Calculus 10th Edition Larson Test Bank

Visit to download the full and correct content document:

https://testbankdeal.com/download/calculus-10th-edition-larson-test-bank/
Calculus 10th Edition Larson Test Bank

Test Bank

Calculus

TENTH EDITION

Ron Larson

Bruce Edwards

Australia • Brazil • Japan • Korea • Mexico • Singapore • Spain • United Kingdom • United States

Visit TestBankDeal.com to get complete for all chapters

 © 2014 Brooks/Cole, Cengage Learning
ALL RIGHTS RESERVED. No part of this work covered by the
copyright herein may be reproduced, transmitted, stored, or
used in any form or by any means graphic, electronic, or
mechanical, including but not limited to photocopying,
recording, scanning, digitizing, taping, Web distribution,
information networks, or information storage and retrieval
systems, except as permitted under Section 107 or 108 of the
1976 United States Copyright Act, without the prior written
permission of the publisher except as may be permitted by the
license terms below.
For product information and technology assistance, contact us at
Cengage Learning Customer & Sales Support,
1-800-354-9706
For permission to use material from this text or product, submit
all requests online at www.cengage.com/permissions
Further permissions questions can be emailed to
permissionrequest@cengage.com
NOTE: UNDER NO CIRCUMSTANCES MAY THIS MATERIAL OR ANY PORTION THEREOF BE SOLD, LICENSED, AUCTIONED,
OR OTHERWISE REDISTRIBUTED EXCEPT AS MAY BE PERMITTED BY THE LICENSE TERMS HEREIN.
READ IMPORTANT LICENSE INFORMATION
Dear Professor or Other Supplement Recipient:
Cengage Learning has provided you with this product (the
“Supplement”) for your review and, to the extent that you adopt
the associated textbook for use in connection with your course
(the “Course”), you and your students who purchase the
textbook may use the Supplement as described below. Cengage
Learning has established these use limitations in response to
concerns raised by authors, professors, and other users
regarding the pedagogical problems stemming from unlimited
distribution of Supplements.
Cengage Learning hereby grants you a nontransferable license
to use the Supplement in connection with the Course, subject to
the following conditions. The Supplement is for your personal,
noncommercial use only and may not be reproduced, posted
electronically or distributed, except that portions of the
Supplement may be provided to your students IN PRINT FORM
ONLY in connection with your instruction of the Course, so long
as such students are advised that they may not copy or distribute
Printed in the United States of America
1 2 3 4 5 6 7 17 16 15 14 13
ISBN-13: 978-1-285-09059-7
ISBN-10: 1-285-09059-4
Brooks/Cole
20 Channel Center Street
Boston, MA 02210
USA
Cengage Learning is a leading provider of customized
learning solutions with office locations around the globe,
including Singapore, the United Kingdom, Australia,
Mexico, Brazil, and Japan. Locate your local office at:
www.cengage.com/global
Cengage Learning products are represented in
Canada by Nelson Education, Ltd.
To learn more about Brooks/Cole, visit
www.cengage.com/brookscole
Purchase any of our products at your local college
store or at our preferred online store
www.cengagebrain.com
any portion of the Supplement to any third party. You may not
sell, license, auction, or otherwise redistribute the Supplement in
any form. We ask that you take reasonable steps to protect the
Supplement from unauthorized use, reproduction, or distribution.
Your use of the Supplement indicates your acceptance of the
conditions set forth in this Agreement. If you do not accept these
conditions, you must return the Supplement unused within 30
days of receipt.
All rights (including without limitation, copyrights, patents, and
trade secrets) in the Supplement are and will remain the sole and
exclusive property of Cengage Learning and/or its licensors. The
Supplement is furnished by Cengage Learning on an “as is” basis
without any warranties, express or implied. This Agreement will
be governed by and construed pursuant to the laws of the State
of New York, without regard to such State’s conflict of law rules.
Thank you for your assistance in helping to safeguard the
integrity of the content contained in this Supplement. We trust
you find the Supplement a useful teaching tool.
 Contents
Chapter P: Preparation for Calculus 1

Chapter 1: Limits and Their Properties 43

Chapter 2: Differentiation 82

Chapter 3: Applications of Differentiation 141

Chapter 4: Integration 230

Chapter 5: Logarithmic, Exponential, and Other Transcendental Functions 280

Chapter 6: Differential Equations 354

Chapter 7: Applications of Integration 390

Chapter 8: Integration Techniques, L’Hôpital’s Rule, and Improper Integrals 448

Chapter 9: Infinite Series 506

Chapter 10: Conics, Parametric Equations, and Polar Coordinates 581

Chapter 11: Vectors and the Geometry of Space 646

Chapter 12: Vector-Valued Functions 703

Chapter 13: Functions of Several Variables 740

Chapter 14: Multiple Integration 819

Chapter 15: Vector Analysis 901

Chapter 16: Additional Topics in Differential Equations 970

iii
© 2014 Cengage Learning. All Rights Reserved. May not be copied, scanned, or duplicated, in whole or in part, except for use as permitted in a license distributed
with a certain product or service or otherwise on a password-protected website for classroom use.
Another random document with
no related content on Scribd:
Another convincing proof of the influence of economic conditions is the
incontestable fact that it continually happens that a person will declare himself
guilty of a crime that has not been committed, with the sole purpose of obtaining
a lodging in jail. The great percentage made up of crimes committed from
cupidity, as well as the fact that the number of recidivists is greater for crimes
against property than for others, shows the great influence of economic
conditions.

The study of the morality of primitive peoples shows us that the crimes of
abortion, for example, of infanticide, and homicide upon the aged, have their
origin in economic conditions exclusively, the means of subsistence not being
sufficient to support a large population. When these crimes occur among
civilized peoples they have the same causes. For example, cases of infanticide
are very common in Trevise, one of the poorest provinces in Italy. The lack of
education or the influence of other factors opposed to education are the reason
why the corrupting influence of which we have been speaking often rages in the
lower classes with all its force.

To prove the assertion that economic conditions have little influence [225]upon
criminality, some authors cite the fact that England, with its great wealth, shows
a greater number of crimes against property than Italy, which is much poorer. He
who reasons in this way forgets that the absolute wealth of a country may be very
great, but the distribution of that wealth not proportional. England gives us the
proof of this; in no other country is the difference between rich and poor more
pronounced, and without the presence of other important and opposing factors,
the criminality would be much greater than it is now.

One might also bring up the difference between the criminality of Ireland, which
is smaller despite the proverbial poverty there, and the great criminality of Italy.
However, when we study conditions in the two countries we find that those in
Italy are still more undesirable than those in Ireland, which explains the greater
criminality against property in Italy. The mysterious assassinations of large
landholders and their agents in Ireland have also their cause in the bad
distribution of the land. In Belgium criminality is greatest where well-being is
least (in Flanders). According to the researches of Liszt and Starcke, the poorest
districts of Germany are also those that are most criminal, etc.

Upon the economic condition of criminals the author gives the following data: In
1870–71 there were among the prisoners at Neufchâtel 10% who had some
property, and 89% who had only their work for their support (in the non-criminal
population the percentage of these is much smaller). According to the data of
Stevens the prisoners in Belgium were divided as follows: 1% of well-to-do
persons, 11% of persons with some income, and 88% of indigent persons.

The statistics of recidivists in Sweden from 1870 to 1872 give the following
information:

Well-to-do 0.64 %
With sufficient means of subsistence 10.08
,,
insufficient 43.54
,, ,, ,, ,, ,,
miserable 45.63
,, ,, ,, ,, ,,

Marro, in his “I caratteri dei delinquenti”, gives us the following:

C . N - .
Without property 79.6 % 43.4 %
Minor children of well-to-do parents 4.1 10.5
,, ,,
With a little property 6.7 18.4
,, ,,
With considerable property 9.4 27.6
,, ,,

[226]

At the time that they committed their crimes 43% of these criminals in general,
and more than 50% of the criminals against property were without work.

All that has been given above has to do with statics; what follows has to do with
dynamics. The rule universally observed is this: modifications in economic
conditions are followed by modifications in criminality. When the former grow
worse, the number of crimes (and especially of those against property) increases,
and vice versa. It is especially the proletariat, who have no means of resisting the
unfavorable influence of crises, a rise in the price of food, etc., who are hardest
hit in these cases.
The author gives some data. In Italy in 1880 a great increase of crime coincided
with a lack of work and with a rise in the price of provisions. The gradual
diminution in criminality must be attributed to the good harvest and the large
emigration. In Belgium the number of prisoners rose during the crisis of 1846
from 6750 to 9884. In Norway, in consequence of the depression of 1869, crimes
against property reached the maximum. The number of prisoners in Sweden rose
from 1835 to 1839, chiefly because of poverty, from 12,799 to 18,357. A great
increase in crime took place in England in consequence of the crises of 1826,
1830, 1847, and others. In the United States there were in 1884 not less than
400,000 working-men without work, which explains the following figures:

1883 1884
Homicides 1,494 3,377
Cases of lynching 92 219
Suicides 910 1,897

In consequence of the economic crises of 1839, 1840, 1843, 1847, 1867, 1876,
and 1881, the number of murders increased in France. 14

The maximum stability and the minimum lack of proportion in the distribution of
wealth is the best preservative against crime. The correctness of this rule is
proved by the facts. The small number of crimes among the Irish is explained by
their altruistic sentiments, which are the consequence of their social institutions
from before the conquest of their country by the English. Among Mohammedans
[227]crime is rare. Also there may be remarked among them a true democracy,
based upon equality and fraternity. The Yorubas (in Eastern Africa) have a mild
character, and they are benevolent and true to their word; with them the land is
considered as common property, etc., etc.

“These are facts which speak clearly: the collectivism of the Javanese dessa, of
the Berber diema, the Russian mir, the Slav zadrouga, and the village community
of the early Aryans and North American Indians, produces everywhere, with all
climates, among all races, identically the same results—morality and solidarity.

“It is to be noted also, that everywhere and at all times, whether in the temperate
or the frigid zone, in the North, in the South, or at the equator, laws and
institutions which aim to insure certainty of subsistence and to maintain a certain
equality, go far to cut down crime; and they do it in such a way as to make those
who live under them more moral than those who are subject to different
institutions and laws. We have clear examples of this among the Hebrews,
Iroquois, Peruvians, Chinese, Berbers, etc., although they differ greatly as to the
grade of civilization they have reached.” 15

[Contents]

IV.

A. B .

In “Die Frau und der Sozialismus” the author gives the following pages to the
relation between the present social organization and crime: “The increase of
crime of every description is intimately connected with the social conditions of
the community, little as the latter is inclined to believe it. Society hides its head
in the sand, like the ostrich, in order not to be forced to recognize a state of things
that bears witness against it, and silences its own conscience and others’ with the
lying pretense that laziness and love of pleasure on the part of the workmen and
their want of religion is accountable for everything. This is hypocrisy of the most
revolting kind. The more unfavorable and depressed the condition of society, the
more numerous and grave do crimes become. The struggle for existence then
assumes its most brutal and violent shape, it throws man back into his primæval
state, in which each regarded the other as his deadly enemy. The ties of solidarity,
not too firm at the best of times, become daily looser. [228]

“The ruling classes, who do not and will not recognize the causes of things,
attempt to effect a change by employing force against the products of these
conditions, and even men whom we should expect to be enlightened and free
from prejudice, are ready to support the system. Professor Haeckel, for instance,
regards the stringent application of capital punishment as desirable, and
harmonizes in this point with the reactionaries of every shade, who on all other
subjects are his bitterest enemies. According to his theory, hopeless criminals and
ne’er-do-wells must be rooted out like weeds, which deprive the more valuable
plants of light, air, and soil. If Professor Haeckel had occupied himself even to a
slight degree with the study of social science, instead of limiting himself to
natural science, he would have discovered that all these criminals could be
transformed into useful, valuable members of society, if society offered them
more favorable means of existence. He would have found that the annihilation of
the criminal has just as little effect on crime, i.e. on the development of fresh
crimes, as if on a number of farms the ground were superficially cleared of weeds
while the roots and seeds remained undestroyed. Man will never be able
absolutely to prevent the development of noxious organisms in nature, but it is
unquestionably within his power so to improve the social organism created by
himself, that it may afford equally favorable conditions of existence and an equal
freedom of growth to all; that no one may be forced to gratify his hunger or his
desire of possession or his ambition at the expense of someone else. People only
need to investigate the causes of crime and to remove them, and they will abolish
crime itself.

“Naturally those who seek to abolish crime by abolishing its causes cannot take
kindly to measures of brutal suppression. They cannot prevent society from
protecting itself against crime in its own way, but they demand all the more
urgently the radical reformation of society, i.e. the removal of causes.” 16

“The relationship between social conditions and crime has often been pointed out
by statisticians and sociologists. One of the offenses that comes closest to us—
for our society, in spite of all the Christian teaching about charity, regards it as a
crime—in times of business depression, is mendicity. We learn from the statistics
of the kingdom of Saxony, that in measure as the last great commercial [229]crisis
grew worse, beginning in Germany in 1890 with the end not yet in sight, the
number of persons sentenced for mendicity also increased. In 1889, in the
Kingdom of Saxony 8566 persons were punished for this offense, 8815 in 1890,
10,075 in 1891, and in 1892 as many as 13,120, a very great increase. The
impoverishment of the masses on the one hand, with increasing wealth on the
other, is the chief mark of our period. In 1874 there was one poor man to 724
persons, while in 1882 the number had reached 1 to 622. 17 Crimes and
misdemeanors show a similar tendency. In 1874, there were 308,605 persons
sentenced in Austria-Hungary, and 600,000 in 1892. In the German Empire in
1882 there were 329,968 persons sentenced for crimes and misdemeanors against
the laws, i.e. 103.2 persons to 10,000 of the population over 12 years old; in 1892
the number of those sentenced reached 422,327, or 143.3 to the 10,000, an
increase of 39%. Those convicted of crimes and misdemeanors against property
were:

1882 169,334 persons, or 53.0 to the 10,000 over 12

1891 196,437 or 55.8
,, ,, ,, ,, ,, ,,
“We think that these figures speak volumes, that they show how the deterioration
of social conditions increases and multiplies poverty, need, misdemeanors and
crimes.” 18

[Contents]

V.

P. L .

The first part of the study, “Die Kriminalität in Frankreich von 1840–1886”, is
taken up with an examination of the trend of criminality during these years. The
author comes to the conclusion that during this period crime has increased, and
that the line that shows this increase is made up of a succession of curves,
alternately concave and convex.

In the second part, he treats of the causes of crime. He first points out that the
belief that the proclamation of liberty, equality, and fraternity in the French
Revolution would be speedily followed by a diminution in crime, was not borne
out by the facts. Then he takes up the idea, so widespread in the first half of the
19th century, that one of the most important causes of criminality is the lack of
education. This hypothesis has been generally recognized as false, [230]in
consequence of an examination of the facts. According to Lafargue, who is
entirely in agreement with Quetelet on this point, it is necessary not only to
examine the qualities of the individual, but also especially to analyze society, and
to try thus to discover the sources of crime. Next the author shows the results of
the researches of Quetelet with regard to the influence of the season, age, and sex
upon criminality, and sets forth and criticises briefly the theories of Lombroso
and his partisans with regard to the criminal man. We should run to too great
length if we gave more fully his refutation which is as brilliant as it is accurate.

Some statisticians connect the returns of the harvests and vintages with
criminality. An investigation upon this point as regards France, gives the
following results: the years 1847, 1854, 1868, and 1874, which are characterized
by a great increase of crime, were preceded by years of bad harvests.

The average of the crops of grain was:

 from 1840 to 1853 about 80 million hectolitres
1856 1885 100
,, ,, ,, ,, ,,

the crop rose:

in 1846 to 61 million hectolitres

1853 63
,, ,, ,, ,,
1867 83
,, ,, ,, ,,
1873 84
,, ,, ,, ,,

However, the bad harvests of 1855, 1861, and 1879 did not have these results,
and with the good crops of 1847 to 1852 crime increased. Here there were,
therefore, other factors. Consequently, although the price of grain can partially
explain the fluctuations of criminality, it does not account for the general increase
from 1840 to 1886.

The author combats further the opinion of Professor Lacassagne that crimes
against persons are especially under the influence of the production and
consumption of wine. If this were the case the wine-growing departments ought
to furnish the highest figure for crimes against persons, which is not the case. On
the contrary, Lafargue is of the opinion that in this respect, the consumption of
brandy is of more importance. The continually increasing abuse of alcohol (i.e. of
spirituous drinks like brandy) which in its turn is due to the miserable condition
of the proletariat, is one of the causes of the increasing criminality.

Quantity of alcohol consumed: [231]

Y . T (H ). P C (L ).
1850 585,200 1.46
1855 714,813 2.00
1860 851,825 2.27
1865 873,007 2.34
1875 1,010,052 2.82
1880 1,313,849 3.64
1885 1,444,342 3.86
In the third part Lafargue makes special investigations with regard to the
correlation between economic conditions and criminality. If the theory of
Lombroso were correct, criminality ought to decrease; bad harvests no longer
explain the increase, and the climate has not changed. However, the increase of
criminality coincided with the enormous increase in the productive forces in
France.

Horse-power of steam engines used 34,350 177,652 544,152 683,090

in manufacturing and agriculture
Consumption of coal (in tons) 4,256,000 14,270,000 28,846,000 30,941,000
Production of iron (in tons) 585,000 1,430,000 2,790,000 2,747,000
Production of steel (in tons) 8,262 30,000 389,000 503,000
Exports and imports (in millions of 1,442 4,174 8,501 7,575
francs)
Increase of inheritances (in millions 1,608 2,724 5,265 5,244
of francs)
National wealth (in millions of 64,320 108,960 210,600 209,760
francs)

There is a close correspondence, then, between the development of the economic

forces and the increase of criminality. Must we regard this as simply chance, or is
there causality between the two? Quetelet has already pointed out that the poorest
districts, i.e. those in which the absolute wealth is not great, but where the
contrasts are not very marked, furnish fewer criminals than the wealthier
provinces. According to Lafargue this has become still more striking with the
development of capitalism.

“The colossal development of the productive forces and the national wealth does
not lead to the increase of the well-being of all the members of society, but to
enormous fortunes on the one hand, and on the other to misery and need, for the
great majority of the [232]population.” 19 If the multiplying, grading, and
perfecting of punishments have been incapable of checking the upward progress
of crime, this proves that crimes and misdemeanors against the common law are
the necessary products of conditions, and are closely bound up with the form and
fashion of the creation of social wealth in capitalistic society.

“The development of the capitalistic mode of production is not uniform; at times

it is over-rapid, and then slows up again and undergoes crises that destroy the
living of thousands and millions of individuals. If it is correct that modern
criminality is a necessary consequence of the method of the production of wealth
in capitalistic society, then the fluctuations of crime must correspond with the
variations in production. The number of offenses must increase in times of crisis,
and decrease when economic conditions improve; in other words, criminality is
determined by the flourishing or depression of the capitalistic mode of
production.” 20

As a means of measuring comparative economic conditions, Lafargue has taken

the annual number of failures. He has also traced a curve for the price of flour. 21

Examining the first plate we see that lines I and II, although not entirely parallel
with V, follow it in general. According to Lafargue there are three counter-
determinants that caused the deviations: first, changes in the price of flour;
second, political events; third, extraordinary industrial activity. Thus, for
example, it was the political events of 1848–52 that prevented the decrease of
crime during those years, though the failures and the price of flour went down;
and at the close of 1854 a feverish economic development recommenced, which,
with the fall of the price of flour in 1856–59, caused a decrease of criminality
during those years. At the same time the failures rose a little; but the line would
doubtless show a different course if it were drawn with reference to the ratio of
failures to the total number of commercial and industrial enterprises in this
period. The low price of flour in 1869 neutralized the increase of failures and
even diminished the criminality. From 1874 to 1878 a new industrial revival kept
crime stationary or reduced it. Since 1876 the failures have increased greatly and
crime follows at a little interval; the falling price of grain (1881–1885) certainly
exerted an influence. [233]
 PLATE I.

I. C P P , A . II. G
C (C M ). III. O
C L , C T . IV. P S
F M P . V. N F .

PLATE II.

I. T A C , A ,
S T , C T . II. T ,F ,
E , C T . III. N
F P F C .

[234]
The curves are almost constantly parallel; the deviations are caused by political
events and by the industrial revival. 22

Vagrancy and mendicity take the same course as failures; they increase, however,
from 1848 to 1852 in consequence of the political troubles of those years. From
1878 on, failures, and vagrancy and mendicity increase and are parallel. In the
periods of industrial revival (1854–59 and 1874–76) vagrancy and mendicity
decline sharply. In examining the curve of recidivism it must be remembered that
since 1884 many recidivists have been transported.

PLATE III.

I. V M . II. F . III. R
A C T .

Here we see a result contrary to that on the preceding charts: If the failures
increase the rapes generally decrease, and vice versa. [235]According to this plate
the consumption of alcohol has no relation to crimes against morals.
 PLATE IV.

I. R . II. C A . III. F .

At the end of his study the author comes to the following conclusion: “The effect
of bankruptcy upon criminality and politics is undeniable; it furnishes one of the
most striking proofs of the correctness of the historical theory of Karl Marx, that
the phenomena of literature and art, of morality and religion, of philosophy and
politics, in human society, lead back to the phenomena of economic
development.” 23

[Contents]

VI.

H. D .

Professor Denis begins his report to the 3d Congress of Criminal Anthropology,

entitled “La criminalité et la crise économique”, by calling attention to the effect
that the crisis of 1846–47 had upon criminality. The crops of wheat, rye, and
especially potatoes had been bad, and the price of these articles of food had
accordingly risen. The breaking up of household labor and the introduction of
machines brought about a revolution in the linen industry at the same time. So
the figures for crime indicate an enormous increase during these years, and at the
close of the period a continuous decrease. [236]

N D
Y .
10,000 I .
1845 28.8
1846 47.9
1847 65.3
1848 42.4
1849 25.–
1850 19.8
1851 19.8
1852 19.2
1853 19.7

Then the author treats of the effect produced upon criminality by the crises of
1874 and the years following. The price of grain no longer giving, in
consequence of importation, an exact picture of the economic conditions, he adds
to the chart which he uses, the “nombres indicateurs” (of 28 of the more
important articles of commerce). The curve of these numbers shows a fluctuating
rise during the period from 1850 to 1865, and a fluctuating decline during the
period following the years 1874–75. During the first period, in which the
economic conditions were favorable (the years 1870 to 1873 being characterized
by an economic development that was even feverish), criminality remained fairly
stationary. Only during the years 1856–57 and 1861–62 was there an increase,
and this is probably to be ascribed to the high price of grain. The economic
depression that commenced after 1874 was severely felt, and crime continually
increased without the low price of grain being able to prevent it.

Professor Denis closes his report with the following words: “The solution of the
problem of criminality must be in part sought in economic conditions; and the
more regular and constant the social movement of wealth, the more we approach
a normal equilibrium of collective functions, the more we instil justice into our
economic institutions, the more shall we be able to gain the mastery over
criminality.

“An Italian criminologist, Ferri, studying the evolution of criminality in France

in relation to the income of the most numerous class, has shown that with a
general rise in wages we see a decrease in certain kinds of crime. The general
increase of prosperity is a sure pledge of a decrease in criminality. But there is
another, and that is a decrease in those more or less marked oscillations, in the
economic world, whose periodic return is certainly one of the gravest aspects of
the modern state.

“In the second place, the economic causes that affect the tendency to crime
reveal an immense solidarity, which continues to extend [237]itself into space, as
heredity plunges its roots into time. The great fluctuations in prices are common
to the whole world, and the individual whom these perturbations drive to crime
by a series of shocks, comes into conflict with a great number of other
individuals, without being conscious of this infinite solidarity. But science must
endeavor to collect the evidence of it. Finally these great economic influences
tend, on the one hand, to reduce the field of the individual responsibility, and on
the other, to give a precise character to the responsibility of society in this
connection. It is responsible, in fact, within the limits within which it might have
restrained the economic fluctuations and corrected their effects, but has not done
so. Here the terrible saying of Quetelet is still true: society herself has put the
weapon into the hand of the criminal.” 24

[Contents]

VII.

H. L . 25

In the chapter, “Die degenerirenden Einwirkungen des Kapitalismus”, this author

treats of the question of criminality and its relation with present economic
conditions.

“The property-holders, those who enjoy the benefits of all the political and social
institutions, alone have the right to exist. Those without possessions do not have
this right, despite the fiction of the Prussian code with regard to the matter. The
simple instinct of self-preservation causes them to engage in a continual attack
upon a legal system that protects only the stronger. It is this attack which those
who are in possession of power, those who have drawn up the laws for the
purpose of protecting their power, characterize as a breach of the law, as crime.…
This is the simplest relationship between the form of society and crime.
Naturally, complications come in.… The stronger those without property, the
outlawed, themselves become through some chance, the more do they modify the
law that was set up by those who were formerly stronger, the more do
complications arise in the primitively simple right of property, the right to the
protection of social institutions, and the law of marriage, and the greater and
more complicated becomes the circle of crimes.” 26 [238]

After having next spoken briefly of free will, and having shown that it is
incorrect to connect criminality with a single social phenomenon alone, since the
social mechanism is too complicated, the author begins to treat of the crimes
against property. In the first place he gives the following tables:

Germany. 27

P . T 10,000 I
In Marks per 1,000 Kilogr. In Pf. per Kilogr. O 10 Y O .
Y .
Crimes Against
Of Bread. Of Peas. Of Potatoes. Of Beef. Of Pork. Theft.
Property.
1881 198 251 43.5 114 128 — —
1882 171 236 56.5 116 128 52.9 32.6
1883 155 241 45.5 120 128 51.0 31.6
1884 145 229 47.0 120 120 50.7 30.1
1885 147 212 38.0 119 120 48.6 27.9
1886 130 209 39.5 117 119 48.1 27.2
1887 135 198 41.5 113 115 47.1 26.0
1888 144 219 59.0 112 114 45.9 25.4
1889 162 209 42.0 117 128 49.3 28.1

Hungary.

1881 1882 1883 1884 1885 1886 1887 1888

Convicted of 19. 26.7 25.7 23.4 32.2 22.0 21.7 22.3
theft
Crop of 16.1 20.0 16.8 17.2 20.5 15.5 14.2 18.0
maize per
hectare
81.8 110.7 109.9 80.1 92.0 77.2 79.0 85.4
,, ,,
potatoes per
hectare

Finally, Dr. Lux cites some statistics from Kolb’s “Handbuch der vergleichenden
Statistik”, which show the close connection between crimes against property and
economic conditions.

Political crimes. “In the case of crimes against the State, public order, and
religion, the dependence upon the form of society is immediately apparent. The
‘classes’, i.e. the property-owners as a whole, see in the institutions that they
have set up, the strongest support of the capitalistic system, which must be
maintained at any cost. The property-owners have the power to uphold their
unique [239]position by laws directed against those who would break down that
power. And if the laws are no longer sufficient, their place is taken by judicial
interpretations in the interests of the classes. This is only the logical consequence
of the whole spirit and aim of legislation. The greater become the rights founded
upon property, the more do those without property feel themselves to be deprived
of their rights,—in the fullest sense of the word—in jeopardy as to their
existence, their full life; the more energetic is the reaction against the laws, which
are felt as despotism; and the more serious is the attack upon those laws,—a
characteristic phenomenon of all periods of transition as to the form of society.” 28

The question which presents itself now is this: how far are these factors
connected with existing economic conditions? But before entering upon this the
author calls attention to the environment in which the children of the proletariat
live, and especially of the lower proletariat, an environment in which misery and
vice contend for the preëminence. There it is nearly out of the question to learn
ethical conceptions. Whence it comes also that in our days criminality among the
young has greatly increased. However, alcoholism must also be named as one of
the most important causes of psychical perturbations.

It is not only the non-possessors, but also the possessors who are driven to
commit crimes as a consequence of existing economic conditions. “But not only
for those without property, for the proletariat, does capitalism furnish the
psychically prerequisite conditions for crime … but for the property-holders
themselves. Entirely aside from business practices and tricks of the trade, which
stand upon the hairline between right and wrong, apart from the frauds, forgeries,
etc. that are evoked by too tempting opportunity, there are more general effects of
the capitalistic system. The hurried chase for gain, the accelerating of commerce
by railroad, steamship, telegraph, and telephone, the multiplication of
commercial crises, which earlier came at intervals, but now are a permanent
accompaniment of the social life, bring about a nervousness running through all
circles of society, that is continually increasing, and is the forerunner of more
serious psychoses. The terrible increase of cases of insanity (in Prussia, to the
10,000 of the population, in 1871, 5.94 cases; in 1875, 7.28; in 1880, 9.87),
appears to be thus directly caused by capitalistic society.” 29

However, there act in man as counter-determinants, combating [240]the factors

called criminogenous, the ethical factors (“ethische Hemmungsvorstellungen”),
which are determined by education, character, the fear of punishment, etc. Those
who do not wish to investigate the deepest causes of criminality, are of the
opinion that the best way to combat crime is by increasing the penalties. The
persons who speak thus forget that the so-called ethical factors have no longer
any effect when the conditions have reached a certain degree of seriousness.

Crimes against persons. It is the industrial workers who form the greatest
contingent of criminals against persons. “The continually changing conditions of
earning a living, the desire for drink, the slight influence of the family, the being
crowded together with persons of defective education and little training … these
all necessarily breed crimes of violence; entirely aside from the habitual
rowdyism of the bully [“Zuhälter”], which is to be regarded as the consequence
of prostitution. 30

Besides the external conditions named above, the person of the criminal is also to
be noticed. We may consider it as proved that in some cases of crime one of the
causes is a mental perturbation (for example, that caused by drunkenness). These
perturbations play a great part in sexual crimes (perverted instincts). What
characterizes most of these mental anomalies is that they blunt the social
instincts. But there is another cause of psychic degeneracy. “It is a universally
valid psycho-physical law that man, ‘the more he depends upon an agreeable
stimulation for the satisfaction of his senses, demands ever stronger stimuli, even
to secure the same degree of pleasure.’ Pleasures, especially sensual pleasures,
must always become more intense, more titillating, in order to afford satisfaction,
but the more their intensity increases, the more do the nerves become irritated
and exhausted, and the more quickly is the ground prepared for mental diseases
either in the individual himself or in his descendants.—It must be emphasized,
however, that such an increase in the stimulus is only possible to the rich, and
accordingly it is with reference to them chiefly that these sources of mental
disturbances are to be taken into consideration.” 31

After having called attention to the great amount of recidivism among female
delinquents, to the great increase of crime in our own day, and to the great
percentage of young people among the criminals, the author closes with the
following words: “Crime belongs in a society founded upon capitalism just as
necessarily as do prostitution, [241]the destruction of countless human lives
through economic exploitation, etc.”

[Contents]

VIII.

P. H .

After having shown in the first chapter of his work, “Verbrechen und
Prostitution”, 32 the relation between criminality and prostitution, and the increase
of the two at the same time, the author gives, in his second chapter, a short
exposition of the doctrine of criminal anthropology, and in the third chapter he
takes up the doctrine of the social environment.

Here he treats first of the encouragement of prostitution and crime by the

marriage restrictions. Marriages increase or decrease as economic conditions
grow better or worse. So, for example, in Prussia there were, from 1866 to 1870,
1605 marriages to 100,000 of the population; this number rose to 1896 in the
period of prosperity between the years 1870 and 1875, only to fall, in 1888, to
1624. In bad times the number of illegitimate births makes a consequent increase.
It is very comprehensible that natural children furnish a greater number of
criminals than legitimate children, since they have more difficulty in enduring
the combat of life than the others.

Then he sets forth as a cause of crime the influence of domestic relations. When
the parents belong already to the class of criminals, it is almost inevitable that
their children should fall into the hands of justice while still young. And the
present system of production brings it about that the education of the children of
the proletariat is almost nil, since it obliges the father, and very often the mother
also, to work away from home during a great part of the day and often of the
night. The situation is still more unfavorable for the children who have lost their
parents when they were still quite young. Starke says that about 57% of the
legitimate children among the juvenile prisoners in Plötzensee were orphans or
had been abandoned by their parents.

The third part has to do with the housing conditions of the proletariat. “A
lodging fit for a human being is the first requirement for the bodily and mental
welfare of the family; it is the prerequisite for a well-regulated family life, and
for the rearing of the children to be moral men and women. The improprieties
resulting from the exigencies of insufficient lodgings are innumerable, and this
condition [242]is an inexhaustible source of crime, prostitution, and vice of every
kind.” All the data prove that the proletariat, who, of all classes, pay the highest
rent, are the most miserably housed. In Berlin, for example, the poorest classes
have been shown to spend on an average a quarter of their income for rent. In
Hamburg the part of the income that had to go for rent among the class whose
income was from 600 to 1200 marks, in 1868 was 18.77%, in 1874 20.90%, in
1882 23.51%, and in 1892 24.71%, while the percentage remained the same or
decreased for all other classes. In order to make up the resulting deficit, resort is
often had to night-lodgings. “The disadvantages of subletting are obvious.
‘Children of both sexes have to sleep with their parents, and often with strangers,
in the same room, often even in the same bed; the advantages of domesticity are
lost; the tavern offers more pleasant entertainment than being crowded together
with wife and children in one room that must be shared with strangers, and in
which the opportunity for quarreling and fighting, in consequence of the narrow
quarters, is constant. It is the bad housing conditions that are the cause of the
increasing alcoholism, of the break-up of the family life, and of the lack of
education for the youth.’ (Braun).” 33

The chapter that concerns us next treats of the subsidiary businesses engaged in
by school children. It goes without saying that in the cases where the wages of
the father of the family must be increased by the labor of the mother, the children
also must be put to work at an age at which they ought to have their leisure time
for play. For though child-labor in factories is a little limited by legislation, it is
still commonly practiced in household industry. Further most of the children of
the proletariat must, in their free hours, do all kinds of work harmful to their
physique and their morals. “It is plain to be seen how greatly the school-children
are injured by engaging in additional work. Entirely aside from the harm they
suffer in the matter of health, and from the fact that the tired children cannot give
sufficient attention to the words of the teacher and that for many of them their
instruction is as good as lost, is the great fact that their morals are in the highest
degree endangered. Under the pressure of necessity, these children learn to grasp
every advantage, whether allowable or not, and—not through their own fault, but
through that of society—are precociously familiar with vice.” 34 “Any one who
examines these conditions will not be surprised that according to the statement of
Superintendent Schönberger, out of 100 juvenile prisoners [243]in the Plötzensee
prison near Berlin, 70 had been employed during school days as breakfast-
carriers, newsboys, messengers, bowling-alley-boys, etc., early in the morning,
from half past four on, and in some cases still earlier, until school time, and in the
afternoon either the whole time, or from four till half past seven or half past eight
at night.” 35

Next, Hirsch examines the influence of economic crises. He quotes, among other
things, the following from the researches of J. S(chmidt). During the economic
depression from 1875 to 1878 the number of punishments inflicted by the
“Ordnungspolizei” in the country of Baden rose from 16,218 to 22,264, and that
of the penalties inflicted by the “Sittenpolizei” (having surveillance of
prostitution) from 1995 to 4485. There were increases, therefore, of 40% and
125%. In the period of prosperity from 1882 to 1885 these figures fell from
22,765 to 18,856 (16%), and from 4106 to 4007 (3%). During the critical years
from 1889 to 1892 the number of recidivists convicted of theft rose 18%, and the
number of other thieves convicted 6%. In the period from 1875 to 1878 (years of
crisis) the number of offenses against property rose 17.4%, and decreased 13% in
the years 1882 to 1885 (a period of prosperity).

In conclusion the author points out the fact that there are also criminals who are
predisposed to crime by their physical constitution (mental disorders), and treats
of “the repression of crime and prostitution.” 36 [244]

1 See also, as members of the “Terza Scuola”: Vaccaro, “Genesi e funzione delle leggi penali”; Carnevale,
“Una terza scuola di diritto penale”; Alimena, “Naturalismo critico e diritto penale.” In the “Mitteilungen
der internationalen kriminalistischen Vereinigung”, Vol. IV, is found an article by Dr. E. Rosenfeld, entitled
“Die dritte Schule”, in which the doctrine of this school is fully treated.
In a discourse more distinguished by hatred of Marxism than by a knowledge of that doctrine, Professor
Benedikt said at the Congress of Criminal Anthropology held in Brussels: “The partisans of the ‘Terza
Scuola’ are in reality only Marxists.” Among those considered as belonging to the Third School, there is
only one Marxist as far as I know. Professor Benedikt may have been led into his error by the fact that Dr.
Colajanni, one of the principal partisans of the Third School, and also one of the few criminologists of this
school who has written upon the affinity between criminality and economic conditions, is in agreement with
the Marxists in this, that he finds the causes of crime, in the last analysis, in economic conditions. This is
why I speak of Dr. Colajanni, as representing the Third School, and of the socialists in the same chapter.
Although Colajanni calls himself a republican in political matters, he is nevertheless a partisan of an eclectic
socialism. (See “Il Socialismo.”) It is for this reason also that it is well to name him in this chapter. Other
partisans of the Third School are also, as it appears, more or less of this opinion (see p. 18 of “Die dritte
Schule”, where Dr. Rosenfeld treats of Professor Carnevale). However, it is evident from the manner in
which Dr. Colajanni treats the question, that he is not a Marxist. ↑
2 P. 42. ↑
3 P. 201. ↑
4 P. 202. ↑
5 Pp. 235–238. ↑
6 P. 404. ↑