Music Education Research

ISSN: 1461-3808 (Print) 1469-9893 (Online) Journal homepage: https://www.tandfonline.com/loi/cmue20

The beat goes on: music education, identity and

lifelong learning

Alexandra Lamont

To cite this article: Alexandra Lamont (2011) The beat goes on: music education,
identity and lifelong learning, Music Education Research, 13:4, 369-388, DOI:
10.1080/14613808.2011.638505

To link to this article: https://doi.org/10.1080/14613808.2011.638505

Published online: 01 Dec 2011.

Submit your article to this journal

Article views: 5787

View related articles

Citing articles: 23 View citing articles

Full Terms & Conditions of access and use can be found at

https://www.tandfonline.com/action/journalInformation?journalCode=cmue20
Music Education Research
Vol. 13, No. 4, December 2011, 369
388

KEYNOTE from 2011 RIME Conference, April 12
16

The beat goes on: music education, identity and lifelong learning
Alexandra Lamont*

School of Psychology, Keele University, Staffordshire, UK

(Received 31 October 2011; final version received 9 November 2011)

Introduction
Do you think of yourself as a musician? In a recent online survey, I found that of 530
amateur adult music-makers (aged 21
83 years) from around the world, nearly 20%
had a relatively negative musical identity despite the fact that they were actively
involved in making music (see Figure 1). Closer analysis of these ratings shows that
they are not explained in terms of level of professionalism or years of experience with
music. The answer to this relatively simple question, then, seems to tell us something
about the musical identity of adults (cf. Hargreaves, Miell, and MacDonald 2002).
This parallels my earlier findings that all children do not consider themselves to be
musically active. Within a context of National Curriculum music being delivered in
all schools, all the children who took part in my doctoral research were musically
active in listening, performing and composing at the time; however, around a third of
them felt that they did not play a musical instrument (see Lamont 2002). The answers
to these simple questions must then reflect something about people’s self-concepts
that is not explicable in terms of activities or professional roles, but has more to do
with hidden attitudes, beliefs and values as well as perhaps perceived competence.
From my adult data, amateur singers tended to have more negative responses than
instrumentalists, which also parallels our findings that children define ‘a musician’ as
someone who plays an instrument (and not necessarily a singer) (Lamont 2011;
Lamont et al. submitted).
To address this question of musical identity, which is central to my argument, the
research I mainly draw on takes the form of qualitative, in-depth interviews with
people about how music fits into their everyday lives and musical biographies. In this
I adopt a largely biographical and social constructionist perspective, asking people to
reflect on important experiences in their musical lives. As Rosenwald and Ochberg
(1992, 2) have argued:

how individuals recount their histories
what they emphasise and omit, their stance as
protagonists or victims, the relationship the story establishes between teller and
audience
all shape what individuals can claim of their own lives. Personal stories are
not merely away of telling someone about one’s life; they are the means by which
identities may be fashioned.

*Email: a.m.lamont@keele.ac.uk
ISSN 1461-3808 print/ISSN 1469-9893 online
# 2011 Taylor & Francis
http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14613808.2011.638505
http://www.tandfonline.com
370 A. Lamont

Figure 1. Do you think of yourself as a musician?

Note: Sample: 530 adult amateur music-makers from online survey (age 21
83 years)
(Lamont, in preparation).

Rather than presenting a series of discrete research studies, I draw on a range of data
gathered over the past 10 years with children and adults and present a series of
‘biographemes’ (Barthes 1977) or scraps of biographical debris to illustrate this
fashioning of identity. This allows us to conceptualise ‘a musician’ as fragmented,
dynamic and constructed rather than as necessarily stable, static or genetically
predetermined.
Through the rest of this paper, I dispel a number of myths concerning musical
development. I challenge the view that musical development and continued
involvement with music across the lifespan can or should be ascribed to talent,
motivation or opportunity, and that the path of musical development needs to be
continuous. In each case I interweave my own new data on lifelong learning and
engagement with published research by myself and others.

The myth of musical talent

Unfortunately I have the spirit of a soloist but without the requisite talent/skill
I yearn
to play with excellence but sometimes life gets in the way. (Tricia, 46, UK)

One of the most popular and persistent myths in music education concerns the
notion of musical talent. In Western society, not everyone is involved in music-
making: a large number of people avidly consume music and enjoy experiencing it as
listeners, but do not participate in any way in making music. Therefore, are some
people more musically talented than others, and is this why?
 Music Education Research 371

At the end of the last century, Sloboda and colleagues conducted a series of
studies on the development of musical expertise, from which they were able to
develop a robust counter-argument to the talent account. They argued that in order
for ‘talent’ to exist, certain conditions would be required (Howe, Davidson, and
Sloboda 1998). These were as follows: talent must be genetically based and at least
partly innate; there would be early indications of talent before exceptional levels of
performance have been attained; these early indicators should predict later success;
only a minority are talented; and talents are relatively domain-specific (so being
talented in music does not carry any implications for talents in other fields).
Reviewing research findings from their own studies of exceptional achievers and
from others (e.g. Davidson et al., 1996, 1998; Manturzewska 1990; Sosniak 1990),
Howe, Davidson, and Sloboda (1998) concluded that for music, there was no
convincing weight of empirical evidence to support any of these claims. Rather, the
evidence showed that practice and support from others (parents, teachers and peers)
explained most of the variation in individual achievement in music performance, and
so-called talented individuals still required substantial training to reach high levels of
achievement. While they concluded that it is possible that there are (partly) genetic
origins in the individual differences that exist in terms of musical ability, and that
there are some attributes that only a minority possess, this more limited formalisa-
tion of musical talent is at odds with the aspects of musical talent that are so
prevalent amongst educators and parents: that early signs are identifiable, that these
predict achievement and that they are restricted to music.
Thus the research evidence supports the claim that musical ‘ability’ is in fact
universal and all children should thus have the capacity to be musical (McPherson
and Williamon 2006; Sloboda, Davidson, and Howe 1994; Welch 2001), although
they still require considerable training to develop and exercise this capacity.
Children’s own understandings of musical achievement are similarly egalitarian,
with many primary children believing that they can succeed in music if they put effort
into the activity, and that successful musicians develop their skills through a
combination of motivation and hard work (Lamont et al. submitted). Many musical
groups set up for adults later in life also often emphasise the fact that talent is not
required to participate, make progress and make a contribution. For example, one
member of Loud Mouth Women (LMW) notes:

I enjoy the experience of doing new things, of getting to be able to do something. I like
to contribute and learn and develop something with others. I like the informal
engagement aspect. I love the beauty of music and the joy it brings. LMW perform
simple songs from all over and are not musical necessarily but we sound good. It’s fun.
It’s also uniting in communities. (Ruth, 48, UK, emphasis added)

Many of these groups start with the concept of ‘being musical’ very much at their
periphery, and welcome all comers, although they often have a very musically
experienced leader (see also Davidson 2011). For example, one participant from a
group initially set up by a city council and supported by Age Concern noted ‘Even if
you’re in a wheelchair, if you’re disabled, if you’ve got a voice, even if you can’t sing,
we can always find you something to do’ (Charles, 71, UK). However, as argued
elsewhere (Murray and Lamont, in press), such music groups either have or
372 A. Lamont

subsequently develop higher artistic goals and set high standards, as Ruth’s quote
earlier also illustrates.
This inclusive approach is also explicitly embodied in current music education
policy and practice. At the time of writing, music is included in the National
Curriculum for all children in England aged 5
14 years (DfES/QCA 1999), with
additional schemes such as Wider Opportunities Whole Class Instrumental and/or
Vocal Tuition providing all children with the opportunity to learn to play a musical
instrument (DfES/DCMS 2004, 2006). However, even within this inclusive climate,
the ‘pyramid’ model of musical progression still embodies the notion that not
everyone will benefit from high levels of music education (Henley 2011), and
initiatives like Gifted and Talented and Find Your Talent support the belief that high
achievement in music performance is neither universal or desirable for all. The views
held by significant others, particularly music teachers, affect children’s own self-
concepts in powerful ways. The dominance of the talent account, particularly for
older generations, has led to some extremely negative and off-putting early musical
experiences in music education. For example, reflecting on her school experiences,
Janet (48, UK) said ‘I always thought that I couldn’t sing and have avoided singing in
front of anyone else’, while Kevin (55, UK) noted that as a young adult:

after leaving choir and school, my musical experience was listening, going to concerts,
folk clubs and dabbling with guitar, penny whistle... And there it remained. I was an avid
listener, but never considered I had the talent to play after the disastrous piano lessons
as a kid.

A number of adults who are no longer musically active point to lack of talent as
one of the major factors that prevented them from engaging in music, just as a
significant proportion of adults who self-define as tone deaf but who have all the
perceptual, cognitive and emotional abilities to respond to music also highlight this
as a powerful barrier in terms of their musical engagement across the lifespan
(Sloboda, Wise, and Peretz 2005). Many of these non-singers also report negative
experiences at some point in their childhood music education, such as being told
not to sing out loud in primary school choirs. The prevalence and popularity of
groups, particularly singing groups, for novice adults may be providing some
counterbalance to the negative impact that negative criticism and judgement had on
many adults as children (see also Davidson 2011). Even many of the still-active
older musicians in my sample reported negative experiences of music at school
where their skills were criticised. Not having been helped to develop an incremental
belief in their own abilities (Dweck 2000), many were put off for considerable
periods of time, believing that they could do nothing about their lack of skill or
aptitude. The fundamental outcome of their music education was to learn that
music was not for them.
To conclude, although there is little evidence to support its actual impact in
predicting or helping develop musical expertise, the illusion of talent still exerts
considerable influence on people’s musical self-concepts. However, more positively,
many adults can and do overcome early negative experiences and hurtful criticism to
continue to be musically active in adult life. Why would they want to do so? This
leads to the next ingredient of musical development: motivation.
 Music Education Research 373

The myth of motivation

Although I was once quite good as a guitar player I never had the motivation or
opportunity to take it beyond informal and elementary level contexts. Once I stopped
playing in church and youth contexts in my mid-20s I had no cause or driver to keep me
playing or learning and I am too lazy just to play alone without having a purpose for it.
(John, 51, UK)

The extensive body of research into music performance in childhood and the smaller
but equally important research into professional musical development into adult-
hood both converge to highlight the importance of motivation as a key protective
factor in supporting achievement and continued involvement. Starting from the
headline of 10,000 hours of practice being required for success (Sloboda et al. 1996),
a raft of individual characteristics including autonomy, resilience, achievement goals,
conceptions of ability, attributions and underlying all of these, motivation, have been
used to explain why children and young people continue to be involved with music
(Austin, Renwick, and McPherson, 2006). Focusing on motivation itself, there is
evidence from instrumental learners that initial levels of motivation, along with
practice or intentions to practice, can predict continuing participation over the first
few years (Hallam 1998; McPherson 2001). Following this stage, it is accurate and
intentional from extrinsic motivation in the early stages, which is bolstered by the
support of others and external rewards, to intrinsic motivation later on, dependent
on the development of a strong self-concept and an ability to provide self-sustaining
rewards (Renwick and McPherson 2009).
Extrinsic motivation, which the research argues often characterises the beginning
of a musical pathway, is found from accounts across a wide range of cultural
backgrounds and from people of very different ages. Parental influences are known
to be significant in childhood (McPherson 2009), and choosing music to please
parents is a common theme amongst my musically active adults, with the support of
others often acknowledged as having been influential:

My piano playing was really a result of parental and teaching pressure but now I am
very grateful for having learned the basics and the musical foundation it gave me.
(Frances, 42, UK, trombonist)

However, there are many in my sample of active adult amateurs who do not describe
any clear motives for beginning with music. For some, music is simply part of their
family and cultural heritage:

it’s just something that one did. My mother was keen for me to get into music. Yes, there
was music in the family. My grandfather played violin . . . but it was just, I think it was
just something that one, one did, you know. (Jeannie, 47, UK, violinist)

In the later stages, the importance of developing intrinsic motivation is supported by

arguments drawn from studies of popular musicians learning in childhood (Green
2002). Green argues that the higher levels of independence and responsibility
required for such activity, by its very nature, is more likely to lead to lifelong
involvement. The importance of developing coping strategies is also highlighted by
Burland and Davidson (2002) in their study of young expert musicians in
374 A. Lamont

differentiating those who continue with music as a profession from those who
continue informally (at least in the short term
eight years after leaving a specialist
music school).
In my new data (Table 1), comparing how motivations group together as well
as their importance in childhood and adulthood reveals that for children, the
most important motivation is a desire to make music and find out about it
(questions including ‘for the love of it’ group with those about learning technical
skills). The role of other people is also clear in the desire to spend time with
friends, impress others and please others which are also influential, and in
childhood motivations also include the desire to avoid other activities, and mental
and physical health benefits. For adults, while technical skills remain important
these become separated from the desire to make music per se. Social factors are
still prominent, alongside a new-found separate factor of professionalism which
includes the desire to create an image and impress others as well as to perform
and earn money.
The previous literature implies that there is a clearly identifiable ‘type’ of
young musician who initially has considerable parental support and encourage-
ment and who develops very strong goal-directed intrinsic motivations throughout
adolescence, along with a series of coping strategies which will support them
through the musical transitions that life will present. However, the pathways that
lead people to music are far more varied than this. Technique and skills feature
strongly in reported motivation to make music, both as children and as adults, and
social motivators are also important (but not necessary, and not always the
primary goal) across the lifespan. Somewhere between childhood and adulthood,
making music for the love of it and for learning technique become separated in
people’s understandings of why they do music, with skills and technique
overtaking passion. However, the clearest finding here is that there is considerable
diversity in people’s individual narratives: there is no clear progression between
different types of motivation, and while some adults who are still musically active
had ‘pestered’ their family and/or school to become involved this is by no means
common across the sample. Quite a few adults simply learn music as a
consequence of other people’s efforts or suggestions. The next section considers
how opportunity can play a role in shaping individuals’ patterns of engagement
with music.

Table 1. Motivations for engaging in music.

Childhood % Adulthood %

Passion, knowledge, skills and 22.1 Knowledge, skills and technique 14.0
technique
Social/friends 12.1 Social/friends 13.0
Creating an image/impressing others 11.4 Pleasing others/avoiding other things 10.3
Extra-musical benefits and avoiding 10.4 Professionalism (creating an 10.1
other things image, performing, earning money)
Pleasing others 9.0 Passion 9.9
 Music Education Research 375

The myth of opportunity

I thought of playing in a band but never believed I could or ever would be good enough;
I had no idea about how to learn properly or how/where to perform or practise. I didn’t
really know anybody who could help me so it died a death except in some very informal
contexts. (John, 51, UK)

Success in music education often depends on the right opportunities being presented
at the right times. While it is not always (if ever) possible to predict what these might
be, a general principle might be to provide as many different kinds of experiences as
possible, thereby catching those children and young people who may be motivated as
well as those who may not have yet discovered their musical motivation.
Many of my adults reflected on the positive opportunities they had had to engage
with music, such as Sarah (45, UK), who noted that she was ‘very lucky to have a
musical headmaster at primary who promoted music at every opportunity’. As
indicated, for children to develop musically, support and encouragement from others
is required (McPherson and Williamon 2006). For some this comes from family, and
for others from school or local music services. As Heather (56, UK) explains:

The schools music service was wonderful
without it I would not have begun my music
education . . . When I was about 12 the county music organiser spoke to my parents and
made them understand that I was dedicated and should be given better lessons
they
would not have done this without ‘official’ intervention
they just did not understand.

However, is opportunity really enough? Many adults report having missed

opportunities as children, and express some frustration about this. For instance,
Nicky (55, UK) says:

I feel I really missed out on music as a child because I had no access to any. No radio, no
record-player, no instruments, no-one musical in the family, no music at school. I came
to it late and fell in love with it. It’s now the most important thing in my life, as an
activity.

Fulfilling the Government manifesto pledge in 2001 that every child in England
should have the chance to learn a musical instrument, there has been a concerted
effort to increase the musical opportunities offered to school children through
schemes such as Sing Up! and the Wider Opportunities Whole Class Instrumental
and/or Vocal Tuition scheme (DfES/DCMS 2004, 2006). In Wider Opportunities, at
the time of writing primary school children receive a year of class lessons on an
instrument or the voice, with the goal being to provide what are held to be valuable
opportunities to stimulate later engagement with music. Although implementation
varies from area to area, most programmes use specialist trained instrumental
teachers in school, combining instrumental skills and singing. At the conclusion of
the year, children are expected to have developed an interest in music which can be
expressed in different ways in terms of whether they wish to:

(1) continue to learn the same instrument;

(2) continue to learn but change to a different instrument;
376 A. Lamont

(3) continue their music education within the statutory national curriculum
whilst at primary school, with the possibility of taking up a different
instrument, including music technologies, at secondary school; or
(4) continue to enjoy music in the statutory curriculum (DCMS 2009).

Preliminary findings suggest that Wider Opportunities has the power to transform
children’s and teachers’ attitudes (Bamford and Glinkowski 2010) as well as the
musical cultures of schools (Lamont, Daubney, and Spruce in press). However, in
terms of meeting these explicit objectives, evidence is more mixed.
From a small-scale evaluation of Wider Opportunities (Lamont et al. 2009, in
preparation) we had the chance to ask a sample of 416 children aged 7
8 and 9
10
years who were either participating in Wider Opportunities (n206) or not (n210)
at the end of the school year about their aspirations for future involvement. As
illustrated in Table 2, after a year of whole-class instrumental tuition children were
undecided about whether they would like to continue: the numbers are broadly
distributed across the three response categories of yes, maybe and no to form
three similar groups mirroring those we uncovered in our earlier research on active
musicians, aspiring musicians and non-musicians (Lamont et al. 2003). Thus, despite
the positive suggestions from evaluation reports (Bamford and Glinkowski 2010), the
experience of Wider Opportunities does not have a direct positive impact on all
children in comparison to the positive impact that individual and small group tuition
has (as 55% of those children say they want to continue). However, when considering
the option of learning a different instrument, 55% of the Wider Opportunities group
are open to this, compared with less than half of current instrumentalists and only a
third of non-instrumentalists (who were considering whether they would like to start
or not).
From interviews with the children, we found that although some children had
really enjoyed the experience there were a range of practical problems that had
switched others almost entirely off from music. For instance, a discussion with a
group of boys in Year 3 revealed that even homework was more important than
playing the violin:

Mike: I’m not going to carry on the violin next year because there’s no point, one I’m
not erm, I’m not erm, I’m not erm, I’ve got more, I’ve got more things to do like, like
I know it’s hard to say that but like I, I got like more important things to do

Table 2. Outcomes of Wider Opportunities (Lamont et al. 2009).

Yes (%) Maybe (%) No (%)

Would you like to continue with this instrument next year?

Wider Opportunities group 33.5 30 38.5
Current instrumentalists 55 18.5 26.5
The overall significance is x2 21.815, pB.0001, df 2.
Would you like to learn a (different) instrument next year?
Non-instrumentalists 33.5 32.5 34
Wider Opportunities group 54.5 20.5 25
Current instrumentalists 48.5 27.5 24
The overall significance is x2 21.815, pB.0001, df 2.
 Music Education Research 377

Interviewer: OK

Chris: Like your homework

Mike: Practice football, homework and all that, and then today, they say practise your
violin, and I got a football match . . .

Bronfenbrenner and Ceci (1994) propose a bio-ecological model of development

which can be very usefully applied to musical development (cf. O’Neill 2006). This
model explains the kinds of opportunities that can help children and young people
develop their genetic potential by learning to control and direct their own behaviour,
cope under stress, to acquire knowledge and skill, to build and sustain relationships
and to construct and modify their own physical, social and symbolic environment.
The concept of proximal processes is central to this. This refers to interactions which,
they argue, take place regularly and over extended periods of time. In this model,
whether or not an individual realises his or her potential will depend on the
opportunity structures provided by others in their immediate environment:

Thus proclivities for acquiring a foreign language, mastering a musical instrument, or

debugging a computer program require for their realization the presence of opportunity
structures (e.g. friends or relatives who speak another language, music teachers, or
computer manuals). (Bronfenbrenner and Ceci 1994, 575)

Bronfenbrenner and Ceci argue that to be effective, proximal processes require a

sense of stability (and in turn, they themselves engender a sense of stability in the
person experiencing them). Musically active adults reflecting back are clear about the
value of having had extended periods of musical engagement and training; for
example, Emmy (32, UK) noted:

I’m glad I have the grounding in reading music and understanding the theory that I got
in my childhood
it makes singing in choirs as an adult a lot easier.

We can thus assume that childhood experiences that are likely to be long-lasting will
need to be relatively extended, as well as fulfilling the other criteria of proximal
processes. Due to recent economic pressures, Henley’s review (2011) stated that while
a year of Wider Opportunities is held to be ‘desirable’, a term’s lessons would be the
minimum (although no evidence is cited to support this statement). Our evaluation
suggested that a year of instrumental tuition in a large group is probably insufficient
to develop high levels of musical skill, and in many situations, due to time
constraints, notation typically is not taught (Lamont et al. 2009). Children’s
aspirations after the programme are mixed, and as Henley (2011) noted the
pathways they can follow after a year of what is intended to be inspiring experience
are also currently very patchy.
Therefore, the provision of opportunity does not necessarily lead to immediately
fulfilled musical goals. DCMS (2009) acknowledge in their third ‘aspiration’ that the
desire to continue may be exercised later in children’s school careers, but it is also
evident that childhood experiences can inspire much later returns to music. The final
myth to consider, then, is that of the continuity of a musical trajectory across the
lifespan.
378 A. Lamont

The myth of continuity

I stopped playing in 1978 because I did not own my own instrument. My first wife was
not supportive of a music hobby, and so there was a 20 year gap until I got rid of her.
I found after the layoff that my skills had not really declined and with a little work I was
able to pick things up pretty much where I had left off. (Greg, 54, US)

Most existing research into adults’ music-making either presumes continuity of

involvement (Pitts 2009; Ruddock and Leong 2005) or explores the experiences of
those who come to music for the first time in later life (e.g. Bailey and Davidson
2005; Davidson 2011; Faulkner and Davidson 2006a, 2006b). The literature
on motivation, success and failure in children (e.g. Austin, Renwick, and McPherson
2006; O’Neill and McPherson 2002) assumes that music performance is a skill which
requires constant maintenance, and that ceasing to practice, play or perform, or
switching instruments or music genres, is not an expected developmental outcome. In
fact, Burland and Davidson (2002) characterised one of their participants as no
longer involved with the instrument played at music school although he had gone on
to pursue a career as a professional dance music producer. While, as discussed earlier,
Wider Opportunities does include one outcome that children might be motivated to
take up an instrument at secondary school, a few years after their Wider
Opportunities experiences, this is rare (and impossible to measure within the remit
of any evaluations of Wider Opportunities; see Lamont et al. 2009, in preparation).
However, counter to this, there are a few voices calling for a greater under-
standing of the diversity of musical pathways that children and young people might
follow, and some researchers are beginning to disentangle the complexities involved
(e.g. Taylor 2011). Recently, Lonie and Sandbrook (2011a) have attempted to
represent the complexity of musical pathways in a new formulation, in so doing
turning the traditional pyramid model on its head (Figure 2).
While this begins to try to represent something of the complexity, each of the
lines in the figure still embodies an assumption of continuity. Clearly continuity is a
feature of some people’s musical journeys, such as Jeannie’s:

I spent so much of my formative years with music as my main hobby that it just seemed
natural to continue [at university] . . . [after a 10 year gap] a friend of mine said ‘oh, join
this orchestra’ so I did. (Jeannie, 47, UK)

Jeannie’s experience is borne out of music being something that ‘you just did’, and
having been very active as a child clearly set patterns and habits which persisted
throughout her life. Every model of musical development also includes this sense of
continuity, whether it be Swanwick and Tillman’s (1986) developmental spiral,
Hargreaves’ (1996) stages of musical competence, Bamberger’s (2006) Brunerian
phases of musical understanding, or Paananen’s (2006) neo-Piagetian developmental
staircase. While these models often allow the option of revisiting earlier levels or
ways of understanding, none of them are able to account for a break in the journey.
However, the trajectory for some adults reflects many changes of direction and
sometimes several false starts (cf. Lamont 2011):

Was taught piano from 5, but teacher (my father) despaired of me
very strong willed
and anti the idea! Sang a lot at primary school, continuing on til present day, school
 Music Education Research 379

Figure 2. Musical pathways (Lonie and Sandbrook 2011b).

choirs, small groups, barbershop quartets. Received tuition for trombone at secondary
school. Persevered, and played in quartets/band/orchestra through second school.
Didn’t particularly enjoy the instrument, but had been given it by grandad. I teach brass
instruments now, as part of my responsibility as primary music teacher. Also learnt
recorder. Taught myself piano accordion when in 6th form, in readiness for teacher
training. My music teacher had played one and I loved the sound and portability of it.
Received guitar lessons privately from age of about 10. Can read music and still use it a
lot, in teaching. (Roz, 55, UK)

These false starts are not necessarily detrimental in the long term. For instance, Roz
is currently involved in teaching music to young people, and despite a very chequered
past with a range of starts and stops I am currently an active violinist (Lamont 2011).
There are many risk points or critical moments for ceasing involvement, beginning
with the difficult transition from primary to secondary school (Marshall and
Hargreaves 2007; Sloboda 2001). Going to university represents another critical
moment, either due to the increased demands of academic study or a mismatch in
ability levels in contrast to earlier forms of music making (in both directions: many,
particularly wind players, talk about the higher standards of university ensembles but
some mention how university was less rewarding than their childhood experiences).
Leaving university is another critical moment where many find that the opportunities
they used to have are no longer available, and they may not have the knowledge,
motivation or time to seek out new opportunities (cf. Davidson and Burland 2006).
As will be considered later, life stages present challenges of many different kinds
which may affect musical involvement. However, fortunately, as Taylor (2011) also
found in her study of older keyboard players, negative experiences early in life do not
put everyone off coming back to music later on:

since (nervously) joining a choir I have learnt to find the right notes and have improved
my vocal range. I now absolutely love singing and find it helps me in other areas of life
too such as public speaking and self-confidence. I also sing with my family for fun.
(Janet, 48, UK)
380 A. Lamont

For some, the time away from music is necessary to get over earlier negative
experiences and to rediscover their love of music. The importance of doing music for
oneself, rather than to please others, is a strong element of these narratives:

I love singing in my current choir, it is so much fun and I’ve met some brilliant people.
I think I needed the break from it in my late teens and early twenties to come back to it
purely for the love of it. (Emmy, 32, UK)

Finally, there are many older adults who come to music without having had any or
very much formal music education and who can discover and develop a passion for
music in their 70s or 80s:

I sang as a teenager and I haven’t done anything since... It’s given me a new life, I mean a
totally new life. 18 months ago, I was doing very little and was quite lonely. Now I’m in
4 different choirs, I’ve got some good friends and I’m very busy. It’s sort of once you
retire, you lose that focus, it’s given me a whole new life again. (Linda, 68, UK)

As a relative newcomer to music, Linda goes on to explain the multiple benefits she
gains from singing, including physical and mental health, cognitive stimulation,
social support, a sense of achievement and continuing to learn new things, all of
which she feels ‘does wonders for your self-confidence’ (cf. Davidson 2011).
Embedded in the narratives of latecomers to music is a narrative of regret about
wasted time; as (Peter, 61, US) says: ‘too bad you can’t turn back time’. Adult
beginners also express considerable intrinsic personal motivation rather than any
intention to please others. As Ray explains:

Music is a passion for me and that was important as a beginner because, if you’re self
taught like me, you need to want to do it rather than having it thrust on you by a parent
or teacher. I also teach now and find it disheartening if my students make up excuses for
not having practiced. When I was learning, you couldn’t get me to put the guitar down!
(Ray, 40, Belgium, currently plays guitar, started age 19)

In summary, the dynamic nature of musical development makes it almost impossible

to predict how an individual’s trajectory will develop. Some people have strong and
continued musical trajectories from positive early experiences through to later life,
but many have more diverse pathways, changing direction, learning new instruments
and genres, becoming involved in different kinds of music making, returning after
considerable periods of time away or coming to music later in life. Stability is thus
not a particularly strong feature of the musical biographies I have collected, and life
changes present challenges for different individuals in different ways. What then
leads people to return to music and seek out opportunities at numerous different
points in life? I argue that developing a robust self-concept or musical identity is
central to this.

Developing musical identities and finding your passion

Ultimately, there is all of this music inside of me that really wants to come out. It is hard
to find the time, but that is the core of it for me. It is my true passion in life but with
 Music Education Research 381

many yet unfulfilled ambitions. What I gain from it is a strong sense of self-expression,
intellectual stimulation, and freedom. (Chad, 39, US)

Music education research has begun to acknowledge the importance of developing a

strong identity in music, in both teachers and learners (Dolloff 1999; Hargreaves
et al. 2007; Lamont 2002; Woodford 2002). The social constructionist perspective
adopted by most research suggests that it is likely to be a case of constructing a social
representation of our own identities in relation to others, and that this will continue
to change and develop across the lifespan in response to circumstances and changing
experiences. Research suggests that motivation, resilience and passion lie at the heart
of this robust musical identity, but to date the process by which such an identity
might be formed and shaped in music remains less well understood.
Moving beyond conventional developmental psychology (which typically ex-
plains change up to the age of 18 years) to include lifespan approaches, there are
several concepts to draw on to understand identity development. Erikson (1982)
argued that the lifespan presents a series of ongoing identity ‘crises’, posing
challenges of adjustment, growth and character development. He proposed eight
different psychosocial tasks, resulting in eight stages of identity development
(illustrated in Table 3). The outcomes of these identity struggles are held to be
reflected in cultural terms (as illustrated in the far right-hand column). While a
developmental trajectory is implied by the age-linked stages, each task can be
revisited as necessary and as future tasks present themselves.
It is interesting to note the appearance of certain key terms which have also been
identified as important in developing musical skills (McPherson 2009): autonomy in
the very early stages, competence in middle childhood and identity itself throughout
adolescence. To date existing data do not permit a detailed investigation of how
musical identities might manifest themselves throughout the life cycle, but the final
two stages are relevant for the new adult data reported here. In general terms, music
provides a way to negotiate many life transitions or identity crises from leaving
school through to retirement (cf. Davidson and Burland 2006). For many middle-
aged adults, involvement in music provides a way of exercising the need for
generativity and care, ensuring that they have a lasting legacy that goes further

Table 3. Erikson’s stages of identity (as illustrated by Sugarman 2001, 89).

Positive
Age Conflict between characteristics Societal manifestation

0
1 years Trust Mistrust Hope Religion and faith

1
6 years Autonomy Shame and doubt Will Law and order
6
10 years Initiative Guilt Purpose Economics
10
14 years Industry Inferiority Competence Technology
Adolescence Identity Role confusion Fidelity Ideology
Young Intimacy Isolation Love Ethics
adulthood
Middle age Generativity Stagnation Care Education, art
and science
Older Integrity Despair Wisdom All major cultural
adulthood institutions
382 A. Lamont

than just their own personal involvement. Many take on organising roles to keep
groups going, as Sarah (45, UK) explains:

I don’t just turn up and sing, you know, and go away again, there’s stuff that goes on,
and, um, planning happens. Especially over the auditions, and the hiring, and so on, it
took so much of our time and effort to do. But even just printing out all of the audition
music, the hassle, the absolute hassle... There’s an awful lot of work that goes on.
I mean, I keep saying this, but we won’t necessarily be around for ever, you know, I’d
quite like to leave it in good order, so that the next publicity person doesn’t find it a
complete shambles.

As highlighted earlier, many older adults seek new opportunities as part of what
Erikson describes as the ‘end of life review’ and their accounts indicate that music is
a way of achieving integrity. The active agers described earlier have discovered
through a combination of motivation, opportunity and social support a means of
challenging despair in what Erikson describes as the last phase in life (which may last
many years), and also share many characteristics of generativity in acting as
powerful advocates for musical participation.
Considering musical development in and of itself, there are also crises that
present themselves at certain key moments. Adolescence and early adulthood are
held by Erikson to be key moments of identity crisis, and they also appear to be
common points of musical identity crisis as discussed earlier (cf. Burland and
Davidson 2002; Sloboda 2001). Elements of crisis present themselves either in terms
of normative transitions such as moving schools, or personal factors such as harsh
reactions from teachers or conflict with friends or family. Many of the narratives
I gathered refer to a turning point where things click into place and they find their
true vocation in music (at least for the time being, following the notion of provisional
selves), but as noted earlier for many this happens relatively late in life.
As well as considering the stage in life that might fit best with individuals’ needs
to make music, another important concept is Marcia’s (2002) stages of identity
formation. Marcia argues that in the process of identity achievement four different
stages can be involved: identity diffusion (where there is no commitment to any kind
of lifestyle or activity), foreclosure (commitment without exploration), moratorium
(exploration without commitment) and finally identity achievement (commitment
after exploration). He suggests that out of crisis comes commitment. However, he
also argues that the individual has to achieve his or her own identity achievement
without unnecessary intervention for fear of ‘shattering’ their rigid identities;
individuals must seek their own paths rather than following those of others.
Together with the concept of proximal processes discussed earlier, this approach
to identity development also suggests that both opportunity and time are required to
allow an individual to explore different kinds of activity before making a lasting
commitment which will help give his or her life meaning. Contradicting most of the
existing research which suggests that meaningful and positive musical experiences
should occur early in life (e.g. Sloboda 1990), my new data from amateur adults seem
to reflect the importance of later events. This underlines the need to consider musical
identity development as a process which may last for many years (cf. Davidson and
Burland 2006), and which may take many different directions (as highlighted earlier).
Many adults come to different forms of music-making at different stages, picking up
new instruments, becoming more experienced in different musical traditions and so
 Music Education Research 383

on as they pursue their musical passion (cf. Burland and Davidson 2002; Robinson
with Aronica 2009).
This idea that people might try on different musical identities in childhood or
later in life before finding one (or more) that fits mirrors findings from sports
psychology, where sampling from a wide range of sports before specialising is more
likely to lead to a lasting commitment to the chosen type of sports activity
(Stambulova et al. 2009). Providing favourable conditions for identity development
throughout childhood and adulthood seems to be necessary to help as many as
possible develop their own sense of musical identity and explore their passion.
Musicians with a clear sense of their own identity are likely to demonstrate
characteristics such as resilience (Creech et al. 2007; O’Neill 2011) which will help
them in their negotiation through varying circumstances to follow a route, or many
routes, towards musical fulfilment. An account by Adrian (62, Sweden) illustrates
some of the varied experiences that shaped his own development:

started banging on piano keys from my pram . . . our charwoman helped a bit . . . we had
music as a subject in the 1st and 2nd forms I seem to remember-age 12/13 . . . failed to
learn violin age 11 dismissed from clarinette lessons because couldn’t line-up instrument
with shirt buttons! age 12 . . . played trumbone (self-taught) age 12/13 . . . played cello in
orchestra (mostly self-taught) age 12/16 . . . had some piano lessons from a master
because he thought I had talent age 14/16 . . . bought a guitar at uni played piano-had a
scholarship . . . played the organ
at night . . . we did Handel’s Messia and I managed to
learn the 2nd clarinette part in a couple of weeks . . . performed piano/song at sunday
variety club . . . tried playing in a band but they threw me out . . . piano though seems to
be a part of me
even though very frustrating that I can’t play what I want. lacking the
technique and more so the practise.

Despite many varied experiences Adrian has not lost his musical passion, and many
respondents talked about a ‘deep irrational need’ (Christian, 34, US) to make music
and to continue to be actively involved. While sometimes this process results from
pure chance, the concepts of identity crisis help explain other chance processes that
are more intentional, such as a crisis provoking someone to be receptive to new
experiences of any kind, or even more intentional processes such as personalised
action taken to seek out distinctive activities (for a more detailed discussion of
different kinds of chance, see Austin 1977).

The importance of music education

Were it not for the lifelong human need for music, there would be little reason for the
school-based professional enterprise known today as music education. (Myers 2005, 7)

Having considered the elements that may or may not be necessary or sufficient for
healthy musical development, the final section considers how music education can
play a role in ensuring that conditions are favourable for helping as many people as
possible develop and sustain a lifelong involvement in music. I argue that this
requires a different conceptualisation of music education which, as Myers (2005)
suggests, goes far beyond the school years in terms of applicability.
384 A. Lamont

Currently, most music education programmes around the world aspire to two
different goals. The first is to develop musical skills and enjoyment of music for its
own sake:

Government priorities recognise music as an enriching and valuable academic subject

with important areas of knowledge that need be learnt, including how to play an
instrument and sing. (Henley 2011, 4)

The second is to develop non-musical skills such as self-confidence, behaviour, social

skills and academic attainment in areas such as numeracy, literacy and language:

Secondary benefits of a quality music education are those of increased self esteem and
aspirations; improved behaviour and social skills; and improved academic attainment in
areas such as numeracy, literacy and language. There is evidence that music and cultural
activity can further not only the education and cultural agendas but also the aspirations
for the Big Society. (Henley 2011, 5)

As noted earlier, most government policy is very short term: for example, as
discussed, the expectations for Wider Opportunities are that after their year of
instrumental tuition, children will either continue at primary school or perhaps take
up an instrument in secondary school. However, the accounts presented here show
that music education at school has lasting outcomes for later life (cf. Pitts 2009).
Currently, musically active adults reported some very negative experiences of formal
music education at school:

I got a huge variety of different approaches to ‘music lessons’ ranging from listening to
records to being required, during the first week at a new school, to ‘sing the notes in this
chord’ in front of all the class! Not surprisingly this just made me want to creep under
the piano and hide and I was relegated to the hopeless bunch, ignored at the back . . . sad
really! (Jane, 58, France, currently sings a capella in a foursome)

However, the skills and experiences gained at school can be influential in determining
how motivated adults feel about continuing or returning to music. When considering
the value of skills learned during the school years for later involvement, the highest
rated factor from my adult sample was technique (rated 4.1 out of 5), closely
followed by staff notation (3.6) and practising strategies (3.5). These might not seem
like the most appealing elements of music learning, but they clearly provide a
valuable foundation for many adults to sustain musical involvement in the face of
other pressures on their time, and to allow them access to certain musical activities
(e.g. choirs which require the ability to sight-sing using notation).
In conclusion, all those involved need to consider the longer-term outcomes and
potential of what is taking place in the classroom and at school. The evidence
reviewed here shows that musical pathways are complex and that they are affected by
far more than simply talent, motivation, opportunity or continuity. To capitalise on
the opportunities of music at school requires a different approach of considering
music education for life, recognising that development can be diverse, dynamic and
distinctive.
In terms of negative factors, I have shown that the discourse around talent is still
a prohibiting factor for many adults, particularly in relation to singing. Judgements
 Music Education Research 385

made about children and young people’s music making can be very damaging.
However, the drive to make music is something which is shared by many adults,
irrespective of their backgrounds or experiences, and which for many seems to
survive despite such negative experiences. Developing a stable but flexible musical
identity is essential to support lifelong involvement with music making, and finding
opportunities to explore musical passions is also absolutely vital.
Music education must include the skills which adults feel are valuable in
relation to lifelong music making. These include the technical aspects of music-
making, staff notation (which, as shown, is important for those who want to be
involved in forms of music which require it), practising strategies and information
about musical opportunities beyond school. In addition, music education needs to
provide multiple opportunities to engage with different kinds of music making at
different stages in development. While middle childhood may be an important
developmental stage to initiate or strengthen an interest in music (cf. McPherson
and Davidson 2006), there is no particularly clear evidence that it is the only or
even the most appropriate moment. For some it is too early, and it is possible
that the ‘moratorium’ phase of exploration prior to committing to music may last
for many years. As argued earlier, the proximal processes required can take some
time to develop, so opportunities need to be sufficiently long lasting that
appropriate connections can be formed and consolidated. Finally, the patterns
of constant growth and changes of direction, priorities and opportunities seen
here make it virtually impossible to predict lifelong patterns of involvement.
Thus keeping an open mind about music is vital, from both the point of view
of educators and those being educated, to help everyone achieve their musical
potential.

Acknowledgements
I would particularly like to thank Allan Hewitt and Michael Murray for comments on earlier
versions of this material and Sarah Hennessy for the invitation to present this work at the
RIME conference in 2011.

Notes on contributor
Alexandra Lamont is currently Senior Lecturer in Psychology of Music at Keele University,
where she directs masters and doctoral programmes in the psychology of music, musical
development, and music, health and wellbeing. She has researched musical development in a
wide range of contexts and with different age ranges, studying infants, children and adults. As
well as serving on numerous editorial boards and conference organising committees, she will
be the editor of the journal Psychology of Music from 2012.

References
Austin, J.H. 1977. Chase, chance, and creativity: The lucky art of novelty. New York: Columbia
University Press.
Austin, J.R., J. Renwick, and G.E. McPherson. 2006. Developing motivation. In The child as
musician: A handbook of musical development, ed. G.E. McPherson, 213
38. Oxford: Oxford
University Press.
Bailey, B., and J.W. Davidson. 2005. Effects of group singing and performance for margin-
alized and middle-class singers. Psychology of Music 33, no. 3: 269
303.
386 A. Lamont

Bamberger, J. 2006. What develops in musical development? In The child as musician: A

handbook of musical development, ed. G.E. McPherson, 69
91. Oxford: Oxford University
Press.
Bamford, A., and P. Glinkowski. 2010. ‘‘Wow, it’s music next’’. Impact evaluation of wider
opportunities programme in music at Key Stage Two. Federation of Music Services. http://
www.thefms.org(accessed August 12, 2011).
Barthes, R. 1977. Sade, Fourier, Loyola. Trans. R. Miller. London: Cape.
Bronfenbrenner, U., and S.J. Ceci. 1994. Nature-nurture reconceptualised in developmental
perspective: A bioecological model. Psychological Review 101, no. 4: 568
86.
Burland, K., and J.W. Davidson. 2002. Training the talented. Music Education Research 4:
121
40.
Creech, A., I. Papageorgi, L. Haddon, J. Potter, F. Morton, C. Duffy, C. De Bezenac, T.
Whyton, E. Himonides, and G. Welch, 2007. From undergraduate to professional musician:
Supporting critical transitions. Paper presented at the Society for Research into Higher
Education, December 13, 2007, Brighton, UK.
Davidson, J.W. 2011. Musical participation: Expectations, experiences, and outcomes. In
Music and the mind: Essays in honour of John Sloboda, ed. I. Deliege and J.W. Davidson, 65

87. Oxford: Oxford University Press.
Davidson, J.W., and K. Burland. 2006. Musician identity formation. In The child as musician:
A handbook of musical development, ed. G. McPherson, 475
90. Oxford: Oxford University
Press.
Davidson, J.W., M.J.A. Howe, D.G. Moore, and J.A. Sloboda. 1996. The role of parental
influences in the development of musical performance. British Journal of Developmental
Psychology 14: 399
412.
Davidson, J.W., J.W. Moore, J.A. Sloboda, and M.J.A. Howe. 1998. Characteristics of music
teachers and the progress of young instrumentalists. Journal of Research in Music Education
46: 141
60.
DCMS. 2009. Music education and the music grant: Aspirations, support, and delivery.
Department for Culture, Media & Sport. http://www.ks2music.org.uk/do_download.asp?
did 29568
DfES/DCMS. 2004. Music manifesto report no. 1. London: Department for Education and
Skills/Department for Culture, Media and Sport.
DfES/DCMS. 2006. Music manifesto report no. 2: Making every child’s music matter. London:
Department for Education and Skills/Department for Culture, Media and Sport.
DfES/QCA. 1999. The national curriculum for England. London: HMSO.
Dolloff, L.A. 1999. Building professional identity: The role of personal story in music teacher
education. Canadian Journal of Research in Music Education 40, no. 4: 35
7.
Dweck, C.S. 2000. Self-theories: Their role in motivation, personality and development.
Philadelphia, PA: Psychology Press.
Erikson, E.H. 1982. The life cycle completed: A review. New York: W.W. Norton & Company,
Inc.
Faulkner, R., and J. Davidson. 2006a. Men’s vocal behaviour and the construction of self.
Musicae Scientiae 8, no. 2: 231
55.
Faulkner, R., and J. Davidson. 2006b. Men in chorus: Collaboration and competition in
homo-social vocal behaviour. Psychology of Music 34, no. 2: 219
37.
Green, L. 2002. How popular musicians learn: A way ahead for music education. Aldershot:
Ashgate.
Hallam, S. 1998. The predictors of achievement and dropout in instrumental tuition.
Psychology of Music 26, no. 2: 116
32.
Hargreaves, D.J. 1996. The development of musical and artistic competence. In Musical
beginnings: Origins and development of musical competence, ed. I. Deliège and J.A. Sloboda,
145
70. Oxford: Oxford University Press.
Hargreaves, D.J., D. Miell, and R.A.R. Macdonald. 2002. What are musical identities, and
why are they important? In Musical identities, ed. R.A.R. MacDonald, D.J. Hargreaves, and
D. Miell, 1
20. Oxford: Oxford University Press.
 Music Education Research 387

Hargreaves, D.J., R.M. Purves, G.F. Welch, and N.A. Marshall. 2007. Developing identities
and attitudes in musicians and classroom music teachers. British Journal of Educational
Psychology 77, no. 3: 665
82.
Henley, D. 2011. Music education in England. London: Department for Education and
Department for Culture, Media & Sport.
Howe, M.J.A., J.W. Davidson, and J.A. Sloboda. 1998. Innate talents: Reality or myth?
Behavioral and Brain Sciences 21: 399
443.
Lamont, A. in preparation. For the love of it? Amateur music-making across the lifespan.
Lamont, A. 2002. Musical identities and the school environment. In Musical identities, ed.
R.A.R. MacDonald, D.J. Hargreaves, and D.E. Miell, 41
59. Oxford: Oxford University
Press.
Lamont, A. 2011. The path of true music never does run smooth. In Musical pathways, ed. C.
Harrison and L. McCullough, 16
24. Knowle: National Association for Music Education.
Lamont, A., A. Daubney, and G.J. Spruce. in press. Singing in primary schools: Case studies
of good practice in whole class vocal tuition. British Journal of Music Education.
Lamont, A., D.J. Hargreaves, N.A. Marshall, and M. Tarrant. 2003. Young people’s music in
and out of school. British Journal of Music Education 20, no. 3: 229
41.
Lamont, A., D.J. Hargreaves, N.A. Marshall, and M. Tarrant. Submitted. Musical identities at
school. Psychology of Music.
Lamont, A., G. Leighton, J. Underhill, and R. Hale. 2009. The impact of whole-class
instrumental tuition in primary schools: An evaluation of a Wider Opportunities initiative.
Paper presented at the Research In Music Education conference, Exeter, University of
Exeter, 14
18 April.
Lamont, A., G. Leighton, J. Underhill, and R. Hale. In preparation. The impact of whole-class
instrumental tuition in primary schools through Wider Opportunities.
Lonie, D., and B. Sandbrook. 2011a. ‘Ingredients’ for encouraging the talent and potential of
young musicians. In Foundations for excellence conference publication 2011, ed. M. Schwartz.
Music and Dance Scheme/South West Music School.
Lonie, D., and B. Sandbrook. 2011b. ‘Ingredients’ for encouraging the talent and potential of
young musicians. Poster presented at the SEMPRE conference on The developing musician,
reading, March (figures available fromhttp://www.youthmusic.org.uk/network/progression).
Manturzewska, M. 1990. A biographical study of the life-span development of professional
musicians. Psychology of Music 18: 112
39.
Marcia, J.E. 2002. Adolescence, identity, and the bernardone family. Identity 2, no. 3: 199
209.
Marshall, N.A., and D.J. Hargreaves. 2007. Crossing the humpback bridge: Primary-
secondary school transition in music education. Music Education Research 9, no. 1: 65
80.
McPherson, G.E. 2001. Commitment and practice: Key ingredients for achievement during
the early stages of learning a musical instrument. Bulletin of the Council for Research in
Music Education 147: 122
7.
McPherson, G.E. 2009. The role of parents in children’s musical development. Psychology of
Music 37, no. 1: 91
110.
McPherson, G.E., and J.W. Davidson. 2006. Playing an instrument. In The child as musician: A
handbook of musical development, ed. G.E. McPherson, 331
51. Oxford: Oxford University
Press.
McPherson, G.E., and A. Williamon. 2006. Giftedness and talent. In The child as musician: A
handbook of musical development, ed. G.E. McPherson, 239
56. Oxford: Oxford University
Press.
Murray, M., and A. Lamont. In press. Community music and social/health psychology:
Linking theoretical and practical concerns. In Music, health & wellbeing, ed. R.A.R.
MacDonald, G. Kreutz, and L.B. Mitchell. Oxford: Oxford University Press.
Myers, D. 2005. Freeing music education from schooling: Toward a lifespan perspective on
music learning and teaching. International Journal of Community Music 4. http://www.
intljcm.com/articles/Volume 4/Myers Files/Myers.pdf
O’Neill, S.A. 2011. Developing a young musician’s growth mindset: The role of motivation,
self-theories, and resiliency. In Music and the mind: Essays in honour of John Sloboda, ed. I.
Deliege and J.W. Davidson, 31
46. Oxford: Oxford University Press.
388 A. Lamont

O’Neill, S.A. 2006. Positive youth musical engagement. In The child as musician: A handbook
of musical development, ed. G.E. McPherson, 475
90. Oxford: Oxford University Press.
O’Neill, S.A., and G.E. McPherson. 2002. Motivation. In The science and psychology of music
performance: Creative strategies for teaching and learning, ed. R. Parncutt and G.E.
McPherson, 31
46. Oxford: Oxford University Press.
Paananen, P. 2006. Melodic improvisation at the age of 6
11 years: Development of pitch and
rhythm. Musicae Scientiae 9, no. 1: 89
119.
Pitts, S.E. 2009. Roots and routes in adult musical participation: Investigating the impact of
home and school on lifelong musical interest and involvement. British Journal of Music
Education 26, no. 3: 241
56.
Renwick, J.M., and G.E. McPherson. 2009. Multiple motives: Profiles of young Australians’
reasons for musical engagement. International Symposium on Performance Science. http://
www.rcm.ac.uk/cache/fl0020076.pdf
Robinson, K. with, L. Aronica. 2002. The element: How finding your passion changes
everything. London: Allen Lane.
Rosenwald, G.C., and R.L. Ochberg, eds. 1992. Storied lives: The cultural politics of self-
understanding. New Haven, CT: Yale University Press.
Ruddock, E., and S. Leong. 2005. ‘‘I am unmusical’’: The verdict of self-judgement.
International Journal of Music Education 23: 9
22.
Sloboda, J.A. 1990. Music as a language. In Music and child development, ed. F. Wilson and F.
Roehmann, 28
43. St. Louis, MI: MMB Inc.
Sloboda, J.A. 2001. Emotion, functionality and the everyday experience of music: Where does
music education fit? Music Education Research 3, no. 2: 243
53.
Sloboda, J.A., J.W. Davidson, and M.J.A. Howe. 1994. Is everyone musical? The Psychologist
7: 349
54.
Sloboda, J.A., J.W. Davidson, M.J.A. Howe, and D.G. Moore. 1996. The role of practice in the
development of performing musicians. British Journal of Psychology 87: 287
309.
Sloboda, J.A., K. Wise, and I. Peretz. 2005. Quantifying tone deafness in the general
population. Annals of the New York Academy of Sciences 1060: 255
61.
Sosniak, L.A. 1990. The tortoise, the hare, and the development of talent. In Encouraging the
development of exceptional abilities and talents, ed. M.J.A. Howe, 165
78. Leicester: British
Psychological Society.
Stambulova, N., D. Alfermann, T. Statler, and J. Côté. 2009. ISSP position stand: Career
development and transitions of athletes. International Journal of Sport and Exercise
Psychology 7: 395
412.
Sugarman, L. 2001. Life-span development: Frameworks, accounts, and strategies. Hove:
Psychology Press.
Swanwick, K., and J. Tillman. 1986. The sequence of musical development: A study of
children’s composition. British Journal of Music Education 6: 305
39.
Taylor, A. 2011. Older amateur keyboard players learning for self-fulfilment. Psychology of
Music 39, no. 3: 345
63.
Welch, G. 2001. The misunderstanding of music. London: University of London, Institute of
Education.
Woodford, P.G. 2002. The social construction of music teacher identity in undergraduate
music education majors. In The new handbook of research on music teaching and learning, ed.
R. Colwell and C. Richardson, 675
94. New York: Oxford University Press.