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Amani Modi

Professor Peart

Expository Writing 101

19 December 2021

Can We Truly Think with Independence?

There is a common notion that the inward privacy yielded by the mind allows individuals

an escape into sovereign spaces of thought. However, within a culture that idealizes a

homogeneous elite, it is vital to question the truth of this notion. Who, if even possible, really

holds the privilege to think freely? Because of the unspoken influence of hegemony, a cultural

phenomenon in which a majority of society follows an unofficial yet uniform set of behaviors

that are deemed acceptable by individuals who hold influence, independence thought to be

associated with thought becomes scarce. Within his work, The First White President, Ta-Nehisi

Coates explains the origins of and even displays, through his words, the influence of hegemony

brought upon by white supremacy. Similarly, Karen Ho, in “Biographies of Hegemony” explores

how various demographics view the hegemonic culture of “smartness” associated with Ivy

League and their recruitment to Wall Street. Naomi Klein also discusses how the public almost

blindly accepts the hegemonic power of politicians over matters these politicians are not

specialized in, such as the environment within her work “Hot Money”. Throughout these works,

it is evident that the ongoing dominance of hegemony has created a culture in which the public

and those who are given hegemonic power are conditioned to submit their actions and beliefs to

hegemony. And because those who hold this influence believe they are “deserving” of their

stature many times they act without societal doubt. These behaviors have dangerous implications

when individuals are allowed complete autonomy over undertakings they are unwilling or unable

to properly handle. 
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Today, hegemonic culture has been so deeply ingrained within the basis of society that

many times the public is conditioned to see the effects of these powers as the norm. 

And within modern society, white hegemony has maintained its place in society as many people

of color still unintentionally act according to the influences of American “whiteness”. Within

Coat’s work, he discusses the origins of white hegemony relative to the social hierarchy during

the era of indentured servitude. While racism was still a prevalent force through the 17th century,

classes of indentured servants and black slaves were “remarkably, though not totally, free of

racism enmity” (Coates 30). But decades later, the upper class did do see it economically viable

to grant land to newly freed indentured servants, many turned to slavery as a renewable and cost-

efficient supply of labor. And by the 18th century, “... the country's master class had begun

etching race into law while phasing out indentured servitude in favor of a more enduring labor

solution. From these and other changes of law and economy, a bargain emerged: The

descendants of indenture would enjoy the full benefits of whiteness, the most definitional benefit

being that they would never sink to the level of the slave” (Coates 30). While, originally, black

slaves and indentured servants were seen almost identically by society, through the hegemonic

power, the colonial elite was able to create a social division between these groups that would

eventually catalyze the modern concept of white supremacy. Within this example, it is evident

that contrary to popular belief, racism is not a naturally occurring “norm” in society. Rather,

racism has become a fundamental concept that has been conditioned through generations as a

product of laws created by white hegemonic manipulation of the social structure. It is further

evident that white hegemonic culture is deeply ingrained with society when Coates, himself,

refers to Obama as America’s “first black president”. Even while attempting to oppose the

hegemonic culture that brought upon white supremacy, he conforms to the “one-drop rule” an
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idea, brought about by white supremacy, in which an individual who has even one ancestor of a

“lower” race are to be considered of that race. Because Obama was of both Kenyan and

European descent, Coates knowingly or unknowingly used the “one-drop rule”, a tool of

segregation, while attempting to refute white supremacy, to claim Obama is black. This

acknowledgment of Obama as only black, rather than mixed race, is further refuted by the

evidence of Obama’s campaign as he used the agency of white grandmother, who raised him, as

a testimonial to his character. By labeling Obama as black despite his childhood in a white

family and his mother’s ethnicity, Coates has fallen victim to the conditioning white hegemonic

culture through the usage of the “one-drop rule” to validate Obama’s “blackness.” However, this

ongoing influence of hegemonic power woven through the minds of the public is not only

limited to forms of racism in the public. It can also be conditioned in more racially diverse but

ideologically homogeneous populations who are given hegemonic power. This idea is

highlighted within Ho’s description of investment bank’s recruitment of Ivy League students. By

constantly reinforcing the idea that students from premier universities belong on Wall Street,

investment banks and consulting firms are able to maintain an “elite” culture. Within her work,

Ho claims, these students are told that they are the “the cream of the crop" and Ho even claims

that “In these sessions, I was struck by how proclamations of elitism (through "world-class"

universities), the discourses of smartness and globalization seemed foundational to the very core

of how investment bankers see themselves, the world, and their place in it. Representing a world

of "collective smartness" and exclusivity seems fundamentally connected not only to the criteria

for becoming an investment banker but also to the very nature of what they do. (Ho 170).

Through these statements, Ho emphasizes how the recruiting process, in nature, relies on the

products of hegemony to attract Ivy League students to maintain their elite social status after
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college. By creating a vision of Wall Street in which the environment of elitism is maintained,

the hegemonic power of “smartness” propelled from the Ivy League to Wall Street and back had

created a cycle in which both recruiters and universities condition those who are given

hegemonic power to believe they are automatically entitled to a higher stature in society. 

However, this entitlement over society, brought upon by the conditioning of hegemonic

culture, can become dangerous when those allowed power are unwilling or unable to properly

carry out necessary responsibilities the powers they hold entail. While politicians hold

hegemonic power over society, their influence is many times reliant on the support of their

constituents. As a result, these politicians may be unwilling to address pressing issues resort to a

tactic called escapism, a tactic by which they can avoid critical social issues in favor of basing

their platform off of less contentious topics to avoid displeasing their fanbase. While Bernie

Sanders, throughout his career, has taken a role in advocating for the black community during

the Civil Rights movement, since his affiliation with the Democratic Party he has adhered to a

more structured “...set of talking points which have been poll-tested and focus-group-

tested”(Coates 35) as “The left would much rather have a discussion about class struggles, which

might entice the white working masses, instead of about the racist struggles that those same

masses have historically been the agents and beneficiaries of.” (Coates 29). Although it is

evident that Sanders has exposure to the injustices of racism and has proven that he holds the

hegemonic power in government to make a lasting impact on the reparations to black Americans,

he is still unwilling to risk the support of the white working-class or the Democratic party by

using his hegemonic power to discuss racism. This, in turn, poses a danger to the public as deep-

rooted issues like white supremacy, still face no adversary due to escapism. And while some

individuals are unwilling to use their hegemonic power to fulfill the responsibilities they have
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been allocated, others are simply unable to properly fulfill the duties hegemony has allowed

them. Such was the case in 1994, as Clinton signed the trade agreement NAFTA, which allowed

for a free trade zone between North American countries. While many small environmental

organizations such as the Sierra Club and Greenpeace opposed NAFTA, other larger

environmental groups with the support of “growing influence of corporate partners and donors”

(Klein 220) decided to lobby in favor of NAFTA. And with the support of these groups, Clinton

was able to ratify this agreement without understanding its full environmental repercussions.

While he “...offered his personal assurance” ensuring that "We will seek new institutional

arrangements to ensure that trade leaves the world cleaner than before" (Klein 220) Whether

Clinton and his support were fully aware or not of the complete damage that this agreement

would yield, the administration still continued to support the an agreement that would while

allowing for “global economic expansion” ultimately lead to America heading “…rapidly off the

climate cliff” (Klein 221). And without the necessary qualifications, due to his hegemonic power

the public still entrusted Clinton with ensuring that NATFA would still allow for the protection

of the environment. Similarly, many Ivy League students who are not necessarily qualified to

work on Wall Street, one of the most influential financial hubs in the world, are frequently

offered positions at investment banks solely due to their graduation from prestigious universities

that adhere to the culture of “smartness”. Within her work, Karen Ho cites the words of

Catherine Ramp, a student at Princeton University as she recalls how “most (students) do not

even know what "financial services" are” yet, "finance employers are seeking them out, telling

them they're qualified for finance" no matter what their training, major, or department-as long as

they are from Princeton” (Ho 181). Students taking part in the recruiting process of investment

banks and consulting firms are constantly assured they are “qualified” to be handed the
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hegemonic power to manage the money of many large corporations that control the job security

of large populations. However, these recent graduates may not be able to properly make sound

financial choices due to their educational background, and rather they are chosen for their ability

to participate in hegemonic culture. Within both examples, Clinton and recent Ivy League

graduated are allowed to act almost autonomously over crucial areas such as the environment

and the economy without the necessary qualifications. And when hegemonic power has allowed

these individuals to act in such an uninformed manner, this can ultimately lead to the

deterioration of society at large as decisions that will affect vast populations are made based on

trust in hegemony rather than a thorough understanding of such sectors. 

The overarching influence of hegemonic power has cultivated a culture by which a vast

majority of society, including those who follow hegemonic power and those who are given

hegemonic power, are conditioned to act according to the norms of hegemony. However when

those who hold hegemonic power believe they are deserving of their stature but are unwilling or

unable to maintain the responsibilities of their undertaking it may pose a threat to the common

welfare of society. Throughout The First White President by Ta-Nehisi Coates, “Biographies of

Hegemony” by Karen Ho, and “Hot Money” by Naomi Klein many types and implications of

hegemony spanning from white hegemony to political hegemony to the hegemonic culture

surrounding “smartness” are introduced. And throughout all three works it becomes evident that

while many individuals can only achieve the ability to think and act freely once they are free

from the conditioning of hegemony and able to comprehend the current world independently.
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Works Cited

Klein, Naomi. “Hot Money: How Free Market Fundamentalism Helped Overheat the Planet.”

2014. The New Humanities Reader, 6th edition, edited by Richard E Miller and Kurt

Spellmeyer, Cengage, 2018, pp. 205-230.

Coates, Ta-Nehisi. “The First White President.” 2012. The New Humanities Reader, 6th edition,

edited by Richard E Miller and Kurt Spellmeyer, Cengage, 2018, pp. 24-43.

Ho, Karen. “Biographies of Hegemony.” The New Humanities Reader, 6th edition, edited by

Richard E Miller and Kurt Spellmeyer, Cengage, 2018, pp. 160-184.