Physiology of Behavior 12th Edition

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Physiology of Behavior 12th Edition Carlson Test Bank

Chapter 2: Structure and Function of Cells of the Nervous System

Total Assessment Guide (T.A.G.)

Topic Question Factual Conceptual Applied

Type

Introduction Multiple 1,2

Choice

Fill-In

Essay

Cells of the Multiple 3-5,9-23,27,29-31, 6-8,24-26,28,32, 35,45

Nervous System Choice 34,37,38,40,41 33,36,39,42-44

Fill-In 110-117

Essay 130-131

Communication Multiple 46,52,53,58-67, 49-51,54-57,68,71, 47,48,70

Within a Neuron Choice 69,72,75,76,78 73,74,77,79-84

Fill-In 119-121 118

Essay 132,134 133,135

Communication Multiple 85,86,91,92,97,100, 87-90,95,96,98, 93,94

Between Neurons Choice 102,103, 105-109 99,101,104

Fill-In 122-129

Essay 137 136,138,139

62
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Multiple-Choice Questions

2-1. The primary symptom shown by Kathryn D. was

a. severe nausea.
b. inability to sleep.
c. muscle weakness.
d. distortions of memory.
e. difficulty in recognizing facial displays of emotion.

Difficulty: 1
Page Ref: 23
Topic: Opening Vignette
Skill: Factual
Answer: c. muscle weakness.

2-2. The official diagnosis that Kathryn D. received was

a. lupus.
b. multiple sclerosis.
c. myasthenia gravis.
d. muscular dystrophy.
e. Lambert-Eaton syndrome.

Difficulty: 1
Page Ref: 23
Topic: Opening Vignette
Skill: Factual
Answer: c. myasthenia gravis.

2-3. _______ neurons gather information from the environment related to light, odors, and
contact of our skin with objects.

a. Sensory
b. Motor
c. Inter-
d. Relay inter-
e. Local inter-

Difficulty: 2
Page Ref: 24
Topic: The Nervous System: An Overview
Skill: Factual
LO 2.1 Contrast the location of the central and peripheral nervous systems.
Answer: a. Sensory

63
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2-4. _______ neurons function to contract muscles.

a. Sensory
b. Motor
c. Inter-
d. Relay
e. Local

Difficulty: 1
Page Ref: 24
Topic: The Nervous System: An Overview
Skill: Factual
LO 2.1 Contrast the location of the central and peripheral nervous systems.
Answer: b. Motor

2-5. _______ are located only within the central nervous system.

a. Sensory
b. Motor
c. Relay interneurons
d. Projection neurons
e. Schwann cells

Difficulty: 2
Page Ref: 24
Topic: The Nervous System: An Overview
Skill: Factual
LO 2.1 Contrast the location of the central and peripheral nervous systems.
Answer: c. Relay interneurons

2-6. You reach out and touch a piece of cloth, feeling its texture. The cells that gather this
sensory information are part of the __________ nervous system.

a. central
b. peripheral
c. autonomic
d. parasympathetic
e. sympathetic

Difficulty: 2
Page Ref: 24
Topic: The Nervous System: An Overview
Skill: Conceptual
LO 2.1 Contrast the location of the central and peripheral nervous systems.
Answer: b. peripheral

64
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Another random document with
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MISDEMEANORS. E property without
O violence.
T . Moderately. { Crimes against
property with
violence.
Crimes against
property with
premeditated
destruction.
Little. Crimes other than
those named above
and those against
persons and against
the currency.
D . { Crimes over { Crimes against
which the persons.
Influence of
Alcohol is
Predominant.
Not at All. { Misdemeanors and
N I contraventions.
E O . Only Slightly. { Forgery and
counterfeiting.

His investigation gives the following results for New South Wales:

CRIMES AND S 1. Theft and

MISDEMEANORS. I E receiving stolen
O goods.
T . Much.
2. Petty larceny.
3. Horse-stealing.
4. Minor offenses
against property.

5. Domiciliary
Moderately. thefts.

I . 6. Sheep-stealing.

7. Forgery.
Little. { 8. Cattle-stealing.
Crimes and 9. Murder.
Misdemeanors over 10. Arson.
which the Influence
11. Homicide.
of Alcohol is
Predominant. 12. Assaults.
13. Extortion.
14. Robbery.
15. Other minor
offenses.
D . I. Offenses against
public decency.
II. Offenses against
morals
 (homosexuality).
III. Offenses against
morals.
IV. Minor offenses
against persons.

A. Blackmail and
cheating.
Not subject to the Influence of Economic Occurrences.
B. Perjury.

—It is incontestable that the researches of Dr. Fornasari di Verce must be placed in the
front rank of the works that show the correctness of the thesis that the economic factors
are the most important factors of criminality. An objection may be made, however, that
the question has been conceived in too mechanical a fashion, in consequence of the
exclusive use of the statistical method. He seeks the correlation between criminality and
each economic phenomenon separately, in place of that of the ensemble of these
phenomena. For [145]the economic life does not exist in reality as separated and isolated
parts, but forms a great whole, a compact mass, of which the parts fit in together. When
an important economic occurrence takes place, in case the expected effect upon crime is
not observed, we must not be too quick to say that it has no importance for criminality,
for it may be that it is neutralized by something else.

With this remark is connected a final objection. The author has not proved the truth of
his conclusion that criminality cannot be explained exclusively by means of economic
conditions. For, although his researches include very important economic factors, the
author leaves out many economic factors and, with one exception (the degenerating
influence of poverty), the numerous consequences of economic conditions, which are of
the highest importance for the question in hand. In other words the author has not called
attention to the fact that we live under an economic system of a comparatively recent
date, having peculiar characteristics that are of great significance for criminality. He has
indicated some very important consequences of the system, but he has not analyzed the
system itself.

I am of the opinion that the work that I have been treating, and which has a great value
for the subject, shows that economic conditions are of great importance for criminality.
However, it does not prove that this influence is not greater than is shown by statistics.
—

[Contents]
VI.

A. N .

In the first part of his study, “Criminalità e condizioni economiche in Sicilia”, the author
calls attention to the fact that Sicily is one of the Italian districts where crime is greatest
and is increasing most rapidly. One could draw upon the map lines enclosing a definite
criminal zone, taking in the provinces of Caltanissetta, Girgenti, and Catania. This zone
might, in its turn, be divided into two others, one of which would give a high figure for
robberies and homicides, and the other chiefly for crimes against property and against
morals.

The author divides the economic causes into direct and indirect. In speaking of direct
factors he treats successively:

a. Large real-estate holdings. The landed proprietor rents his lands to the “gabelletto”,
who in turn sublets them to the laborers. This system exhausts the latter. The proprietor
rids himself of all expense by charging it to the “gabelletto”, and makes his profit; the
“gabelletto” does the same by the laborer and makes his profit. The latter is always
[146]the person that suffers. Then the “gabelletto” advances the necessary provisions to
the laborer until the harvest comes in; but since he does so at a high rate, the laborer is
bowed down by the burden of his debts. In consequence of this system the agricultural
population is ill-nourished and degenerate. The consequences of this system as it affects
criminality are apparent. In the province of Caltanissetta, where large land-holdings are
the rule, crimes against property, and especially rural thefts, cattle-stealing, vagrancy,
etc., are the most numerous.

b. Small holdings. However, it is not only the agricultural population dependent upon
great property-holders that lives in poverty, for the small farmers also have a hard life.
They raise chiefly grapes and citrous fruits. The price of citrous fruits has fallen greatly
through overproduction and foreign competition. Wine also has gone down in price, and
the cultivators have had enormous losses from phylloxera besides. Consequently the
small farmers are crushed with debts; failures are the order of the day; their situation,
then, is most unfortunate. But that of the non-property-holders is still worse if possible.
For the small holder also often rents his land to others, and from this follows a kind of
“sweating-system.”

At the end of these observations the author gives, in the following table, the movement
of some prices in relation to criminality:

R ,
P W P W P M H
Y . E ,
1000 K . H . (S .) K . (S .) P .
B .
1875 27.42 13.00 3.09 — 658
1876 28.78 21.62 2.91 — 1,039
 R ,
P W P W P M H
Y . E ,
1000 K . H . (S .) K . (S .) P .
B .
1877 33.66 30.38 2.98 — 777
1878 31.43 29.04 2.89 — 1,110
1879 31.35 19.03 2.80 — 1,138
1880 32.27 29.65 2.74 1,063 829
1881 26.36 30.92 2.74 1,001 708
1882 20.42 28.35 2.80 938 560
1883 23.11 22.11 2.75 943 419
1884 21.52 17.95 2.77 949 340
1885 21.24 31.84 2.76 822 330
1886 21.28 35.63 2.42 859 418
1887 21.48 15.66 2.44 863 446
1888 21.50 11.85 2.46 899 485
1889 22.83 15.06 2.40 865 478
1890 22.63 22.07 2.46 869 547
1891 24.60 16.92 2.77 966 710
1892 24.32 14.32 2.87 1,117 677
1893 21.08 15.76 2.95 1,066 902
1894 18.77 18.38 2.98 — —
1895 20.30 18.42 2.75 — —

[147]

c. The mining zone. The production of sulphur, formerly of great importance, when
Sicily was the principal source of supply for Europe and America, has decreased greatly
now that sulphur is manufactured from chemical products. The condition of the miners
is pitiful. The mines are often exploited by middle-men, which makes the condition of
the laborers worse. Degeneracy has consequently taken on enormous proportions. When
we compare the change in wages with the number of thefts, we see that thefts decrease
when wages rise, and vice versa, and that the price of grain also influences criminality. It
is the provinces of Sicily where the sulphur mines are found that give the highest figures
for criminality in general, and homicide in particular.

d. The class-conflict. The property owners, whose economic position is already very
influential, also control the political forces, and consequently the case of those who have
nothing is made much worse. Taxes, indirect for the most part, weigh most heavily upon
the poor; public property is exploited for the benefit of the rich, etc., etc. Hence it
follows that in the districts where the non-possessors are unconsciously struggling
against the possessors, this strife of classes engenders class-hatred, and consequent
crimes.

In the last part of his study the author speaks of indirect economic factors, among which
he includes:

a. The increasing decline in the altruistic feelings. The miner and the laborer, both ill-
nourished, humiliated, and despised, dwelling in miserable hovels, are pariahs far
removed from any feeling for their fellow men.

b. Organic degeneracy. As a consequence of the economic conditions named,

degeneracy is always increasing more and more among the poor, especially among the
miners. This degeneracy becomes in its turn a factor of criminality, since it predisposes
individuals to crime.
See also: Virgilio Rossi: “Influence de la température et de l’alimentation sur la criminalité en Italie, de 1875 à 1883”
(“Rapport Ier Congrès d’Anthropologie Criminelle. Actes”, pp. 295 ff.); N. Pinsero: “Miseria e Delitto” (“Scuola
Positiva”, 1898). [148]

1 The opinions of partisans of the Italian school with regard to the correlation between criminality and economic
conditions are very different. Garofalo and Ferri especially are not in agreement upon this point. Nevertheless, I
have thought that I ought to class them together, because of the uniformity of their point of view with regard to
criminality in general. ↑
2 The Modern Criminal Science Series. Translated by Horton. Boston, Little, Brown, & Co., 1911. ↑
3 P. 81. ↑
4 See Battaglia, “La dinamica del delitto”, pp. 227, 228. ↑
5 Bodio includes rural thefts. ↑
6 P. 121. ↑
7 P. 122. ↑
8 As the author himself observes, the conclusions drawn from this table must be taken with reserve, because of the
great difference in the penal laws of these countries. ↑
9 My exposition would be too long if I should examine this explanation (which seems insufficient to me) at length.
For the chief explanation of the great number of murders in countries that are intellectually backward, see
“L’homicide en Italie”, by Colajanni (“Revue socialiste”, 1901). ↑
10 P. 131. ↑
11 Pp. 133, 134. ↑
12 P. 137. ↑
13 American edition, “Criminology” (The Modern Criminal Science Series; Little, Brown, & Co., 1913), from which
quotations are made. See by the same author, “La superstition socialiste”, and “Le Crime comme phénomène
social” (“Annales de l’Inst. intern. de Sociologie”, II).
[N A E : See also his report to the Congress of Cologne, “L’influence des prédispositions et
du milieu dans la criminalité.”] ↑
14 Pp. 144, 145. ↑
15 P. 164. ↑
16 See also “Studi sulla Criminalità in Francia (1826–1876).” ↑
17 Although I do not wish to attack the proposition that socialism in Italy at that period (preceding 1880) was
unscientific, I cannot conceal my astonishment that Professor Ferri should fulminate against socialism in general
“because of its lack of the scientific spirit”, apparently quite ignorant of the scientific socialism of Marx and Engels,
which had existed since the middle of the century! ↑
18 “Sociologie criminelle”, p. 161. ↑
19 P. 43. ↑
20 Pp. 150, 151. ↑
21 “Soc. crim.”, p. 157. ↑
22 “Les aptitudes et les actes”, pp. 328, 329. ↑
23 Upon crime and sex see Pt. II, Ch. II, § I, C., d. ↑
24 “Genèse normale du crime”, p. 451. ↑
25 Among the anthropological factors Professor Ferri includes also education, profession, civil status, etc., called all
together the bio-social conditions. I am of the opinion that these factors ought not to be classed as anthropological,
but as social. ↑
26 [N A E : Among the recent works against the Italian school must be named that of Dr. S.
Ettinger, “Das Verbrecherproblem”.] ↑
27 It is not correct, in my opinion, to class agricultural production among the physical factors as Professor Ferri does.
It is rather one of the social factors. ↑
28 Pp. 199–201. ↑
29 See Niceforo; “Criminalità e condizioni economiche in Sicilia” (“Rivista scientifica del diretto”, 1897), and
Colajanni, “L’homicide en Italie” (“Revue Socialiste”, July, 1901). ↑
30 “Criminalité comparée”, p. 153. ↑
31 It is Colajanni in particular who, in his “Sociologia criminale”, II, has cited a great number of examples of this
kind. See Chs. VII, VIII, IX. See also his “Oscillations thermométriques et délits contre les personnes” (“Archives
d’anthr. crim.”, 1886). See also Földes, “Einige Ergebnisse der neueren Kriminalstatistik” (“Zeitschr. f. d. ges.
Strafrw.”, XI, p. 544). ↑
32 “Das Verbrechen in seiner Abhängigkeit von dem jährlichen Temperaturwechsel” (“Zeitschr. f. d. ges. Strafrw.”, II,
p. 13). ↑
33 See Colajanni, “Soc. crim.”, II, pp. 427 ff. ↑
34 See: Tarde, “Penal Philosophy”, p. 303; Quetelet, “Physique sociale”, II, p. 288; Colajanni, “Soc. Crim.”, II, pp.
431 ff. ↑
35 See “Introduction to the Criminal Statistics of England and Wales, 1905”, p. 53. ↑
36Besides the authors cited, see also, as regards the influence of physical factors, Mischler, “Hauptergebnisse in
moralischer Hinsicht” (“Handbuch des Gefängniswesens”, II, p. 485); Fr. von Liszt, “Die sozialpolitische
Auffassung des Verbrechens” (“Sozialpolitisches Centralblatt”, 1892). ↑
37 [N A E : Upon the relation between criminality and the physical environment see also
the recent works: Aschaffenburg, “Das Verbrechen und seine Bekämpfung”, pp. 13 ff.; de Roos, “Quelques
recherches sur les causes de l’augmentation des vols pendant l’hiver et des coups et blessures pendant l’été” (“Compte
rendu du VIe Congrès internat. d’anthrop. crim.”); Wulffen, “Psychologie des Verbrechers”, I, pp. 381 ff.; P.
Gaedeken, “Contribution statistique à la réaction de l’organisme sous l’influence physico-chimique des agents
météorologiques” (“Archives d’anthr. crim.”, XXIV); Verrijn-Stuart, op. cit., pp. 176 ff.; v. Mayr, “Statistik u.
Gesellschaftslehre”, pp. 605 ff. ↑
38 “Zur Kritik der politischen Oekonomie”, Preface, p. xi. ↑
39 “La conception matérialiste de l’histoire”, pp. 229, 230 (“Devenir Social”, 1897). ↑
40 See the examples given by Professor Ferri, pp. 197–201. ↑
41 I will not speak of Ch. VI, which is only a repetition of a theme treated of several times, “how much more
scientific the sociologists are than the socialists.” ↑
42 [See the author’s explanation of his use of this word, in the preface.—T .] ↑
43 See “Le crime comme phénomène social” (“Annales de l’institut international de Sociologie”, 1896, p. 414), and
“Kriminelle Anthropologie und Sozialismus” (“Neue Zeit”, 1895–96, II).
[N A E : Cf. the recent work of C. Manes (a disciple of Ferri), “Capitalismo e
criminalità.”] ↑
44 P. 217. The author insinuates, without bringing the slightest proof, that persons with criminal dispositions have
often contributed to the formation of the socialistic theories. ↑
45 See my criticisms upon these authors. It is not clear why Ferri is cited as an adherent of the opinion expressed by
Dr. Kurella; for he gives an important place in the etiology of crime to economic factors. ↑
46 P. 179. ↑
47 “La criminalità e le vicende economiche d’Italia dal 1873 al 1890 e osservazioni sommarie per il Regno Unito
della Gran Bretagna e Irlanda (1840–1890) e per la Nova Galles del Sud (1882–1891).” ↑
48 Excepting rural thefts, included under a. ↑
49 Excepting fraudulent bankruptcy. ↑
50 Excepting rebellion and violence to public authorities. ↑
[Contents]
CHAPTER IV.
 THE FRENCH SCHOOL (THE SCHOOL OF THE
ENVIRONMENT).
[Contents]

I.

A. L .

While the Italian school reigned supreme at the first congress of criminal
anthropology at Rome, Professor Lacassagne opposed it with his so-called
“hypothesis of the environment” in the following terms: “The important thing is
the social environment. Allow me to make a comparison borrowed from a
modern theory. The social environment is the bouillon for the culture of
criminality; the microbe, that is the criminal, is an element which is only of
importance when it has found a medium in which it can grow.

“The criminal with anthropometric and other characteristics seems to us to have

only a moderate importance. All these characteristics may be found elsewhere
among honest men.

“But you should look at the different social consequences of these two points of
view. On the one hand is the fatalism which flows inevitably from the
anthropometric theory; and on the other, social initiative. If the social
environment is everything, and if it is so defective as to favor the growth of
vicious or criminal natures, it is to this environment and its conditions of
functioning that our reforms must be directed.

“… This phrase … sums up my whole thought, and is, so to speak, the

conclusion of what I have been saying; societies have the criminals they
deserve.” 1

In his “Marche de la criminalité en France, 1825–1880”, the author points out,

among other things, the connection between criminality and economic
conditions. An examination of the movement [149]of crimes against property
shows that the great fluctuations to be observed there are intimately connected
with economic conditions. The number of crimes against property corresponds
almost exactly with the fluctuation in the price of wheat; and all the economic
crises make their influence felt.

During the years 1828, 1835–1837, 1847, 1848–1854, 1865–1868, and 1872–
1876, in which the price of wheat was high, there were also a great number of
crimes against property. The year 1855 was the sole exception, for then crimes
against property did not increase, although the price of grain was very high. This
is to be explained by the fact that the government then took measures to lessen
the consequences of this calamity. Further, other provisions were then very
cheap. From 1860 on the number of crimes against property decreases, which,
according to the author, is to be explained by the importation of grain, which
increased greatly at this time.

The influence of the production and consumption of alcohol is strongly felt in

crimes against persons, especially in assaults.

I would further call attention to the report made by Professor Lacassagne to the
Fourth Congress of Criminal Anthropology at Geneva, entitled, “Les vols à
l’étalage et dans les grands magasins”, in which he shows how the display of
goods on the counters in the great bazaars, which are meant to fascinate visitors,
and force them to buy, so to speak, leads to crime in individuals predisposed to
kleptomania.

Professor Lacassagne has always remained faithful to the judgment that he

pronounced at Rome; at the Congress at Brussels, 2 and at Amsterdam as well 3,
he repeated: “Societies have the criminals they deserve.”

[Contents]

II.

G. T .

This author considers criminality as being preëminently a social phenomenon,

which, like all social phenomena, is to be explained by imitation.

“All the important acts of the social life are performed under the sway of
example. One begets, or one does not beget, through imitation; the statistics of
births have shown us that. One kills, or one does not kill, through imitation;
should we have the idea today [150]of fighting a duel, or declaring war, if we did
not know that this is always done in the country where we live? One kills
himself, or he does not kill himself, through imitation; it is recognized that
suicide is an imitative phenomenon in the highest degree.… How can we doubt,
then, that a man steals or does not steal, murders or does not murder, through
imitation?” 4

Imitation, says the author, is governed by two laws, namely, that men imitate one
another more the more closely they come together, and that imitation of the high
by the low is what most often takes place (that the customs of the nobility are
imitated by the people, etc.). If we test these rules in their application to crime,
we shall find that they hold good there also. The author gives the following
examples, among others, in support of this:

“Vagrancy, under its thousand actual forms, is an offense essentially plebeian;

but if we go back into the past it will not be difficult to connect our tramps and
street singers with the noble pilgrims and minstrels of the Middle Ages.
Poaching, another nursery of criminals, which in the past, together with
smuggling, has played a part comparable with vagrancy in the present, is still
more directly connected with the life of the lord of the manor.” 5 “Arson, a crime
of the lowest classes today, was once the prerogative of the feudal nobility. Was
not the Margrave of Brandenburg heard to boast one day that he had burned in
his life 170 villages? Counterfeiting takes refuge at present in mountain caverns,
or subcellars in the city, but we know that coining was long a royal monopoly.

“Finally, theft, so degrading in our day, has had a brilliant past. Montaigne tells
us, without being very indignant at it, that many young gentlemen of his
acquaintance, whose fathers did not give them enough money, procured more by
stealing.” 6

There was a time, then, when criminality extended itself from the higher classes
to the lower; at present new forms of crime take their rise in the great cities and
spread out into the country. The increase of crime in the cities is very
considerable, and it is very probable that, in accordance with the law cited,
criminality will at length increase in the country as greatly. It is especially the
crimes of assassination, sexual crimes against minors, abortion, and infanticide,
that have increased. So the opinion of several Italian criminologists, “that crimes
against persons decrease where crimes against property increase, and vice
versa”, is wrong, according to Professor Tarde, since both kinds of crime
increase in the great cities. [151]

“To sum up, the prolonged action of the great cities upon criminality is manifest,
it seems to us, in the gradual substitution, not exactly of trickery for violence, but
of covetous, crafty, and voluptuous violence, for vindictive and brutal
violence.” 7

Nevertheless, civilization improves men, and the growing criminality is in

opposition to the greater and greater increase of civilization. This contradiction
is explained by the author by means of another law of imitation; the law of
insertion, i.e. the alternate passage from fashion to custom.

“All industry is thus fed by a stream of improvements, innovations today,

traditions tomorrow; every science, every art, every language, every religion
obeys this law of the passage from custom to fashion and of the return from
fashion to custom, but to an enlarged custom.

“For at each of these steps in advance the territorial domain of imitation

increases; the field of social assimilation, of human brotherhood, extends itself,
and this is not, as we know, the least salutary effect of imitative action from the
moral point of view.” 8

After having mentioned how these different currents of imitation meet, the
author applies the idea set forth above to the influence of education upon
criminality. He shows that instruction, by itself, is not a remedy for crime, since
it may furnish new means for committing crimes, and hence may only change
the character of criminality. Finally the author points out the influence of labor
upon criminality, combating the theory of Poletti, who says that it is necessary to
take into account the economic development (for example, if during the period
1826–78 criminality in France increased in the ratio of 100 to 254, and
productive activity was quadrupled, criminality did not increase, but really
diminished). The fundamental error in Poletti’s argument, according to Professor
Tarde is, that he considers crime as a regular, permanent, and inevitable effect of
industrialism.

“Only, there is labor and labor; and if in a more laborious class the work is badly
divided, excessive for some, whom it enervates and disorders, insufficient for
others, who become dissipated, or if it is badly directed, turned toward
deleterious compositions and reading which excite the senses …—in this case it
will probably happen that progress in labor is accompanied by a growing lack of
discipline and by academic vices of different kinds. An analogous phenomenon
takes place in our cities, where the mad chase for luxury outruns the rise of
wages, and where sexual crimes are sextupled or septupled [152]while wealth is
tripled and quadrupled. The socialists, then, are right in imputing, in part, to
unjust distribution and to the objectionable direction of the productive activity,
the moral evil that has grown with it, and which, further, does not decrease when
productive activity becomes weaker. For since the period when Poletti made his
observations upon the prosperity of France, this has ceased to grow, and has even
decreased rapidly, as we know only too well, but crime has continued its onward
march with a more marked impetus.

“In short, there remains nothing of the law laid down by this distinguished
writer, and all the statistics contradict him. Delinquency, as Garofalo remarks, is
so little proportional to commercial activity that England, where crime is on the
decrease, is the nation most remarkable for the increase of its commerce, and
that Spain and Italy, where the criminality is greater than that of the other
principal states of Europe, are far behind them in business development. We may
add that in France the most hard-working class is without any doubt the peasant
class, and this shows the smallest proportionate number of delinquents,
notwithstanding unfavorable conditions. We may conclude that work is in itself
the adversary of crime, that if it favors it it is by indirect, not necessary action,
and that its relation to crime is like that between two antagonistic forms of
work.” 9

In the following section the author treats the influence of wealth and of poverty
upon the criminal. He mentions the different opinions of Turati and of Colajanni
on the one hand, and of Ferri and Garofalo on the other. The former tried to
prove that poverty is often a cause of a poor man’s becoming a criminal.
Garofalo tries to disprove it by calling attention, among other things, to the fact
that, according to the criminal statistics of Italy for 1880, property owners
committed as many crimes in proportion as the proletariat did.

In opposition to this Professor Tarde points out that the French criminal statistics
in 1887 show that there were, out of 100,000 of each class of the population, the
following number of persons arraigned: 20 out of the class of domestics, one of
the poorest classes; 12 from the liberal professions including persons of
independent income; 139 from the class of vagrants and persons without
occupation (the most necessitous class, therefore); 21 from commerce; 26 from
manufacturing (a very high figure considering the profits of that year); and 14
from the farming class (a very low figure considering their relative poverty). [153]

The author explains these contradictions as follows: “Let us not forget that, the
desire for wealth being the ordinary motive and more and more the
preponderating motive of crime as it is the only motive of industrial labor, the
possession of wealth must keep the most dishonest man from crime as it does the
most laborious man from industrial labor—for it is impossible to desire what one
has—at least if the satisfaction of this desire has not meant the over-exciting of
it.… Now in business circles, where on account of men’s throwing one another
into a fever, a constant gaining of wealth, rather than wealth itself, is the end
pursued, a fortune is like those peppered liqueurs which arouse thirst more than
they quench it. Hence it comes, doubtless, as well as from the excitement
prevailing in these circles, that criminality there is as great as among domestic
servants. In the same way, in the licentious environments, in the great cities,
where there are masses of working people, sexual crimes are as much more
numerous as the pleasures of the senses are there more easily come by. But we
can lay it down as a principle that where wealth is an obstacle to activity it is
also an obstacle to crime, very much as political power ceases to be dangerous at
the moment when it ceases to be ambitious. This is the situation among the rural
proprietors, small and great, among stockholders, and even in the majority of the
liberal professions …; content with his relative well-being, man indulges in an
intellectual half-labor, artistic rather than mechanical, honorable rather than
mercenary, and abstains from flagitious means of obtaining an increase of
income which he desires moderately. The French peasant, in general, partakes of
this moderation of desires, and, rich from his sobriety, his stoicism, his frugality,
his plot of ground at last acquired, he is happier than the feverish millionaire,
financier, or politician, driven by his very millions to sow the seed of his rotten
speculations, rascalities, and extortions upon a vast scale. Further the well-to-do
agriculturists are in general the most honest people. Let us not speak of wealth
and poverty, to tell the truth, not even of well-being and the reverse, but rather of
happiness and unhappiness, and be careful how we deny this truth, as old as the
world, that the wicked man’s excuse is often to be found in his being unhappy.
Children of this century … let us confess that under its brilliant exterior our
society is not happy, and if we had no other assurances of its great evils than its
numerous crimes, without giving a thought to its suicides, and its increasing
cases of insanity, without lending an ear to the cries of envy, of suffering, and of
hatred … we should not be able to call its woes in question. [154]
“From what does it suffer? From its internal trouble, from its illogical and
unstable condition, from intestine contradictions, stirred up by the success even
of its unheard-of discoveries and inventions, piling one on top of the other, the
material for contrary theories, the source of unbridled, egoistic, and antagonistic
desires. Upon this obscure gestation, a great Credo, a great common end awaits;
it is creation before the Fiat Lux. Science multiplies its notions, it elaborates a
high conception of the universe; … but where is the high conception of life, of
human life, that it is ready to make prevalent? Industry multiplies its products,
but where is the collective work that it brings to birth? The preëstablished
harmony of interests was a dream of Bastiat, the shadow of a dream of Leibnitz.
The citizens of a state exchange information, scientific and otherwise, through
books, newspapers, or conversation, but to the profit of their contradictory
beliefs; they exchange services, but to the profit of their rival interests; the more
they assist one another, therefore, the more they nourish their essential
contradictions, which may have been as profound at other times, but were never
so conscious, never so painful, and consequently never so dangerous.” 10

Suppose, asks the author, there was no more foreign war, how could we avoid
civil war? There have, indeed been historic periods when there existed a
common aim uniting individuals, as the faith did in the Middle Ages. In our days
this aim can be nothing but “art, philosophy, the higher cultivation of the mind
and imagination, the æsthetic life.”

In order to be able to answer the question whether civilization (the collective

name for education, religion, science, arts, manufacturing, wealth, public order,
etc.) causes a diminution of criminality, it is necessary to discriminate between
two stages of civilization. In the first there is an afflux of inventions; this is the
stage at which Europe is at the present time. In the second this afflux decreases
and it forms itself into a coherent whole. A civilization may be very rich, then,
and but little coherent, or very coherent and not very rich, like that of the
commune in the Middle Ages.

“But is it by its wealth or by its cohesion that civilization makes crime recede?
By its cohesion without any doubt. This cohesion of religion, of science, of all
forms of work and of power, of all kinds of different innovations, mutually
confirming one another, in reality or in appearance, is a true implicit coalition
against crime, and even when each of these fruitful branches of the social tree
combats but [155]feebly the gourmand branch, their agreement will suffice to
divert all the sap from it.” 11
—This is not the place to criticise the theory of imitation in general, with which
Professor Tarde thinks that we can explain every social phenomenon. In my
opinion, this theory, in so far as it is new is not correct, and in so far as it is
correct is not new. It is true as explaining how a social phenomenon, having
taken its rise in a locality, has been rapidly propagated, or why it still persists
when the original causes have ceased to operate.

However, it is plain that by means of imitation one can give but a partial
explanation of the phenomena mentioned. Other factors must be pointed out to
explain, for example, why something spreads everywhere in consequence of
imitation, at a certain moment, while before it passed unperceived, etc.

I agree, then, that the significance of imitation and tradition is very important in
explaining social phenomena, but I am of the opinion that imitation and tradition
represent the conservative element, and give us no information with regard to the
birth of new social phenomena. 12

In the domain of criminality also imitation plays a great part. Children brought
up in a vicious environment, easily contract bad habits by imitation; the harmful
influence of prison is proverbial; a sensational crime often leads to analogous
crimes. It is also by imitation that we can explain, in part at least, the existence
of the Mafia and the Camorra, of which Professor Lombroso says, among other
things: “The long persistence and obstinacy of such associations as the Mafia,
the Camorra, and brigandage, seem to proceed in the first place from the
antiquity of their existence, for the long repetition of the same acts transforms
them into a habit, and consequently into a law. History teaches us that ethnic
phenomena of long duration are not to be eradicated easily at a stroke.” 13

Since the phenomena named remain permanent, there must be other important
social factors which have nothing to do with imitation. Thus, for example, faith,
whose prevalence is based to a great extent upon tradition, would have
disappeared long since, notwithstanding [156]tradition, if there had been no
factors in the present society to make it persist.

Admitting what has gone before, there is no reason to see in most of the
examples cited by the author in support of his theory, anything else than his great
knowledge of historic details of little or no importance for the question of
criminality. Where, for example, is the connection between the minstrels of the
Middle Ages and the vagrants of our own days? There is certainly none but this,
that both went from place to place. But even if there had never been wandering
minstrels, the social phenomenon called “vagrancy” would have existed all the
same. It has nothing to do with imitation, but on the contrary has everything to
do with the existing social organization. It could thus be proved by many
examples that Professor Tarde exaggerates the extent of the influence of
imitation. We must not lose sight of the fact that imitation teaches us nothing of
the essential causes of a social phenomenon. When we seek the causes of a
disease that some one has, we frequently see that it is the result of a contagion;
we know, then, that the disease is contagious, and this knowledge will point out
precautions to be taken to limit or prevent the spread of the disease; but as to the
causes of the disease itself we still know nothing.

It is the same way with regard to crime. It is certain that immoral ideas and
customs are easily contracted by children. The removal of children from a
harmful environment is therefore a preventive of the extension of crime. But we
are still ignorant of everything that concerns the rise of these immoral ideas and
customs, which is, however, the essential thing.

With regard to the remarks of the author upon the influence of labor, wealth,
poverty, and civilization, I simply observe that these very important and very
complicated questions occupy but a few pages in his work. It will be, then, quite
superfluous to note in detail how the whole has been treated in a very incomplete
manner, although very true remarks are found there (for example, those upon the
bad distribution of labor, upon the desire for wealth as a cause of crime, etc.).—

Beside an article that appeared in the “Revue Philosophique” (1890), entitled

“Misère et criminalité”, Professor Tarde has taken up his subject again in a
report: “La criminalité et les phénomènes économiques” (Fifth Congress of
Criminal Anthropology at Amsterdam). Of this report we give a synopsis. [157]

According to Professor Tarde, since it has been recognized that the social factors
of criminality are the most important, there has been a manifest tendency to
exaggerate the importance of economic factors. Their high importance, which is
incontestable, does not at all justify our forgetting the stronger and more decisive
action of the beliefs and feelings in the aberrations of the will. Which of the two
sources of criminality is the more important, the economic or the religious (or
intellectual)? That cannot be decided. But it is much more important to know in
what phases, from what sides the economic life is criminogenous.
Each economic phase, as, for example, domestic economy or urban economy,
has its special form of criminality. But political and religious changes, whether
they correspond or not to the transformations in the mode of production, have,
perhaps, a much greater part in criminality than have the economic
transformations. The domestic economy, for example, gives rise to different
crimes in which no economic factor comes into play; as uxoricide, for example.

Neither poverty alone nor wealth alone is an obstacle to honesty. Poor peoples or
classes, accustomed to poverty, are often very honest, nor is there any more need
that great differences of wealth should lead to crime. But it is the abrupt passing
from wealth to poverty and from poverty to wealth that is dangerous to morality.

“In short, criminality and morality are less dependent upon the economic state of
a country, than upon its economic transformations. It is not capitalism as such
that is demoralizing, it is the moral crisis that accompanies the passage from
artisan production to capitalistic production, or from some particular mode of the
latter to some other mode.

“Economic phenomena may be regarded from three points of view: first, from
the point of view of their repetition, which has to do chiefly with the propagation
of habits of consumption, called needs, and of the corresponding habits of labor;
second, from the point of view of their opposition, which includes principally the
contests of producers among themselves by acute or chronic competition, during
strikes, or crises of overproduction,—or contests of consumers among
themselves, through sumptuary laws, aristocratic or democratic, or monopolies
of consumption over which they dispute in a thousand ways, in time of famine,
or scarcity, or any form of underproduction,—or contests of producers with
consumers, through their attempts to exploit one another, monopolize prices, or
laws regulating the maximum price, municipal tariffs, or protectionist rights,
etc.; [158]third, finally from the point of view of their adaptation, always being
renewed and always incomplete, which embraces the series of successful
inventions, fortunate associations of ideas from which proceed all fruitful
associations of men, from the division of labor and of commerce, an association
spontaneous and implicit, to industrial, commercial, financial, and syndical
societies, etc.” 14

It is through the second aspect that the economic life can give a direct
explanation of crime; that which is given by the other two is only an indirect
explanation. That is to say, each invention gives rise to a contest among
producers, and the progress of manufacturing creates the possibility of satisfying
needs, but at the same time makes those who for want of the means cannot
satisfy them, feel their needs all the more strongly.

Every individual must satisfy a certain number of needs which have their marked
recurrences. A peaceful and honest society will be one in which the great
majority of the persons who compose it have, in measure, the means of
satisfying these needs. “Regular habits of consumption and production form the
first condition for good moral health whether individual or collective, just as
regular digestion is the foundation of good physical health. Those who are
irregular become easily the ‘déclassés.’ Nothing is more contagious than
disorder.” 15

Hence, then, comes the importance for criminality of social crises, since during
these production and consumption are deranged.

According to Professor Tarde, the social contradictions, which are the chronic
crises of societies, can be the sole causes of criminality. If a society succeeds in
avoiding every internal contradiction there can hardly be any further question of
crime.

Our opinions can always harmonize with those of the people around us, while
we are foreign to them in desire and feeling. “The criminal is he who,
undergoing conformity to the ideas of the community in which he lives, yet
escapes from conforming to the feelings and acts of the community. He acts
contrary to his own principles, which are those of society.” “It is, then, not to a
social crisis that we must mount, but to a psychological crisis that we must
descend, to explain crime.” 16

Social crises are of two kinds: politico-religious, and economic. In opposition to

divers statisticians, who are of the opinion that the former class cause a
diminution in criminality, the author thinks that this diminution is only apparent,
and that in reality the number [159]of crimes increases at these times; which is
shown, for example, for France by the addition of cases not prosecuted to those
prosecuted.

As to the effect of economic crises, statisticians, Professor Tarde claims, have

not yet examined it. It seems to him that there is no parallelism between
economic crises and criminality.

The struggle of classes, which springs up and grows during the periods of crisis,
is a great danger to public morals, since it gives rise to a class spirit, and