointed star (possibly Sky God's eye).

Salyko naktcis (on 92) are grouped to form an irregular cross

enclosing a five-pointed star, the sky window already frequently
observed.
[Stephen n.d. 113]

 Page 220

Sky God's Window

(See also Sky God's Arrow and Sky God's Eye)
·Lozenge, circle, rectangle
·Two stepped pyramids back to back
·All may have star, circle, or no design inside (this is Sky God's eye)

(Above) 105, Polacca Polychrome, Style B, A.D. 1820-1860.

(Below) Sky window design on 105.

The mythic sky window . . . also appears upon the jars (105 and 141)
in square and circular enclosed forms, surrounded with gnwela and
cloud emblems.
[Stephen n.d. 115-6]
 (Above) 141, Polacca Polychrome, Style B, A.D. 1820-1860.
(Below) Sky window on 141.

 Page 221

(Above left) AMS drawing of 275M showing designs with four-pointed star as
the sky
window, and (above right) same designs on similar jar without Keam number
(Peabody
979-5-10/58763), Polacca Polychrome, Style A, A.D. 1780-1820.
The two fleurette devices on the jar 275M, one enclosed within a
circle, the other within a square, are conventionalized floral designs
copied from the decorations painted upon shields. The four-pointed
star (above left and right) which occurs upon this vessel is the mythic
sky window, formerly referred to.
[Stephen n.d. 118]
The large lozenge (on 113 below) . . . signified the "sky window."
[Stephen 1890:61-3]

113, Polacca Polychrome, Style B, A.D.

1820-1860, with detail of its sky window.

92, Polacca Polychrome, Style B, A.D.

 1820-1860, with detail of its sky window.
Salyko naktcis (on 92 above) are grouped to form an irregular cross
enclosing a five-pointed star, the sky window already frequently
observed.
[Stephen n.d. 13]

 Page 222

Snow Cloud
·Semicircle over line, enclosing dots
·Triangular spaces with dots inside

223, Polacca Polychrome, Style A, A.D. 1780-1820.

(Below) Snow clouds surrounding lightning ladder.

Around the body of the jar (223) are thirteen diagonal bands
extending from the neck to base, depicting the lightning ladder
surrounded with snow clouds.
[Stephen n.d. 117]
 92, Polacca Polychrome, Style B,
A.D. 1820-1860, with snow clouds.
On the body of the vessel (92) are snow clouds, cactus, and other
emblems from the headdresses worn by the Salyko katcinas.
[Stephen n.d. 113]

(Above) 286, Payupki Polychrome,

A.D. 1680-1780, and (below) detail
of snow clouds.

The decorations (286) [are] the squash bud surmounted by naktci, the
latter being surrounded with an emblem of snow clouds.
[Stephen 1890:98-9]

 Page 223

Squash Bud
(See also Germination GodAloseka)
·Arrowlike flower on narrow stem
·Flower with three-pointed petals

197, Payupki Polychrome, A.D. 1680-1790.

(Below) Detail of squash bud on 197.

On the fine specimen (197 above) the squash bud is depicted,

enclosed in a panel, the petal of the bud extending to the Muingwa
band.
[Stephen 1890:79-80]
(Above left) 195A, San Bernardo Polychrome, A.D. 1625-1680. (Above middle)
Squash bud on 195A, and (above right) AMS drawing of original baho
with squash bud, like the one depicted on 195A.
The baho depicted on the vase 198M (similar to 195A) is shown in
the accompanying illustration 12. It is a thin piece of cottonwood
about 10 inches long and 4 inches wide upon which is painted the bud
of the squash and the double-headed arrow of the mythic twins Pe-
kong-no-ya.
[Stephen 1890:45-6]

 Page 224

153, Payupki Polychrome, A.D. 1680-1780. (Above right)

Squash bud surmounted by naktci on 153.
Number 153 above displays squash bud [topped] by naktci and
lightning symbols.
[Stephen 1892:99]

(Above top) 286, Payupki Polychrome,

A.D. 1680-1780. (Above) Detail of squash
bud topped with naktci on 286.
The symbol of the Aloseka is the bud of the squash drawn in profile
(see below). It is also said to typify the highest peak of the San
Francisco mountains, the birth place of the Aloseka, when the clouds
surround it presaging the coming rain. The symbol also conveys an
ulterior significance of the germinative principle of nature. In the rock
etchings the carving profile [of the squash bud] . . . assumes this form
(see below).
[Stephen 1890:78-9]

(Left and right) AMS drawings of squash

bud left as on pottery and on right as
in rock etchings.
The decorations upon 286 are divided into four panels, the squash bud
surmounted by naktci.
[Stephen 1890:98-9]

 Page 225

(Above) 47, Payupki Polychrome, A.D.

1680-1780. (Below) Squash bud on 47.

Number 47 above has similar decorations (as 245) . . . The squash bud
is also seen.
[Stephen 1890:98]

(Above) On 6, Polacca Polychrome, Style B, A.D. 1820-1860,

rain clouds and rain with squash budthe Aloseka
symbols in the middle.
The canister (6) [was] used for holding salt. . . . the band around the
neck represents the girdle, with feathers attached, worn by the leader
of the party who went to the Colorado River to obtain salt. Upon the
ends and sides are the conventional clouds and rain, and the emblem
of the Aloseka.
[Stephen 1890:71-2]
 (Above) 286, Payupki Polychrome, A.D. 1680-1780.
(Below) Squash bud that also represents batolatci (dragonfly).

The cut (286) shows the squash bud as an angular germinative

symbol, and also as the batolatci (dragonfly).
[Stephen 1890:98-9]

 Page 226

Star
(See also Sky God's Eye and Sky God's Window)
·Four or five isosceles triangles joined at base to form cross
·Equilateral stick cross

(Above left) 328, Sikyatki Polychrome, A.D. 1375-1625.

(Above right) Detail with star, the eye of Sky God,
Co-tuk-inunwa and naktci below.
A zone 3 inches wide surrounds the periphery (on 328) and is divided
into ( five long and five short sections. On the small sections are the
naktci and Co-tuk-inunwas eyethe star.
[Stephen 1890:102]
 (Above top) 247, Polacca Polychrome, Style B, A.D. 1820-1860.
(Above) Star showing star, the eye of the Sky God, in the sky window on 247.
Number 247, the use of which was explained in describing the salt
ceremony, is decorated with an eagle, and on the lower lobe the sky
window, enclosing a star, the eye of Co-tuk-inunwa.
[Stephen 1890:70-1]

 Page 227

(Above left) 92, Polacca Polychrome, Style B, A.D. 1820-1860.

(Above right) Detail of five-pointed star, the eye of the Sky God (?)
surrounded by the sky window.
Surrounding the neck of the jar (92) are fanciful devices composed of
bahos connected by trains of clouds. On the body of the vessel are
snow clouds, cactus, and other emblems from the headdresses worn
by the Salyko katcinas. Salyko naktcis are grouped so as to form an
irregular cross enclosing a five-pointed star, the sky window already
frequently observed.
[Stephen n.d. 13]
Comment:
One of the singular methods of using the flageolet occurs in a night
worship. The priests and members of the order are all assembled in
the kibu or estufa, and their sentinel is seated upon the scuttle way
leading down to it. He watches until the eye of the Sky God (a bright
star, Aldebaran, in the constellation Taurus ?) reaches the zenith which
he then announces.
[Stephen 1890:34]
 No Keam number (similar to 275M), Polacca
Polychrome, Style A, A.D. 1780-1820
(Peabody 979-5-10/58763). Shows star as sky window.
The two fleurette devices on the jar with no Keam number (similar to
275M), one enclosed within a circle, and the other within a square, are
conventionalized floral designs copied from the decorations painted
upon shields. The four-pointed star which occurs upon this vessel is
the mythic sky window, formerly referred to.
[Stephen n.d. 118]

 Page 228

Sun and Sunlight

·Circle surrounded by six rays, four the normal cardinal points and
two additional for the zenith and nadir, the northwest and southeast
respectively
·Striped projections from clouds

(Above) 621, Polacca Polychrome, Style B,

A.D. 1820-1860. (Below) Detail displaying
sunlight penetrating between the clouds.

The decorations upon the large jar (621) are not well understood, but
in the line of cloud emblems around the lower portion of the jar, a
curious figure of modern origin is displayed; it is called Titksi and is
shown in the vertical bars drawn between each cloud. These represent
the rays of light shining through the open spaces when the sun is
hidden behind the clouds.
[Stephen n.d. 118]
Comment:
The jar (404M) has two surrounding bands of checker and dotted
panels, suggesting an ideal localitypools of water alternating with
garden tracts. Between these bands the sun is depicted twice. The
tangents drawn from the circles describing the sun figures to these
emblematic bands are significant of the direct influence the sun exerts
upon the earth. The six rays with which the sun is surrounded are
typical of the Hopitu cardinal points which are six in number, and
comprise northwest and southeast which two points are also curiously
made synonymous with zenith and nadir.
[Stephen 1890:61]

 Page 229

Sunflower
·Rosette flower design, often with eight points

(Above, top to bottom) 15, 21, and 153,

all Payupki Polychrome, A.D. 1680-1780,
showing sunflower symbols.
On 15 is the conventional sunflower, also naktci and the Katcina
House emblems. This vessel belonged to the Rain Katcina and was
used in their ceremonies.
[Stephen 1890:85]
Upon 21 are cloud emblems, naktci, and sunflowers.
[Stephen 1890:97]
On 153 the rosettes are conventionalized sunflowers.
[Stephen 1890:99]

 Page 230

Thunder GodUm-tok-ina
·Winged figure, with diagonal zig-zag (or straight) line in center of
body, row of pointed extensions (feathers) at one end and round head
with toothed beak at other.

(Above) 215, Sikyatki Polychrome, A.D. 1375-1625. (Below) 215E, Polacca

Polychrome,
Style D, A.D. 1890-1900. Both show Thunder God in bird form.

The subject (on 215 and 215E) is the mythic Um-tok-ina, the Thunder
God. It is depicted with the head of the serpent genius Baho-li-konga,
its body is a rain cloud with lightning darting through it, which
discloses the origin of the angular cloud symbol so universally
depicted upon all classes of their pottery. The tail is that of the eagle;
the wings carry storm clouds and attached to the lower wing are the
clouds conveying the rain. The horn-shaped object upon which the
hail annulets are incised, passing behind the neck and curving over the
head, is the source of thunder. The nature of this singular mythic
animal is obscurely defined. It has never been seen, but it is known to
be the active element of the thunderstorm.
[Stephen 1890:49-51]

AMS illustration 15, rain cloud with

lightning on body of Thunder God.

 Page 231

25, Tusayan Black-on-white, A.D. 1125-1300.

On 25 detail of lightning cutting through clouds.

In the panels formed by the meandering zone below the cross-
hatching (25), the open parallel lines are said to represent the wings
and body of the thunderbird, the oblique lines in the center represent
the lightning which is always displayed as cleaving its body. This
mythic bird is fully elaborated on the vase 215 of the Polychrome
class.
[Stephen 1890:28]
 276, Sikyatki Polychrome, A.D. 1375-1625.

On 276 detail of lightning cutting through

clouds below baho upright in earth.
(On 276) one of the lightning emblems which appear on the Um-tok-
ina . . . is also introduced, just under the baho.
[Stephen 1890:105-6]
Comment.
Verse of song sung by the women in the ''Coming Harvest" Festival:
Come here Thunder and look,
Come here Cold and see
the rain descend,
Thunder strikes and makes
heat come,
All seeds grow when it is hot.
Aha, ehe, ihi, etc.
[Stephen 1890:47]

 Page 232

Tobacco Flower
(See also Clan, Tobacco)
·Flower design with circular center, often with dot, and many small
petals

592, San Bernardo Polychrome, A.D. 1625-1680.

(Right) Detail showing tobacco flower on 592.
The decorations on 592 represent . . . baho. The one represented upon
this jar was prepared by the Tobacco gens of the Eagle phratry as
shown by the tobacco flower.
[Stephen 1890:100-1]

(Left) 223, Polacca Polychrome, Style A, A.D. 1780-1820.

(Right) Detail showing tobacco flower on 223.
Butterflies alternating with tobacco flowers are painted upon the neck
of the small jar (223). Around the body of the jar are thirteen diagonal
bands extending from the neck to base, depicting the lightning ladder
surrounded with snow clouds. Red and black bands alternate, said to
express the ancient symbolic colors of earth and sky.
[Stephen n.d. 17]
Comment:
The large jar (148M) with indented base has a decoration covering
nearly the entire surface. It represents the native tobacco plant in
blossom.
[Stephen 1890:69]

 Page 233

Transformation GodMasau
·Double, interlaced spirals, representing the whirlpool
·Creatures who undergo metamorphosis, such as tadpole into frog,
showing presence of Masau

25, Tusayan Black-on-white, A.D. 1125-1300. (Above right) Detail showing

double
spirals, representative of Transformation God, Masau, and the whirlpools in
Colorado River, said to be the entrance to the house of Masau.
The cask (25) measures 13 inches high, 17 inches widest diameter,
and the mouth 7 inches diameter. It is coated with a thick white slip
and finely finished in black pigment, the decoration is laid on with
excellent effect and affords a capital illustration of the double spiral,
the whirlpool. The origin of this symbol has the following traditional
explanation.
In the Grand Cañon of the Colorado River, some distance west from
the mouth of the Little Colorado, a deposit of salt lies on the south
side and near the base of the cañon. Close to this deposit the river
forms a series of eddies which is supposed to mark one of the
entrances to the house of Masau, and in these eddies the Hopitus,
when they go there to gather salt, toss their breath feathers and meal
offerings to Masau. Some of these feathers are at times thrown up on
the salt-impregnated bank and become thickly encrusted; these are
regarded as favorable tokens from Masau, and are gathered and
religiously preserved in the villages.
The two banks of double spirals, connected with curving lines,
surrounding the upper surface of the cask, are emblematic of these
whirlpools.
[Stephen 1890:28]
Comment:
The custom of observing perfect silence while at their meals has come
down to their descendants, the Mokis, and the more devout among
them, before eating, always throw a small portion of the food into the
fire as an offering to Masau, the earth genius; fire being regarded as
his peculiar element.
[Stephen 1890:31]
Comment:
This journey (to gather salt in the Grand Cañon), when performed on
foot, must have been of immense difficulty as it includes a stretch of
nearly fifty miles without water, and at the end of this, when the edge
of the

 Page 234

247, Polacca Polychrome, Style B, A.D. 1820-1860. (Above right) 498, Sikyatki
Polychrome, A.D. 1375-1625. Jar at left is filled with bitter water from spring
near salt deposit in Grand Canyon and bowl at right depicts quail killed near
same spot. Both involve journey to salt deposit on Colorado River
near entrance to the house of Masau.
cañon is reached, a half a day is consumed in making the descent to
the river, which at this point lies about six thousand feet below the
level of the plateau.
Making bags of their blankets they secured in each about half a bushel
of salt. They next filled a jar (247) with bitter water, from a spring
near the salt seam, and also killed a tufted quail (498), the skin of
which, with the jar of bitter water, they brought back to the villages.
Prepared to return, some of them clambered up the precipitous wall
until a projecting ledge was gained and lowered a rope to which the
bags were fastened, those above hauled on the rope, while those
below followed, climbing and pushing. . . . The expedition having
returned home, the skin of the quail was given to the chief priestess
who prepared a baho upon which was displayed the wing and tail
feathers of the quail. She then caused this vessel (498) to be made and
decorated and carried it to the kibu of the ancients, the councillors,
where also the jar of bitter water had already been conveyed, and in
this water jar (247) the priestess placed her baho.
The water was said to be poisonous and that Masau had placed it there
to destroy any who might seek to procure the salt without his sanction.
Certain rites were performed in the kibu and when the next expedition
was sent after salt, each of the men composing it had a quail feather
from the baho tied into this hair so that Masau might perceive that he
had been duly qualified to receive the precious gift.
[Stephen 1890:53-4]

 Page 235

AMS illustration 36 of cloth painted by the clowns, showing dragonflies and

frogs
in various stages from the spawn to the perfect animal, typifying the
metamorphic
characteristics of the Transformation God, Masau.
Some days before the celebration of a festival, the chief of the
katcinas calls together a number of men who are willing to perform
this part (as clowns). . . . Under the direction of the katcina chief they
paint a cloth, about 6 feet long and 2 feet wide, which is hung upon
the wall in the estufa when they assemble.
In the center of the cloth is painted a circle enclosing an octagon, a
symbol of Muingwa; it is parti-colored and dotted to represent the
different kinds of corn bestowed by Salyko. The rest of the cloth is
interspersed with little figures of the dragonfly and the frog in its
different stages from the spawn to the perfect animal, typifying the
metamorphic characteristics of Masau.
The time is principally occupied by rehearsing the coming mummery
and preparing their masks. These are made of skin and completely
envelope the head; little knobs are formed on its surface enclosing
small quantities of different kinds of seeds.
At the festival celebration, between the religious songs and dances,
they perform a sort of interlude, burlesquing the katcina dancers and
mimicking their songs, as Masau is said to have done at the councils
of the deities.
[Stephen 1890:70-4]
Comment:
When the men return to the villages with loads of firewood, they pass
by a boulder where certain rites are performed to Masau and it is
known as Masau's rock. They often throw a splinter of their wood
attached to a tuft of grass, upon a pile of similar offerings close to the
rock. These are their expressions of thanks to him for his gifts of
wood and other products of the soil.
[Stephen 1890:33]

 Page 236

Turkey
·Birdlike figure with large wings, head with naktci plume, beak, and
clawed feet

216, Payuptki Polychrome, A.D. 1680-1780.

Detail of turkey showing his wings as clouds

and his plume as a naktci.
Upon 216 above, the turkey is represented, his wings are
conventionalized into clouds, and his plume into the naktci. As the
turkey is only found near water, he is regarded as an emblem of that
element and his feathers alone are used in decorating the Rain bahos.
The other decorations are the squash buds, clouds, and naktcis.
[Stephen 1890:88]
 196, San Bernardo Polychrome, A.D. 1625-1680.

Women's ornament with turkey feathers on 196.

Upon the figure (196) which represents the women's ornament, the
ends of the girdle are displayed at the top, curving from each side like
horns. The old form of ornament is here depicted, a kirtle of turkey
feathers suspended from the small of the back of a girdle fastened
around the waist. They now wear a simpler ornament of long turkey
feathers radiating from a band of corn husks twisted into a ring, the
quill end of the feathers being inserted around its edges.
[Stephen 1890:42-3]

 Page 237

WarriorsKwa-kwantys
(See also Headdress and Aspergill)
·Headdress(es) with single horn or plume, often in a row
·Headdress attached at top to long object similar to aspergill

386, San Bernardo Polychrome, A.D. 1625-1680, with representation of

headgear of Kwa-kwanty, the warrior society, and (right) AMS drawing
of same. (Below) AMS drawing of the basket headgear with gourd horn
worn by Kwa-kwanty.

This is one of the food basins (386) formerly used by the Kwa-
kwantys at their festival. The decoration is a vague representation of
the head, headgear, and plume.
Among the Moki traditions symbolism pertaining to colors has always
obtained. It is said of the design on this vessel, that the head is painted
black, the symbol color of the sky, from whence (from the Sky God)
the Kwa-kwantys receive their power, and the gourd horn of the
headdress is painted brownish red, the symbol color of the earth.
[Stephen 1890:54]
Comment:
On the jar (151M) similar cloud and lightning emblems have been
copied from the headdress designs. Two narrow panels of water and
cloud symbols divide the cloud and lightning decoration. The birds
drinking from the clouds are the swifts whose extended wings have
been conventionalized into a representation of the Kwa-kwanty
headdress, four of which headdresses also extend from the vertical
line, between the birds and panel in which the leafed cactus is drawn.
[Stephen 1890:60]

 Page 238

323, Sikyatki Polychrome, A.D. 1375-1625. (Above right) AMS drawing of

same.
(Below) Dwelling house of Kwa-kwanty on exterior of 323.

The outside brim decoration (on 323) represents the Kwa-kwantys

dwelling house, as they had no especial kibu. This is another of the
same kind of vessels with Kwa-kwanty decorations. Projecting from
the headdress is a plumed stick which their chief used as an aspergill
to sprinkle consecrated water upon novices during the ceremony of
their admission into this fraternity. The curious curved forms sitting
upon the band below the headdress represent vessels formerly used by
the Kwa-kwantys but of which no specimen has been found.
Immediately below the headdress is a germinative symbol, and below
that is another of the peculiarly carved Kwa-kwanty bahos already
referred to. Below the baho is the arrow of the Sky God referred to in
describing the Black Line ladle (395M) and which again figures in the
following vessel.
[Stephen 1890:54-6]


 Page 239

Water (Cross-lined Square)

·Square or rectangle with interior cross and nested triangles rising
from each side

204, Payupki Polychrome, A.D. 1680-1780. (Above right) Detail showing

water emblem in form of cross-lined square on 204.
The decorations on 204 above are mainly derived from the Women's
Festival of the Harvest Moon occurring in September. The designs are
divided into two similar pairs of panels.
This festival was instituted as a harvest thanksgiving; the triangular
stippled design, in which is a round spot surrounded with a smaller
group, marks the position of the chief priestess and her assistants
when assembled at this devotion. Below this are the bahos used in the
estufas, but in this instance the bahos are prepared by the women, and
on the day following the festival are taken to the field and buried by
them. The peculiar cross-lined square in this panel is a distinctive
water sign painted on the bahos used in the ceremonies of this
festival.
[Stephen 1890:86]
 On 23, style and dating unknown, detail
of angular water emblems.
(Number 23) is divided into five small panels, two of which on each
arm of the chevron, enclosed the angular cloud and water emblems;
the triangular panel at the point is designed to represent a butterfly.
[Stephen 1890:57-8]

 Page 240

Water (in Eddies)

·Line curving into unclosed circle with pointed scallops on its exterior

60, Polacca Polychrome, Style C, A.D. 1860-1890,

showing of water flowing in eddies.
The design upon the jar (60) represents water flowing in a series of
eddies.
[Stephen 1890:31]
In the Grand Cañon of the Colorado River, some distance west from
the mouth of the Little Colorado, a deposit of salt lies on the south
side and near the base of the cañon. Close to this deposit the river
forms a series of eddies which is supposed to mark one of the
entrances to the house of Masau, and in these eddies the Hopitus,
when they go there to gather salt, toss their breath feathers and meal
offerings to Masau. Some of these feathers are at times thrown upon
the salt-impregnated bank and become thickly encrusted. These are
regarded as favorable tokens from Masau, and are gathered and
religiously preserved in the villages.
[Stephen 1890:28]

 Page 241

Water, Meandering
(See also Meander)
·Two U-shaped interlocking scrolls, often in series

AMS illustration 5, design of ''water wrought into a meandering

device which is the conventionalized generic sign of the Hopitus,"
and (right) AMS illustration 6, showing origin of design as "two
forefingers joined thus."

AMS drawing of meander design found on Red Ware pottery.

. . . [that design] upon the jar (96M) is also water wrought into a
meandering device which is the conventionalized generic sign of the
Hopitus. The two forefingers are joined thus (see above right).
[Stephen 1890:31]
At the close of the religious festivals and many of the social
celebrations, it is customary for all the participants to join in a parting
dance, called the "dance of the linked finger." The dancers form a
double line and, crossing their arms in front of them, they lock the
forefingers of either hand with those of their neighbors, in both lines,
which are thus interlocked together. Their dancing consists of a
halting step, accompanied by a peculiar stamping motion of the right
foot, so they stand interlocked by this emblematic grip and to the
rhythmic stamping of their feet, sing their parting song. The meander
designs are emblems of this friendly dance.
[Stephen 1890:111-2]

 Page 242

Water, Penetrating
·Line(s) from clouds, with periodic dark and light spaces in the line
itself

2, Payupki Polychrome, A.D. 1680-1780. (Above right) Design

of "water penetrating the earth."

AMS drawing of same design.

The curious veined design (on 2) represents water penetrating the
earth.
[Stephen 1890:84-5]

 Page 243

Water, Running
·Parallel lines, straight or wavy

113, Polacca Polychrome, Style B, A.D.

1820-1860, with a stream of water
enclosed by two lines in center.
Comment:
In the class which has been termed Black Line a marked advance in
the potter's art is clearly manifested. . . Various symbolic forms are to
be observed: waved and parallel lines, checker-panel and cross-
hatchingdenoting water under different conditions, the first running
water, and the two last still water of ponds and lakes; the zig-zag
denoting lightning; and several forms of cloud symbols.
[Stephen 1890:27]
Comment:
The globular flask (85M) with short neck has on each side a small
stud perforated for a thong to admit of its being carried in the hand,
filled with water, for the convenience of the Indian as he worked in
his garden or corn field. On the neck water in springs is depicted and
below are bands denoting running water, the intermediary space has
the breath sign, the breathed prayers of the devout potter for water.
[Stephen 1890:34]
Comment:
Number 490M, the bottle-shaped specimen has a projecting stud
(modeled after the hair disc worn by the maidens previously
mentioned) on each side of the neck to which the thong was fastened.
The decorations are hail clouds and running water.
[Stephen 1890:34]
The design (on 113) is surrounded with naktci on each angle of which
the Sky God's arrow is inserted. Within the smaller lozenge in the
centre of the designs are also naktci and sky arrows penetrating the
earth, represented by the broad reddish lines enclosing a stream of
water.
[Stephen 1890:62]
Numbers 302M, 607M, and 395M are specimens of ladles; the
handles are hollow and two of them are perforated with small holes
like a flute. In 395M the black triangles are the Asa leaves, the
straight lines water.
[Stephen 1890:34]

 Page 244

Water, Still
·Parallel rows of dots
·Cross-hatching
·Checkerboard

25, Tusayan Black-on-white,

A.D. 1125-1300.

Cross-hatching ("mosquito bar") or dots

as still water on 25.

592, San Bernardo Polychrome,

 A.D. 1625-1680.

Checkerboard symbol for still water.

The triangular cross-hatching on the shoulders of the cask 25 (top)
denotes still water.
[Stephen: 1890:28]
Comment:
In the class which has been termed Black Line a marked advance in
the potter's art is clearly manifested. .... Various symbolic forms are to
be observedwaved and parallel lines, checker panel and cross-
hatching denoting water under different conditions, the first running
water, and the two last still water of ponds and lakes.
[Stephen 1890:27]
The other section (on 592 above) represents the same baho but with
the checker panel water emblem.
[Stephen 1890:100-1]

 Page 245

2, Payupki Polychrome,
A.D. 1680-1780.

Checkerboard water emblem.

Number 2 . . . present . . . water emblems. The cross-hatched square
and triangle represent the anklets and wristlets of these (Humis)
Katcina, braided of yarn around strips of sheepskin.
[Stephen: 1890:84-5]
Comment:
On 318M two of the water symbols are displayed, the checker panel,
still water, and the parallel lines, flowing water.
[Stephen 1890:32]
Comment:
The jar (404M) has two surrounding bands of checker and dotted
panels, suggesting an ideal locality, pools of water alternating with
garden tracts.
[Stephen 1890:61]
 245, Payupki Polychrome,
A.D. 1680-1780.

Checkerboard design denoting

still water in the fillet of the Rain
priest around the neck of 245.
On 245 is a representation of a fillet worn around the head by a Rain
priest, upon which is painted water emblems and batolatci
(dragonfly).
[Stephen 1890:98]

 Page 246

(Above) 142, Sikyatki Polychrome,

A.D. 1375-1625. (Below) Still water
emblem in form of cross-hatching.

The border surrounding this vase (142 top) is composed of an

arrangement of naktci symbols. The other decorations are water,
cloud, and lightning emblems.
[Stephen 1890:108-9]

(Above) 157, Payupki Polychrome, A.D. 16801780.

(Below) Checkerboard water emblem on 157.
On 157 is displayed naktci, lightning, and water emblems; headdress
plumage peculiar to the Kwa-kwanty and bahos; the squash bud is also
depicted.
[Stephen 1890:85]

 Page 247

Water GodBaho-li-konga
·No full illustration, but serpent head, showing eye and long-toothed
beak, said to belong to Water God

Serpent head of Baho-li-konga on body of

Um-tok-ina, the Thunder God on 215,
Sikyatki Polychrome, A.D. 1375-1625.
This vase (215) is coated with a fine yellow slip, the decorations being
in black and red. The subject, repeated four times, is the mythic Um-
tok-ina, the Thunder. It is depicted with the head of the serpent genius
Baho-li-konga, its body is a rain cloud with lightening darting through
it which discloses the origin of the angular cloud symbol, so
universally depicted upon all classes of their pottery. . . . The nature of
this singular mythic animal is only obscurely defined, it has never
been seen, but it is known to be the active element of the thunder
storm. It emanates from Baholi-konga and is painted upon an altar
when the men invoke the aid of that genius, which is only in time of
long continued drouth.
[Stephen 1890:49-51]
Number 293M is another form of askos used by the women in the
Muingwa Festival. At the return of the Water Moon (August) the
women celebrated this feast, and in one of its episodes, two maidens
are sent from the council-house of the priestess to a certain spring.
They go out at midnight, one of them carrying two gourd-shaped
earthen vessels to be filled with water, the other girl carries this askos
filled with meal, tobacco, and water, and as they travel on this eerie
ordeal she sprinkles water from it as an offering and murmurs the
traditional prayers to Muingwa. The bosslike protuberances on the
body of the vessel represent the mammae of Baho-li-konga, the spiral
covering them is the whirlpool emblem, the same as figures on cask
25; in this instance, however, the whirlpool is said to be caused by
Baho-li-konga's tail, giving good life to the spring.
[Stephen 1890: 33-4]
After the rites in the kibu have been concluded the chief priestess
buries the

 Page 248

House of Baho-li-konga painted on naktci

ornament on fillet of chief priestess in
harvest ceremony, from plate 8 by AMS.
chief baho (the one represented upon the vase IM) in the spring from
which the water was procured, but all of the women who have
participated in the ceremonies, have also prepared miniature
bahoslittle painted sticks half the size of the finger. These are placed
in a crevice of the rocks on the summit of the mesa, the crevice is also
called Baho-li-kongas house and is securely covered with a stone slab.
It is said that he comes to this place, four days after the festival, and
inserts all these bahos around the edge of the covering stone which he
carries away on his back to Muingwa, leaving a new stone in the place
of the one he takes off. Hence the women, when dancing at the
festival, wear a peculiar ornament upon their backs. It is a small frame
of willows, covered with cotton cloth, upon the centre of which is
painted a device called the house of Baho-li-konga. The edges of the
cloth-covered frame are braided with corn husks, and turkey feathers
are inserted in the interstices, representing the manner in which the
serpent conveys their bahos to Muingwa. It is this ornament which is
painted within the naktci upon the vase.
The purport of the festival is an invocation to Muingwa and Baho-li-
konga to fructify the earth, their domestic animals and themselves.
[Stephen 1890:41-2]

 Page 249

Water God, House of

·Rectangle with small projections on each end and hole in center; may
have been worn on the back

AMS illustration 8, showing naktci (cloud) emblem on fillet of priestess

and close-up of house of the Water God, Baho-li-konga.
This vase (1M) was designed for use in a religious festival celebrated
by the women. It is still observed by the Moki women and occurs
during the month of September, on the occasion of the gathering of
the first ripened melons.
After the rites in the kibu have been concluded, the chief priestess
buries the chief baho (the one represented upon the vase) in the spring
from which the water was procured, but all of the women who have
participated in the ceremonies have also prepared miniature
bahoslittle painted sticks half the size of the finger. These are placed
in a crevice of the rocks on the summit of the mesa, the crevice is also
called Baho-li-konga's house and is securely covered with a stone
slab. It is said that he comes to this place, four days after the festival,
and inserts all these bahos around the edge of the covering stone
which he carries away on his back to Muingwa, leaving a new stone in
the place of the one he takes off. Hence the women, when dancing at
the festival, wear a peculiar ornament upon their backs. It is a small
frame of willows, covered with cotton cloth, upon the centre of which
is painted a device called the house of Baho-li-konga. The edges of
the cloth covered frame are braided with corn husks, and turkey
feathers are inserted in the interstices, representing the manner in
which the serpent conveys their bahos to Muingwa. It is this ornament
which is painted within the naktci upon the vase.
The purport of the festival is an invocation to Muingwa and Baho-li-
konga to fructify the earth, their domestic animals, and themselves.
[Stephen 1890:39-42]

 Page 250

Whirlwind or Breath GodHo-bo-bo

·Single spiral, plain or squared
·Anthropomorph with spirals attached or within (rock art only)

AMS illustrations 3 and 4, breath spiral, plain and conventionalized into square.
A decoration of greater frequency in the Black Line than any of the
other classes consists of the single and double spirals. The single
spiral (see bowls 232M and 330M) is a symbol of Ho-bo-bo (the
Twister) who manifests his power by the whirlwind. It is also of
frequent occurrence as a rock etching in the vicinity of ruins, where
also the complete symbol of the Ho-bo-bo is often seen (below) but
the complete figure does not appear upon . . . the pottery [Stephen
1890:27]

Ho-bo-bo, the Twister. This rock etching is in Keam's Canyon; it is 17

inches long by 8 inches across.
[Stephen 1890:25]
A great whirlwind once blew all vegetation from the surface of the
earth and all the water from its courses. A stranger (nothing more of
his character is now known) came among the people; he was unable to
speak but he communicated by signs. With a flint he cut these
symbols upon a rock (see above). He told them that he was the Keeper
of Breath. The winds, the whirlwinds, and the air which men breathe
came from this Keeper's mouth. He sits upon a mountain and blows
strong gales, distribution to everyone a share of breath.
He is sometimes malignant, then he twists and contorts himself in the
form of a whirlwind and cries Ho-bo-bo, Ho-bo-bo as he whirls about,
endeavoring to steal man's breath. On the occasion of his great
devastation of the earth, the wrath of the gods was only appeased by
the sacrifice of a youth, whose extended limbs were fastened in a
cruciform manner to the boughs of a piñon tree. A fire was made
under him and a whirlwind arose in the smoke and translated him to
the house of the gods.
[Stephen 1890:27-8]
The cask (25) measures 13 inches high, 17 inches widest diameter,
and the

 Page 251

Ho-bo-bo or breath symbol on 25, (left) Tusayan Black-on-white, A.D. 1125-

1300.
mouth 7 inches diameter. It is coated with a thick white slip and finely
finished in black pigment, the decoration is laid on with excellent
effect. . . . The square convolutions on the sides will be observed to be
formed of a single line, these are the Ho-bo-bo spirals
conventionalized into squares.
[Stephen 1890:28]
In the Black Line Ware the decorative designs employed represent
their earliest and simplest forms of prayer, symbols of breath, clouds,
rain, and water. All of these symbols appear among the rock etchings
near the ruins, and from these, doubtless, the women copied the
decorations for that early pottery. (Note: This last sentence does not
appear in the final version of the Catalogue.AP)
[Stephen 1890:36]

Symbol for woman on 380, Sikyatki

Polychrome, A.D. 1375-1625.
The . . . device (on 380) is taken from a figure in the embroidered
designs upon a white cotton blanket which was formerly worn as a
sacred garment by certain of the priests. The figure represents a
woman; the breath sign is displayed in the interior.
[Stephen 1890:64-5]
Immediately after death the hair of the corpse is undone from its
fastenings and left hanging loose over the shoulders. The head and
hair are then carefully washed in a basin, which is invariably buried
with the corpse. The body is placed in a squatting posture with the
arms on knees and hands on face. An eagle's feather is attached over
the heart, this is the breath feather, betokening that the deceased was
''good of heart and pure of breath." The body is then entirely
enveloped in a blanket which is carefully entwined, like the meshes of
a net, with a rope spun from yucca fibre.
[Stephen 1890:20]

 Page 252
When the men return to the villages with loads of firewood, they pass
by a boulder where certain rites are performed to Masau and it is
known as Masaus rock. They often throw a splinter of their wood
attached to a tuft of grass, upon a pile of similar offerings close to the
rock. These are their expressions of thanks to him for his gifts of
wood and other products of the soil. The women also bring their
offerings to the same place, but to Muingwa, not to Masau. She puts a
breath feather and a few grains of corn, or other food, in one of these
small vessels and places it in a hollow of the rock. Such offering
places have been discovered at many of the old ruins.
[Stephen 1890:33]
The large lozenge is an emblematic figure . . . It signifies the "sky
window." Its position is said to be that portion of the sky surrounding
the "eye of Co-tuk-inunwa. "Through this window Co-tuk-inunwa
sends that particular element which causes life. The germs of all living
things are formed, created by Muingwa, but Co-tuk-inunwa alone can
endow them with vitality.
Also, through this "window" the spirit, or "the breath" as they express
it, eventually returns to Co-tuk-inunwa after the body dies.
[Stephen 1890:61-63]

 Page 253

Woman
·Composition of isosceles triangles often with design(s) in center
·Two isosceles triangles, reversed, one on top of the other

(Above, left and right) Two symbols for woman from 380, Sikyatki Polychrome,
A.D. 1375-1625.

(Left) AMS drawing of woman symbol,

and (right) AMS drawing of symbol for
"woman's head and body."
The figures in the illustration appear upon the small jar (380). The
first device is taken from a figure in the embroidered designs upon a
white cotton blanket which was formerly worn as a sacred garment by
certain of the priests. The figure represents a woman; the breath sign
is displayed in the interior.
An embroidered blanket of this description is now a customary
present from the husband to the wife on marriage, and one of the
embroidered designs upon it consists of two triangles and is called the
"woman's head and body." The figure upon the bowl, it will be
noticed, consists of four of these triangles in conjunction.
No knowledge seems to exist concerning the original derivation of
this figure.
[Stephen 1890:64-5]

 Page 254

Afterword
While working on this book we developed an attachment to the beliefs
outlined herein. We are intrigued by the concept of the Sky God
overseeing the world through his window and sending his arrows to
energize the prodigous germination power of the earth. We ponder the
proposition that in the wind and its cousin, our breath, reside the life
force that animates all living things. We respond to the everlasting
transformation, symbolized by the double spiral. One spiral ends at
the centera season, a phase, a life. Another starts there and spins off in
the opposite direction for a new beginning, a new cycle, a new life.
We like these thoughts.
In a previous work on rock art we cited a Zuni religious leader
(described by M. Jane Young 1985:42) who spent some three hours
pondering the meaning of a local panel of petroglyphs. Finally the
elderly man said, "I don't know what it means, but I know it is
important."
We believe that the concepts Alexander M. Stephen identified herein
are important and may have been what the Zuni elder was sensing and
searching for on the rocks. The "people of long ago" may have
evolved basic truths, truths that, to them, were worthy of symbols.
Stephen's key to these symbols may help us understand these ancient
people and their beliefs. Their way of viewing life and its course may
be meaningful to some of us today.AP

Appendix I
Referenced Painted Pots Found
Keam Peabody Museum Pottery Page Symbols said by Stephen to be on vessel
Number Number Style Ref.
2 43-39-10/25123 PAY 84-5 Naktcis, Humis Katcina, bahos, water, ladder,
anklets, and wristlets
3 43-39-10/25143 PAY 84-5 Same as 2
5 43-39-10/25144 PAY 81 Germinative symbols, lightning, bahos
6 43-39-10 /25202 PO-B 71-2 Salt, girdle, clouds, rain, antelope rattles,
Aloseka
9 43-39-10 /25788 PO-B 71-2 Same as 6
15 43-39-11/25145 PAY 85 Sunflower, naktci, katcina house
18 43-39-10 /25900 PO-C 71-4 Clown's stripes
21 43-39-10 /25124 PAY 97 Cloud, naktci, sunflower
23 Unknown UNK 57-9 Chevron, butterfly, water, lightning cloud
25 979-4-10/58736 TUS-B 28-30 Whirlpool, whirlwind or breath, thunder,
water
30 43-39-10/25146 SAN 69, 89 Eagle, baho, sky arrow, naktci
41 43-39-10/24703 SIK 103-4 "H" headdress, bat wing
44 43-39-10/25126 SAN 47-8, Snow Katcina, cloud, crook
cover
47 43-39-10/25127 PAY 98 Lozenge lightning, apron, gnwela, corn
leaves, checkerboard, water
51 44-8-10/26623 PAY 86 Clouds, foot of eagle, feathers, crooks
60 44-9-10/26840 PO-C 31 Water in eddies
60 44-9-10/26840 PO-C 31 Water in eddies
66 43-39-10/25118 PAY 88 Man's hairdo, track of rabbit stick, youth and
maiden grinding corn
69 43-39-10/25128 PAY 100 Germinative emblems

84 43-39-10/25787PO-B113
87 44-12-10/27082PO-C70
92 44-8-10/26669 PO-B113
101 44-8-10/26653 PO- 114
A
102 44-8-10/26654 PO- 114
A
105 44-8-10/26674 PO-B115
113 44-8-10/26656 PO-B61-3
117 44-8-10/26655 PO-B115
118 44-8-10/26651 PO-B116
141 44-8-10/26677 PO-B116
142 43-39-10/25129SIK 90, Naktci, water, cloud, crook, lightning, Hunting Katcina
108-9
153 43-39-10/25130PAY 99
157 50.2/3116 PAY?85-6
Am. Mus. Nat.
His.
163 43-39-10/25151PAY 82-3
168 43-39-10/25219JED 69
184 43-39-10/25207SAN 68
188E 43-39-10/25102SIK 59
195A43-39-10/25131SAN 45
196 43-39-10/25132SAN 42-4,
91
Cotyledon
Corn stalks and leaves
Bahos, clouds, snow clouds, cactus, star, sky window
Stamen of flowers as germinative force
Same as 101
Star, sky window, cloud, gnwela
Sky god, arrows, naktci, clouds, bahos
Tci-zur, rain birds, virgin
Cotyledon
Gnwela, clouds, star, sky window
Squash bud, naktci, lightning, sunflowers
Bahos, lightning, water, Kwa-kwantys headdress, squash
bud
Clouds, lightning baho, Sky God's arrow, rainbow,
germinative symbol
Honey jar
Dragonfly
Wristlet, cloud, Sky God's arrow
Similar to 198squash bud, double-headed arrow
Bison mask, clouds, ornament at waist
197 43-39-10/25152PAY 79-80 Squash bud, lightning, baho, crook
200 50.2/3117 PAY?100 Squash buds, clouds, naktcis, water
Am. Mus. Nat.
His.
202 979-4-10/58798SIK 66-8 Hands

204 43-39-10/25133PAY 86-7 Water, Maltese cross, bahos, lightning, rain and rain cloud,
priestess
212 43-39-10/25153PAY 87 Crook, baho, naktci
215 43-39-10/25093SIK 49-51 Thunder, dragonfly
215E43-39-10/25808PO- 49-51 Same as 215
D
216 50.2/3118 PAY?88 Turkey, naktci, bahos
Am. Mus. Nat.
Hist
220 43-3910/25154 SAN 97 Claw of bear
223 44-8-10/26697 PO- 117 Butterflies, tobacco flowers, lightning ladder, snow clouds
A
245 43-39-10/25137PAY 98 Water, dragonfly, rain and rain cloud, corn leaves
247 44-8-0o/26649 PO-B70-71 Eagle, eye of Sky God, sky window
249 43-39-10/42489TUS- 111 Vegetal wreaths, corn
P
253 43-39-10/25257UNK 60 Love locks, thunder, clouds, lightning ladder, Hunting
Katcina
267 44-8-10/26701 PO-B117 Mountain lion
979-5-10/58763PO- 118 Unnumbered pot similar to 275M; floral designs as on
A shields, sky window
276 43-39-10/25094SIK 105-6 Naktci, Omau, Muingwa, baho, lightning, calendar
286 43-39-10/25158PAY 98-9 Squash bud, dragonfly, snow clouds, naktci
296 43-39-10/25139SAN 108 Ears of rabbit, naktci
321 50.2/3119 PAY? 82 Whirlpools, naktcis, clouds, bahos, eagle tail
Am. Mus. Nat. .
Hist.
322 43-39-10/2510 SIK 55-6 Baho, ear of corn, cloud, Sky God's arrow
323 43-39-10/25100SAN 54-6, Headdress of Kwa-kwanty, aspergill, baho, Sky God's
94 arrow
328 43-39- SIK 102 Naktci, eye of sky god, man's hairdo
I0/25859A

365 43-39-10/25160 SAN 107 Tadpole game, girdle, hat, notched stick
380 43-39-10/25120 SIK 64-5 Women, consolidated, phratry house, breath
386 43-39-10/25179 SIK 54 Kwa-kwanty headgear, their dwelling house
498 43-39-10/25077 SIK 52-3 California quail
526 43-39-10/26185 ME 31-2 Man's and maiden's hairdo, hail
592 43-39-10/25161 SAN 100-1 Tobacco flower, rain, gnwela, clouds, water,
621 44-8-10/26662 PO-B 118 Clouds, sunlight shining through clouds
1487 43-34-10/43869 PO-D I08 Same as 296
2125A 43-39-10/25097 SIK 52, 95 Similar to 387M. Bird or roadrunner coop

Total found pots = 69

Abbreviations for styles
ME = Black Mesa Black-on-white, A.D. 875-130
TUS-B = Tusayan Black-on-white, A.D. 1125-1300
TUS-P = Tusayan Polychrome, A.D. 1100-1300
JED = Jeddito Black-on-yellow, A.D. 1300-1625
SIK = Sikyatki Polychrome, A.D. 1375-1625
SAN = San Bernardo Polychrome, A.D. 1625-1680
PAY = Payupki Polychrome, A.D. 1680-1780
PO = Polacca Polychrome, A.D. 1780-1900
PO-A = Style A, also early, A.D. 1780-1820
PO-B = Style B, A.D. 1820-1860
PO-C = Style C, A.D. 1860-1890
PO-D = Style D, A.D. 1890-1900
UNK = Unknown
Note: For AMS' own style designations and the found Referenced Pots he included in these
designations, see Table of Contents in
Pottery of Tusayan. Pots found at the American Museum of Natural History, New York,
have been tentatively classified as Payupki Polychrome, indicated PAY?.

Appendix II
Referenced Painted Pots Missing
Keam Page Style per Description Symbols said by Stephen to be on vessel
Number Ref Stephen
1 39-40 Polychrome Jar Clouds, squash flower
36 71 Polychrome Water flask Clouds, cactus
42 152* Transition Ladle Gnwela, naktci
53 34 Black line Cannister Salt cellar
77 69 Polychrome Jar Lozenge as sky window
85 34 Black Line Flask with studs Water in springs, running water, breath
86 31 Black line Jar with two Water in meandering device
handles
91 159* Transition Larger jar Naktci, chevron water emblem
123 57 Polychrome Ladle Maiden's cross
130 68 Polychrome Small jar Dragonfly
134 56-7 Polychrome Food basin Maltese cross, love locks
146 71 Polychrome Ceremonial Naktcis, rain, clouds, dragonfly,
bowl tadpole, etc.
148 69 Polychrome Jar Tobacco plant
151 60-1 Polychrome Jar Clouds, lightning, water, birds,
kwanty
165 69 Polychrome Small jar Maltese cross
I69 32 Black line Water jug Na-somp, Maltese cross
173 33 Black Line Water jug Cloud and water
188 59 Polychrome Food basin Wrist guard, curved cloud, Sky God's
arrow, rain
 arrow, rain
194 66 Polychrome Large vessel Studs, damaged
198 45-6, Polychrome Seed vase Double arrow of Twins, their baho
92 squash bud

214 44, 93 Polychrome Vase Baho of Kwa-kwanty, fields
232 27 Black line Bowl Breath
240 60, 61 Polychrome Jar Parroquet
244 110 Red Ware Basin Corn Leaves
259 157* Transition Jar Tci-zur, rain bird, cloud, rain
275 118, Transition Jar Shield designs, sky window
152*
293 33-4 Black line Askos with bosses Whirlpool, Asa, mammae of Water
God
302 34 Black line Ladle with flute holes Not described
304 31 Black line Vase Clouds, hail
318 33 Black line Water jug Still water, flowing water
321E82 Orange Tile See 321
330 27 Black line Bowl with one handle Whirlwind, breath
331 31 Black line Food bowl Water, lightning, breath
332 31 Black line Food bowl Water, lightning, breath
338 57 Polychrome Bowl Maltese cross
351 33 Black line Askos Not described
352 33 Black Line Cup Not described
356 33 Black line Bowl Not described
361 111 Redware Bowl Meander, naktci, water
387 51-2, 95 Polychrome Food basin Bird
395 34, 55 Black line Ladle with handle Asa, water
holes
404 60-1 Polychrome Meal jar Gardens, water
404 60-1 Polychrome Meal jar Gardens, water
427 33, 110 Hawk house Askos Not described
relics

468 33 Black line Askos with hollow handle Not described
490 34 Black line Jar with studs Hail, water
598 152* Transition Flask Gnwela as helix
606 151* Transition Double cannister Rain bird wings
607 34 Black line Ladle with flute holes Not described
634 160* Transition Immense water bottle Flower bud, breath gate
No number 92, 96 Unknown Bowl Baho, gnwela, thunder cloud
Total missing pots = 50
Page references marked with * are from second manuscript, Catalogue of Keam's Cañon:
Collection of Relics of the Ancient Builders of the Southwestern Table Lands, undated and
unsigned, but attributed to A. M. Stephen, located at Peabody Museum, Harvard
University, Cambridge.
Keam number was penned by A. M. Stephen on the ceramics, usually on bottom, but
occasionally elsewhere in black-brown ink.

 Page 262

Appendix III
Summary of Styles of Referenced Pots Found
Style Classification Pot Numbers
1.Black Mesa (ME)* 526
Black-on-white
A.D. 875-1130
2.Tusayan (TUS-B) 25
Black-on-white
A.D. 1125-1300
3.Tusayan Polychrome 249
(TUS-P)*
A.D. 1100-1300
4.Jeddito (JED) Black-on- 168
yellow A.D. 1300-1625
5.Sikyatki (SIK) 41, 142, 188E, 202, 215, 276, 322, 328, 380, 386,
Polychrome 498, 2125A (Total = 12)
A.D. 1375-1625
6.San Bernardo (SAN) 30, 44, 184, 195A, 196, 220, 296, 323, 365, 592
Polychrome (Total = 10)
A.D. 1625-1680
7.Payupki (PAY) 2, 3, 5, 15, 21, 47, 51, 66, 69, 153, 157?, 163, 197,
Polychrome 200?, 204, 212, 216?, 245, 286, 321? (Total = 20)
A.D. 1680-1780
8.Polacca (PO)
Polychrome
A.D. 1780-1900
Style AA.D. 1780-1820 (PO-101, 102, 223, No Keam number
A)
 (Peabody #979-5-10/58783) (Total = 4)
Style BA.D. 1820-1860 (PO-6, 9, 84, 92,105, 113, 117, 118, 141, 247, 267, 621
B)
(Total = 12)
Style CA.D. 1860-1890 (PO-18, 60, 87
C)
(Total = 3)
Style DA.D. 1890-1900 (PO-215E, 1487 (not shown)
D)
(Total = 2) (Overall = 21)
9 Unknown 23, (Total = 2) Grand total = 69
253,
*Breternitz 1993

 Page 263

Glossary
(Note: The meanings of the following wordsmainly Hopi, but also
Navajo, Spanish, Greek, Latin, old English, etc.are the best
assessment of what Stephen meant in Pottery of Tusayan. Meanings
may differ from those found in Hopi vocabularies and even in the
glossary of the Hopi Journal of A. M. Stephen.)
Alosekathe squash bud, symbol of spirit of germination; may also
mean the San Francisco mountains near Flagstaff, Arizona
Al-wympkasociety of Horn Men
AnasaziNavajo word for the ancient dwellers of the Four Corners area
Asamustard (wild tansy), Sisymbrium canescens, used in black
pigment for pottery
ascoidalsee askos
askoisee askos
askoswineskin, bladder (New Latin); pottery canteen
aspergillsprinkler
bahoprayer stick
Baho-li-kongaspirit or god of water, ''serpent genius," often in the
form of horned water serpent
Ba-huname of Water phratry
batolatcidragonfly
bulibutterfly
Cañon SégyTsegi Canyon, near Marsh Pass, northern Arizona
Co-tuk-inunwaSky God, patron of the Kwa-kwanty or warrior society
cotyledona leaf of a plant embryo, being the first or one of the first to
appear from the sprouting seed
Da-wympkasociety of Singing Men
estufa (Spanish)see kiva
fictileformed of a moldable substance, such as clay or earth
flageoletsmall flute having four finger holes and two thumb holes
gensan exogamous (members marry outside of group clan)
gnwelarepresents curved root sprouting from seed and stands for the
germination spirit or god, Muingwa; also stands for curved stick used
by maidens to dress their hair in disk form
gneu-gneu-pia crook, often considered sacred
ha-wi-waone-pole ladder
HisatsinomHopi word for "people of long ago," the ancestors of the
Hopi (Leigh Jenkins in Widdison:32-33)
hem-sompman's hair tied in cue or club at nape of neck
Ho-bo-bospirit of the twister, the whirlwind, and the breath
homanibadger
HopituHopi name for themselves
hosh-boabird, known as the roadrunner or chapparal cock
Humis Katcinakatcina with headdress in pyramid (cloud) shape
i-nun-wuheart sign in animal figures
katcina manakatcina maid
KeliNew Year's festival
kibusee kiva
kihuhouse
kirtle (Old English)short coat; a bundle of feathers and/or corn husks,
attached to a ceremonial girdle worn about the waist
kivaunderground chamber, often used for religious purposes

 Page 264
kiwa-pia seeded grass
kle-it tsa (Navajo)mud basket
Kohonino (Konino)pertaining to peoples (or area) of the Pai culture
(i.e., Havasupai) existing to the west of the Hopi
Kwa-kwantymembers of warrior society
kwa-sennaroot that produces conception
manavirgin or maiden
Masauspirit or god of transformation; also death, fire, and surface of
earth
maianderthe Greek fret or key pattern which forms the same figure on
the up side as the down side
Mokiarchaic name for the Hopi
mong-kibichief's kiva
mos-hen-wagerminative symbol
Muingwaspirit or god of germination
mu-shizerbuffalo
na-kiva-tciHopi sign of friendship
naktciheaddress, often in the form of a full or half pyramid, meant to
represent or stand for clouds
nakwakwosiprayer feathers
Na'nanivo MoñmowitüCardinal chiefs of the four directions
na-somphair design worn by pre-adolescent girls involving dressing
the hair over bent sticks to form a disc above each ear
OmauCloud God or spirit
pa-kwa-ki-duck
Pe-kong-no-yapair of supernaturals known as the War Twins
phratryan exogamous (members marry outside of group) sub-division
of a tribe, comprising two or more clans
Po-wumaGrowing Moon
pung-yaaltar
putc-kohurabbit stick or boomerang
rhytonan ancient Greek drinking horn, usually of pottery
Salykotrinity of supernaturals, comprising two women and one man,
from whom the Hopi obtained corn; also only the man
So-yra-tafestival of the Sumy-kolis, the blind gnomes or wizards
Sumy-kolisblind gnomes or wizards, capable of magic
tali-wi-pi-kilightning
tci-zurany small bird, usually in flocks, who appears in seasons of
ample rainfall
tcozurtufted California quail
tcu-kuilowacut worm
Tcu-ku-wympkasMen of the Mud or ceremonial clowns
to-hoashmountain lion
to-hopokosmall animal figure carved from stone, a fetish
Tugh-ti-wikia game involving six intercrossed lines
tukiarea or arable land twelve paces wide and sufficiently long to
produce a certain number of blanketfulls of corn; also to cut
Tusayanarchaic term for Hopi area of northern Arizona
Umn-i-kwatciThunder, my friend
Um-tok-inathunder or thunderbird
wi-wanotched stick used by the Sumy-kolis
wu-ta-kaold man
Wu-wympkasociety of ancients or councillors

 Page 265

Bibliography
Breternitz, David A.
1966
An Appraisal of Tree-Ring Dated Southwestern Pottery.
Anthropological Papers of the University of Arizona, No. 10.
University of Arizona Press, Tucson.
1993
Personal Communication, Dove Creek, Colo.
Bunzel, Ruth L.
1972
The Pueblo Potter: A Study of Creative Imagination in Primitive Art.
Dover Publications, New York.
Mallery, Garrick
1893
Picture Writing of the American Indians. Bureau of Ethnology. Tenth
Annual Report 1888-89. Government Printing Office, Washington,
D.C.
McChesney, Lea S. (with the assistance of Barbara W. McCue)
1982
A Reference Manual for Historic Hopi Ceramics. Peabody Museum of
Archaeology and Ethnology. Harvard University, Cambridge.
McNitt, Frank
1962
The Indian Traders. University of Oklahoma Press, Norman.
Mindeleff, Victor
1891
A Study of Pueblo Architecture in Tusayan and Cibola. 8th Annual
Report of Bureau of Ethnology to the Secretary of the Smithsonian
Institution 886-87 by J. W. Powell. U.S. Government Printing Office,
Washington, D.C. Reprinted 1989 by Smithsonian Institution Press,
Washington, D.C.
Patterson, Alex
1992
A Field Guide to Rock Art Symbols of the Greater Southwest. Johnson
Books, Boulder.
Smith, Watson
1952
Painted Ceramics of the Western Mound at Awatovi, Reports of the
Awatovi Expedition, Report No. 8. Papers of the Peabody Museum of
Archaeology and Ethnology, No. 38. Harvard University, Cambridge.
Stephen, Alexander MacGregor
1890
Pottery of Tusayan: Catalogue of the Keam Collection. Unpublished
manuscript, "3282 Archaeology, Bureau of American Ethnology."
National Anthropological Archives, Smithsonian Institution,
Washington, D.C.
1936
Hopi Journal of Alexander M. Stephen Columbia University
Contributions to Anthropology, Vol. XXIII Parts 1 & 2. Edited by
Elsie Clews Parsons. Originally published 1936. Reprinted 1969.
AMS Press, Inc., New York.
n.d.
Catalogue of Keam 's Cañon Collection of Relics of the Ancient
Builders of the Southwestern Table Lands. Unpublished manuscript,
Peabody Museum of Anthropology and Ethnology. Harvard
University, Cambridge.
Wade, Edwin L. and Lea S. McChesney
1980
America 's Great Lost Expedition: The Thomas Keam Collection of
Hopi Pottery from the Second Hemenway Expedition, 1890-1894. The
Heard Museum, Phoenix.

 Page 266
1981
Historic Hopi Ceramics: The Thomas V. Keam Collection of the
Peabody Museum of Archaeology and Ethnology, Harvard
University. Peabody Museum Press, Cambridge.
Widdison, Jerold G.
1991
The Anasazi: Why did they leave? Where did they go? Southwest
Natural and Cultural Heritage Association, Albuquerque.
Young, M. Jane
1985
Images of Power and the Power of Images: The Significance of Rock
Art for Contemporary Zunis. Journal of American Folklore
98(187):3-48.

 Page 267

Index
A
Aloseka (Germination God), 1, 71, 146, 212 i, 225
description of, 165-66
legends of, 76-78, 79, 140
symbol of, 72 i, 78 i, 79, 165 i, 173 i, 212, 224, 225
Al-wympka (Horned Men), 102
America's Great Lost Expedition: The Thomas Keam Collection of
Hopi Pottery from the Second Hemenway Expedition (Wade and
McChesney), 2, 4, 13
American Museum of Natural History, 13
Angular cloud symbols. See Naktci
Anklets, 121 i, 187, 245
description of, 121-22
Annulets, 164
hail, 179, 179 i, 230
Antelope rattles, 38, 72 i, 174, 214 i
description of, 214
Apron, 210 i
rain, 48 i, 212 i
Apron cloud emblems, 98, 98 i, 145, 171
Arrow, 123 i
description of, 123-24.
See also Double-headed arrow
Askos, 24, 33-34, 40, 177, 247
prototype of, 110
Aspergill, 56 i, 94 i, 126 i, 185, 185 i, 217, 238
description of, 126
B
Badger Clan, description of, 136
BAE. See Bureau of American Ethnology
Baho-li-konga (Water God), 1, 34, 49, 68, 76, 141, 211, 230
description of, 247-48
invocation to, 42
serpent head of, 247 i
house of, 40 i, 41, 248, 248 i, 249, 249 i
Bahos (prayer sticks, prayer emblems), 9, 34, 35, 39, 44, 44 i, 45, 45 i,
48 i, 69 i, 79 i, 85 i, 86 i, 89 i, 92 i, 93 i, 94 i, 96 i, 106 i, 113 i, 124 i,
125 i, 153 i, 154 i, 161 i, 203 i, 204 i, 205 i, 207 i
burying, 49
corn, 57 i, 149 i
decorated, 38
description of, 201-7
eagle tales and, 82 i
 as ear of corn, 149 i
with germinative symbols, 87 i, 98, 98 i, 171 i
hand in, 182 i
making, 47, 128
miniature, 249
with squash bud, 206 i, 223 i
Tobacco Clan, 145 i
with tobacco flower, 101 i
types of, 201 i
Bat House, 64, 103-4, 137
Batolatci (dragonfly), 41, 50 i, 68, 71, 73 i, 98, 98 i, 99, 99 i, 156 i,
157 i, 166 i, 173 i, 235 i
description of, 155-57
detail of, 155 i
Ho-bo-bo emblems and, 49
Omau and, 51
squash bud and, 225 i
veneration for, 49
Bat Clan, 103
description of, 137
expedition against, 104, 105
headdress of, 103 i
Bear
 claws of, 97, 97 i, 127 i
description of, 127
Betrothal process, 130
Bird figures, 61, 129 i
description of, 128, 129, 130
Bison mask, 131 i, 178 i
description of, 131
Black Line Ware, 23, 24, 38, 55, 82, 110
description of, 27-36
Black Mesa Black-on-white, 10, 32 i
Blair, Larry, 4
Boomerang. See Putc-kohu
Bottles, 150 i
clown's, 73 i, 74, 74 i, 148, 148 i
Bourke, John G.
Stephen and, 5, 8
Bracelets, 45, 59, 59 i, 121 i
porcupine quill, 122, 122 i
Breath, 62, 215, 252
symbols, 27 i, 31, 38, 64 i, 65, 251, 251 i
Breath feathers, 33, 35, 202, 240
Breath gate, 36, 114 i, 132 i, 133 i
 description of, 132-33
Breath God. See Ho-bo-bo
Brooklyn Institute Museum, 7
Buli (Butterfly) gens, 57, 134, 136
Bunzel, Ruth, 3
Bureau of American Ethnology (BAE), 3, 4, 17
Burial customs, 20-21, 251
Butterfly, 58 i, 117 i, 134 i, 232, 239
description of, 134
tobacco flower and, 139
C
Cactus, 113 i, 138, 138 i, 227
Cactus Clan, description of, 138
Calendar, 105, 106 i, 135, 135 i
Canisters, 70-74
Cañon Ségy, 33
Catalogue of Keam s Cañon Collection of Relics of the Ancient
Builders of the Southwestern Table Lands, 2, 13
Cave of Origin, 20
Ceremonial sticks, lightning symbols and, 192 i
Ceremonial vases, 39-40
Chaparral cock. See Hosh-boa
Checkerboard, 33, 244, 245, 246 i
Chevron, 58 i, 134, 134 i, 136, 136 i, 239
Chief of the Festival, 55
bahos of, 149, 158, 216
Chief of the Flute order, 55, 123, 158, 216
Cloud God. See Omau
Clouds, 82, 88, 97 i, 113 i, 115 i, 142 i, 143 i, 212 i, 213 i, 230
bars of, 86, 86 i
curved, 100, 123, 158 i, 216
description of, 141-45
hail, 23, 179, 179 i, 243
lightning and, 141 i, 190, 193 i, 230, 231 i, 247
material, 105
serrated border as, 82 i
symbol of, 31, 33, 38, 40, 40 i, 43 i, 48 i, 58 i, 59, 60, 60 i, 61, 64 i,
83, 83 i, 89 i, 90 i, 97, 100 i, 101, 108, 141 i, 142 i, 143 i,

 Page 268
Clouds continued
144 i, 146 i, 210 i, 249 i
See also Apron cloud emblems; Curved cloud emblems; Naktci;
Rain clouds; Snow clouds
Clowns. See Tcu-ku-wumpkas
Co-tuk-inunwa (Sky God), 1, 34, 35, 46, 49, 55, 71, 77, 102, 184, 185,
227, 237, 238
arrow of, 56 i, 57 i, 59, 59 i, 61, 62, 62 i, 69, 69 i, 83, 83 i, 89 i,
124, 124 i, 171 i, 203 i, 204 i, 213 i, 214-17, 215 i, 216 i, 217 i
blessings from, 124, 158, 216
concept of, 254
description of, 214-17
eye of, 62, 62 i, 70, 70 i, 71, 102 i, 113 i, 115 i, 116 i, 118 i, 124 i,
215 i, 218-19, 220-21, 221 i, 218 i, 219 i, 226 i,
227 i, 252
power from, 54, 178
"Coming Harvest" Festival, 46, 86, 92, 125, 197, 205, 206, 210
song from, 231
See also Women's Festival of the Harvest Moon
Confederated phratry house, 65, 140, 140 i, 200 i
description of, 200
emblem of, 65 i
Coop, 52, 52 i, 95 i, 130, 130 i, 175, 175 i
Corn, description of, 149
Corn God. See Salyko
Corn stalk, 98 i, 149, 149 i, 171
Cotyledon, 113 i, 116 i, 151 i
description of, 151
Cream-colored Ware, 102-9, 109 i
Crook, George, 5
Crooks. See Gneu-gneu-pi, Gnwela
Cross-hatching, 245, 246
still water as, 244
triangular, 30 i
Cuckoo. See Hosh-boa
Culin, Stewart, 7
Cultivated fields, description of, 164
Cups, 60-69
Curved cloud emblems, 100, 123, 158 i, 216
Cushing, Frank Hamilton, 7
D
Dance of the Bison (Mu-shizer), 44, 161, 162 i
appendage for, 43 i
celebrating, 131
mask of, 42-43, 43 i, 91 i
Dance of the linked finger, 111-12, 198, 241
Da-wympka (Singing Men), 103
bahos of, 102, 102 i, 201, 201 i
Death ceremonies, 20-21, 251
Decorated Ware, 27-39
Dellenbaugh, F. S., 4
Dotted lozenge spaces, 164, 164 i
Double crook, detail of, 153 i
Double-headed arrow, 45 i, 46, 123 i, 123-24, 125 i, 171 i, 223
description of, 125
Double-lobed vessels, 70-74
Dragonfly. See Batolatci
E
Eagle, 158 i, 159 i
description of, 158-59
Eagle phratry, 86, 101, 110
Tobacco gens of, 232
Eagle tails, 69 i, 159, 159 i, 161, 161 i, 202
bahos and, 82 i
as naktci, 143 i
Eagle wings, 69 i
Eighth Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology, 1886-87, 6
F
Feather ornaments (kirtle), 48 i, 160, 160 i, 172
description of, 162
Feathers, 161 i, 162 i
bahowith, 160 i
breath, 33, 35, 202, 240
description of, 160-61
prayer, 9
turkey, 43, 162, 236, 236 i
See also Plumes
Festival of the Harvest Moon. See Women's Festival of the Harvest
Moon
Fewkes, J. Walter, 10-11
BAE and, 17
handwritten page by, 17 i
Keams purchase by, 7
Pottery of Tusayan and, 3-4
Stephen and, 7, 8
Field Guide to Rock Art Symbols of the Greater Southwest, A
(Patterson), 1
Fillet, 183 i
description of, 183
Flageolet Festival, 34-35, 202
Flageolets, 35
Floral design, 114 i, 118 i, 133 i
Flute Society, rite of, 210
Food basins, 51-52, 55
Fringe, 87 i, 121 i, 210 i, 212 i
Frog, 73 i, 147, 157, 235, 235 i
G
Gardens, description of, 164
Gate of breath, 36, 114 i, 132 i, 133 i
description of, 132-33
Gate of Masau's house, 29 i
Gens, 57, 61
butterfly, 57, 134, 136
tobacco, 101, 139, 201, 211, 232
Germination, 254
forms of, 64
Germination gods. See Aloseka; Muingwa
Germinative emblems, 81, 81 i, 87 i, 99 i, 100, 100 i, 170 i, 172 i, 173
i, 193 i, 207 i
baho with, 98, 98 i, 171 i
description of, 170-73
Girdles, 43, 72 i, 107 i, 174 i, 175 i
description of, 174-75
Glad Year, 107, 135
Gneu-gneu-pi (sacred crooks), 47, 48 i, 49, 64, 79 i, 80, 86, 86 i, 90 i,
109, 109 i, 152 i, 204 i
description of, 152-54
detail of, 154 i
double, 153 i
as eagle claws, 153 i
Gnomes
description of, 176
notched stick of, 176 i
Gnwela (crook), 52, 52 i, 62-63, 62 i, 63 i, 64, 65, 101, 101 i, 105,
106 i, 113 i, 115 i, 116 i, 146 i, 168 i, 169 i, 211 i
forms of, 167, 169
Gourd, description of, 177-78

 Page 269
Gourd eyes, 109 i
Grand Cañon of the Colorado, salt from, 28, 53, 128, 233, 240
Great Moon, 106, 135
Growing Moon Festival, 79, 80, 81, 154, 192, 204
H
H, bat-winged, 137 i
Hail, description of, 179
Hail annulets, 179, 179 i, 230
Hail cloud, 34, 179, 179 i, 243
Hairdos. See Hem-somp; Na-somp
Hand, 66 i, 150 i, 182 i
description of, 182
Ha-wi-wa (ladder), 84, 191 i
description of, 191
Hawk House, 33, 110
Headdress, 40 i, 46, 46 i, 94 i, 183 i, 184 i, 185, 185 i
Bat Clan, 103 i
Bat katcina, 105, 137
basket, 237 i
cloud, 141 i
Corn God, 150 i, 222
 description of, 183, 184-85
katcina, 60, 142
lightning ladderlike, 190 i
making, 47
naktci, 187 i
warrior, 86 i
Hemenway, Mary, 7, 10
Hemenway Expedition, 3, 7
Hem-somp (man's hairdo), 32 i, 97, 102, 102 i, 181 i, 208
description of, 181
Hisatsinom, vi, 1
Historic Hopi Ceramics (Wade and McChesney), 13
Ho-bo-bo (Breath God, Twister, Whirlwind), 27 i, 65, 66, 200, 250 i,
251 i
description of, 250-52
spirals, 28, 29 i, 251
symbol of, 27-28, 49, 156
Hohokam, 12
Holmes, William Henry, 13
Honani (Badger) phratry, 57, 134, 136
Hopi Journal of Alexander M. Stephen, The (Parsons), 3, 4, 7, 8-9, 10
quote from, 6
Horned katcina, legend of, 77
Horned Men. See Al-wympka
Horn House, ruins of, 104
Hosh-boa (chaparral cock, cuckoo, roadrunner), 51, 52 i, 95 i, 180
description of, 130
See also Roadrunner
House of Baho-li-konga, 40 i, 41, 248, 248 i, 249, 249 i
Hubbell, Lorenzo, 2
Hubbell Trading Post, 1, 2
Humis Katcina: anklets of, 121 i, 245
description of, 187
headdress of, 141, 141 i, 146 i, 187 i
naktci of, 84, 84 i, 121, 187
wristlet of, 84 i, 121 i, 245
Hunting
rituals of, 88, 97, 208
weapons for, 64, 88 i, 97, 181, 208, 208 i, 209, 209 i
Hunting Katcina, 90, 152
description of, 188
mask of, 109, 109 i, 177, 177 i, 188, 188 i, 194
I
Isleta, trading with, 61
J
Jars, 60-69
Jeddito Black-on-yellow, 10, 69 i
K
Katcina festivals, 154
celebrating, 49, 146, 147
tracking, 106, 135
Katcina hairdo, 186 i
description of, 186
Katcina House, 186 i
description of, 186
emblem of, 85, 85 i, 229
Katcina-mana, 32, 186
Katcina mask, 48 i, 207
Katcinas, 49, 65, 74, 200
conception of, 39
killing of, 104
mysteries of, 103
Keam, Thomas V., 1, 2, 4, 5
collecting by, 6-7, 20, 78
Stephen and, 6
Keam Collection, 2, 7
catalogue of, 3
 paintings of, 4
Referenced Pots in, 13
Stephen and, 12
Keeper of the Breath, 27-28, 250
Keli (New Year's Festival), 135, 158, 216
celebrating, 106, 107
Kirtle. See Feather ornaments
Kiva Mural Decorations at Awatovi and Hawaika-a (Smith), 7
Kle-it tsa (mud baskets), 22
Kohoninos, 22, 104-5
breath gate and, 36, 132
Koninos, 53
Kwa-kwantys, 50, 51, 53, 85, 86 i, 93, 102, 103
aspergill of, 56 i
bahos of, 44, 44 i, 45, 55, 56 i, 203 i, 206 i
bracelet of, 44, 122
decorations of, 126 i
description of, 237-38
dwelling house of, 55 i, 94 i, 238, 238 i
headdress of, 54 i, 60, 126 i, 178 i, 184 i, 185 i, 237 i
power for, 45-46, 54, 94, 178
wrist guard of, 44 i, 122
Kweep-doci, 82
L
Ladder, 191
See also Ha-wi-wa; Lightning ladder
Ladles, 51-52
Black Line, 185, 238
Lenticular vessels, 60-69
Life gate, 114 i, 133 i
description of, 132-33
Lightning, 30 i, 31, 50 i, 79, 85 i, 86 i, 87 i, 90 i, 99 i, 106 i, 230 i
clouds and, 141 i, 190, 193 i, 230, 231 i, 247
description of, 192-95
lozenge, 98, 98 i, 195 i
snakes and, 192 i, 193
symbols for, 64 i, 80, 80 i, 81, 81 i, 83, 99, 105, 108, 192 i, 194 i,
195 i
Lightning ladder, 60, 60 i, 117 i, 142 i, 190 i, 193 i, 222 i
description of, 190
snow clouds and, 190, 222

 Page 270
Love locks, 60, 60 i, 190, 196 i
description of, 196
M
McChesney, Lea S., 2, 4, 5, 10, 13
Stephen and, 8
Maiander, 111, 198
See also meander
Maiden, 197 i
description of, 197
Maiden's hairdo. See Na-somp
Mallery, Garrick, 1, 2
Maltese cross, 56, 57, 57 i, 69, 197 i
Man's hairdo. See Hem-somp
Mana (maiden, virgin), 65, 66, 86, 87 i, 115 i, 197 i
description of, 197
Manuscript Catalogue, finding, 1-2
Masau (Transformation God), 36, 53, 54, 61, 66, 68, 71, 108
description of, 233-35
gate of, 29 i
house of, 28, 233, 234, 240
metamorphic characteristics of, 72, 235
 offerings to, 31, 33, 233, 240, 252
Masau's Festival, 101, 139, 201
Meal jars, 61
Meander, 30 i, 31, 111, 111 i, 198 i, 241 i
description of, 198
Meandering water, description of, 241
Men of the Mud. See Tcu-ku-wumpkas
Mindeleff, Cosmos, 6, 8
Mindeleff, Victor, 6, 8
Mishongnave, 77, 104, 140
aloseka and, 78, 166
deity of, 76, 146
Orange-colored Ware by, 146
Modern Ware, 13, 14, 61-62, 63, 79
Mogollon, 12
Moki priests, 64, 106
Muingwa and, 168
stone calendar and, 135
Mokis, 22, 31, 33, 35, 37, 42, 46, 56, 69
arrowheads and, 123
bahos and, 206
Dance of the Bison and, 44
 dragonflies and, 49, 146
festivals of, 39-40, 74, 147-48, 183
hunting by, 209
Sumy-kolis and, 107
symbols of, 53, 54
trading visits of, 61, 128
Mountain lion (to-hoash), 117 i, 199 i
description of, 199
Muingwa (Germination God), 1, 34, 36, 40, 49, 62, 62 i, 68, 76, 81
description of, 167-69
offerings to, 33, 41, 42, 183
symbol of, 41, 63, 63 i, 72, 73 i, 105, 106 i, 113 i, 115 i, 116 i, 146 i
Muingwa band, 79, 79 i, 165, 192, 223
Muingwa Festival, 33-34, 57, 197, 247
Miiyifiwuuh, 9
Mummery, 74, 147-48, 235
Mu-shizer. See Dance of the Bison
Myths, public displays of, 38-39
N
Na-si-bes-to-wa, 186
house of, 32
Na-somp (maiden's hairdo), 32, 32 i, 33 i, 179, 179 i, 180 i, 186, 186 i
 description of, 180
NAA. See National Anthropological Archives
Naktci, 40 i, 41, 58 i, 62, 67, 69, 69 i, 71, 82, 83, 85, 85 i, 87, 87 i, 88,
89 i, 90 i, 97 i, 98 i, 99 i, 100 i, 102 i, 106 i, 108 i, 109 i, 115 i, 116 i,
141 i, 142 i, 146 i, 153 i, 166 i, 169 i, 195 i, 205 i, 213 i, 224 i, 236 i,
249 i
description of, 141-45
detail of, 145 i
eagle tail as, 143 i
emblems of, 108, 143, 143 i, 188, 246
rainbow and, 83 i
squash bud and, 145 i
symbols for, 61, 86 i, 217 i, 241 i
turkey with, 88 i
Na'nanivo Moñmowitü (Cardinal chiefs), 9
National Anthropological Archives (NAA) (Washington, D.C.), 1, 3,
4, 17, 18
Navajo, earthenware of, 22
New Moon, 81, 81 i, 106, 135, 152, 168
New Year's Festival. See Keli
Notched stick. See Wi-wa
O
Octagon, 73 i, 169, 235
Omau (Cloud God), 1, 2, 35, 50, 76
 batolatci and, 41, 49, 51
description of, 146
material clouds and, 105
symbols of, 105, 106 i, 146, 146 i, 169
veneration for, 49, 210
O'mauwi (Cloud), 9
One-pole ladder. See Ha-wi-wa
Oraibi, 10-11, 104, 105
Cream-colored Ware and, 102
Orange-colored Ware, 47, 71, 75 i, 76-109
Aloseka and, 212
germination emblems on, 172
P
Pah-Utes, 105
Parsons, Elsie Clews, 3
Stephen and, 4, 7, 8
Patü 'shüñ¨l la (Ice chief), 9
Payupki Polychrome, 10, 79 i, 81 i, 82 i, 83 i, 84 i, 85 i, 86 i, 87 i, 88
i, 92 i, 97 i, 98 i, 99 i, 100 i
Pe-kong-no-ya (War Twins), 92
double-headed arrow of, 45 i, 46, 123 i, 123-24, 125, 125 i, 171 i,
223
Peabody Museum, 2, 3
 Referenced Pots at, 13-14
Penetrating water, 242 i
description of, 242
Phallic symbol, 48 i, 172 i
Phratries
Badger, 57, 134, 136
Eagle, 86, 101, 110, 232
Snake, 65, 200
Water, 65, 107, 140, 163, 176, 200
Phratry houses, 57, 77
confederated, 65, 65 i, 140, 140 i, 200, 200 i
Picture Writing of the American Indians (Mallery), 1

 Page 271
Plumes, 61, 185 i
headdress, 85 i
See also Feathers
Po-wuma bahos, 81, 81 i, 152, 168
Polacca Polychrome, 10, 31 i, 70 i, 71 i, 73 i, 118 i
Style A, 114 i, 117 i
Style B, 62 i, 113 i, 115 i, 116 i, 117 i, 118 i
Style C, 117 i
Style D, 51 i
Polychrome, 49, 37-39
Pottery of Tusayan: Catalogue of the Keam Collection (Stephen), 3
notes to, 12-14
on pottery symbols, 10
table of contents of, 19
text, 20-118
Prayer sticks. See Bahos
Priesthood, 35, 38, 39
Priests of the Flute, 34
Primitive Ware, 22-26
Pueblo Potter: A Study of Creative Imagination in Primitive Art, The
(Bunzel), 3
Pung-ya (altar), 55, 66, 67, 68
Putc-kohu (rabbit stick), 64, 64 i, 65, 88 i, 97, 181, 200, 208, 208 i,
209 i
description of, 209
Q
Quail, 52-53, 53 i, 128 i, 234, 234 i
description of, 128
R
Rabbit, symbol of, 208
Rabbit ears, 108 i, 208 i
Rain, 101 i, 210 i, 212 i, 225 i
bahos of, 88, 236
description of, 210-12
symbols of, 38, 87 i, 101, 168 i, 210 i, 211 i
Rain apron, 48 i, 212 i
Rain Bird. See Tci-zur
Rainbow, 83 i, 213 i, 217 i
description of, 213
Rain clouds, 87 i, 141, 212 i, 225 i, 230 i
description of, 210-12
lightning and, 141 i, 230, 231 i, 247
Rain Festival, 74, 80, 192
Tcu-ku-wumpkas and, 147-48
Rain Katcina, 85, 186, 229
Rain priest, 98
dragonfly and, 155
fillet of, 183, 183 i
water symbols and, 245
Rattles
antelope, 38, 72 i, 174, 214, 214 i
description of, 214
Red House, 76, 140
Red Ware, 110-12, 112 i
meander design on, 241 i
Referenced Pots, 10, 12
drawings of, 13
Rhyton, 70 i
Roadrunner, 51, 52 i, 95 i, 180
coop for, 130 i, 175 i
description of, 130
See also Hosh-boa
S
Sacred crooks. See Gneu-gneu-pi Gnwela
St. Andrew's cross, 115 i, 197 i
Salt, gathering, 28, 72
Salyko (Corn God), 72, 138, 147, 169, 219, 221, 227, 235
altar of, 67 i, 143 i, 211 i
description of, 150
headdress of, 150 i, 222
initiation ceremony of, 150, 150 i, 182
legend of, 66-68
society of, 164 i
San Bernardo Plain Ware, 25 i
San Bernardo Polychrome, 10, 42 i, 45 i, 47 i, 55 i, 63 i, 68 i, 69 i, 89
i, 91 i, 94 i, 97 i, 101 i, 107 i, 108 i
Sikyatki, obliteration of, 104
Sikyatki Polychrome, 10, 52 i, 53 i, 54 i, 56 i, 59 i, 66 i, 90 i, 95 i, 96
i, 102 i, 103 i, 105 i, 108 i
symbols from, 64 i
Singing Men. See Da-wympka
Six sticks. See Tugh-ti-wiki
Sky arrow, 56 i, 57 i, 59, 59 i, 61, 62, 62 i, 69, 69 i, 83, 83 i, 89 i, 124,
124 i, 171 i, 203 i, 204 i, 213 i, 215 i, 216 i, 217 i
description of, 214-17
Sky God. See Co-tuk-inunwa
Sky window, 62, 62 i, 70, 70 i, 71, 102 i, 113 i, 115 i, 116 i, 118 i, 124
i, 215 i, 218-19, 218 i, 219 i, 226 i, 252
description of, 220-21
detail of, 221 i
 star as, 227 i
Smith, Watson, 7, 8
Snake Clan, 49, 140
Snake hero, 64, 154
Snake phratry, 65, 200
Snake priests, 34, 53
Snakes
lightning and, 192 i, 193
symbols for, 80 i
Snow clouds, 99 i, 113 i, 117 i, 190 i, 222 i
lightning ladder and, 190, 222
symbol of, 99, 222
Snow Katcina, 47, 76
description of, 189
eye of, 189 i
mask of, 189 i
Snow Katcina Festival, 51, 157
So-yra-ta Festival, 107, 163, 176
Sorcerer's arrow (tukyainz), 7, 7 i
Spirals, 31
Ho-bo-bo, 28, 29 i, 251
breath, 250 i
 double, 29 i, 82 i, 142, 161, 233, 233 i, 250, 254
single, 250
Sprinkler, description of, 126
Squash buds, 72 i, 79, 79 i, 83, 85 i, 88, 88 i, 98, 98 i, 99, 99 i, 100,
100 i, 125 i, 155 i, 165 i, 173 i, 195 i, 212 i, 224 i
bahos with, 206 i, 223 i
description of, 223-24
dragonfly and, 225 i
as germinative symbol, 166, 166 i
naktci and, 145 i
Stamen, 133 i
Star, 226 i
description of, 226-27
four-pointed, 118 i
Stephen, Alexander MacGregor, vi, 4-7, 5 i, 11
credibility of, 8-9
informants of, 1
Keam

 Page 272
Stephen, Alexander MacGregor continued
and, 6, 12
letters from, 8
manuscript of, 2-3, 7, 18 i
pottery collecting and, 6-7
pottery symbols and, 9, 254
sketches by, 3-4, 13
Stevenson, Matilda Coxe, 8
Still water, 33
checkerboard, 244, 245
description of, 244-46
"Study of Pueblo Architecture, Tusayan and Cibola, A" (Mindeleffand
Mindeleff), 6
Sumy-kolis (Wizards), 140, 163
description of, 176
feats of, 107, 108
girdle of, 107 i
hat and plume of, 107 i
notched stick of, 176 i
Sun, description of, 228
Sunflower, 85, 85 i, 97, 97 i, 99, 99 i, 229 i
description of, 229
Sunlight, 118 i, 144 i, 228 i
description of, 228
Surrounding bands, 35
gaps in, 132
Symbols, 1
categories of, 9
identifying, 8, 10, 11-13
T
Tadpole, 71, 73 i, 107, 140 i
Tadpole Clan, 107 i
Tci-zur (Rain Bird), 115 i, 129 i, 133, 144, 144 i
description of, 129
Tcozur (bird), 52-53, 53 i, 128
Tcu-ku-wumpkas (Clowns, Men of the Mud), 71, 72, 73 i, 148 i, 235
description of, 147-48
painting by, 235 i
Rain Festival and, 74
Tcu-kuilowa (cut worm), 71, 148
Thunder, 49, 60
lightning in, 50 i
Thunderbird, 194
head of, 155 i
Thunder God. See Um-tok-ina
Titksi, 144, 228
Tobacco Clan
baho of, 145 i
description of, 139
Tobacco flower, 101, 117 i, 201 i, 232 i
baho with, 101 i
butterflies and, 139
description of, 232
detail of, 139 i
Tobacco gens, 101, 139, 201, 211, 232
To-hoash. See Mountain lion
Transformation God. See Masau
Transition Ware, 13, 14, 61, 62, 63, 79
gnwela on, 167
samples of, 113-18 i
Tugh-ti-wiki (game), 70, 107, 107 i, 140, 163 i, 176
description of, 163
Tukis, 65, 78, 200
Turkey, 88, 88 i, 236 i
description of, 236
Turkey feathers, 43, 162, 236
 ornament with, 236 i
Tusayan Black-on-white, 10, 28 i, 194 i, 231 i, 233 i, 244 i, 251 i
Tusayan Polychrome, 10, 111 i, 149 i
Tusayan Village Indians
basket-making by, 22
burial customs of, 20-21
specimens from, 20
Twister. See Ho-bo-bo
Um-tok-ina (Thunder God), 1, 49, 50 i, 51, 159, 179, 105, 247
in bird form, 230 i
body of, 247 i
description of, 230-31
U
Utes, 105
V
Virgin. See Mana
W
Wade, Edwin L., 2, 4, 5, 8, 10, 13
Walpis, 77, 78, 104, 140
allies of, 105
Cream-colored Ware and, 102
deity of, 76, 146
 Red Ware and, 110
Warrior Katcina, 34
Warriors. See Kwa-kwantys
War Twins. See Pe-kong-no-ya
Water
eddies, 240
flowing, 33
meandering, 241
penetrating, 242, 242 i
running, 34, 243
still, 244-46
Water Clan, description of, 140
Water emblem, 33, 38, 58 i, 84, 84 i, 85 i, 86, 86 i, 87 i, 90 i, 98, 98 i,
101 i, 108, 109 i, 111, 138, 201 i, 205, 239, 251
checkerboard, 244, 245 i, 246 i
detail of, 239 i
Rain priest and, 245
Water Festival, 83
Water God. See Baho-li-konga
Water House, 76, 140
Water Moon, 34, 247
Water phratry, 65, 107, 140, 163, 176, 200
Whirlpool, 29 i, 34, 82, 82 i, 142, 142 i, 233, 233 i, 247
Whirlwind. See Ho-bo-bo
Wi-wa (notched stick), 107 i, 108, 176
Wizards. See Sumy-kolis
Woman, description of, 253
Woman's head and body, 253, 253 i
Women's Festival of the Harvest Moon, 86
See also "Coming Harvest" Festival
Wrist guards, 44 i, 59, 59 i, 122, 122 i
Wristlets, 84 i, 121 i, 187, 187 i, 245
description of, 121-22
Wu-wympka, 102
Y
Young, M. Jane, 254
Youth, initiation of, 102-3, 208
Z
Zoological Evidence of Man's Place in Nature (Huxley), 167
on germination, 64

 Page 273

Photo Section

30, San Bernardo Polychrome, A.D. 1625-1680. Subject is the eagle with his
wings
conventionalized into bahos and the sky arrow; its tail feathers take the form of
cloud symbols, naktcis. Painting by W. H. Holmes. Smithsonian
Photo 93-7504. (See page 69.)

 Page 274

142, Sikyatki Polychrome, A.D. 1375-1625. Subjects are cloud symbols (naktci),
lightning, water, the sacred crook, and gourds depicted on the mask of the
Hunting Katcina. Painting by W. H. Holmes. Smithsonian
Photo 93-7509. (See pages 108-9.)

 Page 275

196, San Bernardo Polychrome, A.D. 1625-1680. Designs represent the mask
and costume of the participants in the Dance of the Bison (Mu-shizer).
Painting by W. H. Holmes. Smithsonian Photo 93-7503. (See pages 42-4.)

 Page 276

198 (missing), probably Payupki Polychrome, A.D. 1680-1780. Subject is the

baho
of the priestess of the Coming Harvest Festival displaying the double-headed
arrow of the mythic twins, the Pe-kong-no-ya. Painting by W. H. Holmes.
Smithsonian Photo 93-7500. (See pages 46-7.)

 Page 277

214 (missing), style and dating unknown. Top and side views.
Subjects are the bahos and costumes of the warrior society,
the Kwa-kwanty. Painting by W. H. Holmes. Smithsonian
Photo 93-7514. (See pages 44-6.)

 Page 278

323, San Bernardo Polychrome, A.D. 1625-1680. Design represents aspects of

warrior
society, the Kwa-kwantysincludingtheir aspergill, headdress, baho, and dwelling
house (on exterior top above). Painting by W. H. Holmes.
Photo Smithsonian 93-7510. (See pages 54-6.)

 Page 279

387 (missing), similar to 2125A, Sityatki Polychrome, A.D. 1375-1625. Subject

is the
hosh-boa, a bird called roadrunner or chapparal cock which figured in an ancient
Hopi courting ceremony. Bird's coop is shown on exterior at top.
Painting by W. H. Holmes. Smithsonian Photo
93-7515. (See pages 51-2.)

 Page 280

No number given, similar to 2125B, Peabody Number 43-39-10/25098, which is

Sikyatki Polychrome, A.D. 1375-1625. This bowl is not mentioned in Pottery of
Tusayan. It might represent an upright prayer stick planted in the earth,
similar to that on 276, also Sikyatki Polychrome. Painting by
W. H. Holmes. Photo Smithsonian 93-7511.
(See pages 105-6 for 276.)