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Under pressure: the ICC headquarters in The Hague. Shutterstock

20 years on, the International Criminal Court is doing more

good than its critics claim
Published: July 12, 2022 11.24am AEST

Matt Killingsworth
Senior Lecturer in International Relations, University of Tasmania

When the International Criminal Court began operating 20 years ago this month, its existence
reflected a unique historical and political epoch. Buoyed by the successful creation of war-crimes
tribunals for the former Yugoslavia and Rwanda, delegates to the conference in Rome that created the
court were optimistic for the future of international law.

They believed the new post–cold war political order could be underpinned by widely observed
international laws and a form of global justice that wasn’t decided by powerful states.

Remarkably, all the countries of South America and large numbers of African states signed the Rome
Statute establishing the ICC. They did this knowing they were likely to be the focus of its
investigations, but encouraged by the hope that justice would extend to the powerful global north.
Crucially, the UN Security Council was not given a monopoly on referring cases to the court.
Former Democratic Republic of the Congo vice-president Jean-Pierre Bemba Gombo in court during the
ICC’s deliberations. Jerry Lampen/Pool/EPA

Once the ICC became operational, however, this optimism quickly dissipated. The court took until
2006 to start its first trial and a further six years to announce its first conviction. Indeed, in its 20
years of operation, with a total budget of nearly €1.5 billion (A$2.2 billion), it has made only ten
convictions and four acquittals.

Over that period, African countries became increasing disaffected with the court, not only accusing it
of “hunting Africans” but also expressing frustration at its inability and lack of will to hold the United
States and other major powers to account.

Frustrating performance

Some of the critics misrepresented the ICC’s institutional and jurisdictional limitations. But the fact it
took until 2016 to open an investigation outside Africa (in Georgia) reinforced the view that the court
is a neo-colonial, Western-influenced institution.

Further frustration arose from the ICC’s focus on “low hanging fruit” and its failure to pursue sexual
and gender-based crimes in particular. More recently, the decision by the court’s appeals chamber to
reverse the ICC’s conviction of Jean-Pierre Bemba Gombo, commander-in-chief of the Mouvement de
Libération du Congo, raised concerns about the court’s ability to prosecute high-ranking public
officials.

But perhaps the critics’ greatest frustration with the ICC is its perceived failure to hold the United
States (and Israel, to a lesser extent) to account. However, much of this frustration represents a
misunderstanding about the court’s legal reach. Neither the US nor Israel is a signatory to the Rome
Statute, and the US could veto any attempt to initiate a referral through the UN Security Council.

Critics gained some satisfaction when it was announced the ICC prosecutor’s office would investigate
American military and intelligence personnel who allegedly used “torture, cruel treatment, outrages
upon personal dignity, and rape” in Afghanistan. That hope evaporated when a new prosecutor,
Karim Khan, announced the investigation would no longer focus on those alleged crimes.
Great expectations

These concerns about the ICC are the result of two factors outside the ICC’s control: the refusal of
some countries to sign the Rome Statute and the increased expectations generated when the court was
created.

Nowhere is this more evident than in the current Ukraine–Russia conflict. Almost as soon as Russia
invaded Ukraine, questions were being asked about how the instigators of the war might be
investigated, and ultimately punished, for committing a crime of aggression.

ICC offical in Ukraine

ICC prosecutor Karim Asad Ahmad Khan QC (left) pictured near Borodianka’s Taras Shevchenko
monument, damaged during the Russian invasion, in northern Ukraine. Pavlo Bagmut/Ukrinform/Future
Publishing via Getty Images

The Ukraine conflict is not a straightforward matter for the ICC. It has the power to investigate Russia
for crimes it commits in Ukraine because Ukraine has accepted the ICC’s jurisdiction (though without
signing the Rome Statute). But it can’t prosecute Russia for the crime of aggression because the
Russian government hasn’t signed the statute.

More broadly, the fact that an unprecedented number of countries have referred the Ukraine invasion
to the ICC is evidence of the court’s ongoing importance.

The atrocities committed by the Syrian government (also a non-signatory, and a close ally of Russia)
during the conflict in that country also fall outside the ICC’s jurisdiction.

But courts in France, Germany and Sweden, under the principle of universal jurisdiction, have
investigated and prosecuted Syrian individuals. This includes regime intelligence officers, suspected
of serious crimes.

Read more: Russia's Ukraine invasion is slowly approaching an inflection point. Is

the West prepared to step up?

Indeed, the existence of the ICC and other new international mechanisms has encouraged an
unprecedented collation of evidence about atrocities committed in Syria. This has been done in the
hope that those responsible will one day be held to account.

The ICC has had one other important effect. The spectre of a possible ICC investigation into crimes
allegedly committed by Australian SAS troops in Afghanistan was a clear factor in the Australian
Defence Force’s decision to launch its own investigation. Before the ICC was created, no such
incentive existed for national defence forces to investigate the behaviour of their own personnel.
The ICC isn’t perfect. Created in a unique period of cooperation, its operations now reflect the more
state-centric and less cooperative world we inhabit. To condemn it solely because of its low
prosecution rate would be short-sighted. Instead, we should appreciate the central role it has played
in creating expectations that global justice can be realised.