Professional Documents
Culture Documents
27:503–32
Copyright 1998 by Annual Reviews. All rights reserved
Susan A. Reed
Department of Anthropology, University of California at Berkeley, Berkeley,
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ABSTRACT
Since the mid-1980s, there has been an explosion of dance studies as scholars
from a variety of disciplines have turned their attention to dance. Anthro-
pologists have played a critical role in this new dance scholarship, contribut-
ing comparative analyses, critiquing colonial and ethnocentric categories,
and situating studies of dance and movement within broader frameworks of
embodiment and the politics of culture. This review highlights ethnographic
and historical studies that foreground dance and other structured movement
systems in the making of colonial cultures; the constitution of gender, ethnic
and national identities; the formation of discourses of exoticization; and the
production of social bodies. Several works that employ innovative ap-
proaches to the study of dance and movement are explored in detail.
INTRODUCTION
It has been 20 years since Adrienne Kaeppler’s review of anthropology and
dance in this series (Kaeppler 1978). At that time, given the marginal status of
dance, Kaeppler wondered about the propriety of devoting an Annual Review
article to such an “esoteric aspect” of anthropology. But in the intervening dec-
ades, the anthropology of dance has gained greater legitimacy as a field of in-
quiry, even as it is being reconfigured within the broader framework of an an-
thropology of human movement (Farnell 1995b, Kaeppler 1985). As Lewis
(1995) has argued, this shift to “movement,” motivated by a critique of
“dance” as a universally applicable category of analysis, parallels develop-
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ments in other fields of expressive culture such as music and theatre. In ethno-
musicology, for example, Feld (1990b, 1991) has argued for a shift from the
category of “music” to sound, while the creation of “performance studies” by
Victor Turner and Richard Schechner was, in part, a reaction to the ethnocen-
trism implicit in the use of the term “theater” to refer to non-Western perform-
ance forms (Lewis 1995:223).
Concurrent with the growing interest in dance and movement within an-
thropology, “dance history” has transformed into “dance studies,” an interdis-
ciplinary field focusing on the social, cultural, political and aesthetic aspects of
dance (Daly 1991b). Three recent collections (Desmond 1997, Foster 1995a,
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Morris 1996) chart this emerging field, while the long-awaited International
Encyclopedia of Dance (Cohen 1998) includes several related entries. The ex-
panding interest in cultural studies of dance is evidenced by the fact that more
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than a third of the works cited in this article were published since 1995. This
new dance scholarship has made significant contributions to our understand-
ings of culture, movement and the body; the expression and construction of
identities; the politics of culture; reception and spectatorship; aesthetics; and
ritual practice.
Although the study of dance and other “structured movement systems”
(Kaeppler 1985) has expanded within anthropology, such work remains on the
margins of the discipline. There are at present only a few anthropologists who
specialize in dance and movement analysis, and many are located outside of
anthropology, in departments of music, dance, or performance studies. The
field of anthropology needs more specialists in movement and dance; addition-
ally, movement analysis should be included as part of the general anthropol-
ogy graduate curriculum. It is indeed ironic that, despite the considerable
growth of interest in the anthropology of the body (Lock 1993), the study of
moving bodies remains on the periphery.
Though the emergence of the anthropology of dance as a distinct subfield
can be traced to the 1960s and 1970s, dance has been the subject of anthropo-
logical study since the discipline’s inception. Early anthropologists including
Tylor, Evans-Pritchard, Radcliffe-Brown, Malinowski and Boas all addressed
aspects of dance in their writings, predictably emphasizing the social functions
of dance, with little attention to the specifics of movement. Williams (1991)
provides a comprehensive survey of these early anthropological analyses of
dance, while Spencer’s theoretical survey (1985b), Ness’s analysis of selected
anthropological works (1996), and review articles by Kaeppler (1978, 1991)
and Giurchescu & Torp (1991) outline developments in dance studies to the
late 1980s. Youngerman (1998) and Quigley (1998) provide succinct histories
of dance anthropology and ethnology, while the contributions of ethnomusi-
cologist John Blacking to the development of dance studies within the United
Kingdom are discussed by Grau (1993b).
POLITICS OF DANCE 505
1970, took to task several classic works of dance scholarship published from
the 1920s to the 1960s. Kealiinohomoku demonstrated how dance scholars’
blanket categorization of non-Western dances as ethnic, folk, or primitive was
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Colonialism
Dance studies have much to contribute to recent scholarly debates and discus-
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sions in colonialism and culture (Cooper & Stoler 1997, Dirks 1992), demon-
strating the importance of dance in the “civilizing process,” the control and
regulation of “disorderly” practices, and the profound refigurations of both lo-
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the present. She keeps the focus of her research on the perspectives of the deva-
dasis, insofar as these are made visible in documents such as ritual texts and
protest letters, and in the “visible body” of the dancer. Meduri traces the trans-
figuration of the devadasi from her precolonial practice as a temple ritual per-
former to her naming, in the 19th century, as temple “prostitute” or “dancing
girl” and finally, in the 20th century, to emblem of the nation.
Allen’s (1997) work focuses on the complex processes involved in the re-
contextualization of the devadasi dance during the late colonial period. Allen
discusses the multiple influences on the development of bharata natyam in the
1930s and 1940s, and his work illustrates the complex process by which a rit-
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ual dance form was extracted from its original context and then domesticated,
reformed, and resanctified for middle-class consumption. Illluminating the
many transformations that are masked by the term “revival,” Allen shows how
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both “Indian and modern” (Erdman 1996:297). But Erdman even questions
whether the categories of “Indian dance” or “oriental dance” will necessarily
be the most salient ones, emphasizing that regional, caste, or religious identi-
ties may be more relevant for understanding the ways in which dance practices
are understood by the people themselves (Erdman 1996:299). Her critique
raises serious issues about how colonial categories, including the often natu-
ralized classifications of “folk” and “classical” dances, may enact an exclu-
sionary history as well as reify particular politically motivated social identi-
ties. Erdman’s call, in fact, is an opportunity for dance scholars to intervene in
the often-divisive reification of ethnic and national identities, an area in which
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and visual representations of dance since at least the 18th century. Dance also
played a critical role in the ethnological exhibitions of the 19th century. Franz
Boas, for example, brought Kwakiutl Indians to perform dances at the Chica-
go’s World Columbian Exposition in 1893 (Hinsley 1991), while “native
dancers” featured prominently in Carl Hagenbeck’s profitmaking ethnological
displays in 19th-century Europe.
Dances of the colonized were often appropriated and refigured as adjuncts
to the civilizing mission, variously reinforcing stereotypes of mystical spiritu-
ality and excessive sexuality. In the early 20th century, European and Ameri-
can dancers, including Maud Allan, Ruth St. Denis, Ted Shawn, and Anna
Pavlova, appropriated aspects of non-European dance into their performances,
creating the exotic in a myriad of ways. Dance historians of European and
American theatre dance have made significant contributions to rethinking is-
sues of appropriation in their representation of the Other in theatrical dance, lo-
cating these within discourses of imperialism, racism, Orientalism, masculin-
ity, and nationalism, among others (Desmond 1991, Koritz 1994, Strong
1998).
Anthropological studies from the early 1970s stressed the ritual reversals,
parody, and satire inherent in festivals and ritual dramas of many societies.
Embedded in many of these studies were brief descriptions of danced paro-
dies of European and nonlocal “Others,” and several of the studies cited
above include such descriptions. But local peoples also adapted, imitated,
and transformed the dances of colonizers, and many contemporary dances
are social texts that embed long and complex histories of intergroup rela-
tions.
Szwed & Marks (1988) describe how African Americans in the Americas
and the West Indies took up European court dances of the quadrille, the cotil-
lion, and the contradance, arguing that these dances were both “Africanized”
and adapted for sacred purposes, as well as restructured to become the basis of
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popular culture in the New World (Szwed & Marks 1988:29). Some of these
hybrid dances, such as the cakewalk, became phenomenally popular in North
America in the late 19th and early 20th centuries, even becoming an interna-
tional dance craze (Malone 1996). Ranger documents how the Beni-ngoma or
“drum band” complex of East Africa, a caricature of the European military pa-
rade, became incorporated into social practices that predated colonialism
(Ranger 1975). The matachines dance, performed widely in Native American
and Hispanic communities throughout the Americas, derives from medieval
European folk dramas and was brought to the New World by the Spanish
(Rodriguez 1996:2; see also Poole 1990:114). Most scholars, according to
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Rodriguez, agree it was brought for the purpose of “Christianizing the Indi-
ans,” and as it is performed today it “symbolically telescopes” centuries of
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has examined how Balkan folk dance in a New England community was con-
stituted as a site for middle-class white Americans to play both an idealized
egalitarian American “self” and an exotic Old Country peasant “Other” (Vail
1996).
Dance is a powerful tool in shaping nationalist ideology and in the creation
of national subjects, often more so than are political rhetoric or intellectual
debates (Meyer 1995). The role of state institutions in the promotion and refor-
mation of national dances has been documented in a number of studies (Aus-
terlitz 1997; Daniel 1991, 1995; Manning 1993, 1995; Mohd 1993; Ramsey
1997; Reed 1991, 1995; Strauss 1977). The appropriation of the cultural prac-
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tices of the rural peasantry or of the urban lower classes by the state is a perva-
sive strategy in the development of national cultures throughout the world,
whether as indications of the dominance of one ethnic group or as displays of
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cultural pluralism.
In many postcolonial nations, the dancer of the valorized national dance
comes to be idealized as an emblem of an authentic precolonial past. Where
necessary, dancers come to stand in for the nation at local, regional, national,
and international festivals and other occasions. As an embodiment of cultural
heritage, the dancer becomes inscribed in nationalist histories and is refigured
to conform to those histories, yet ambivalence about the dancers and their
practices is often evident because the practices themselves often resist being
fully incorporated into nationalist discourses. Indeed, the very aspects that
make dances appealing and colorful as representations of the past may be pre-
cisely the things that do not easily fit into the self-representation of the nation.
Vestiges of folk religion (Reed 1991), eroticism (Meduri 1996), and social cri-
tique in the performance of dances may sometimes be a source of discord in the
presentation of an idealized national image.
Political ideologies play a critical role in the selection of national dances.
Strauss’s study examines the ideological reasons for the adoption of ballet dur-
ing China’s Cultural Revolution, emphasizing its narrative possibilities,
movement vocabularies that stressed strength and action, and its flexibility in
expressing gender equality through movement (Strauss 1977). Daniel’s stud-
ies of the Cuban rumba represent a particularly striking case in which a na-
tional dance form was selected almost exclusively for ideological reasons re-
lated to its identity with a particular community—the lower-class, dark-
skinned workers of Cuba (Daniel 1991, 1995). Although there were two other
legitimate contenders for the position—the conga, an easier, more participa-
tory form, and the son, the most popular social dance of Cuba—the rumba was
selected by the government because it was viewed as most closely supporting
the ideals of a socialist, egalitarian state, and because it expressed an identifi-
cation with African-derived aspects of Cuban culture (Daniel 1995:16). In
Cuba, the Ministry of Culture was the key agent in the organization of rumba
512 REED
state ethnologists attended his performances every night to monitor his repre-
sentations of Haitian identity (Ramsey 1997:365).
National dances are derived from the practices of specific communities, but
the dynamics of the appropriation of these practices and the effects they have
on the communities of origin have often been overlooked in the literature on
“invented traditions.” Reed’s ethnographic studies of the Kandyan dance of
Sri Lanka focus on the central role of traditional ritual dancers in the recontex-
tualization of dance from a specialized ritual practice to popular secular form
(Reed 1991, 1995). While acknowledging the critical role of the state in this re-
figuration, which has resulted in an almost entirely secular form of the dance,
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Reed explores the means by which traditional dancers fought to retain some
semblance of the dance’s ritual meaning, even as it became increasingly sim-
plified and standardized within the structures of state bureaucratic practices.
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Tracing the development of Kandyan dance since the colonial period, Reed
also shows how the cultural politics of Tamil and Sinhala rivalries made dance
a focal point for the reification of ethnic identities. In state-sponsored dance
seminars and programs and in dance history texts, for example, oppositional
categories of Sinhala and Tamil are reinforced, despite the quite obvious fam-
ily resemblances between the Kandyan dance and its Tamil counterpart,
bharata natyam.
The emotional power of dance as national symbol is evoked in Shapiro’s
studies of Cambodian court dance in contemporary refugee communities
(Shapiro 1994, 1995). Refugee Cambodian dancers are seen as emblems of
the Cambodian nation as it existed prior to the Khmer Rouge, and the suste-
nance of the elaborate and difficult court dance form, with its more than 4500
gestures and postures, is experienced by Cambodians as a continuity with a
place and a past from which they have been severed. During the brutal repres-
sions of Pol Pot, in which scores of dancers and other artists were killed, danc-
ers had to deny their own identities to survive, and they kept the dance alive by
practicing the gestures and movements in the darkness of night (Shapiro
1995). After the devastations of Cambodian culture by the Khmer Rouge, the
court dance traditions came to stand for all that was lost, “the soul of the
Khmer,” and the burden of healing the body politic is now in the hands of mas-
ter dancers.
With few exceptions (Daniel 1996, Kaeppler 1977), tourist dances, al-
though often discussed in passing in the context of other concerns, have re-
ceived surprisingly little attention from anthropologists, despite their obvious
importance in constituting ethnic and national representations of self and
Other. This may well reflect anthropology’s continued attachment to authen-
ticity, and the taints of impurity and corruption often associated with tourism.
Malefyt’s study of the traditional and commercial forms of the Spanish fla-
menco places tourist performances in a wider context of gendered conceptions
514 REED
reception of dance have only recently received attention from dance and move-
ment analysts.The ways in which ballet has been “indigenized” and trans-
formed is the subject of Ness’s study of the Igorot, a Philippine transnational
ballet (Ness 1997). Arguing against a simple view of appropriation as “cultural
imperialism,” Ness demonstrates how Igorot is produced as an original and
creative form that selectively references both ethnic and balletic styles. The re-
sult is neither entirely Filipino nor Western, but rather a complex hybrid that
produces contradictory effects. On the one hand, the Igorot is, Ness argues, a
“decolonizing” dance that employs a complex movement vocabulary to create
a form of Philippine self-representation (1997:68). On the other hand, the
dance has the effect of reifying an identification of the Igorot with all Filipi-
nos, thus promoting a conservative agenda that denies the internal ethnic di-
versity and hierarchy of the Philippine nation state (1997:80).
Marta Savigliano’s complex text on the tango is a major work that engages
feminist, postcolonial, and poststructuralist theories to produce a provocative
account of the Argentinian national dance (Savigliano 1995). Savigliano pres-
ents tango as a complicated, contradictory practice that has been produced and
continues to be reproduced through multiple processes of exoticization. With
historical and ethnographic documentation and nuanced movement analyses,
accompanied by a score of illustrations of dancers, publicity flyers, programs,
and dance manuals, Savigliano details the very complex lives the tango has led
in Argentina and in the cultural capitals of London, Paris, and Tokyo. As a
symbol of the passionate Other and of exotic culture in a global capitalist econ-
omy, Savigliano shows the many ways in which the tango has been commodi-
fied for “imperial consumption.” In addition, she demonstrates how the tango
has become the object of a process of “auto-exoticization” by the colonized
themselves.
Savigliano’s focus on the global context of the production and appropria-
tion of tango is among the book’s most significant contributions. As she tells
POLITICS OF DANCE 515
us, the imperial, bourgeois classes of Europe constituted the exotic as both
desirable and repulsive, fascinating and scandalous. Unlike other exotic
dances (such as the African American cake-walk and the Brazilian maxixe),
the tango did not have a clear-cut class or race identity, and its erotic character
was displayed as a process of controlled seduction, not instinctive or wild
sexuality. Tango, in short, was highly malleable, an “exotic dance that could
easily be stretched in various directions” (Savigliano 1995:114). In order to
make the exotic palatable as a European practice, however, elements of its raw
and passionate “primitiveness” had to be reshaped to suit cosmopolitan aes-
thetic sensibilities. Dance masters in early 20th century Paris played a key role
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courses and images of the body and practice created to represent this shifting
relationship” (Zarrilli 1998: 4). He outlines a model for the study of these vari-
ous domains as a complex of four interactive arenas: (a) the “literal” arenas of
practice, such as the training ground, competitions, and the public stage; (b)
the social arenas of the school, lineage, and formal associations; (c) the arena
of “cultural production” that generates live or mediated presentations or repre-
sentations such as films; and (d) the arena of experience and self-
formation—the individual’s experience of embodied practice in the shaping of
a self (Zarrilli 1998:9).
The impact of media images on popular reception and practices of dance
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of the Arab world can largely be attributed to the enormous popularity of the
cinematic dance performances of a single dancer, Farida Fahmy. While
Fahmy danced in a style that was recognizably Egyptian, her modest costumes
and the de-eroticized context of her dancing projected an image of a “sweet
Egyptian girl who was a true daughter of the country—the antithesis of the im-
age of the belly-dancer who appeared in cabarets and films” (Franken
1996:279). Though Fahmy’s films were made in the 1960s, they are still
shown on television throughout the Middle East, and thus continue to popular-
ize ideas about dancing and respectability far beyond Egypt (Franken 1996:
282).
ments for women. In urban Senegal, women’s dances range from bawdy and
explicitly sexual to highly restrained movements (Heath 1994). While tradi-
tional dancing is considered to be “women’s business,” dancing is also consid-
ered risky for a woman’s reputation, particularly after marriage. Yet their per-
formances are required for public ceremonies, and men’s reputations even de-
pend on them. However, upper-class men often try to control the dancers—in-
sisting on restraint, rather than sexual expressivity. Women, however, often re-
sist, testing the limits of appropriateness by sneaking in risque movements,
thus attempting to defy total control by males (1994:93).
A number of studies illustrate the contradictions and ambiguities of dance
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for women in Islamic societies (al Faruqi 1978). In the “Iranian culture
sphere,” which includes diaspora communities, Shay (1995) argues that the
bazi-ha-ye nameyeshi, a women’s theatrical dance-play performed only for
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loving, but the majority have been rejected by their families and thus uprooted
from place, a state which Kapchan describes as “...the greatest hardship possi-
ble” in Moroccan society (1994: 97). Critiquing “resistance” as a limited con-
struct for understanding the role of the shikhat, Kapchan notes how, despite
their independence, shikhat also internalize “...the dominant value system that
degrades their material and spiritual worth” (1994: 96).
scholarship and dance studies would suggest a natural alliance (Daly 1991a),
although as yet, few anthropological studies of dance have drawn explicitly on
feminist theories. Daly’s study of Isadora Duncan and American culture
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1 1Most of the works of Cynthia Jean Cohen Bull were published under the name of Cynthia
Novack. In the last months of her life, Cynthia requested that her name be changed.
POLITICS OF DANCE 521
aspects of social experience, they do not capture the full experiential signifi-
cance of the body as a responsive and creative subject (1995:179–80). In addi-
tion, Novack also cautions against reifying “the body” as the primary analytic
category in dance studies. In some contexts, she argues, it may be that ideas
about sound, movement and social ethics are more culturally relevant for un-
derstanding “bodily endeavors” (1995:183). This perspective resonates with
Turner’s emphasis on the utility of studying “bodiliness” and “productive ac-
tivity” rather than isolated individual and bounded bodies (Turner 1995:150),
and his insight that the social body is produced as an “ensemble of bodily ac-
tivities” (Turner 1995:166).
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the agency of the body as a vital counterbalance to the neglect of agentive bod-
ies in traditional dance studies: “The possibility of a body that is written upon
but that also writes moves critical studies of the body in new directions. It asks
scholars to approach the body’s involvement in any activity with an assump-
tion of potential agency to participate in or resist whatever forms of cultural
production are underway” (Foster 1995b:15). Like Novack and Turner, Foster
does not posit a stable category of the body, but rather considers such questions
as “What bodies are being constructed here?” or “How do these values find
embodiment?” or “How does this body figure in this discourse?” (Foster
1995b:12).
The agentive nature of dance has often linked it to notions of resistance
(Martin 1990) and control (Limon 1994), although recent criticisms of the use
of the resistance concept (Abu-Lughod 1990, Ortner 1995) will undoubtedly
lead to refinements in future dance studies. Paradoxically, while some aspects
of the experience of dance may engender kinesthetic sensations of power, con-
trol, transcendence, and divine union, other aspects may locate it within para-
digms of ideological repression or subordination. This stress on the paradox of
agency in dance was early formulated by ethnomusicologist John Blacking,
who argued that “ritual may be enacted in the service of conservative and even
oppressive institutions…but the experience of performing the nonverbal
movements and sounds may ultimately liberate the actors…Performances of
dance and music frequently reflect and reinforce existing ideas and institu-
tions, but they can also stimulate the imagination and help to bring coherence
to the sensuous life…” (Blacking 1985:65). This quality of dance as simulta-
neously productive and reproductive is echoed by Novack, who remarks that
“Dance may reflect and resist cultural values simultaneously,” noting the ex-
ample of the ballerina who “embodies and enacts stereotypes of the feminine
while she interprets a role with commanding skill, agency and a subtlety that
denies stereotype” (Novack 1995:181).
522 REED
ment and constructions of the body changed over two decades, from the 1960s
to the 1980s. Drawing on her own long-term experience in learning contact im-
provisation, Novack provides a rich, sensual interpretation of movement that
is sensitive to the centrality of the body, as well as to the ways in which culture
shapes and is shaped by it.
Novack’s attention to historicizing the body in culture is one of her main
contributions to dance scholarship. In a discussion of theatrical dance forms
in 20th century America, for example, Novack articulates the differences be-
tween the ways in which bodies are conceptualized in ballet (“as an instru-
ment which must be trained to conform to the classical movement vocabu-
lary”), in modern dances of the 1930s and 1940s (“a more expressionist view
of the body…in which internal feelings were realized in external movement”),
and in dances of the postwar period (a model of the body that was “more ab-
stract, or objective, and more phenomenological”) (Novack 1990:31). But
Novack also looks beyond theatrical dance to other cultural influences on
the body, exemplified by rock dancing, experimental theatre, and bodily
based therapies such as Alexander technique, yoga, and meditation. In taking
this broad perspective, Novack situates contact improvisation in relation to
wider currents of change in the 1960s regarding conceptualizations of the
body.
Both the sensual/sensible experience of dance and its cultural meanings are
the focus of a comparative article by Bull that draws on Paul Stoller’s formula-
tion of “sensibility” and “intelligibility” (Bull 1997; Stoller 1989). Exploring
how ballet, contact improvisation, and West African dance stress the senses of
sight, touch, and sound, respectively, Bull argues that the particular character-
istics of each dance form, as well as its modes of transmission and perform-
ance, encourage “priorities of sensation that subtly affect the nature of percep-
tion itself ” (1997:285). Bull thus hypothesizes that dance “finely tunes” cul-
turally variable sensibilities, raising important questions about the transmis-
POLITICS OF DANCE 523
sion of dance from one cultural setting, or historical period, to another (Bull
1997:285).
Body, space, movement, culture, and history are explored in Sally Ness’s
ethnography of the sinulog, a dance form of the Philippine port city of Cebu
(Ness 1992). Through her interpretations of the varieties of sinulog dancing,
Ness connects a number of issues in the field of dance and movement in an
original way. Ness’s key conceptual innovation is the use of a category she
calls “choreographic phenomena.” By deploying this category in contexts
where the term dance would be too narrow or confining, Ness both draws at-
tention to a wider array of patterned body movements—such as those found in
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ritual practices—and provides linkages between these more public and formal
structures and the more commonplace moves of walking or handholding.
Through the use of analogies, Ness demonstrates how both the visual and the
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Lewis’s study of the Brazilian capoeira—a complex cultural genre that in-
cludes elements of martial art, dance, music, ritual, and theatre—combines de-
tailed analysis of movement with incisive commentaries on its social and cul-
tural significance (Lewis 1992). In his study, Lewis draws on the insights of
Peircean semiotics and context-sensitive sociolinguistic theories (see also Ur-
ciuoli 1995) to illuminate capoeira as a kind of discourse, a “physical dia-
logue” or “conversation” between two partners, a conversation that takes place
through action, not talk. Viewing his primary project as a contribution to a gen-
eral theory of signs in culture, Lewis attends to both the formal and contextual
aspects of the capoeira. The voices of capoeira masters, as well as that of the
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scribe its “divine choreography”? Like other writers who describe African
trance dance as a manifestation of divine powers, Browning shifts from read-
ing the body as the central object of analysis, to the orixás—the principles of
nature—that stand outside of, and before, human creative potential (1995:42).
In making this shift, Browning alters her analytic focus from the individual
body to more culturally salient notions. But how is divinity represented in
dance?
Browning answers this question by undertaking a semiotic analysis of the
ways in which “orixá choreography” is danced. The invocative dances of the
orixás, subdued and subtle dances that are performed prior to their descent, are
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not evocations or imitations of the orixás, but a “prayer of significance” and of-
fering to them (Browning 1995:70). For male gods, the dances are performed
in reference to the metonymic, physical objects that are associated with them;
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explores how the Kaluli concept for style and aesthetics, “lift-up-over-
sounding,” reverberates in sound, text, face painting, costume, and dance
movements (Feld 1988, 1990a). Kersenboom highlights how dance is integral
to an understanding of the Tamil language (muttamil, literally “three Tamil”)
which, by definition, includes dance, music, and text (Kersenboom 1995).
Other studies examine aesthetic and stylistic relationships between dance and
music (Chernoff 1983, Erlmann 1996, Thompson 1966), dress (Kealiinoho-
moku 1979), mime (Royce 1984), and sculpture, painting, mythology, and
literature (Gaston 1982, Thompson 1974, Vatsyayan 1968).
Annu. Rev. Anthropol. 1998.27:503-532. Downloaded from arjournals.annualreviews.org
CONCLUSION
Since the mid-1980s, there has been an explosion of dance studies as scholars
by Universidade Federal do Parana on 08/22/10. For personal use only.
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